microsoft word nurmandi-procurmentjournal_1_ the status of indonesia’s e-procurement achmad nurmandi nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id jk school of government universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta abstract e-procurement is an important intrument to prevent corruption in goods and services procurement budget. indonesia has been implementing the e-procurement project since 2008 based on presidential decree. president has stipulating annual order (presidential instruction) has to be obey by all ministries and local governments to procure their budget through r-procurement mechanism. however, untill 2012 fiscal year, this research found that only around 10.26% of central government institution procurement budget, including ministries and 21,10% of local government procurement budget did procure through eprocurement method. this research concluded that regulation, leadership and procurement intitution are challanging factors to make “status quo” e-procurement. keyword: regulation, procurement, e-procurement, corruption, procurement budget introduction corruption is one of the main problems in some countries, including indonesia. many cases of corruption which occurrin the institutions of indonesia’s government are derive from the procurement of goods and services. one way to prevent corruption is the use of ict in government sectors, namely eprocurement. the korean government is known for its progress in encouraging e-procurement. korea launched national e-procurement systems on september 30, 2002. the adoption of eprocurement systems in the central government of korea has been acknowledged by united nation for public administration in 2003 as a best practice. government e-procurement systems (geps) is a portal site providing information on public procurement and it is also an application service provider of public procurement. geps advances procurement service by reducing paperwork and red tape, expanding the range of commodity selection, and standardizing services. government-wide support, including the president’s support, had a crucial role for the adoption of geps in south korea. high capacity of information technology and institutional collaboration among public agencies and other foundations are elements for the successful establishment of geps (seong and lee, 2008) this research is very important for indonesia in order to decrease the corruption in the procurement of goods and services. in 2008, the indonesian government created inaproc in order to deliver goods and services procurement electronically. in five years, there have been increasing numbers of e-procurement instruments: the number of system providers went from 11 in 2008 to 491 in 2012; service providers went from 3 in 2009 to 43 in 2012; provincial coverage increased from 9 in 2008 to 33 in 2012 and user agencies increased from 11 to 731 user agencies in between 2008 and 2012. this trend was followed by the number of tenders issued through eprocurement. in 2008, there were only 33 tenders and this number increased to 119.797 in 2012. inaproc claimed that there was a savings of 10,89% in 2012. my research is on public management, urban governance, strategic planning and egovernment. this study is a follow-up study to look at the institutional support for the development of e-procurement in korea as shown in the previous studies. the success of the application of e-proc in korea can serve as a lesson for indonesia, a country that has implemented e-proc since 2008. this research position has become very important in the academic world, mainly for public administration and for governance studies. how the government organizations make changes to institutions and value to apply ict. some investigations on e-procurement have been done before, but there have not been research specifically on eprocurement. the research focused on the policy and regulation as well as institutional e-procurement in indonesia by using south korea as a benchmark as a successful developing country. until now only a small amount of research about indonesian e-procurement has been done. kodar (2010) found that the implementation of e-procurement at yogyakarta municipality in 2009 was visible but not accountable. nightishaba, et al (2012) found that committee and the procurement of goods and services providers to the implementation of eproc system have a difference in perception between the users of eprocurement supplier of goods/services and the procurement committee. utama (2009) found in the experience of yogyakarta city that strong leadership, underlying laws/regulations/policies, available resources (human, budget, infrastructure), as well as changes in management had an influence on the smooth process of implementing eprocurement. nevertheless there are also some other factors involved, such as influential support from legislators, the benefits of the application, and guidance from the central government. there are all factors affecting the implementation of e-proc, in addition to the commitment that comes from implementing elements. the research done by some researchers above is insufficient to figure out e-procurement implementation in indonesia since it was launched in 2008. this study is a continuation of my previous research that discusses the influence of leadership in the implementation of the strategic plan in the government sector, including both local governments and the national government. my interest is to see how the factors affect the e-procurement institution, how they affect the leadership, and how they affect the implementation of e-procurement policy in indonesia. thus, through this research i want to strengthen my scientific knowledge in the field of public organizations, especially in asian countries, and to contribute to the body of knowledge of the public organization theory. the committee for the monitoring of local autonomy found that only 62% of the kabupaten/kota level has implemented e-procurement in different levels of implementation. the executive director of the committee monitoring the implementation of regional autonomy (kppod) robert endi jaweng says that the situation is not in accordance with regulation no. 54/2010. according to him, the regulation requires the entire k/l/d/i [ministries/agencies/units of work device region/other institutions] to be already implementing e-procurement at the end of 2012 at the latest. 'even in the moluccas, all districts/cities do not have e-procurement. in west papua 9% [kabupaten/kota that are implementing e-procurement], whereas in the provincial level has not been implemented it yet, ' he explained to business, on sunday (7/10/2012). but yet, the study of eprocurement very seldom connects eprocurement with political dynamics. j. gordon murray (2007) said that research on the importance of the interplays between politicians and procurement managers is challenging in public procurement. basically the politicians have to be responsible to their voters. philip, et al (2007) recognized that politicians were likely to be held accountable for the public procurement although “the missing link” of good governance reflecting democracy in procurement processes was not explored. in other words, few researchers explored these ideas in procurement. although the procurement manager acts as an agent for the chosen or unchosen politician, there was no political dimension to the procurement research. sourdry (2007), in his research, found that in making procurement decisions, procurement managers often get intimidation from the politicians, and in the absence of effective control mechanism officials are likely to involve some personal preferences, derived from their primary interests, career prospects, social contacts, monetary reward or merely aversion to effort. in addition, gordon (2007) said that there is always a bias in the study of empirical e-procurement research. the researchers do not address the market shaping, contestability, and shared services. the literature also has a weakness in the saming of eprocurement process in the private sector and the public sector. the public sector has a lot of political interests compared with the private sector. another weakness in previous studies was that the e-procurement strategy focused on the operational procurement as opposed to strategic procurement decision making. thus, it is reasonable that corruption in the case of goods and services procurement in indonesia started from the planning through the actuating done by the politician, even though the e-procurement has been done. there are more opportunities for corruption in the planning process, for instance ministers, politicians, or senior officers may plan the unwanted project for their private interests (neupane, et al, 2012). the party of the functional groups has the most cadres who have committed acts of corruption (13 cadres), followed by democratic party with 7 cadres.research problems will be answer in this research is to what extend the procurement policy, intitution and regulation, system of e-procurement in indonesia? theoretical review e-procurement is an important aspect of e-government that is related to government and to the private sector. the literature related to e-procurement implementation and operation is reviewed, including five main themes: impact on cost efficiency; the impact on the form and nature of supplier transaction; e-procurement system implementation; broader it infrastructure issues and the behavioral and relational impact of e-procurement (croom and jones, 2005). all researcher referenced here define “procurement” as encompassing acquisition, contracting, buying, renting, leasing, and purchasing, and includes functions such as requirements determination and all phases of contract administration (thai, 2001, pp. 42–43). snider and rendon (2004) said that the range of relevant topics (e.g., outsourcing, privatization, publicprivate partnerships) and activities is also indicated by the objectives of jopp and the biennial (since 2004) international public procurement conference, both of which seek to “further the understanding of [public procurement’s]: functional areas, including but not limited to procurement policy, procurement strategic planning and scheduling, contract formation, contract administration, evaluation, and procurement methods and techniques; substantive areas such as government procurement laws and regulations, procurement economics and politics, and procurement ethics; and topical issues such as e-procurement, procurement transparency, and green procurement.” (international public procurement conference, 2011) e-procurement transaction structure was introduced by literature in the marketing and management industries. it is mentioned that organizations will have a range of transaction relationships with providers. for example the (framework) “buy class” robinson, faris, and wind (croom and jones, 2005: 372) differentiate between the correlation based on frequency and the variability in the purchasing contract. the following picture is the illustration of five types of exchange used in e-procurement transactions. the objective of the implementation of e-procurement in the public sector is reformation process of goods and services procurement. from the various studies done based on the experience of the countries around the world, the implementation of eprocurement is to prevent or to reduce the level of corruption. neupane, et. al (2005). e-procurement can improve the efficiency over traditional procurement methods (chang, 2011 and hanna, 2010). the process of goods and services procurement electronically has obviously omitted the use of paper for the providers or the budget users. the providers just upload all documents by the existing website without coming to the office. e-procurement can also reduce the less necessary projects (achterstraat, 2011). with e-proc, only the projects needed by the people need be sold at auction. however, this assumption is only valid in the economically advanced countries. in developing countries, many projects are proposed by politicians for their personal interests (murray, 2007). thai (2001) used the institutional approach and system stating that procurement is in a complex space, not in an empty space. i f fig. 1. public procurement system legend: direct relationship feedback and reforms/adjustments source: khi v. thai, public procurement re-examined, journal of public procurement, vol 1, issue 1, 2001, 9-50 thai (2001) stated that procurement in a complex system (checkland and scholes, 1999, p. 19) or a system which works by itself (childs, maull, &bennett, 1994; childs, 1995; dror, 1971; kock & murphy, 2001;lineberry, 1977). institutional arrangements may be organized so as to limit the opportunities for corruption, or to render such opportunities less profitable (ogus, 2003). the government consists of an executive branch, a legislative branch, and of the implementer of eprocurement himself”. thai (2001) mentions that the executive’s duties in procurement are as follows: ● to complete and to add the policy which has the form of law and the procedure of goods and services through the executive’s order; ● to improve and to maintain the policy which has the form of law and the procedure of procurement; ● to decide whether the fulfillment of the needs of the program should be done by the government or given to a third party. what has been done by the executive is certainly in the framework of setting up a policy or regulation in implementing e-procurement. thai (2001) mentioned established procurement policies and regulation which work together with legislative. thus, thai (2001) describes in box 2 that the next procurement system is the policy of procurement. scrapper el al (2006) explained that “strong regulation in an e-procurement system was created to minimize unexpected discretion and out of the risk limit”, and thai (2001) explained that the regulation toward this procurement of goods and service is to: box (1) is policy and management. in democratic countries, procurement is done by an executive unit, usually a president, a prime minister, a governor, a mayor, or a regent who has reponsibility to run public procurements which may include, among others: • supplementing and augmenting statutory procurement policies and procedures through executive orders; • developing and maintaining statutory procurement policies and procedures; and • determining whether to meet program needs by in-house performance or by contracting out (thai,2 001). decentralization or centralization are becoming important issues in e-procurement management at the national level. coulthard and castleman (2001) stated that a decentralized approach such as australia’s may maintain agency and line manager flexibility and authority but fails to: • provide adequate direction on how objectives will be achieved • maximize the advantages of a whole of government approach however, centralization of procurement allows a procurement unit to determine whole of government or whole of agency purchasing patterns and to ‘bundle’ or aggregate these purchases and increase the purchasing power of the government (coulthard and castleman, 2001). the uk government has adopted this approach and established a central agency, the office of government commerce, following the recommendations of the gershon (1999) report. gershon (1999 in coulthard and casthleman, 2001) in his review of uk civil procurement found: • decentralist and delegated authorities had no common framework and coherence, lacked consistency, and provided insufficient aggregation to take full advantage of the market. • there was a clear need for a central body to provide appropriate aggregation and coordination. current arrangements according to gershon ‘lacked the “clout” to lead government procurement in the 21stcentury’ (1999: 5) and • there were no common measurement systems of procurement across government. gershon (1999: 9) reported that ‘the complete absence of any such systems is the finding that gave me the greatest concern during the course of the review’. currently the new public management (npm) perspective has a broad perspective on procurement management systems and impacts on the internal management change. in npm perspective, e-procurement is defined as an improvement of relationship between the government and the private sector and also community through marketbased mechanisms. the npm school of thought tends to include the supremacy of market-based procurement approaches over traditional in-house provision belief in 'business methods' for organizing services, which normally focus upon redesign of accountability mechanisms and incentive systems (both often centered in 'performance management' systems), a desire to redesign ('re-engineer') organizational processes around the needs of service users and other stakeholders ('customers'), often through approaches such as customer relationship management (crm), concern with the inefficiencies produced by 'political interference' in 'managerial' decisions, and the belief that professional groups and staff unions have dominated the processes of service planning and delivery to achieve their own ends, rather than for the good of their clients or for the public interest (bovaird, 2003; ). meanwhile bovaird noted that the governance school of thought tends to emphasize the following concerns: public services are not designed for citizens whose holistic needs must be met, but rather for users who should accept managerial/professional views of how their narrow service needs can be met most costeffectively new engagement levels on behalf of stakeholders, particularly those organized on single issue lines (such as environment, transport, health care, etc.) pressures toward increased transparency and freedom of information, particularly from the media and well-organized interest groups changes to authority relationships (e.g. between professionals and service users, or between service professionals and senior managers) as decisions, and the criteria on which they are based, are subject more fully to the public gaze concern that many decades of 'targeting' of public expenditure have not appeared to have brought significant gains in the 'equalities' and 'diversity' agendas tony bovaird (2003) noted that implications of ict implementation, particularly e-procurement, namely: a. the new generation of ictdriven reforms has interacted with a number of other important movements which have implications for organizational arrangements in the public sector. b. ict drivers for changes to organizational structures, processes and behaviours in public services; c. new organizational configurations in public services; d. the role of ict in achieving organizational integration. application of ict in public procurement also has important implications on organizational structures, processes, and behaviours in public services. bovaird (2003) noted improved use of databases in the organizations. the stocks of knowledge in the organization should help both in improving the decisions which get made and in implementing decisions more consistently. secondly, bovaird (2003) noted that better communications in an organization improved decision-making in an organization, partly through the use of the organization’s databases. implementation of eprocurement has been changing the generic configurations of front offices which are to be found in public organizations. bovaird (2003) considered six such configurations: the inquiry point, the advice point, the one start shop, the one stop shop, the customer account manager, and the customer representative. by web-based procurement, then the inquiry point, the advice point, the one start shop, the one stop shop, the customer account manager and the customer representative are served by a website such as korea’s korea on-line eprocurement system (koneps), which aims to establish a nationwide webbased procurement system, dealing with the whole procurement process including acquisition of all the information on the national procurement projects, procurement request, bids, contracting and payment for 37,000 public organizations and 120,000 private firms. finally, e-procurement can affect organizational behaviour in procurement units through its ability to allow better use of databases, its ability to support better communications, and its ability to support improved decisionmaking, data-base management, and communication. to date, e-procurement projects done by the executive wing are the execution of policy or regulation stipulated by executive and legislative body based on the law. thai (2001) said that using established procurement policies and regulation, executive bodies try to cooperate with legislative ones. therefore, thai (2001) figured out on box 2 that e-procurement systems act as a procurement policy. schapper el al (2006) explained that a highly regulated procurement environment is designed to minimize discretion in circumstances considered to be at high risk from undue influence and thai (2001) said that procurement goals and regulations specify, among other things, the following: procurement organizational structure, roles and responsibilities; procurement phases and process; and standards of conduct. . discussion procurement policy and regulation snapshop analisys (2007) on procurement in indonesia noted that important steps in the public sector procurement legal reform process were, first,presidential decree (keppres) 18/2000, which superseded a keppres that had been inexistence, albeit with amendments, since 1994. second, a higher level construction law wasenacted in 1999 which, among other aspects, governs the procurement of civil works andrelated consulting services. new directives for this construction law were also issued in2000. in addition, other laws, either enacted or in draft, in respect to state finance, treasury,audit, and small scale business all make reference to, and impact on, public procurement.17. following the financial crisis of the late 1990s, events that provided an impetus to procurement reform process in indonesia were (i) its prioritization by the consultative groupon indonesia (cgi) in 2000, (ii) the release of a country procurement assessment report(cpar) for indonesia in 2001 with some initial recommendations, and (iii) a commitment bygoi to the cgi in 2001 to create a national public procurement office (nppo). until now,the national development planning agency (bappenas) has been responsible for procurement reform. initially it established a steering committee, supported by a secretariatand three working groups responsible for legal and policy, institutional, and human resourcedevelopment. stemming from this steering committee, and have regard to the consequencesof decentralization, presidential decree 80/2003 was issued as a national standard regulation(i) promoting basic principles of procurement: viz. transparency, open and fair competition,efficiency (value for money), non-discrimination, and accountability, and (ii) committing tothe future establishment of an nppo. over the intervening years since the promulgation of presidential decree 80/2003, the national development planning agency established within its organization an interim “center for development of public procurement policy”. thi scenter not only focused on the future establishment of an nppo, but also became both goi’scentral focal point and driver for ongoing public procurement reform initiatives across whatare now known as the oecd/dac four pillars. it is suggested that the actual stakeholders involved in public procurement are nodifferent from country to country. what is different in indonesia is that the number and type of stakeholders has become more complex as a result of its decentralized government structure. fig .2. procurement regulation evolution in indonesia source: darmawan, muhammad ali, “reform on procurement of public goods/services in indonesia: a review”, spirit publik, vol 7 no. 2, 2011 aafftteerr 22000088,, tthheerree hhaavvee bbeeeenn ooccccuurreedd mmaannyy rreegguullaattiioonn cchhaannggeess iinn ffoorrmmss ooff pprreessiiddeennttiiaall rreegguullaattiioonn.. hhoowweevveerr,, tthhee pprreessiiddeennttiiaall ddeeccrreeee hhaadd ttoo aammeenndd iinnttoo tthhee pprreessiiddeennttiiaall rreegguullaattiioonn aass aann iimmpplleemmeennttaattiioonn ooff aacctt 1100 yyeeaarr 22000044 oonn ffoorrmmaattiioonn ooff tthhee lleeggiissllaattiioonn aanndd aammeennddeedd aaggaaiinn wwiitthh aacctt nnoo 1122 yyeeaarr 22001111 oonn ttyyppeess aanndd aa hhiieerraarrcchhyy ooff rreegguullaattiioonn aass ffoolllloowwss pres decree no. 80 year 2003 presidential decree no. 18 year 2000 year 2004: first revision on presidential decree no. 61 year 2004 pres decree no. 54 year 2010 year 2005: second revision pres regulation no. 32 year 2005 third revision on pres regulation no. 70 year 2005 year 2006: fourth revision pres regulation no. 8 year 2006 fifth revision pres regulation no. 79 year 2006 sith revision pres regulation no. 85 year 2006 year 2007: seventh revision pres regulation no. 95 year 2007 year 2007: pres regulation no. 106 year 2007 on national procurement agency(lkpp) : cancelled : revised : implication 1. constituion year 1945 and its revisions; 2. law or substitute of act;; 3. government regulation; 4. presidential regulations; 5. local act. the regulation has changed as many as seven times by amending presidential decree no. 80 year 2003, each of which occured three times in2007 and final revision done in 2007, president regulation no. 54 year 2010. some fundamental changes of old regulation are: a. the standards document procurement; b. name change services in construction work; c. the new regulation about foreign grant; d. the function differentiation more clearly between the budget user / the budget authority, procurement officials ( ppk ), and commitment and units procurement service; e. the removal of necessity an announcement of procuring in newspapers; f. the winner decision( provider of goods and services ) procurement unit. meanwhile, the procurement phase is devided into four stages ( amiruddin:2010: 4647 ): 1. the preparation stage. at this stage covers some activities ( a ) planning goods and services procurement, ( b ) the formation of committee, ( c ) the establishment of a system of procurement of goods and services ( d ) the drafting of a schedule for procurement of goods and services ( e ) drafting of the own price estimates, and ( e ) drafting documents for procurement of goods and services. 2. procurement process. at this stage the event includes (a) the selection of goods and service providers and (b) the determination of a supplier of goods and services. 3. drafting of the contract. 4. the stage of the implementation of the contract nevertheless as a legal standing, a presidential regulation has many weaknesses in term of regulating good and services procurement. apec procurement strategy (2012) noted that there are three weaknesess of the regulation, however, does not address a number of problems in indonesia’s procurement system, does not apply to all state-owned companies, particularly national oil and mining companies. the regulation is also missing interaction between the presidential regulation and other existing laws applicable to procurement, such as the construction services law (act no. 18/1999) and the law on state-owned enterprises, is not clear since both these laws also have provisions governing procurement. secondly, the regulation also does not contain provisions specifically authorizing civil society monitoring of procurements and thirdly the presidential regulation does not have a sufficiently high legal status to truly standardize the public procurement system throughout indonesia rather a “plethora of decrees, regulations, and instructions” ranging from ministers and provincial governors to district officials and municipal mayors “that contain conflicts and inconsistencies.”m. sayrif (2013) also reveals same legal weaknesses on procurement regulations such as (a) a diverse and conflicting regulations at the different level government; (b) out of date procurement regulation on limited implementation on state budget; (c) there is no room for public participation in procurement process; and (d) the limited authority of independent procurement unit in handling conflict and npa have not authority to settle it. as a result, the regulation implementation is less powerful. secondly, many legal institutions (police and attorney office) have different interpretation in the field. various cases found in some local governments that many committee of goods and services procurement resigned from their position because a frequent target of a conflict of interest and the strong pressures from the internal and external environment in the procurement process such as, at the local council office of rangkasbitung (serang post, 1/2/2009). the second case is the resignation thirty five members of the entire procurement committee caused by suspect decision of the local attorney office on its five members in case of pedestrian project. (tabalongpost, 13 april 2013). panda et. al (2012) did same study in india found that the lack of an enabling national legal procurement law has allowed interpretation o government policies by corrupt officials for vitiating public procurement process. in indonesia, the term “egovernment” was officially introduced to public administration through the presidential instruction no.6/2001 regarding information & communication technology (ict) that addressed the government of indonesia has to use ict to support the practices of good governance. when the state ministry of communications and information was established in 2001, there was a specific national policy on egovernment stipulated on presidential instruction no. 3/2003 concerning national policy on e-government development. in indonesia, egovernment is required due to the following reasons: 1) to support the government change towards a democratic governance practices; 2) to support the application of authority balances between central and local government; 3) to facilitate communication between central and local governments; 4) to gain openness and transparency; and 5) transformation towards information society era. figure 3. indonesia’s roadmap to e-government the e-government project has started since 2003 based on presidential instruction no. 3 of 2003. afterwards, various information and communication minister's decision as much as ten decisions stipulate e-government program. the position of presidential instruction is legally not strong enough to run e-government program. table 1. policies and guidelines on e-government no name number 1 national strategy and policy for egovernment development presidential instruction no.3 /2003 2 guidelines on infrastructure standard for government portal no.55/kep/m.kominfo/12/2003 3 guidelines on management electronic document system no.56/kep/m.kominfo/12/2003 4 guidelines on master plan e-government institution development no.57/kep/m.kominfo/12/2003 5 guidelines on ict training program for e-government no.47a/kep/m.kominfo/12/2003 6 guidelines for establishment local government website 2003 7 guidelines for government information system network development 69a/kep/m.kominfo/10/2004 8 guidelines information system development for central-government 69a/kep/m.kominfo/10/2004 9 guidelines information system development for province 69a/kep/m.kominfo/10/2004 10 guidelines information system development for municipality /regency 69a/kep/m.kominfo/10/2004 11 guidelines for data, information and government information system 69a/kep/m.kominfo/10/2004 organization management 12 guidelines for standard and service quality and application development 2004 13 guidelines institutionalization, authorization, and public private partnership for e-government 2004 14 guidelines e-government project planning and budgeting 2004 15 guidelines for good government and change management 2004 16 standard competence for e-government management 2005 17 blueprint e-government application for local government 2005 18 blueprint e-government application for central government 2005 19 e-government interoperability framework 2005 20 go.id domain management for central and local government no.28/per/m.kominfo/9/2006 21 the electronic information and transaction bill no.11/2008 22 draft government decree on egovernment 2009 source: boni pudjianto and zo hangjung, understanding factors affecting e-government assimilation in indonesia, 2012. looking at the pattern of the policy in indonesia, it is seen that there is no policy consistency on the highest executive level. the president is also lack of e-leadership, it is seen from there is no policy made after the law was launched. because of no strong supportive policy, indonesia egovernment (rank 97) based on unpan study in 2012 is lower compared to the neighboring countries such as malaysia (rank 40), thailand (rank 92) and the pihilipines (rank 88). table 2. e-government rank 2012 in southeast asia rank ereadiness index web measure index human capital index infrastructure index eparticipation index brunei 54 0.6250 0.5948 0.8253 0.4550 0.4737 cambodia 155 0.2902 0.1895 0.5997 0.0814 0.0000 indonesia 97 0.4949 0.4967 0.7982 0.1897 0.2105 laos 153 0.2935 0.2157 0.5651 0.0998 0.0000 malaysia 40 0.6703 0.7908 0.7691 0.4510 0.5000 myanmar 160 0.2703 0.1046 0.7064 0.0000 0.0000 philipina 88 0.5130 0.4967 0.8341 0.2082 0.2105 singapore 10 0.8474 1.0000 0.8500 0.6923 0.9474 thailand 92 0.5093 0.5098 0.7819 0.2361 0.3158 timor leste 170 0.2365 0.2157 0.4290 0.0649 0.0000 source: unpan. furthermore president stipulated his instruction no. 17 year 2011 about the actions of prevention and eradication on corruption in which he ordered all ministries/agencies had to use eprocurement by 75 per cent of good and service budget and all local government’s good and service budget amounting to 40 percent via eprocurement. the technical provisions of the operational procurement of goods/services electronically refers to regulation npa no 2 year 2010 on electronic procurement service (lpse), followed by some regulations on etendering and e-purchasing. etendering is selection of listed provider of goods/services performed openly by which they offer once bid time at the allotted time. e-purchasing is to purchase goods/services through electronic catalog system uu no.11 tahun 2008 (ite) pres regulation 54 year 2010 and its revisions decree npa no.18 /2012 decree npa no.17/2012 decree npa no.2/2010 npa’s deputy decree on monev pp no.82 tahun 2012 fig. 3. e-procurement regulation source: lkkp slide dissemination, www.lkkp.go.id as shown in fig 3, presidential regulation no. 54 year 2010 and some national procurement agency decrees are legal basis for e-procurement of good and service since 2008. this mean all government spending are ruled by public procurement procedures, which are defined and organized by decree issued by the presidential decree and head of npa decrees. compared to countries that are recognized as having a sound basis for procurement activities, there are other gaps and weaknesses in the present legal framework pertaining to procurement in key areas such as company law, bankruptcy law, welldefined contract law and commercial arbitration law. some progress has been made in improving the situation as, in 2008, indonesia enacted a electronical transactional law no. 1 year 2008 with developing government regulation no. 82 year 2012. annually president issues presidential instruction to implement e-procurement. for 2013, he issued a presidential instruction no. 1 year 2013 on corruption eradication and prevention in which the instruction affirmed the obligation to use the e-procurement system. in fiscal year 2012, the goods and services expenditure of ministries/institutions at 100 percent and 40 percent of local government expenditure have to be use eprocurement. as a consequently, npa head issued letter no. 17/ka/02/2012 on e-procurement obligation. • ministries and non-ministry institutions and local government have to submit public procurement plan (rup) to npa portal via email rup.inaproc@lkpp.go.id no later than march 31, 2013. • independent procurement unit/procurement committee may carry out procurement of goods/services electronically by using the nearest lpse • governor/regent/mayor may set up independent e-procurement unit (lpse). procurement institutions e-procurement project has just been implemented since 2008, with the presidential decree number 80, 2003, which manage goods/ service government procurement. explicitly the decree regulates the procurement through the e-procurement. and then with the decree 17/2011 about the action of prevention and elimination of corruption 2012 instructed to december, all off ministry/ institution goods purchases must use "e-procurement" as much as 75 %. for regional budget (apbd), 40 % of goods purchase must be "e-procurement". institutionally, in the frame of implementing e-procurement then the central government made an institution which is called national procurement agency (lkpp). according to the presidential decree no. 54, 2010 about goods and service procurement, lkpp is a government institution which has the duty of improving and formulating the policy of goods/service procurement which mentioned in the presidential decree number 106, 2007 about national procurement agency (lkpp). this institution is a non department government institution (lpnd) in which the level is the same as bappenas, bppt, lipi or other lpnd. lkpp is responsible to the president, but in performing under the coordination of national development planning ministry. but the institution of procurement basically has many and various units suitable with the government levels. at the national level the president supervises all of ministry and non ministry institutions which are known as national institutions. it is necessary to know that in indonesia, besides ministries, the president also supervises non ministry institutions in the central governmet level. under yudoyono administration now there are 20 non ministry institutions and 31 ministries. however, in the region level there are government region from province to regency or city. the institutions involved can be seen in the table below: table 3. institution involvement in procurement stakeholders in public procurement national (central) provincial city district overseas development and donors • lawmakers (politiciansparliamentarians) • • • • procurement agency • issuer of decree, intructions (president, ministers, governors, mayors, districts head) • • • • policy maker (civil service) • • • • trainers (training boards, tertiary educational insitutin, academia) • • procurers/user (government entitiesat all levels) • • • • auppliers/providers (bussiness community, private sector suppliers of good, contruction • • • • companies, consultans, etc) monitors (inspectorate general, audit office) • • • • judicial and adjudicators (ministry of justice, ombudsman, courts, etc) • • coverment anticorruption agencies • • business profesional associations (chambers, associations, instituions) • • • • public watchdogs (ngos, academia) • • • • media/press • • • • the public • • • • source: indonesia public procurement system, 2007. looking at the institutions involved in the procurement, it is fair to say that it occurs fragmentation and decentralization of procurement institutional. each region has its authority to hold its own procurement, and there is no enforcement to implement the eprocurement. national procurement agency (lkkp) is an institution which is responsible for e-procurement established based on the presidential decree no 54, 2010. president ministries field administrations non-ministries institutions provincies regencies/cities national procurement agency (lkkp) prov e-proc agency regency e-proc agencycentral goverment space local government space command line coordination/monitoring line fig. 4. fragmented central and local procurement system within the executive branch each ministry, non ministry institution, regional government set up their independent procurement service unit which is separated from the organization units which have the budget right.. this separation function is aimed to avoid the collusion and the autonomy of the procurement process. each institution which is called ulp (procurement service unit) is created based on minister decree or head of non ministry institution and regional head. yayan rudianto (2011) study on legal format mentioned that based on the president decree no. 54 – 2010, that national procurement agency (lkkp) is the only non department institution in indonesia which has the authority to improve and formulate the policy of government goods/service procurement. the question is what is the relation of the president and national procurement agency with the procurement service units in the ministry institution like? furthermore rudianto said that: first, the relation of the president k/l/d/i. this relation is clear as command lines. the tasks and function in carrying out the good/service procurement in k/l/d/i is carried out by ulp. ulp is a government organization unit which functioned to carry out the goods/service procurement in k/l/d/i permanently, independent or joins the existing unit. k/l/d/i has to have ulp (procurement service unit) which is able to give service/guidance in goods/service procurement sector. second, the relationship between the president and province and regency/city. this relationship uses two mechanisms at once, which are functional mechanism and deconcentration mechanism. in the functional mechanism, the function of government goods/service is carried out by procurement service unit (ulp). this relationship doesn’t implicate the institutional improvement of national procurement agency entirely (4 deputies), but there is a possibility for the deputy which has the similarity in technical, that is deputy of law and protest solution. the level of this unit is below and responsible to the governor, the duty , function and the authority are constant, the organizational structure is integrated in the existing ulp, either /d/ provinc creates and independent unit or joined to the existing unit, the national procurement agency has just to adapt the relationship between the president and /d/ residency/city. the relationship built based on the decentralization mechanism. the president is not as free as contacting the governor, because most of the government business which had been handled by the government has been handed over to the region (regency/city). the planning development agency did a review study on procurement or e-procurement institutions at both central level and local level as an implication of decentralization model of presidential decree no 54 year 2010. there are found of four model procurement independent units in ministries and local government . table 4. independent procurement unit model in indonesia model 1 (annual set up and non permanent) model 2 (permanent and not independent unit) model 3 (permanent and not independent unit) model 4 (permanent and independent unit) organisation ministry of industry ministry of creative industry and tourism, jogjakarta city,luwu timur regency, cimahi city public work ministry, west java province, surabaya city anti corruption agency, finance ministry, industry ministry status ad hoc permanent permanent permanent function autonomy not independent unit) link to current unit independent unit and echelon head non staff non staff staff staff team non team unit staff non team unit staff team unit staff team unit staff source: review paper on procurement unit, legal bureau, development planning agency, indonesia, 2012. model i is ad hoc model formed every year. position of the procurement unit in organization is a self-contained unit and the ad hoc secretariat under the general secretariat/secretariat of the region. head of the unit and secretariat staff is not derived from the structural unit and functions related to the procurement of goods/services. the members of procurement team are staff officials at the structural unit. they may come from several other structural unit which also has duty to do in their respective work units. ministry of indutry uses this model. model ii is permanent procurement unit. position of the unit in organization is self-contained units under minister/head of agency/general secretariat/head of secretariat of local government related to the procurement of goods/services. however, the head of the secretariat and the unit is not derived from the other structural work unit. the member of procurement team is staff in the structural unit. similar to the model i, model ii's head, secretariat, and member are also derived from some other structural unit that also has a duty of implementing function in their respective work units. this model is adopted by ministry of tourism and the creative economy, the city of yogyakarta, and east luwu regency. model iii is permanent procurement unit. position of the unit in organization structure is the structural work units that have duty in procurement function. head’s unit and secretariat are staff personel in structural work units. while, the procurement team members are recruited from personnel of respective structural units. west java province, ministry of public works, cimahi city government and surabaya city government currently adopt this model. model iv is permanent procurement unit. the status of unit is independent that has permanent head, seceratriat, staff and procurement unit. this model is adopted by the anti-corruption agency and the ministry of finance. e-procurement system to accelarate e-procurement implementation in indonesia, the government established the procurement service institution called independent e-procurement unit ( lpse). this unit is actually a work unit formed by the ministry/institution/college/stateowned enterprises and local governments to serve the independent procurement unit (ulp) which will implement the procurement electronically. for the procurement unit has no capacity to establishe eprocurement unit, they can joint to become an user of the nearest eprocurement unit. . fig.5. lpse sumber: http://www.lkpp.go.id e-procurement unit (lpse) developed by the centre for policy of good and service procurement, the national planning agency in 2006 in accordance with presidential instruction no. 5 year 2004 on accelerating corruption eradication. e-procurement is becoming one of the important programs and under the coordination of bappenas. in early implementation of 2007, ths method has been done electronically by bappenas and the ministry of national education. at that time there was a new server eprocurement unit residing in jakarta with the address www.pengadaannasional-bappenas.go.id which is managed by bappenas. in 2010, the npa has developed an npa digital certificates (osd) collaborated with the code state institute. this system embodies the concept of a public key infrastructure (ikp) that its development has started since 2009 and expected to be implemented gradually in 2010. through the application of osd, every provider of goods/services will have a digital certificate that can be used to do the bidding document security the independent e-procurement model brings consequences many scattered and fragmented e-procurement units. providers must first register in each auction to follow at e-procurement of npa. in jakarta, for example, a provider will register and verify in eprocurement unit of ministry of finance or ministry of education or national police office, and ministry of health. in 2010 lkpp developed the aggregation system through inaproc which allows providers simply to register and verify at one e-procurement unit that they can follow auctions across all e-procurement units. this system implementation did gradually starting from the city of yogyakarta and provincial eprocurement unit. npa currently manages and limited monitors three types eprocurement namely e-procurement (lpse) system provider, e-procurement (lpse) service provider, and autonomous e-procurement (lpse). a. the provider lpse has system lpse organizations such as on the letter b, and have, managing and maintaining the hardware which is not limited to network devices and servers that have installed electronic procurement system (spse). as for the other functions above which is the task of the field system administration information, this type also lpse carry out other functions, e.g.: 1) socialization to ppk/procurement committee and goods/services providers; 2) training to the procurement committee and ppk/goods/services providers; 3) serve the ppk/procurement committee to get the access code 4). verifying the document (deed, siup, tdp, a business license compliance field, id card owner and/or director of the company, etc.), goods/services providers who previously have done registration to obtain an access code online; and other functions. with this the applicant lpse will have its own web address, e.g. the applicant derives dengan lpse ini maka pemohon akan memiliki alamat website sendiri, misal: pemohon berasal dari pemkot tulungagung maka alamat website adalah www.lpse.kotatulungangung.g o.id b. lpse serviceprovider the service provider lpse manage non owned weblpse server that has installed spse such as tasikmalaya city government website with the address www.lpse.jabarprov.go.id (this address belongs to lpse west java province). c. autonomous e-procurement (lpse) is belong to autonomous agency. until 2013 there are 1176 e-procurement independent units throughout indonesia which consists of 543 e-procurement system provider, 40 e-procurement service provider and 583 autonomous eprocurement serving 33 provinces and 731 agencies. by reviewing the trend of increasing number of e-procurement units, only 11 units established in 2008, 63 units in 2009, 274 units in 2010, an increase of approximately 300% longer than 630 units in 2011, and the number of being twice fold in 2013. in one hand, the increasing number of independent eprocurement unit may show simply be exhilarating, but in other hand from aspects of management led to the crucial control and monitoring problem. but, the crucial problem is faced that span of control on how to control 1176 eprocurement independent unit managed in fragmented and autonomous manner. however, current system for indonesia is the most feasible considering the vastness of the area with a limited infrastructure of information and communication technology. table 5.5. the number of provider and procurement committee 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 total provider 199 2503 6196 25850 67770 26054 128572 committee 2230 3000 6500 24065 48395 44926 129116 ppk 4460 6000 13000 48130 96762 89821 258173 source: npa, 2013 the number of provider goods and services are listed around indonesia in 2013 around 128.572 companies served by 129,116 procurement committees and 58,173 procurement commitment makers ( ppk ). the npa’s report noted that the number of tenders that have been implemented until 2013 as much as 222,28 with amounting rp. 403,908,634 billions to get efficiency amounting to rp. 33,965,333 billions (10,97%). table 6. e-procurement progress implementation no. description 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 total 1 number of tender 33 1.724 6.397 24.475 91.379 98.272 222.28 2 amount of tender ceiling (milion) 52.5 3.372.032 13.424.756 53.286.540 151.304.947 182.467.859 403.908.634 3 number of tender awarded 33 1.72 6.37 24.076 82.737 75.487 190.423 4 amount of tender ceiling awarded (milion) 42.898 3.137.595 12.971.803 38.163.399 131.946.811 123.290.703 309.553.209 5 amount of contract (million) 36.286 2.618.650 11.585.138 33.688.791 117.922.832 109.736.179 275.587.876 6 saving (million) 6.612 518.945 1.386.665 4.474.608 14.023.980 13.554.524 33.965.333 7 percentage of saving (%) 15,41 16,54 10,69 11,72 10,63 10,99 10,97 8 procuring entities 101 366 1.738 1.947 4.713 19.501 28.366 9 tender 222 991 4.49 22.056 46.383 42.913 117.055 committees 10 registered suppliers 1.153 11.399 43.304 118.523 103.126 40.864 318.369 11 verified suppliers 972 9.033 34.252 81.41 67.77 26.054 219.491 12 disqualified suppliers 9 32 94 306 549 102 1.092 13 blacklisted suppliers 0 2 10 17 132 78 23 source: www. lkkp.co.id sharif (2013) also noted that institutional weaknesses of npa are limited resources and infrastructure and limited authority when dealing with ministries and state institutions. this thesis is supported by the low level of compliance all ministries and state institution to annual president intruction on corruption prevention, particularly in good and service procurement thorugh e-procurement mechanism. table 7. percentage of central government budget procurement via e-procurement (2008-2013) year e-procurement budget percentage 2008 34,781,041,000 128,800,000,000,000 0.26 2009 1,502,245,506,769 156,600,000,000,000 9.59 2010 7,296,287,209,225 207,600,000,000,000 3.51 2011 23,497,583,533,201 373,700,000,000,000 6.28 2012 56,241,920,082,102 306,607,000,000,000 18.34 2013 31,830,812,558,981 399,107,000,000,000 7.97 total 120,403,629,931,278 1,572,414,000,000,000 10.26 source: npa and state budget, ministry of finance. of the goods and service budgets (including capital spending ) from rp. 1,572 trillion during last five years is only rp. 120.4 trillion through eprocurement or 10.26 % and even in 2011 only worth rp. 23 trillion or just 6.28 % of all budget. however, president stipulated at minimum target at 75% in fiscal year 2013. head of npa stated that: although, president susilo bambang yudhoyono through the presidential instruction no. 1 year 2013 has ordered to all ministries and state institutions have to implement eprocurement at least 75 per cent of procurement of goods and services required by electronic or e-procurement. but, the central government institution’s obedience is less than the local government one. by observing the data above and statements of the head of npa, we can be concluded that there is no a strong political will to enforce the annual instruction as evidenced by the absence of a mechanism of sanctions to ministers who do not obey this. under this circumstance, therefore, it is not surprising that the budget misuse in good and service procurement is still high year to year, although the state budget is getting higher and higher. pursuant to the presidential regulation, all procuring entities are required to publish procurement plans and other information on national, provincial, district, or municipal announcement boards or in the local or national print media and, as of 2012, through the electronic procurement service, referred to as lpse, at http://www.inaproc.lkpp.go.id. but each procuring entity will have its own eprocurement site and there are no standards for those sites. moreover, eprocurement has not yet been fully implemented by all central ministries and is available only for 190 of 500 local government entities (tii, 2011). table 8.percentage of local government budget procurement via eprocurement (2008-2013) province regency and ciy year e-procurement budget % e-procurement budget 2008 11,885,597,000 37,844,000,000,000 0.096 5,833,225,000 126,605,000,000,000 2009 1,384,829,283,749 58,526,000,000,000 2.26 484,956,924,034 139,491,000,000,000 2010 4,720,320,860,368 53,352,400,000,000 8.85 1,408,148,321,293 123,760,000,000,000 2011 22,065,013,040,246 60,318,000,000,000 36.58 7,723,943,483,158 157,971,000,000,000 2012 46,005,546,137,971 73,838,000,000,000 62.31 48,254,801,903,406 185,831,000,000,000 2013 26,703,092,388,793 94,000,000,000,000 28.4 28,137,082,181,745 228,657,900,000,000 total 100,890,687,308,126 377,878,400,000,000 26.69 86,014,766,038,637 962,315,900,000,000 as shown in table 8., local government’s obedience on president instruction to use e-procurement is better than the ministry and state institutions one. provincial government procurement throughout e-procurement in 2011 reached 36.58 % and increased sharply to 62.31 % in 2012. however, the regency and city government procurement in the last five years only reached 8.84 % of the target 40 % according president instruction. and the highest proportion procurement through e-procurement occurred in fiscal year 2012 around 21.10 %. it is fair to say indonesia has been undergoing an important transition toward the full e-procurement over the five years. however, there is no strong political will of president to enforce his minister to obey his instruction become the common public opinion. economist said that sby is like lame duck: “he then accused some unnamed ministers, as well as members of parliament and business people, of corruption. this was thrilling stuff: the rumbling of the tumbrels’ wheels. but no heads rolled. the president then said he trusted the police and the independent anticorruption commission to tackle graft. on to the next agenda item.it was all rather baffling, and heightened the impression of a weak and indecisive president. few people trust the police force, which, soon after that meeting, became embroiled in yet another corruption scandal of its own. a headline in the english-language jakarta globe newspaper summed up a popular view: “sby talks tough, but is anybody listening? 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jin park (2011), governance reform in indonesia and korea: a comparative perspective: gadjah mada university press, yogyakarta. layout desember 2008 in indonesia is still reactive. this fact causes policy inconsistency which has the effect of law uncertainty and poor quality of public services. keywords; policy coordination, public service delivery, health insurance, jamkesmas, and jamkesda introduction indonesia has been producing plenty of innovative policies which add new content to policies that have been enacted by the policy makers. this is considerable progress for indonesia compared to the soeharto era which merely produced dictated policies. however, indonesia is still facing a great challenge in terms of producing coordinated policies. this indicates lack of coordination in the process of policy making. moreover, the policy making is often dictated by the politic interests of the regime. it has been reflected as short-term policy which has not been wellrooted in sociological and cultural values of indonesian people yet. as a result, when the policy comes into the implementation stage, problems come to the surface, such as, job redundancy, incoherent policy and conflict among departments and ngos. therefore, policy coordination is vital in order to mediate between different interests and aims and work towards shared goals. moreover, “coordination enables the whole to perform better than the sum of the parts or at least to prevent disintegration and fragmentation” (metcalfe, 2004 p. 9). this study will examine the implementation of jamkesmas (jaminan kesehatan masyarakat-health insurance hevi kurnia hardini lecturer; university of muhammadiyah malang, email: hevi@umm.ac.id; hevi.hardini@gmail.com public service quality and building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 abstract this study will examine the implementation of jamkesmas (jaminan kesehatan masyarakat-health insurance scheme for people) and jamkedsa (jaminan kesehatan masyarakat daerah-health insurance scheme for local people). both are innovative policies in term of health financing, since they reflect more the spirit of insurance compared to the previous policies which were merely about financial aid. however, these policies do not reflect the ideals of policy coordination. several theoretical reviews about social health insurance are applied to figure out the spirit of indonesian health insurance sociologically and culturally. the colebatch’s framework of vertical and horizontal dimensions of policy is used as the main tool of analysis for measuring whether both jamkesmas and jamkesda are categorized as coordinated policies or not. qualitative research approach is used as the method in order to gain in-depth information about the current polemic of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementations. qualitative analysis method is applied during the process of analysis. the secondary data will be collected, sorted, coded and analyzed. those several steps aim to cross check the validity of each data for answering the research questions. the result of this study shows that jamkesmas and jamkedsa lack of coordination during the process of policy making which has led to complicated problems at the implementation stage namely: the lawsuit/multiple interpretations of the law, unstructured policy stages at the vertical level, complicated problems at horizontal stages and conflict among institutional governments. moreover, the nature of policy coordination 279 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ scheme for people) and jamkedsa (jaminan kesehatan masyarakat daerah-health insurance scheme for local people). both are innovative policies in term of health financing, since they reflect more the spirit of insurance compared to the previous policies which were merely about financial aid, even tough the current health financing mechanism is still far from the perfect implementation. the analysis will investigate whether both policies reflect the ideals of either policy coordination or uncoordinated policy. these parameters can be measured by analyzing the implementation process of jamkesmas and jamkesda, because policy coordination is important during both policy making and policy implementation. the main argument of this study is that jamkesmas and jamkesda do not reflect the ideals of policy coordination with regard to several problems at the implementation stage, such as: the lawsuit/multiple interpretations of the law, unstructured policy stages, the absence of enacting supported laws and establishing supported institution, overlapping jobs and reactive coordination. proof of argument will be addressed by discussing the gap between the real facts and the ideal theories. research methods qualitative research approach is used to gain indepth information about the current polemic of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementations. the acts stipulate the schemes of health-cover which are offered by the national and local governments. data collection: secondary data published academic materials (books and journals) about health-cover scheme, public policy and public service delivery, government laws and regulations, government and credible ngos reports and data about related issues, current reports and publications from credible national and international newspapers. data analysis using qualitative analysis method is applied during the process of analysis. the secondary data will be collected, sorted, coded and analyzed. those several steps aim to cross check the validity of each data for answering the research questions. in order to simplify, this study is divided into seven sections; 1. introduction; 2. method of research; 3 theoretical reviews on social health insurance; 4. the schemes of jamkesmas and jamkesda; 5. analyzing the policy coordination of jamkesmas at the implementation stage; 6. analyzing the policy coordination of jamkesda at the implementation stage and 7. recommendation and conclusion. disscussion and results 1. the scheme of jamkesmas and jamkesda in the year 2004, act no 40 regarding the national social security system (sistem jaminan sosial national sjsn)1 was enacted as the universal platform for introducing a new health program for the poor. jamkesmas2 is categorised as health insurance for the poor that is funded by the central government from general tax revenue. the implementation of this program is based on the moh (ministry of health) decree number 125/menkes/ sk/ii 2008 regarding the guidelines for implementation of the jamkesmas. this program covers about 76,400,000 people who are categorised as poor and nearly-poor people based on the susenas (national socio economic survey)3 in 2008 data provided by enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 280 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the bps (central bureau of statistics). the numbers of targeted people are distributed to each local government within a determined quota and then, the local governments are responsible to finance the gap between the actual cost of insuring their local population and the insurance funds provided by the central government via jamkesmas. that scheme of financing the gap is named jamkesda. there are several beneficial packages4 which are offered by jamkesmas, including inpatient, outpatient, maternal, preventive care and ambulatory services. in terms of medication, insured members are only entitled to generic drugs. this insurance scheme contracts with 926 public hospitals and 220 private hospitals for certain procedures (www.healthmarketinnovations.org). considering the limited national budget covering health insurance for all indonesian citizens, the national government initiated the jamkesda program in 2009 in order to encourage local governments not only to support the jamkesmas program but also to manage their own local health insurance. there is no standardised regulation for jamkesda implementation, since the regulation of moh peraturan menteri kesehatan number 095 year 2010 regarding the synchronisation system between jamkesnas and jamkesda was rejected by the house of representatives because it conflicts with act no 40/2004 (candra, kompas 17 june 2010). therefore the jamkesda program is being implemented in many different procedures based on the capacity of local governments. 2. theoretical reviews on social health insurance jamkesmas and jamkesda are forms of indonesian social security in terms of health insurance. discussing the social security in indonesia is far from the genuine aims for securing basic individual rights toward the welfare, except for militaries and civil services and other employments which are covered by the private social and health insurance. in developed country such as australia, social security has developed in resilience. moreover, this system has been more integrated with the government and private actors in securing individuals and families. furthermore, the schemes offer in many benefits for example: support for child care, invalid and old-age pensions, health care etc (herscovitch and stanton 2008). social health insurance is the system in which collecting money (from tax or certain individuals contributions to social health insurance) in order to finance health services. ‘this type of insurance is characterized by mandatory membership at least for the majority of population, open enrollment and community rating, exception with no covering premiums related to individual risk’ (zweifel, 2007 p.7-8). according to the previous concept, jamkesmas and jamkesda are considered as the social health insurance. compared to developed countries, social health insurance is not simply as insurance scheme, but it is defined as part of social order (de roo 2003), as ‘fabric of society’ (zollner 2001), and as balancing society as a whole’ (le pen 2001). moreover, health care system is defined as living entitles not just as an ‘artificial bureaucratic structures’ (saltman in saltman et.al 2004, p.5). however, in indonesia jamkesmas and jamkesda are still seen as political interests by elites in gaining popularity. therefore there are uncoordinated policies and structures at the implementation stages. it seems that indonesian health insurance policies are being impleenhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 281 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mented half-heartedly, because the spirits of health insurance policies in indonesia are not well-rooted in its sociological and cultural values. according to hofstede it is important to refer to the national culture and social values in terms of introducing the new system or institution, such as health insurance. the reason is that, societal norms will smoothly assist the adaptation of new health insurance policy and its institution (cited in saltman in saltman el.at 2004, p 6). in indonesia, the social value of gotong royong and tenggang rasa could be revitalized and adopted as the basic paradigms and spirits in terms of conceptualizing and implementing the health insurance policy, so that the policies are understood not only as health financial arrangement but also as the way of peoples’ life in a balanced society. 3. analysing the policy coordination of jamkesmas at the implementation stage althaus, bridgman and davis state that “policies are based on shared goals. programs should work together, and not at cross-purposes. priorities must be assigned between competing proposals. coordination in government is a virtue” (2007, p. 124). therefore, setting up health insurance policy requires effective coordination and solid purposes among related stakeholders. in the case of various health financing schemes in indonesia, both public (jamkesmas, jamkesda, jamsostek, askes, asabri etc) and private insurances, they must be synchronised within good guidelines of comprehensive policy in order to avoid cross-purposes. this is reasonable because health is one of the most complex social-sector goods (mitchell and bossert, 2010), since it involves several institutions (health clinics, hospitals, pharmacies) and produces multiple products (outpatient/inpatient consultations and procedures, pharmaceuticals, public health measures).with multiple institutions of health insurance, policy coordination can facilitate different aims of various health insurance providers working together. as ney points out, the common problem in most middle-income countries is lack of basic regulatory competences with regard to a coherent health insurance scheme. as a result, health delivery systems are widely fragmented and imbalanced (2009). therefore, policy coordination is important in order to create consistent policy with overall government priorities (ben-gera, 2009)5 in the case of jamkesmas, lack of coordination during the process of policy making is reflected in the occurrence of several problems during the policy implementation. colebatch’s vertical and horizontal dimensions are used as the tool of analysis in the figures 1. according to figure 1, there are unstructured and uncoordinated processes during “the transmission downwards of authorised decisions at the vertical dimension” (colebatch, 2008, p. 23). following the enactment of act no 40 year 2004 regarding national social security system (sjsn), the vertical domains should have concentrated immediately to enact the act of bpjs establishment, soon after that the national social security council-dewan jaminan sosial nasional (dpjs) and the social security organising body-badan penyelenggara jaminan sosial (bpjs) should have been established. this is important to keep the policy consistency before the tasks are distributed at the multiple domains at horizontal dimension. in facts, the dpjs was established in 2008 the enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 282 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure 2. applying the colebatch’s framework to the ssjn act enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 283 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ same year as jamkesmas implementation. ironically, the bpjs is still being promised by the government to be established in 2014. as a consequence, because the nature of horizontal dimension works across organisational boundaries which need to accommodate various interests and interpretive frameworks (colebatch, 2008), several complicated problems occurred during the implementation process of jamkesmas. firstly, a lawsuit against the government especially referring to the ministry of health (moh) regarding the inconsistency of the jamkesnas program with act no 40/2004. the house of representatives (hor) views jamkesmas as one of the sjsn programs. according to the law, this program should be managed by the bpjs. moreover, because jamkesmas is considered to be the social insurance scheme, this program should be carried out by the social ministry not the health ministry. furthermore, the moh decree regarding the guidelines of jamkesmas implementation should be abolished because it is considered to be a violation of the law (sijabat, 2010a). on the other hand, the moh claimed that the jamkesmas implementation is already part of the national social security system and is not contrary to the law, because delivering health insurance service is one of basic rights of the people as mentioned in the constitution, and thus this needs to be delivered straightaway. moreover, health insurance is still part of the moh’s affairs (sijabat, 2010b). this lawsuit occurred, because the transmission process of authorised decisions has not been completed yet at the vertical level. as a result, it opens multiple interpretations at the horizontal level. secondly, according to act no 40/2004, the bpjs must be established legally by the act. however, the bpjs has just been established in november 2011 as enacted in act no.24/2011, and in fact the technical guidelines for sjsn has not been enacted yet. therefore, the implementations of sjsn programs are being managed by the previous institutions such as: jamsostek, taspen, asabri and askes6. this indicates that the policy consistency is very poor. the issue of the bpjs establishment arose after jamkesmas become popular under the moh and pt askes management. thirdly, the existence of djsn7 which is in charge of policy formulation and synchronisation of the sjsn programs remains weak. this council was established in 2008 by the president. in fact, all programs under the sjsn scheme are unsynchronised and uncoordinated with each other because they are still being managed by the related ministries and state-owned companies based on the previous regulations. this has occurred, because the technical guidelines for act no 40/ 2004 have not yet been formulated, therefore the moh has taken an initiative in formulating and enacting the technical guidelines for jamkesmas implementation. this shows that act no 40/2004 was enacted but it does not exist at the implementation stage. finally, the ministry coordinator for public welfare-menkokesra8 which coordinates nine ministries public welfare, is not able to be a good facilitator in coordinating the implementation of sjsn programs in the horizontal dimension, the reason being that, coordination meetings regarding the law of bpjs establishment are still being held by menkokesra after the lawsuit about jamkesmas which occurred in 2010 (menkokesra, 2011). it means that the important coordination is taking place 7 years after the law was enacted in enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 284 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2004. according to metcalfe the important part of coordination at national government scale is interorganisational process among ministries (2009). in fact, the coordination process among ministries still does not reflect the concept of whole government9. moreover, the pattern of policy coordination is still reactive. as a consequence, there is a lack of shared understanding, values and aims about the health insurance scheme for poor people among related ministries. the above-mentioned problems indicate that jamkesmas implementation does not reflect the ideals of policy coordination. in fact, jamkesmas is already being implemented via other technical guidelines and institutions. this fact is totally different from the concept of coordination as stated by bridgman and davis. “coordination routines seek consistency in government” means that new submissions either policy or program must be discussed with the central agencies within the perspective of whole of government. after that, the submission is discussed together with related ministers in order to seek “the compatibility of a new policy proposal with the existing policy framework” (1998, p. 88). indeed, the coordination process needs to be developed and improved both in quality and quantity, because it “requires good management”. moreover, through coordination, different actors and interests can be accommodated within harmonious aims (ben-gera, m 2009).10it important to be taken into account, since the poor law consistency will definitely affects the poor quality of public services, because the process of public service delivery is not guided properly by the uncoordinated law. 4. analysing the policy coordination of jamkesda at the implementation stage according to act no 40/2004 regarding the national social security system (sjsn), the jamkesda program is not mentioned and stipulated as one of the social security programs. therefore, jamkesda is managed by local governments within different schemes (candra, kompas 17 june 2010). the first spirit of jamkesda implementation is a replica program from jamkesmas, which is encapsulated within the decentralisation scheme in order to encourage local governments in managing and financing the health expenses gap, which is not covered by the jamkesmas. however, because the law of bjps establishment and the act of technical guidelines for sjsn implementation have been delayed, the constitutional court has given a verdict about the lawsuit no. 007/puu-iii 2005 regarding the uncertainty of legal guidelines for jamkesda implementation by local governments. the court’s verdict allows local governments to establish the local bpjs and to implement jamkesda in accordance with the act no 40 year 2004 (jamsosindonesia.com). moreover, the court referred to government act no. 38 year 2007 regarding the division of government affairs between the central government and local governments as a legal basis and justification for jamkesda implementation, which stipulates that local governments implement health programs based on local capacity (jamsosindonesia.com). hence, jamkesda is implemented within various schemes, names, standards and even more aims. in the case of aceh province the health insurance scheme is very simple and beneficial. this program is also called jka (health insurance of enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 285 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aceh-jaminan kesehatan aceh) which insures all aceh residents in all cities and regencies throughout the aceh province just by showing both national identity card and family card-kartu keluarga, without issuing any other specific health insurance cards. this scheme covers not only the untargeted poor people in jamkesmas but also all aceh residents from all different professions and economic classes. moreover, all kinds of illness can be covered by this insurance and the inpatients can be transferred to other hospitals outside aceh province region to get further health treatment (candra, kompas 17 june 2010). in case the of sinjai regency in south sulawesi, the jamkesda scheme covers all sinjai residents, but the members must obtain the jamkesda card and they have to pay the insurance premium cost rp. 10.000 (aud 1.5) per month and per family, and medical treatment and medicine are limited in certain conditions (www.sinjaikab.go.id). in the case of tegal regency in central java, according to the mayor’s regulation no 21 year 2010, jamkesda only covers the poor people who are not covered either by jamkesmas or other insurance schemes. the list of members is reviewed every year and it must be confirmed by mayor’s decision, and moreover, jamkesda cards must be obtained by the members. in addition, only certain types of heath care and generic medicines can be covered (www.tegalkota.go.id). the different health insurance outcomes within these various schemes open the possibility of regional disparities between local governments. as a consequence, people who live in aceh province might get more benefits from the jka health insurance scheme than sinjai residents in south sulawesi. according to bridgman and davis, these facts reflect the government’s inconsistency, because the local people are not guaranteed equal treatment within coherent jurisdiction (1998). moreover, because there is no standardised regulation, on the one hand, local governments do not put in serious effort to finance the health expenses gap, as is indicated by the smaller number of regencies and cities which have implemented the jamkesda program in 2011 compared to 2010 (gunawan, 2011). in response to this fact, the moh proposed the regulation of synchronisation programs but it was rejected because of law inconsistency. on the other hand, there are several regions experiencing financial deficit problems. in the case of bekasi city-east java, the local government cannot provide sufficient funds from the local government budget for jamkesda implementation in 2011, because the allocated fund is only enough for covering government debt to the hospitals in last financial period (post kota 13 mach 2011). even more, in case the of karawang regency-east java, the jamkesda program is being stopped in 2011, the reason being that the karawang regency government cannot afford to provide funds for jamkesda, since it has exceeded the debt for health financing to the medical providers in 2010 (kebijakan kesehatan indonesia, 2011). in order to examine whether jamkesda implementation reflects ideal policy coordination or not, peter’s indicators of policy coordination will be applied for finding the gap between ideal and fact. firstly, in terms of redundancy, the local governments almost present the same tasks in the context of supporting jamkesmas and implementing jamkesda. this occurred because the legal basis of jamkesda is uncertain. this fact is exacerbated by enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 286 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the limited capacity of local governments in areas ranging from human resources, financial, infrastructure and information. for example, in case the of obtaining data for entitled people in jamkesda programs, most local governments conduct the same survey twice, repeating the previous survey for jamkesmas in order to obtain data regarding poor people who are not covered by jamkesmas. however, the results show that many entitled people under the jamkesda program still miss the survey. there are around 18.300 poor people entitled to jamkesda in pacitan regency-east java who are not registered yet (ishomuddin, 2010). secondly, in terms of lacunae, it is indicated by the absent of a national legislative body to formulate a coherent legal basis for jamkesda implementation. this program needs immediate legal clarity, but this crucial legal basis for jamkesda seems to be ignored by the national government. therefore, the jamkesda is implemented within various forms of the local regulations. for instance: in tegal regency-central java, jamkesda is implemented based on the mayoral decree no 21 year 2010 (www.tegalkota.go.id). in depok city-west java, jamkesda is implemented based on local law (perda) no 03 year 2010 regarding jamkesda, which was enacted by the local representative bodydprd depok city (www.depok.go.id). these different forms of local regulations affect the model of the monitoring program. the local laws (perda) tend to be more accountable rather than the mayoral decrees, because the local laws are formulated by both local governments and local representative bodies. finally, in terms of incoherence, under the lawsuit of 2005, according to the constitutional court’s verdict, jamkesda is categorised as a downward program from jamkesnas, therefore jamkesda implementation must be synchronised with act no 40 year 2004 about the sjsn. however, analysis of the lawsuit in 2010, indicates that, according to the house of representatives, jamkesda cannot be synchronised with the sjsn law, because it is not mentioned in the law. based on the three mentioned indicators, jamkesda implementation does not reflect the ideals of policy coordination, because this program shows the three factors of uncoordinated policy. improving policy coordination is not only about enhancing the ability to work across departments but also requiring updated knowledge, data, information and trends in order to create policy development. it has been stated by mckenzie that, the issues of public policy nowadays are complex and interrelated. hence the policy makers must keep up with updated information in order to formulate integrated policies (in colebatch hk ed. 2006). this means that, the patterns of policy coordination should be adjustable to new trends and demands (peters, 1998). therefore, the government should make serious effort to improve the policy coordination patterns of jamkesda, because those problems related to inconsistency of the laws will absolutely make serious impact on poor public services. the last but not least, it is important to the government by building coordinated policy, so that the quality of public services will automatically enhanced. conclusion several recommendations are offered by this study such as: enhancing policy consistency before the tasks are distributed at the multiple domains at horizontal dimension through the establishment of enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 287 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ policy screening body in the parliament; implementing the concept of whole government; vitalizing the main role of the ministry coordinator for public welfare (menkokesra) which is in charge of coordinating nine ministries (including the ministry of health and ministry of social) in terms of jamkesmas settlement; standardizing the implementation of jamkesda across the regions in indonesia in order to be easily measured and controlled, since this local health-financing scheme is implemented within various number of models and standard qualities of public services delivery. indeed, public policy products after the soeharto era are innovative policies. however, these policies do not reflect the ideals of policy coordination. in the case of the jamkesnas and jamkedsa programs, lack of coordination during the process of policy making has led to complicated problems at the implementation stage namely: multiple interpretations of the law, unstructured policy stages at the vertical level that are indicated by the absence of legal support enactment and the bjps establishment, complicated problems at horizontal stages and conflict among institutional governments. the problem of policy coordination is the lack of coordination. moreover, the nature of policy coordination in indonesia is still reactive. this fact causes policy inconsistency which has the effect of law uncertainty. footnotes 1 there are several social security programs namely: health insurance; occupational accident insurance; old age insurance; retirement security; and assurance of death. (jamkesmas is one of mentioned programs) 2 “presently, five main actors are involved in the administration of the jamkesmas scheme (1) the national social security council (djsn), (2) national government agencies, including depkes (moh), the ministry of finance (mof), the ministry of home affairs (moha), ministry of social affairs (menkokesra), and the ministry of national development planning (bappenas), (3) provincial and district governments, (4) public and private providers of care, and (5) the insurer/third-party administrator” cited from http://jointlearningnetwork.org/content/ jamkesmas this website is empowered and collaborated with the world bank, access health international, the gtz etc. 3 susenas is a social and economic household survey which defines total household consumption for gdp estimation purposes. the standard definitions of the poor for jamkesmas is based on daily household consumption 4 “exclusions from the jamkesmas benefits package include cosmetic surgery, annual physical checkups, alternative medicine, dental prosthesis and fertility treatment. cancer treatment and treatment for heart related problems are also limited” cited from http:// jointlearningnetwork.org/content/jamkesmas this website is empowered and collaborated with the world bank, access health international, the gtz etc. 5 reasons for policy coordination: creates polices that are not deficient in law or substance, are consistent with one another, are economically efficient and do not impose unnecessary regulatory burdens; creates policies that are in line with overall government priorities; creates policies that are sustainable in budgetary terms; ensures that decisions can be implemented; enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 288 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ supports principles of integrity in government through transparency and consultation with the public ben-gera 2009, p. 4-5 6 pt askes (the state owned companies which is in charge of health insurance), pt jamsostek (the state owned companies which is in charge of employees’ insurance), taspen (the state owned companies which is in charge of civil services’ insurance), asabri (the state owned companies which is in charge of armies’ insurance). 7 the djsn was established at 24 september 2008, through the presidential decree 110/m 2008. this council consists of 15 people in which 5 people are from the government representatives; 6 people are from expert and figure representatives; 2 people are from company representatives and 2 people are from labour union representatives. 8 the ministry coordinator for public welfare coordinates nine ministries namely: ministry of health; ministry of national education; ministry of culture and tourism; ministry of women empowerment and child protection; ministry of public housing; ministry of youth and sports; social ministry; religious ministry; environmental ministry; and other related institutions sourced from : www.menkokesra.go.id 9 the australian public service (aps) defines whole of government, denoted as public service agencies working across portfolio boundaries to achieve a shared goal and an integrated government response to particular issues. approaches can be formal and informal. they can focus on policy development, program management and service delivery. 10 there are several important aims of coordination namely: “to make various different things work effectively as a whole, managing dependencies between activities and interdependencies among actors, the regulation of diverse elements into an integrated and harmonious operation, coordination does not happen on its own, but requires management, coordination allows elements and actors to remain plural and different, while it aims for results that are harmonious and effective” (ben-gera, m 2009 p.2) references althaus, c, bridgman, p and davis, g (2007), the australian policy handbook, the fourth edn. allen & unwin, nsw. australian institute of family studies (2008), history of social security in australia, herscovitch, a & stanton d, canberra-sydney australian public service commission (2004), connecting government: whole of government responses to australia’s priority challenges, viewed, 10 march 2011, <http://www.apsc.gov.au/mac/ connectinggovernment.htm > ben-gera, m (2009), ‘coordination at the centre of government for better policy making’, proceedings of the support for improvement in governance and management, oecd & eu, pp. 1-7 <http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/25/21/ 42742582.pdf> bridgman, p and davis, g (1998), australian policy handbook, the first edn. allen & unwin, nsw. candra, a (2010) b, ‘pengaturan jamkesda batal dijalankan’ kompas 17 june, viewed 28 may 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administration, vol. 76, pp. 292-311 rokx, c et.al. (2009), health financing in indonesia a reform road map, the world bank, washington dc. saltman rb (2004), ‘social health insurance in perspective: the challenge of sustaining stability’ in rb saltman et.al (eds.), social health insurance systems in western europe, open university press, new york, pp 3-20 enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 290 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sijabat, rm a, ‘stop politicizing healthcare for the poor’ the jakarta post, 19 june, viewed 5 june 2011, <http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/ 2010/06/19/stop-politicizing-healthcarepoor039.html> sijabat, rm b, ‘president, ministers skip hearing on social security’ the jakarta post, 6 july, viewed 4 june 2011, <http://www.thejakartapost.com/ news/2010/07/06/president-ministers-skiphearing-social-security.html> zweifel, p (2007), the theory of social health insurance, now publishers, boston-delft ________, (2011), ‘anggaran jamkesda bekasi hanya cukup untuk bayar tunggakan’ post kota, 13 march, viewed 25 may 2011, <http:// www.poskota.co.id/berita-terkini/2011/03/13/ anggaran-jamkesda-bekasi-hanya-cukup-untukbayar-tunggakan> ________, (2011), ‘govt to make 45.000 hospital beds free for poor people’, the jakarta post, 21 january, viewed 3 june 2011 <http:// www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/01/21/ govt-make-45000-hospital-beds-free-poorpeople.html> enhancing public service quality trough building coordinated policy: an analytical study of jamkesmas and jamkesda implementation / hevi hardini / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0016 layout desember 2008 introduction since 2004, the implementation of democracy values in indonesia political systemhas brought up many transformations for many reasons. first of all, democracy put power into the hands of the people. in order to obtaining office chair, the candidate either party politic should be approaching common people to make sure their ballot submitted in vote acquisition of candidate. secondly, media has been developed modern and sophisticated that able to reaching wider people so that political advertisement in media can be assumed as effective and efficient tools to influencing political preferential of people. thirdly, in democracy system, there is not allowed to make intimidation or coercive action to people to enforce their ballot to submit in election. candidate or party politic should be establishing mutual relationship within people in order to gaining their sympathy which converted vote. therefore, general election was held in 2004 indicated political transformation from party centered-campaign to candidate centered campaign and labor centered campaign to capital centered campaign. it was concluded that general election in 2004 is decent interpreted capitalization of democracy wherein affinity and affiliation to candidate or political party even politics of image is pivotal key to maximizing vote from people. in light of the both problems, in order to exploit all possible electoral vote sources, the candidate or party may issue populist policy to appeal to voters to elect their self in wasisto raharjo jati researcher at the center for media and political institute in yogyakarta; email: wasisto.raharjo.jati@gmail.com fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 2009-2013 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 abstract this article aims to analyze the practice of pork barrel politics in the level of indonesia legislature tiers and its political management campaign. since 2004, electoral democracy already delegate to the common people to chosen their representation directly through general election in the level executive and legislative. those conditions oblige politician and political parties to approaching the commons in order to obtain their vote and popularize both actors into public. the paradigm of research is a pork barrel politics. this paradigm supports to understand and analyze the corruption symptoms i.e. politico corruption in legislative tier and electoral-corruption in political-campaign which become chronic problems in this country. result of research has showed populism is pivotal key which triggered up politician and parties to corruption in order to persist their political tenure and funding their political cost in pursue to re-elect again in second office terms.no matter their corruption practice that implicate to budgeting fraud. both actors take political favor to disguise within social aids following the governmental policy, so that, they hindered from corruption accusation.finally, this paper wants to recommend legal improvement into our budgeting cycle wherein there are public participation to watch it and moral improvement to politician and parties to reducing their corruption if they wants to become truly populist politician figure into public. keywords: pork barrel politics, political corruption, electoral corruption, populism, election. 258 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ general election. it is such as political engagement among politician and people to building credibility and reliability that ensure votes only distributed in specific candidate and political party. populist policy can be classified as social aid which its characteristic sporadic and temporary to help people trouble. however, populist policy also can be realized precommit from parties and politician to their constituent to carry out certain policy actions if they take power and hold tenure as public officer. in this context, debate on budgeting as policy funding sources become crucial to discussed amidst rivalry of politic, people, and technocratic interest. the meaning populist policy is susceptibleto becoming hidden campaign project for candidate and parties. because responsibility towards the use of budget reluctant to be announced to public. both actors are always toobscuring objective and benefit of use of budgeton behalf of people. the term “people” politicized to pushing through invisible budget which is actually to be corrupted in buying people vote in general election campaign. this practice is manifestation of political corruption practice which took place in a legalformal relation. the discussion about populist policy issued by regime is a form of dilemmatic values between process of politicization and technocratic. politicization of budgeting was indicated politician and parties are attempting in pursue to re-elected again. they want to take benefit from issue of populist policy to enhancing popularity in their constituent instantly and rapidly. as result, political benefit who gained by politician and parties were not involving technocratic process that formed through the state budget allocation. the logic of technocratic reason in built policy consensus is necessary one; because, implication of public policy needs to be analyzed and scrutinized to determine the impact to the people. therefore, populist policy issued sporadically without deep analysis about this impact can be argued lack of responsibility and accountability to beaccounted in legislative. implementation of populist policy also not obviously its purpose and policy objective due to orientation of this policy is blurred. people seem do not find out about its policy whether this policy is officially from government vice versa. that is what makes populist policy abundantly rising up much critical from people due to misconceptions about its substance about this policy. it can be said that populist policy is blunder policy which this purpose and objective tend to be campaign toolsfor candidate or parties to boost their popularity in their constituent. in particular within populist policy, they may become saint who helps people from difficulties of life with abundant funds; yet, they can promote their figures that inducecommon people to elect their in election. the politicians who hold tenure as incumbent and political party still become ruling party is very advantageous about this situation. they can disguise as formal officer to issuing and executing populist policy on behalf government programs. in dissemble true objective towards these policy what it was that won re-election, incumbent has many ways to hindered from accusation of black campaign which alleged from their political rivals. one way to avoiding these negative accusations toward populist policy by quoting legal basis that underlined towards policy issued. as expected, incumbent is freed from its accusations that bind him. the context of populist policy eventually only to be political cosmetic for fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 259 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politician and parties to strengthened their image in common people as politician who took concerned about the people after all. politicians and parties tend to strive to cultivate personal reputations for delivering targeted individual or local benefits to constituents, which has fostered the development of personality figure who friendly by means spreading social aid (shin, 2011). they emphasized social aid to remake his image artificially especially toward general elections. therefore, social funds which obtained from national and local budgeting is urge and significant for candidacy in pursue political opportunity to be re-elect again in second term in public office.candidate-centered campaigns, which usually make social aids from government as personality or campaign agenda always could potentially undermining budgeting allocation; because, these funding allocation of this programs can be seizing other allocation which should be prioritized. the distortion of budgeting which used politician and parties were indicated by spending residual budget from past allocation to funding their programs. residual funds should be deposited in renewal budget to replenish other allocation which presumably still less enough from its funding. the other parameter can be traced from budgetary markup practice which always used to politician from national budgeting to use his own as political campaign capital. the types of political spending from markup practice that are targeted will vary depending on whether the spending is elite-oriented or voter-oriented.it can be said as hush money as political gratification in formal arena. politician needs to mobilize political support from their colleagues to secure his position as incumbent who hold public tenure, meanwhile; people as voter also should be empowered by spreading social funds to rebuild road, place of worship, public school, local clinic, and many other public place which is considered center of crowd people. the point of from causality between money, publicity, power, and populism are money as dependable to enhancing popularity which extracted within public power. as one can see, money and power be like two same coins cannot be separated each other. both entities have relations to support political career. in this context, populist policy issued towards general election that it’s funding from budgeting sporadically and instantly can be called as pork barrel politics. this politics aims to creating populist figure rapidly based on spreading social funds abundantly to the people. in addition to create populism, pork politics used to draw sympathy from people so that their ballot can be increasing rapidly within a short time. however, pork barrel in positive perspective can be analyzed as critical way to banishing bureaucratic standoff in order to accelerating redistribution social aids to common people after all. thus, pork barrel politics in technocratic views able to categorized as de-bottlenecking bureaucracy procedure. some people argued pork barrel may necessary one to reducing social gap even poverty that during all this time can’t be reached due to limitation of funding and apparatus. therefore, politicians who are conducting pork politics to increasing their charisma as populist figureto the people as holder of supremacy power in democracy system always make substantial effort in at least two dimensions to stay in the office: establishing policy platform and expertise and providing constituency servicesto their districts such as pork barrel fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 260 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ projects. addressing to pork barrel politics as populism machine, neither politician nor parties have been concealed any potential suspicious from other colleagues who hold clean political spirit. they always have many political tricks to hold up pork barrel politics as the only solution to executing social aids more as effective as efficient. in this paper, i would like to analyze pork barrel politics as primary political corruption at legislative body especially in political campaign management which wield pork barrel as their strategy to wielding ballot in ahead of general elections. discussing about pork barrel that carried out dual function as political machine to enhancing popularity based on vote buying and political strategy to pursue political opportunity to re-elect again were urge and significant to be answered for many reasons. firstly, pork barrel is manifestation of electoral corruption wherein politician insisted to preserve their patronage and client relation to commons throughout vote buying based on pork barrel policy. second, pork barrel can be understood as budgeting corruption in our financial system. in this context, we must admit that all budgeting is about politics; most politics is about budgeting; and budgeting must therefore be understood as part of political game. politician in the legislature chair will always to wielding their political influence to affect their political constituent through budgeting instrument. as result from both premises noted above, have culminated become two legged-political corruption that can able proceed legally in two arena; legislature and political campaign arena. its practice which can make this political corruption method is difficult to reveal due to absence of legal instrument to investigate these corruption. in realm of indonesian legislative body and its political campaign management, pork barrel policy can be common political practice that conducted by politician to attract voter to submitting their ballot into their polling in both local and national election. it can be indicated from much news report about black campaign which always carried by local regional chief, legislature member, even president by spreading social aids to common people as political recipient in many regions. these pattern actually signed by approval from ruling party which subsequently creates unequal competes amidst other parties and politician who is yet become public officer in governmental chair. incumbent either ruling party everlasting benefited towards this unequal competition that made unhealthy political competition. therefore, populism in this context is urge and significant be discussed in order to understanding correlation populism and pork barrel policy. populism literally can be realized as political attempt to make someone become popular figure with accentuating kind personality who has good moral and strong commitment to prospering common peoples. thus, populism have similarity to creating politics of image which during this time turn out compulsory provisions for politician either who want to pursuing their opportunity become regional local chief or legislature member and who want insist their chair as public officer and running the power in second terms in office. populism can able to differ from its intent and purpose that branched become two classifications namely fake populism or real populism. in the sense of real populism, both politician and parties have strong commitment to engage in politics as manifestation of truly dedication for the people, so; pork barrels fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 261 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politics is unnecessary due to their political wage as political aspiration to fulfilling basic needs of people. meanwhile, fake populism is political effort to persuade commons as voter within spreading political money abundantly from local or national budgeting. populism only turns out political mask to covering up their ignorance about plight of the people. fake populism is political image for opportunist politician and parties to approaching commons temporary in order to pursuing public office. the rest of the paper proceeds as follows. section 2 presents previously study of pork barrel policy in many nations as comparative perspective in analyzing indonesian case and also elaborating a political pork barrel theory of legislative or governmental bargaining with budgetary and trade-off practice wherein mechanism of vote-buying have happened towards general elections. sections 3 describe and elaborate implementation of pork barrel policy as ordinary political practice in indonesia political realms, while section 6 concludes thepaper. theoretical frameworks 1) pork barrel as political corruption the term of pork barrel politics was came from history of budgeting in american politics since 1870. its termderive from a practice of antebellum slaveholders; they would give a barrel of salt pork to their slaves most notably negros, who scrambled and fought with each other for a share. according to the oxford english dictionary, the term acquired its political meaning in the early 1870s. in 1870, edward everett hale used the term “pork barrel” as a homely metaphor for any form of public spending to the citizenry after american civil war ended. the u.s congress and senate hence use its term to obtaining funds for popular projects in their home districts. pork barrel actually mentioned earmark as form of official policy that issued from government and congress. both had authorized pork in the form of $1,500 to complete a lighthouse in maine, which was then part of massachusetts. the expenditure had the active support of president george washington and of rep. george thatcher of massachusetts. on constitutional grounds, however, the same congress rejected a bill to aid a glass manufacturer. perhaps the second bill lacked presidential support. naturally, political earmark is more official term instead “pork-barrel” in budgeting session in legislature are. in the end, pork barrel often used to address political distortion that practiced politician and parties by manipulating budget as their populism. pork politic which was implemented by politician in this country less different if compared within u.s wherein social aids to common people categorized as political earmarks. a political earmark has been routinely political agenda for legislator or senate member which devoted to special specific project. us politician who has been legislature member have a moral task to prospering their home district exemplarily direct funds to their constituent as manifestation of aspiration aids. there are two political views to understanding political earmarks. first, political earmarks in positive political reason is compassionate practices whom want to be practiced from politician which during this time less so concerned about their home voter, so; earmark can be understood as ethic politics to recompense their ballot in general election. secondly, earmark is mechanism of vote buying which carried out politician and parties as fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 262 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ by design and by product. in the terms of by design approach, political earmark as well as pork barrel is designed to hijacking other budgeting allocation to be own campaign budgeting. the understanding of political earmarks as by product can be analyzed as political aspiration grant from politician to their home district. however, there have always been several fundamental problems in the discussions surrounding pork-barrel. 1) the concept of “porkbarrel” has never been made clear, and thus the definition of the term is too narrowly interpreted. pork barrel is a dilemmatic concept has trapped in political pitfalls between politicization of budgeting and corruption actions. 2) pork barrel has not been sufficiently elaborated in campaign in political science. pork barrel only assumed as phenomenology in political science to referring under-the-table political deals between the legislators and the president and an outcome of mutual interactions between the local politicians and the president. 3) pork barrel seem to have failed to give a sufficient answereconomic inefficiency of resource allocation involved in pork-barrel politics have attracted very little attention. 4) most political scientist rarely to analyzing political-corruption practice using this perspective due to pork barrel practice is very difficult to be evidenced. its characteristic which is happens in gray area which not necessarily accessed by extra-parliamentary actors such as academia, activist, and others. the pork barrel actor will be afraid if other actor who have no interest within this practice also penetrating this secret area (noda, 2011). this paper will elaborate pork barrel politics in both terms such as pork barrel as phenomenology of politico corruption practiceand pork barrel as vote seeking mechanism. 2) pork barrel as political budget cycle in legislature area pork barrel basically is chain series of politicization of budgeting in legislature realms. these practices have correlation within election cycle and fiscal policy which had implemented in 20 years. the assumption of macro-economic such as oil and gas lifting, fuel price, inflation rate, and economic growth always used politician to create his pork barrel programs. because, politician wants to create good impression to their voter that pork barrel have issued due to stable performance of national economic. so, their voter can accepted pork barrel as generosity action from government (farhan, 2013: 29). thus, their practices subsequently developed become politics of image wherein politician was to be conceived as commons savior. however, pork barrel should be realized as budgeting corruption that implicates budgeting fraud. political budget essentially a political game in budgeting session which politician who is become legislature member was benefited to affect specific budget allocation to be converted own political funds. research study about pork barrel as political budget cycle was introduced rogoff (1990), then had been developed shi and sevensson (2002), brender and drazen (2004), streb, lemaand torrens (2005), and alt and lasssen (2005). according to rogoff, political budget cycle was indicated within the posture of budget changes drastically, which cut taxes; increase spending and transfers are not as usual. these budget distortions can be happened due to politician wants to show himself as good politician who always working hard common’s wealth. politician was used political trick to boosting governmental spending during previous years to crafting high rate economic growth. fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 263 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ thus, politician can make his pork barrel policy to attract public sympathy by issuing popular policy such as job creation and declining fuel prices. public unaware that politician pork barrel can be created high inflation due to popular policy has been raising public demand over than commodities supply. therefore, asymmetric information have made a paradoxical effect wherein politician gain political support about his pork barrel, meanwhile; this practice make harmful effect to the budgeting allocation which then corrupted for political sake. other reasons about asymmetric information as base of pork barrel was came from shi and svensson. both argued that asymmetric case was sourced from two things; moral hazard and rentseeking practice. moral hazard can be realized as political effort from politician to manipulate budgeting policy as political policy, meanwhile; rent seeking is political way to own fundraising based on manipulating budget allocations. these premises subsequently added by brender and drazen which argued the phenomenon of political budget cycle usually occurred in newly democratic nations due to lack of check and balances practice amidst politician and parties. they have concluded that populism in newly democratic nations built not via commoditization of political ideology, but; throughout spreading money politics and other social aids. therefore, the issuing of pork barrel policy based on political budget cycle need strong political commitment among other legislature member to realizing this policy., discussing of cash outflow from budgetary cycle is urge and significant to be discussed in this context, which can be sought in this diagram. (see diagram) in the table below can be explained political budget cycle was initiated within submission of policy programs proposals which contained many pork barrel policies to the bicameral legislature tiers. thus, these proposals eventually to be discussed among legislature member either lower house and upper house. during the process of discussion about its proposals, politician from both legislature member will be negotiated how much the portions of pork barrel that will be gained for sources: kohei noda (2011:5) fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 264 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ their constituent. their negotiations processes become significant to deciding budget allocation which should be allocated, included how much portion of rent that will be perceived from this pork barrel. its practice what makes in the political budget cycle, executive only become political marker to signing pork barrel policy that issued by legislature members. the practice of political constipations from legislature member to issuing their pork barrel policy eventually impacted on distortions of budget allocation. the governmental spending was increasing so much rather than its income. in this context, pork barrel politics is unethical budgeting practice which able categorized politicalcorruption actions in budgeting for the following reasons; 1) pork barrel project had waste million money of people taxpayer which previously should be used to fund many development projects. both politician and parties have executed tax for their political agenda. they usually were targeting how much potency of tax or residual funds from budget in certain numbers. they already deceived many taxpayers who believe their tax is used from other people benefit, however; in reality, both actors spend million taxes as hidden campaign project. 2) the specific pork barrel projects are often trivial and unnecessary for commons people most notably school bag and education utilities for student, frying pan for midwife, even cigarette for male. it’s become ridiculous things wherein social aids do not touch the root of society real problems. therefore, second reason had taught us that pork barrel project only segmented to special recipients which presumably considered as their loyal voter. 3) pork barrel spending provides unfair advantages to incumbent politicians in elections (walker, 2010). it will make other competitors envy towards political privileges which perceived by incumbent. since pork barrel spending often funds projects in a legislator district, it often becomes a way for legislators to demonstrate their efficacy and value to district voters. legislator who takes part in pork barrel spending may do so only to bring benefits to themselves and their political careers, and not because they believe the projects they are fighting for are actually worth taxpayers money. in essence, legislators are using budget to buy themselves votes. it’s no wonder if amount of tax which perceived by state always stolen all of suddenly towards election. pork barrel subsequently inherited in obligatory political practice that parties and politician must do it. there are some interesting premises that can conclude in discussing pork barrel theory. 1) the pattern of populism-seeking built throughout synergy between rent-seeking practice and voteseeking practice. rent-seeking can be conceived as primary sources of politico-corruption practice during this time. thus, rent-seeking always happens in every tiers of governmental chair whether in legislature, executive, and judicative. previous study about practice of pork barrel politics as primary politico-corruption sources had been showed urgency of this policy to enhance populism either politician and parties. this urgency can be stressed in two paths for redistributive pork barrel as political sympathy funds. in one perspective, pork barrel programs are “vote-buying” schemes that mediate electoral competitionamong political parties. the spending decision is centralized among party decision makers,with no role for individual legislators. a key empirical prediction emerging from this fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 265 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perspective isthat spending will be allocated disproportionately towards swing districts where voters do not havea strong attachment to either the government or opposition parties. “vote-buying” scheme has positioned party elites as king-maker to determine how much allocation of budget that able converted hidden political campaign foreachcandidate.it’s what make oligarchic rule in political party wherein candidate who have intimate relationship with higher officer can able prosecutedhow much total budget as his pork barrel politics. in addition oligarchic rule as determiner pork barrel, their political cadre in grassroots also prosecuted national or local budget as their pork barrel on behalf acceleration of people welfare by entrusting proposal of funding assistance to their elite cadre who hold tenure as public officer. indeed, higher officer will be granting national or local budget to their political underlings as obligatory discretionary. many “wild” assistance proposals and oligarchic party addressed to legislature or executive officer already made disruption into allocation of budgeting. the most significant aspect from budget debauchery is budget spending for social aids policy bigger than other allocations. this condition usually happens towards elections wherein many wild proposals entrusted as political provisions. in spite of party elite hold legitimacy, the patron chief is real decision maker is more eligible to determine allocation of pork barrel funds. 3) pork barrel as mechanism of “legal vote buying” in general elections characteristic of political voters in indonesia dominated in both type; patronage voter and client voter. for those reasons, there are clash in institutionalizing of political party to be classified in clientelism and electoralism. the emergence of democratic that had recently enacted long-established traditions some sort: corruption, votebuying, patronage, and patrimonialism quite well regarded as primary political strategy. likewise, construction of electoralism politics seems not has better place when confronted with pragmatic voters which interprets money as political barter to gaining their vote in election (zoelva, 2013:10). thus, particularly vote buying, these practices are obligatory strategies that can bind their voters involved issuing special policy to maintain political loyalty. however, voters often claim that they perceive money politics from many candidate but they eventually cast their vote independently parted from money politics that tied him from specific politician. the rise of vote buying as political strategies to win on election can be analyses in some reasons. first, politician wants to manage their constituent in bargaining positions with patron adding their resources to their voter. second, its practice contributed to the schema survival in the fittest in political realm, politician has been insisted and persisted to hold their political tenure as long as possible. third, vote buying has been political habitus which has been taken for granted in political practice. it may be well as code of conduct amidst legislature member nowadays. addressing to those practice, politician quite not to straightforward to admit himself to carried out the vote buying, although public aware that vote buying is routines political life toward general election. therefore, aspect political funding to be critical discussed in this context. political adage which said money is not sufficient, but it is necessary for fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 266 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ successful campaign. money is necessary because campaigns do have impact on election results and campaign cannot be run without itmight be relevant to linking vote buying and corruption. these both entities have mutualism relations wherein politician needs huge money to be selffinancing in general election and its donor need wide accessibility to entering economic policy arena through political influence from politician. however, in this context, pork barrel is necessary ones to be compulsory task for fund raising to their political funds. as noted above, pork barrel is part of vote-buying strategies to maintain patronage political machine which presumably can be assumed as vote-getting vehicle. for instance, pork barrel able to be implemented in fake project even giving social aids to commons in order to the politician take political wish to binding their voter so as they can re-elect again in general election as legislature member. (see table) according to the table, pork barrel which issued in ahead of general elections can be understood as political attempt to create patron-client relations on constituent. those schema has been depicted how political influence brings out artificial loyalty to their constituent involving pork barrel. to begin, in newly democratic nations like as indonesia, implementing open-list proportional system wherein candidacy is most important figure to approaching constituent. this condition have enforced politician to remake him as kind-hearted figure in order to attract sympathy from voters. therefore, pork barrel is part of politician effort to show him as populist one by utilizing pork barrel. in the end, public seems to return the favor towards politician’s pork barrel, so that; public directly submit their vote. previous study which using this “vote-buying” perspective was came from diana evans (2004:159) in her books entitles greasing the wheels: using pork barrel projects to build majority coalitions. diana has describes that pork barrel as vote-buying mechanism occurs in legislature and political campaign. in legislature area, pork barrel used for issued a policy in house of representative and senate. politician either from republican and democrat often realized pork barrel to minimize opposition table ii: how pork barrel affecting elections fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 267 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ poll in order to policy issuing can be accelerated. it can be called as political bargaining amidst politician in legislature to be united each other to supporting governmental policy. they aware that pork barrel is a vote hijacking for legislature member which should be struggling commons aspirations rather than their own political sake. pork barrel politics eventually become main instrument in legislature to issuing public policy. meanwhile, in political campaign, vote buying presumably called money politics (sulistyo, 2003). politician or parties who want to re-elect again in second terms in office always prioritize money politic to enhance their ballot through spreading money envelope and funding assistance to their constituent. another research within “vote buying” from allen hicken (2002: 35)that explained vote buying was a method of choice for many candidates as they sought to cultivate personal support network. the networks established within reliance from voter to their candidate upon money politics. it will be binding their loyalty and political support to parties and candidate. an alternative perspective emphasizes the role of pork barrel programs in cementing bargainsamong individual legislators and in building cohesion within governing legislative coalitions. along-standing literature has investigated the political determinants of the allocation of governmentspending in the united states. in the standard view, parties play a relatively weak role in legislativematters, distributive politics is decentralized, and the seniority and committee assignments of individuallegislators are decisive in the allocation of spending, while party electoral considerationsmatter correspondingly little. this premise opposite within “vote-buying” scheme which argued party elites have political authority to determine pork barrel budget. politician gained his position as decision maker whom spending budget allocation as own pork barrel funds. in this context, implementation of proportional system based on open list had emphasized politician like political skipper which conducting parties. therefore, politician is more popular than parties in pursue popularity by involving pork barrel campaign while political party experienced organizational degradation. research method the approach used in this study is a qualitative approach. it is mentionthat due to a qualitative approach to this study has characteristics such as having an actualsetting, the researcher is the key instrument, the data are usually descriptive and narrative, the research aimedat acquiring the meaning of data description to describe the causality and characteristics of thestudied units (moleong, 2007 ). this research has used library research as research method in analyzing data and writing process. library research is research method based on literacy activities wherein researcher take attempt to find answer from research question from relevant works that supporting his research (zed, 2004). the writer gained information and data by extensive reviewing of relevant published materials (both printed and online) such as books, articles, journals, reports and other resources. all of data subsequently analyzed to find correlation from data then concluded in research answer in this paper. in this research, data collected from any relevant studies which contained pork barrel during 2009-2013, subsequently analyzed in causality between theory and empirical case. fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 268 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result and analysis 1) brief description of long-standing pork barrel policy in indonesia political system this paper focused pork barrel policy during 2009-2013 which implemented house of representative. in this case, i would like to analyze pork barrel in this legislature tiers into two analyses branch; pork barrel as vote buying schema to win on general elections and pork barrel as political fraud in our budgeting system. however, prior to us been headed for the main discussion. it’s better to us to find out about long-standing history about this practice as comparative analyses to compare within recent pork barrel policy. politico-corruption is heavily ingrained in our local and national political system wherein this practice could not be removed. long time ago before european colonization, merchants who come to indonesia to trade (especially injava), have to pay tribute to the ruler of the state he visited, as a guarantee that hewould be protected by the ruler. meanwhile, politico-corruption in dutch era worsened in bureaucracies who were encouraged to corrupt due to they suffer low salaries. in addition to low salaries, politico corruption also happened in elite officer which building patronage relation throughout paying tribute fee to local royal member to guarantee economic investment in their area. it’s what makes rent-seeking and patronage politics are two ancestry sources in discussing political corruption in indonesia. rent seeking can able to understood corruption habituation attempt in pursue enhancing added value for own wealth sake, whilst; patronage is political effort to looking for protection towards who have strong legitimacy in commons. in other words, patronage is mechanism of trade-off relations wherein money bartered with protection to ensure this dirty political corruption can’t be to proven. the patron benefited from political patronage within bribe portion from client. it will be complicated if the two ancestry of politico corruption in indonesia can’t be eradicated in their roots. politico corruption has networked in tries politico level which called nowadays as political bribery. there is no doubt that the escalation of political corruption has increased since fallacy of new order in 1998. according data from transparency international (ti) in 2012, indonesia corruption perception index stranded on lowest rank amidst other south east asia nations within position 118th from 176 nations had surveyed. singapore is becoming the best countries that have highest corruption perception index in asia to be ranked in 5th. meanwhile, malaysia was ranked in 54th, thailand and philippines in 88th and 105th. the lowest corruption perception index which had suffered indonesia sourced from sluggish regulation, rent bureaucracy, high cost of political funding activity, and manipulation on governmental project. in analysis of economic politic perspective, politico corruption was come from six symptoms; 1) the state plays a dominant role in which the public sector, while: private sector can’t able to access. 2) pattern of economic development based on rent capitalism that implicated unhealthy economic rivalry. 3) political intervention so much has great influence on economic project wherein many high officers in every economic institution is hold tenure as political cadre. 4) too many inefficient and ineffective regulations abundantly in economic regulations, 5) bureaucracy has many discretion in fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 269 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ their task that create opportunity to finding other material source within sell power legitimacy. 6) lack of transparency and accountability due to limitation of watchdog spirit amidst bureaucracy to watching their colleagues (arifianto, 2001). as noted below, roots of politico-corruption built by synergy of rent seeking practice and patronage relation which have an impact on political and economic activity. in the era of soekarno presidential era, politico corruption practice occurred in process of nationalization or take over the dutch assets. in this case, military officer and political elites already joint to seize and grab dutch asset as own treasury. much business built on nationalization, however; regime has supreme control to decide economic actor who supposed capable in developing economic investment. as result, paying high tribute toward higher office either civil service or military is obligatory and necessary one. thus, in suharto era, politicocorruption was exaggerating which centralized in presidential families and his cronies. both have politico privileges to accepting money granting from industries and corruption, regulate the economic tender, and participate actively as merchant. it’s not surprising that many businessmen always negotiate with regime and become part of economic client. politico corruption practice in suharto era had initiated pork barrel era by issuing policy namely presidential assistance, presidential instruction, and presidential lotteries such as sdsb and porkas which held by ministry of social affairs to attract public sympathy and loyalty to regime. this policy is concurrently with floating mass policy which aimed to depoliticize public political aspiration and keep up nation stability. pork barrel in the new order era had been executed by legal formal frameworks, so that; political corruption aura can be diminished and disguised neatly. pork barrel policy during new order era has been came from state-owned enterprise, national budget. according to sidel, the practice of pork barrel politics in new order had been exercised effective discretion over the disbursement of pork barrel funds for public works and the appointment of local police commanders, district engineers and teachers of schools, provincial fiscals, treasurers,and assessors, judges of the court of first instance, and local agents ofthe bureau of lands. therefore, its policy have pervasive effect into public who supposed as passive object which always indoctrinated by legal pork barrel. it’s not surprising if regime has wide populism from their pork barrel policy. meanwhile, pork barrel politic just erases their political rival such as indonesia democratic party or party of unity development to gain much ballot in the general election. thanks to “legal” pork barrel, golongan karya (functional group) the regime political party always wins in every general election from 1971 until 1997. public as voter automatically recognize so much party regime and suharto figure as popular figure even so people savior. as evidenced, either presidential assistance or presidential grant can be effective mechanism of legal “vote buying” from people to regime party. in this context can be said that, pork barrel is manifestation of monetization in people. therefore, there is no formal succession in new order era, regime harmlessly continuing rulership without any protest and sharp critical from commons (king, 2003). public already obtained their pork barrel such as presidential assistance such as social security aids, cheap basic stuff, and many more which driven political incenfake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 270 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tive to supporting regime stability of power. the fallacy of new order era in 1998 has adopted democracy as main instrument to driving the state. it’s called reformation era who hold strong commitment to eradicate politico-corruption practice which flourished during new order era. however, strong commitment been challenged with reorganization of old elite to persist their rule in democracy era. it was indicated within informal legitimacy from politician and parties that pork barrel is becoming political habituation which inherited in political activity. pork barrel as habituation means its practice of budget fraud that both actors carried out in local or nation budgeting allocation. democracy has put commons people as least becomes holder of supreme power which has authority to chosen politician or parties will be public office in this state. consequently, approaching commons is urge and significant to attract their support and loyalty that able converted become ballot. both politician and parties should be more listening and more compassionate to their people in order to gaining their voter. its have implication to the rising of political cost that spent in commons. thus, schema of pork barrel politics during new order which emphasized in social assistance policy as vote buying towards people was all much same within contemporary era. either politician or parties take political attempt to popularize him and strengthen their patronage relations to their constituent. in indonesia democracy realms, commoditization of political idea and political ideology which prevailed in western democracy to attract people is inapplicable. because, the characteristic of political voter in indonesia is parochial voter that usually tend to be pragmatic and passive. they inclined to preserve status quo of political and economic stability like as new order done, so that, political ideology as political bargaining to constituent only become political junk. moreover, since 2004, peoples have been become as supreme mandate holder. indonesia voter preferred to be approached within economic material rather than political promises. that pragmatically democracy condition eventually has driven our politician and parties become pragmatic and opportunist political actors. both actor take political justify any means to be elected in general election. its political behavioral then conclude to using the classic way as well as new order to preserve their reign by spreading populist policy and money politics to binding their constituent politically. furthermore, high cost of direct electoral democracy also supposed politician and parties been spent much money during political campaign in order to attract public votes. therefore, during implementation of direct electoral era since 2004 until present, practice of budgeting fraud is compulsory task to our politician and parties to funding and popularizes him into public. it’s not surprising, aaccording to kompas, the rising of political cost during 2004 until 2013 have estimated 44, 1 trillion rupiahs wherein its details concluded according their political campaign. spending of political cost such as campaign, socialization, or spreading social aids is varied for each other that depend on their political target. in the end, pork barrel re-known again in democracy realm as effective political method to obtain public vote. 2) pork barrel politics as political budget cycle and political fraud in budgeting system 2009-2013 fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 271 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ discussing about pork barrel in this section focused in social aids project which usually issued towards general election. politicians who hold tenure as public officer together with ruling party usually considering those political project is necessary ones to enhance their popularity in public. they been aware that social aids will be feeding up many funds from state budget wherein its funds have allocated to others government subsidiary programs to public basic needs. however, it seems they apathetic with the swelling of the state budget to funding their social aids. thus, both political actors only finds out that their social aids project from extraordinary budget from state budget which recently already known as silpa. silpa is abbreviation from leftover budget spending in our budgeting system denoted budgeting residue which should be submitted in state allocation to strengthen state budget next years. in spite of to do, legislature feels to take political favor toward this budget residue to own funds. that political fraud can be looked in difference of silpa from legislature and state audit board in 2009-2013 which always oppose claims each other, margin of difference number ranged 50-100 billion rupiah. legislature members hence still pretended that difference is unproblematic due to state budget will not be stolen, even public officer who have full accessibility to access state budget. public funding program for social grants program in thebudget of 2009 reached 64,788,513,384,000 rupiahs wherein portion of social aids from politician is largest one (icw, 2012)suspected indication about political fraud has been occurred in correlation between national budgeting within electionwinning project. it was indicated from improvement of budget allocation in the 2009 state budget, particularly in social aids spending from central government. as we can see in this table, improvement of social aids spending tends to increasing rather than other budgeting allocation. manipulation of fiscal policy by legislature members showed in political budget cycle. its practice indicated through mark-up certain allocation to be own social aids. politicians have been looking for the political momentum to seek political fissure in budgeting system. mark up can be explained as budgeting effort to enhance money portion to other allocation instantly and sporadically. manipulation practice canbe discovered in specific allocation which used as own pork barrel. asymmetries relations within judicative, that make political bribery flourished in legislature tiers, so that, they can easily to enhance fund portion to funding own social aids. its political bribery sourced from own social aids based on mark-up policy. its political bribery presumably is result of political consensus among legislature member to redistribute the social aids fund as their political funds. political demands of the party to donate their bribery as operational funds has enforced politician to exploit state budget. it’s not surprising when portion of state spending always deficit due to politico-corrupt habits from our politician in legislature tiers. in this context, there are relationship between the state budget and budget for pork barrel which can be argued in two primary reasons. firstly, both entities should be understood as political game amidst legislative members and executive. arrangement of state budget which composed based on macro-economic assumptions which been prevailed in next year. however, legislature member hold much better political bargaining power rather than fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 272 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ executive during arrangement process. they can stipulate own budgeting policy which adjusted within governmental policy for specific purpose. therefore, relationship has built in that “politic of adjustment” wherein pork barrel program been disguised securely into governmental project. the legislature demand can denied by executive due to they can threaten to suspending budgetary discussion sessionas political marker. those condition usually occurs towards general elections wherein many legislature member attempted to succeed their pork barrel programs been funded by state budget schema. legislature member will be directed their own pork barrel to constituent in their district. secondly, budget for pork barrel enable to be enhanced concomitant with the increasing prospect of macro-economic assumptions. its condition which encouraged many legislature members to manipulate number of macro-economic assumption in order to replenish their own pork barrel programs as well as their political cost. consequently, asymmetric information would like to be primary data to arrange budgeting allocation. as noted above, the improvement of social aids based on source from state budget has been flourished in every year. this condition triggered up within political attempt from politician to manipulate fiscal policy in order to strengthen own political funds. swelling of state budget also contributes significantly to the budget deficit. this deficit is oddly enough due to the rising of political consumption such as banner, short, political flag, or sticker. those conditions usually occurred in political years, previous year before election. the rising of political demand subsequently within state budget, its deficit have implicated into budgeting deficit. in 2009, improvement social aids in legislature tiers supposed as primary deficit sources in state budget which contribute 1, 2 percent. that is what makes, budgeting fraud wherein political spending is higher rather than state income. nowadays, classic pattern seems to be repeated in this year. the increasing trend of social assistance also showed a significant increase between the 2013 budget drafts before the house discussed the 2013 budget after the house of representatives discussed. social assistance increased from 69 trillion rupiah in 2013 to 73.6 rupiah. many trillion in budget 2013 is manifestation of an increase of 14.5 table iii: pattern of increasing funds in pork barrel programs source: (icw 2012: 132) fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 273 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ trillion rupiah. it may be an increase in social assistance is the result of legislative intervention during the discussion of the budget to get a piece rents that can be used as a tool campaigns. 3) pork barrel as mechanism of “vote buying” in political campaign in early discussion already had explained that vote buying is political attempt to preserve loyalty through patronage relations. it was indicated during political campaign in ahead of elections wherein many money politics spreads to common public in order to submit the vote and elect him (andreas, 2013: 120). this practice usually called as political dawn syndrome due to money spreading to the public when the sun has yet to show its light. in this section, i would like emphasize pork barrel analysis in aspiration funds from house of representative. the issuing of aspiration fund can be explained not only vote buying but also candidacy buying. the policy of aspiration funds which initiated in 2009 and still going on actually oddly. because, legislature member already to have political wealth abundantly from their wage and allowance. those practices which raised suspicion that aspiration funds is new modus to political practice in legislature tiers. the emergence of aspiration funds which enacted since 2010. it had outrage much regulation such as act no. 17 of 2003 on state finances, act no.1 of 2004 on state treasury, act no.32 of 2004 on local administration, and act no. 15 of 2004 on state management and financial arrangements. the house did not given political legitimacy to directing own budget policy to their constituent because those legitimacy is governmental political side.in addition to unlawful, its legislature policy also becoming new source to wasting state budget and might to be corrupted. aspiration funds hence turn out controversial policy wherein its policy have absorbs trillion rupiah from state budget. in this case, legislature seems to abusing his tenurewhich they should be abdicate and dedicate him to common interest. however, politician seems to fulfilling own political sake either individual or party throughout its aspiration funds. therefore, we must critical to interpret aspiration words in this policy with questioning: aspiration for whom? who is benefited? indeed within aspiration funds, politicians who become legislature member more benefited than politician extraparliamentary due to aspiration funds can be political tools to strengthen and widening their political basis. firstly, aspiration fund has been remake budget posture be unequal an unbalance due to its policy fed much fund from other budget allocation. as we can see in this table, aspiration funds intop three positions after special autonomy funds. however, in order to disguise their pork barrel policy in budgeting session. legislature members in house of representative tend to namely their aspiration policy as adjustment fund to hindering any suspicious. as noted above, we can see adjustment fund as disguise form for pork barrel routinely increasing in recently years. although, allocation for adjustment fund has been fluctuated, meanwhile; its fund will be increasing rapidly towards general elections. therefore, from these budgeting sessions, each legislature member hasobtained15 million rupiah that calculated within total of legislature member reached 560 persons. so, there are 8, 6 billion rupiah must be allocated for this fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 274 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ policy. however, the meaning of aspiration funds in this context is harmful. because truly meaning of aspiration funds is one of budget allocation between executives and legislative which conclude in amount of state budget which reached 1500 trillion rupiah. that is what makes this policy becoming absurd, if we see working performance from legislature members during all this time not full-hearted to abdicate himself as public servant. in spite of raised many critical, the house has insisted and persistent to issuing their budget policy to their constituent on behalf common interest even though its fund only manifestation from return of political investment to recharge their political campaign and vote-buying. naturally, aspiration fund hold pivotal key for politician to re-popularize him again in their constituent. in ahead of election, they usually establishes house of aspirations as political place to spreading their pork barrel policy such as basic needs, money politics, or infrastructure funds. house of aspirations will be new modus of political image for politician to re-elect again which always ready anywhere and anytime to serve commons interest. vote buying usually happened in previous days before election day by approach charismatic figure in public as their campaign agent. thus, charismatic figure will be persuading their public to re-elect specific politician whilst introduce its politician and spreading pork barrel as political gratification. as a result, through charismatic figure and aspiration funds, patronage relation to constituent has been established in political campaign. voter as client-voter will be directly to table iv: comparison of budget posture source: (kumorotomo, 2012) fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 275 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ submit their vote to the politicians. with the 15 trillion in pocket and making cooperation relation within charismatic figure, politician eventually can save their political cost to fund him during political campaign. therefore, aspiration funds in the context of voting buying significantly have been correlated within huge cost political spending for legislature candidate who ranged from 250 million rupiahs until 20 billion rupiahs, which depend on their popularity in commons people. artists who during this time always broadcasted by media lastly spend 250 million1 billion, party cadre spent 600 million-1, 8 billion, and businessman spent 1 billion until 20 billion rupiahs. the large amount of political cost that must be spent indicated monetization in struggle for attract voter from commons. monetization in this sentence can be explained as political attempt to popularize himself based on spreading money to commons in order to people known him as well. if the political campaign has been corrupted by monetization, it’s not surprisingwhen politico-corruption is very difficult to be eradicated in political campaign. populism which built based on monetization usually not sincerely to approaching commons as democracy partner. it’s called namely fake populism wherein populism only become political visor to performs politician and parties which ones have truly sincerely to commons people artificially. thus, they only suppose commons as political commodity which their vote can be converted within money. therefore, this practice is not differing so much within mechanism of vote buying during new order era, however; populism in those order not only established on monetization, but also repressive and coercive practice from state apparatus who strictly command to the people in order to loyal to the regime. pork barrel politics in the post-suharto era actually had been succeeding with same mechanism since new order. its policy usually issued toward general election event when politician who become incumbent still desires to re-elect again in second terms in office. these political desires has sacrifice national or local budget as their political victim which resulted in budgetary fraud. this fraud thus converted to funding artificial social aids which it’s characteristic have contained political aura to crafting populism instantly and effectively with its objective to make public recognize the candidate. nowadays, pork barrel politic sourced from social aids and social assistance was allegedly derived practice of budgetary fraud. incumbent politician and ruling parties usually using this practice to enhancing their popularity in the commons; so that; they have political chance to re-elect again. the propagation of its policy aimed to the poor commons communities and villagers who are presumably is easy to persuade their political preferences. in addition to persuade, both social aids and social assistance also used a way to retrench political cost. prior to previous sentenced already said that political cost has been consume large amount of money. politician who holds tenure as public office was benefited to politicize national or local budget as their hidden pork barrel politics. although they never admitted to politicize, public already known that the social assistance and social aids which issued sporadically is a manifestation of money politics towards general election events. in spite of pork barrel politics actually used as mechanism of vote buying, however; the case of pork barrel politics in indonesia fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 276 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ just indicated there are of number of violations in implementing social aids particularly the amount of social aids which sudden reduced to funding political campaign. its practice can be said that pork barrel in indonesia also functioned as practice of fundraising for political cost. according to data from fitra can be concluded that the amount of pork barrel politics in local and national level reached trillions of dollars. in national level, pork barrel politics is realized in ministerial and presidential tiers, meanwhile; in local arena, pork barrel is implemented in agency tiers. executive who came from political party cadre usually have vital role to scattering pork barrel to popularize and make philanthropy image to the people. legislature tiers only becoming political marker to boosting pork barrel practice can be realized and executed. in this case, i want to said that pork barrel politics as politico-corruption practice has been inherited and networked in our political system. public already knew this dirty practice, however, they also passive and silenced about this practice. in democracy realms, public have been transformed as pragmatic voter wherein they only submitting their vote if their vote have valued large amount of money. its practice makes pork barrel is difficult to be eradicated. conclusion based on this research, implementation of electoral democracy through directly general election has been generating paradoxically effect in indonesia political system. public which during new order only become passive political actors, recently holding supreme mandate of political sovereignty in this country since 2004.those condition enforced politician and parties to serve aspirations from public in order to elected in general elections. however, behind its democratic realm, politico corruption and then electoral corruption hence been flourished in democracy realms. both corruption practices associated in political attempt to popularize him into public through economic-material power. public seems to be approached within money rather than ideology. therefore, patronage culture still has been persistent in our democratic era wherein political loyalties have built through top-down mechanism via pork barrel. pork barrel in this paper can be argued as political strategy in political campaign and funding strategy to replenish political cost. in this paper already explained that causality between corruption and election lied on the high pretension to gathering political vote as well political cost to the fullest. this condition which caused that issuing of pork barrel policy is compulsory and obligated among politician and parties. finally, pork barrel is not aimed to helping commons, but; be campaign tools which used to popularize both politician and parties instantly and sporadically. pork barrel can be eradicated if our politic actors realize that this practice is very detrimental. hopefully, our politician can be engage in politics wholeheartedly. references arifianto, alexander. 2001. corruption in indonesia: causes, history, impacts, and possible cures. brandeis university press. brandeis. evans, diana. 2004. greasing the wheels: using pork barrel projects to build majority coalitions in congress. cambridge university press. cambridge. farhan, yuna. 2013. menelusuri politisasi fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 277 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ anggaranpadatahun pemilu.jurnal pemilu dan demokrasi 29(2): 29-49. hicken, allen.2002. the market for votes in thailand. mit press. massachusetts. icw. 2012. korupsi pemilu di indonesia.icw press. jakarta. icw. 2012. annual report 2012.icw press. jakarta. king, dwight. 2003. half-hearted reform. new york. preager publishing. moleong, lexi. 2007. metodepenelitiankualitatif.remajarosdakarya: bandung. noda, kohei. 2011. politicization of philippine budget system: institutional and economic analysis on “pork-barrel”. policy research institute. tokyo. shin, jae hyeok. 2011. electoral system choice and personalistic parties in new democracies. proquest. new york. sidel. john. 1999. capital, coercion, and crime. stanford: stanford university press. sulistyo, hermawan. 2003. electoral politics in indonesia: a hard way to democracy. south east printing, singapore. ufen, andreas. 2013. party politics in southeast asia: clientelism and electoral competition in south east asia. routledge. london. walker, patrick. 2010. pork barrel spending: is it unethical. university of kentucky press. boston. zoelva, hamdan. 2013. memberantas electoral corruption.jurnal pemilu dan demokrasi 29(2): 129. zed.moestika. 2004. metodepenelitiankepustakaan. jakarta: yoi press. fake populism or real populism: pork barrel policy as political corruption in house of representative during 20092013 / wasisto jati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0015 layout desember 2008 a. introduction environmental issues are externalities of economic development requires the handling of various instruments in order to be in harmony with the economic development environment. although various environmental control instruments based command and control (cac), or a market-based instruments such as levies 1(charges) has been widely applied in indonesia, these instruments are not fully work effectively in dealing with increasingly complex environmental problems. payment for environmental services (pes) is now being developed globally as a market-based instrument that is promising to address the issue of degradation of natural resources and the environment. pes initiative has been developed in indonesia either through cooperation between the private and the public by the government. institutional complexity, space, socio-economic and fiscal aspects of diversity initiatives led pes appears logical. on the other hand, desire the development of pes in some areas either at the initiative of the public and local governments often face problems due to the lack of rules and guidelines. although the legal framework described in the law 32/2009 and government regulation on economic instruments are currently being finalized to be used as a reference for the development of pes, the rules do not fully cover the various aspects required in the development payment for environmental services (pes) is a marketbased instruments for conservation purposes, based on the edi santosa, sudharto p. hadi, y. warella universitas diponegoro, semarang, indonesia; email: eedisantosa05@yahoo.co.id payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 abstract environmental issues are externalities of economic development requires the handling of various instruments in order to be in harmony with the economic development environment. payment for environmental services (pes) is now being developed globally as a market-based instrument that is promising to address the issue of degradation of natural resources and the environment. pes mechanism has to be said that the concept is simple and flexible in a variety of conditions, so that the application was highly variable throughout the world. the main problem lies in whether the payment for environmental services (pes) that is now being developed globally as a market-based instruments are quite capable of dealing with poverty and degradation of natural resources and the environment. refer to research finding shows that tawang polder has significant direct and indirect value for society. about 50% household stated that they accept pes and 20% who reject the pes. even pes is quiet potential in reducing poverty in these areas. even in the society level such as huge support in polder systems, social capital and local wisdom, the system management of polder should be designed appropriately and have to increase the level of participation in decision making. another factor is also important is polder institution which has to be design clearly and transparent based on performance standart. the last factor is politic capital should be aware of democratization. keywords : environtmental management, poverty reduction, polder system 391 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ principle that those who benefit from environmental services, should pay, and who produce the services should be compensated. in pes mechanisms, environmental service providers receive payment depends on their ability to provide environmental services desired or do an activity that nature can produce environmental services. in more detail, the definition of pes schemes according to wunder (2005) is: “transactions of voluntary environmental services clearly defined, or land use that can guarantee these services, purchased by at least by the beneficiaries of environmental services, at least one provider of environmental services , if and only if the provider can guarantee a continuous supply of environmental services (it is a requirement or conditionality) “. basic economic theory of pes is conceptually simple fact that “beneficiary pays” or the beneficiaries pay (pagiola, 2004). although the above definition is often used to explain the meaning of the pes, but mayrand and paquin (2004) states that there is no commonly agreed definition of pes. understanding of the pes has been more to the classification based on the environmental services, structures, and other types of payments. the absence of this definition in turn makes the implementation of the pes to be very diverse, and often cause confusion, coupled with the lack of clarity regarding the mechanisms that literature can be categorized as pes. pes is basically a scheme that aims to provide environmental services that have been considered increasingly degraded, due to the lack of public appreciation of the value of environmental services, and also the lack of compensation mechanisms. pes scheme is a mechanism that makes the provision of environmental services to be more cost efficient in the long term. rosa et al (2002) describes the conventional approach of pes as: 1. an optimization-based economic instruments, looking for the lowest possible cost to achieve environmental management objectives. 2. focus on a single ecosystem management such as carbon sequestration or carbon sequestration, watershed hydrology management or biodiversity conservation. 3. a large-scale ecosystems simplify preference, to have some people to reduce transaction and monitoring costs. 4. aims to protect private property rights and reward (reward) for the land owner. pes of the basic structure of the mechanism has to be said that the concept is simple and flexible in a variety of conditions, so that the application was highly variable throughout the world. as described by pagiola (2003), pes schemes can be performed on various types of environmental services such as carbon sequestration (carbon sequestration), watershed hydrology management, biodiversity conservation (biodiversity conservation) or landscape sustainability for ecotourism (landscape beauty), which previously must be defined, measured and quantified to be generated in this scheme. understanding knowledge of this course is required to make the scheme attracted the participation of the beneficiaries of environmental services. thus the identification of the required services and beneficiaries at all levels is needed. environmental services can be produced and utilized by providers and users of various levels of local, national and international, and of the government, enterprises, local communities, individuals, or a mixture of all of them, depending on the nature of environmental services itself. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 392 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pes schemes are essentially basic structure suggests that beneficiaries provide environmental services payments to land users whose activities have an impact on the availability of services in a sustainable environment for the benefit of beneficiaries. how the funding mechanism and also the payment system was designed through a specific governance agreed by both parties. bishop and mills (2002) in pagiola (2002) states that the development of pes begins the most crucial thing is to define, measure and quantify the environmental services themselves (carbon sequestration, etc.) that will be generated in this scheme, this course requires significant scientific understanding. beneficiaries may come from the local community itself, national level (government, ngo or private company) or also at the international level (international ngos, other governments), or it could be a mixture of all three. pes scale development requires a mechanism to manage the funding and financing of the payments to the beneficiaries of an environmental service provider or in this case land users. flexibility pes schemes can also be seen from the scheme could be based on the amount of the payment that the area which is the subject of land use change, or on a specific land use practices. can be directed at the area, practice, or specific attributes with common criteria. pes schemes can also be also in the form of non-monetary benefits such as trainning on users of land, infrastructure or help to diversify revenue or market development (mayrand and paquin, 2004). this paper aims to provide an overview of how the implementation of the pes in the polder tawang in the semarang city, as well as examine the economic valuation of tawang polder. to answer this question it will be presented the theoretical foundation related to payments for ecosystem services and economic valuation polder tawang. this study uses mixed-method research approach is expected to provide a thorough overview of the implementation of the management of the polder tawang. expected results of this study will contribute to the development of management strategies of tawang polder in semarang city. b. statement of problem environmental control instruments based command and control (cac), or a market-based instruments such as levies (charges) has been widely applied in indonesia, these instruments are not fully work effectively in dealing with increasingly complex environmental problems. the main problem lies in whether the payment for environmental services (pes) that is now being developed globally as a market-based instruments are quite capable of dealing with poverty and degradation of natural resources and the environment. c. methodology in line with yin (1995), this research chooses a mix-method research with some of data collecting technique to accomplish the research objectives. the plus point of choosing a mix-method is on the reserach question “why” and “how” that to a contemporary set of events, where the researcher does not have the opportunity to control the events. data is collected by revealing become phenomena that focuses rvesearch. it is because the research is using focus groups and in-depth interview technique dissusion. the unit analysis of these research consists of institution and individual, where institution is the payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 393 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ government of semarang city while in the level of society is selected three sub-distric such as tanjungmas, purwodinatan and bandaharjo. total number of sampel is 137 consists of 104 households and 34 stakeholder. 104 respondent consists of family who seek the job and poor family and categorized as supply labor is environtment services, while 34 stakeholder consist of goovernment institution, corporate or business organization and individual who interest in environtment issue. d. sustainable management of polder tawang polder tawang semarang is a system to protect the area from out of spills dam water level control inside the old city. the polder system components consist of: dikes, sluice gates, canal, collector, pump water and retention ponds. with ± 1 ha land area. polder is situated in front of the tawang station has ± 70 ha catchment. the northern part of the railway is limited, restricted ronggowarsito road at east, south and west by road petudungan by kali semarang. polder tawang is one of the beautiful places for pre wedding. polder semarang tawang is a part of the ecosystem, the environment in the course of mutual reaction between the living and natural factors. therefore, utilization of polder tawang in effect making the changes in the ecosystem, so planning in order to use multipurpose polder development process can not be viewed in isolation, but always done in conjunction with the ecosystems that support them. polder tawang semarang in addition to producing goods and services that can be consumed, also produce environmental services that provide other benefits, such as the benefits of beauty, recreation. given the importance of the benefits of these natural resources, the benefits need to be assessed. for example, the value of flood control, tourism and recreation in the surrounding communities. therefore polder management and environmental goods and services, need to be given the value / price (price tag). polder management basically aims for sustainable development (sustainability development) is about economic growth, social welfare and the distribution of environmental quality improvement by involving all relevant parties (stakeholders). the form of management that is developed to preserve the upstream areas in order to remain sustainable natural resources. availability of natural resources is very influential to the lives of people around the watershed, such as for agriculture, fisheries, industry and domestic water for household consumption. kali semarang sub-watershed within the polder area of the old city is one of the sub-watershed is very important and strategic for the people around the upstream and downstream polder polder tawang, because the polder system has the ability to control the flood and stock water supply throughout the year which empties down to the sea. institutionally, the management system is carried out by the government in particular, psda and tourism department is still not well coordinated. besides that, it also faced technical problems, maintenance and operational funding limitations adverse environmental conditions. as a result, it is technically not optimal for flood control and rob, ecologically not able to conserve and weak in tourism functions. poor retention pond conditions characterized by poor water quality (smell), sedimentation, pollution and environmental payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 394 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ setting that is not beautiful and comfortable. on the other hand, the participation of local communities and other stakeholders in the management of polder systems is still very low, as there is no maintenance program is carried out by volunteers or social institutions. from the perspective of environmental economics, in particular economic valuations following polder system supporting infrastructure, it can be said that tawang polder system development investments are very large, amounting to rp rp. 5.8 billion, with details of the source of funds from bln rp. 4.711106 billion, and the fund ii special presidential assistant for rp.1.177.777.000 can be said to fail from use value criteria / benefits. therefore, if the tawang polder system to function properly, it must be a multi-function polder (raw water supplies for fire fighting, watering the garden city). therefore, the economic valuation of natural resources in the sub-watershed time polder tawang semarang and system is very important to do. the identification process is carried out to find out the actual conditions that occur in sub-watershed kali semarang and polder system. in identification of natural resources, the method of analysis used is descriptive analysis. descriptive analysis aims to provide an overview or description of the condition of the population in sub-watershed kali semarang, especially within the system polder tawang district. furthermore, in this research, economic valuation of natural resources. economic valuation of natural resources was conducted to determine how much the value of natural resources for the flood control, tourism, conservation, fisheries, and industry, and also the value of existence, heritage value, option value, and the value of ecotourism, as well as the value of water and carbon values. d.1. protection and management of instrument market-based environmental natural resources and the environment provides services that varies for human survival, ranging from clean water, clean air, natural beauty, fertile soil, forests as carbon sinks, and so forth. individual, industry, and the community is dependent on ecosystem services, both from the starting raw materials, production process to function. the need for environmental services is not necessarily to make us appreciate the value of natural resources and the environment, as appropriate, and often we assess the environmental services under its value, or no value at all. it gives the environmental conditions being rapidly degraded. data from the millennium ecosystem assessment (2005) states that 60% of the studied ecosystem services are degraded more rapidly than the ability to fix it. one major cause of environmental degradation is due to the nature of natural resources and the environment tend to be public goods, which led to the failure of the market. in this situation the conventional policy instruments often experience difficulties in protecting and maintaining environmental functions. nevertheless, the market functions as a regulator of the allocation and distribution of goods and services can still be used as an instrument to produce an efficient allocation through institutional support. this mechanism is known in the realm of environmental economics as a mechanism the creation of a market or market creation. simply put the market that do not work (missing market) because of the environmental payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 395 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ components that are not traded, generated through buy-sell mechanism by first providing economic value on environmental services and further supported by the institutional functioning of the market. one such mechanism is carried out for the environmental services market that had been considered as free goods which then tends to happen over-exploitation and over-consumption. scheme governing the environmental services market as it is known as payment for environmental services (pes). d.2. instrument for pro environment, pro growth, pro poor, and pro job pes scheme initially was designed for environmental management purposes, and are not designed to alleviate poverty. however, the journey turns pes instruments provide opportunities for poor people living in rural and forest areas to be involved in this scheme and earn extra income either directly in the form of cash on their activities to rehabilitate and conserve forest areas, such as increasing their capacity building through training, or in the form of incentive payments for rights to management of most forest areas that they can try to plantations, and etc. form of payment for environmental services provided to service providers should discuss with the community, so as to suit their needs. studies on payments for ecosystem services from the perspective of the people in asia stated that more people appreciate the kind of reward in the form of in-kind or nonmonetary (leimona et al., 2009). during its development, especially pes schemes in developing countries is then used for purposes other than conservation, also aimed to benefit the rural poor. this scheme is used to transfer financial resources from those who need the services of a consistent environment and continuously to the people who are socially and financially fragile. however, due to the lack of data and monitoring systems are good, until now there is no clear evidence on the impact of the pes to the poor socio-economic communities. however poverty is not the main goal of this program. however, although by definition the beginning pes, poverty alleviation is not the main goal of the program, but in design, process and final output, should be should be pro-poor, because according leimona et al. (2009), if this is not done, then both conservation and poverty reduction goals will not be achieved. pes development in developing countries, is expected to provide potential benefits in the short term and also in the long term. short-term benefits such as to increase direct income for consumption or investment purposes, improve the nutrition of infants, increased access to education, public health, economic production, and others. another benefit is immediately felt by the community capacity building community capacity building, in terms of experience and networks in business and economic transactions, as well as interaction with intermediaries / facilitators are usually derived from international ngos. pes also has a significant social impact on increasing understanding and awareness of the community in terms of environmental management, so as to give effect to the increased durability and quality and quantity of natural resources and environmental services. another thing which is obtained from the pes is the social impact of social capital, where social cohesion in communities grow in implementing pes group, as happens in some pes initiatives in payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 396 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ indonesia (lombok, lampung, etc.). study the impact of livelihood in cidanau also showed the same trend, namely the social impact of the most noticeable increase (leimona et al, 2010). pes schemes also indirectly provide employment opportunities to rural communities through a variety of activities in the pes scheme itself. people are given the opportunity to obtain alternative employment, of those activities might initially penetrated the forest to sustain their lives. likelihood of illegal logging and degradation of forest areas due to lack of alternative employment for them after a specified forest area as a protected area for example, in addition to impact on the sustainability of the forest as a source of their lives, but also the sustainability of the economic life of their own. at the macro level, the pes provides a wider impact on increasing economic growth both locally and nationally, as well an increase in environmental quality resulting from the development of pes will be followed by an increase in aggregate economic life of society. thus, this is basically a pes scheme is in line with the direction of indonesia’s development that is based on a triple-track development: pro-growth, pro and pro poor job, and coupled with the government’s policy direction in 2011 the pro fiscal policy environment. d.3. economic instruments for environmental services utilization policy besides economic development aimed at improving human welfare, actually also able to maintain the sustainability of natural resources and the environment is one of the development capital. although natural resources and the environment is a quarter of the total assets of prosperity indonesia, these natural assets more quickly and more degraded impact on the economic loss development itself. various attempts have been made to restore the vital role of natural resources and the environment in the context of economic development, but these efforts have not been enough to put the multi-functional nature of natural resources as a function of the economic, social, ecological and cultural. policies to improve the quality of the environment has been widely applied in various countries around the world, including in indonesia. based command and control policies, such as policies pollution standards, policies environmental impact assessment (eia) for activities that could potentially have a negative impact on the environment, waste management policy. the scheme of environmental protection and management of which we known in indonesia. it is recognized that the protection schemes and environmental management are yet to be fully relied upon to sustain the quality and quantity of the environment, as evidenced by the still growing trend of environmental degradation and pollution in indonesia. needed various other schemes which can be used as complement to existing policies, to push the speed improvement of environmental quality in indonesia. government law no. 32 of 2009, introduced a new model of environmental protection and management and economic instruments. environmental economic instruments are instruments of protection and market-based environmental management. economic instruments is relatively new in indonesia, although some instruments are categorized as economic instruments such as payments for environmental services (pes) has payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 397 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ been widely applied to various initiatives in both the sectoral and local scope. pes is one of the instruments are well known, and is expected to be one of the incentive-based instrument that can be relied disincentives for sustainable environmental protection. in accordance with the mandate of law no. 32 of 2009, to encourage the implementation of economic instruments pes, the government is required to direct and promote the implementation of these instruments through the preparation of the pes protocol. e. payment for services of environtmental polder tawang in semarang city economic valuation is needed in deciding the development policy choices related to natural resources and the environment. therefore, quantification of benefits (benefits) and disadvantages (costs) must be done so that the decision-making process can be run with the aspect of justice (fairness). economic valuation goal basically is to help decision-makers to estimate the efficiency of the economy (economic efficiency) of various possible utilization. total economic value (tev) could mathematically calculated by: tev = uv + nuv uv = duv + iuv + ov nuv = ev + bv tev = uv + nuv = (duv + iuv + ov) + (ev + bv) where: tev = total economic value uv = use values nuv = non use value duv = direct use value iuv = inderect use value ov = option value ev = existence value bv = bequest value use value (use value) is obtained from the actual utilization of natural resources and the environment. value associated with the use of value as a person using or expect to utilize in the future. in the context of this polder tawang use of the value obtained by counting the number of families who benefit from the existence of the polder. the direct beneficiaries include the population of the village bandarharjo, tawang mas and purwodintan. based on statistical data from the bps in 2012 the total population of the three villages is 58.381 inhabitants with the number of families of 16.396 households. based on the results of the focus group was conducted on the three villages are apparently about 59% of them turned out to benefit directly from the development of this polder is secured from the flood area or in the language of extreme flooding where flooding is due to the floods caused by flood and flooding caused by sea. segmentation families directly benefit the poor, especially families who are working in the informal sector. polder development aimed at flood control is expected to ensure the community surrounding polders to run their economic activities. when viewed from the family economic data, the average family income is rp. 1.200.000, -. from this information it can be calculated using the value (use value) is the formula (% receiving x number of households x average earnings) or (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000, to rp. 11,607,660,000, -. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 398 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ direct use value (direct use values) is calculated based on natural resources and environmental contribution in helping the process of production and consumption current (munasinghe, 1993). the direct use value includes all the benefits of natural resources and the environment can be estimated directly from production through consumption and unit price based on market mechanisms. direct use value is directly related to the output can be consumed. direct use value (duv) is part of the use value (uv). uv calculation is calculated from the proportion of households who benefit from the multipurpose polder multiplied by the proportion of households who work directly related to the presence of this polder. the type of work that can be raised as a result of this polder pembngunan include stalls, taxis, grocery stores, as well as the service sector. based on bps data show that the proportion of families who work in this sector is 60%. from this data it can be calculated that the value of nuv: 60% x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 6.964596 billion, indirect use value (indirect use values) is determined by the benefit derived from environmental services to support the flow of production and consumption (munasinghe, 1993). indirect use values obtained from environmental service function in providing support to the process of production and consumption today. thus, indirect use values constitute the functional benefits of the ecological processes of ecological processes that continually contribute to communities and ecosystems. for example polder capable of functioning properly provide clean air, recreation area with a beautiful view, flood control and erosion and provide water sources. indirect use is calculated from the proportion of people who benefit indirectly as tourism and recreational activities. identification results of the direct beneficiaries of approximately 25% to the value of indirect usage is 30% x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 3.347298 billion, value option (option value) associated with the use of options in the future environment. uncertainty of future use is closely related to the uncertainty of the environment. option value is the consumer’s willingness to pay for assets that do not want to use the excuse to avoid the risk of not being able to use it again in the future. thus the choice of value for the benefit of the environment and natural resources are not exploited at this time, but kept for the sake of the future. based on the results of the fgd option value is about 10% or 10% can be computed x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 1.115766 billion, intrinsic value or the value of non-use (non-use values) given the value of natural resources and the environment on the basis of its existence, although it is not consumed directly. the values given are in fact difficult to measure and analyze, since they are based on the preferences of the environment (related to the motive or generous nature) rather than direct use (munasinghe, 1993). intrinsic value associated with a positive willingness to pay value if one does not intend to use it (pearce and moran, 1994), then the value is divided over the value of existence (existence values) and heritage values (bequest values). this value can be computed from people’s willingness to pay compensation, where the identification of the average ability to pay is rp. 1.000, -. if this fee can run with the assumption that 60% of people in all three villages are willing to pay the nuv is 60% x kk x rp. 1.000, is equal to 0.6 x 16 395 x rp. 1.000, = rp. 9.837 million, / per year. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 399 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ value of existence (existence values) have value because of the satisfaction a person or community on the existence of an asset, although concerned no desire to use it. value given the existence of a person or the public to natural resources and the environment merely as a concern for providing aesthetic benefits, spiritual and cultural. this value is calculated with the assumption of 70% or 0.7 x rp. 9.837 million, = rp.6.885.900 , / year heritage value (bequest values) associated with the willingness to pay is given by today’s society to protect the environment for the benefit of future generations. values arise because of the existence of satisfaction with the existence of resources, although the individual is not willing to use it. this value is calculated with the assumption of 30% or 0.3 x rp. 9.837 million, = rp.2.951.100 , / year f. economic value of tawang polder management another function of this tawang retention pool for the community is an inexpensive recreation and sports facilities. but in fact there are some obstacles and problems that arise so that these functions become less optimal for retention of the benefit pool as a means of recreation and sport, and is due to, among others: 1. or less can not function fully in addressing rob and flood the surrounding environment so that when it rains the water discharge will rise, and this will be flooding; 1. if the dry conditions in the dry season, the emergence of a negative impact pungent odor that would be polluting the air around the pool, although there has been a means of aeration but it does not work; 1. due to the impact of the onset of the odor it can not be functioning optimally surrounding the pool and as a cheap means of recreation for the community, such as fishing spots, sports, water tourism and so on, which can be optimally beneficial if this will contribute positively to the government of semarang in particular and society in general. of observations in the field, while reducing the impact to a smelly done manually and simple way is to take the waste thick / dense that no water collects on the surface side / northwest side of retention pool. waste thick / dense green is one of the source of the smell is very smell, especially during the dry season. handling is done manually and is certainly very simple not optimal to reduce or even eliminate the impact of the smell, then it should be pursued with the right system with the water treatment . in order to calculate the economic value is calculated with the formula number of local government budgets in the flood control program in 2012 in the amount of 22 billion used in the flood control, conservation of the old city area and tourism. f.1. contribution on poverty reduction environmental management plan in semarang city include system environmental sanitation and drainage network system. plan environmental sanitation systems general domestic waste management for the city of semarang should refer to the plan for the national strategy for the management of household waste water urban areas. domestic waste is waste from household waste in the form of stools and other liquid waste such as used water from laundry and others. waste hanpayment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 400 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dling is not easy because it involves people and government are intertwined in the handling and requires considerable cost. domestic wastewater treatment are generally divided into two (2) types of system on-site and off-site system. on-site system, which discharges directly channeled to the septic tank and the liquid is absorbed by the soil. off-site system, which uses the waste water drain system to drain waste water from households and processed somewhere specific. based on the topography of semarang, semarang drainage system can no longer rely on pure gravity system, but the system is a combination of gravity drainage systems, sea polders and dikes. in addition, the burden of drainage from the upstream region needs to be controlled with rainwater harvesting facilities. the drainage system was developed based on the concept of one watershed management plan. each drainage system divided into upstream and downstream areas. analysis of function polder tawang rehabilitation needs to be done and the aspects of the analysis to be described is the existing condition polder tawang as a system to decrease the function / benefit of early development plans. another important aspect in the evaluation program is an analysis of the polder system, including existing conditions in the inlet and outlet doors polders; screen ; pond and pump house and water disposal system conditions. overall polder tawang system on the plan initially used as a temporary holding pond ( retaining basin ) for water and tidal flooding in the area around the polder. the water is pumped out of the polder reservoir and flowed to the river. thus inundation occurred at locations around can be minimized both the duration and volume. along with declining function as an tawang polder temporary shelter for the flood water surrounding area, it also raises new problems, namely the emergence of the odor of stagnant water pools. but the new problem is not discussed because the separate activities have been compiled ded water treatment as a solution. problems decreased function / benefit polder tawang as a holding pond for rob and flood control efforts in the surrounding area at this time requires attention to immediate business function optimization polder tawang. initial question is the preparation of the redesign polder tawang system as well as the surrounding drainage system evaluation. in calculating total labor force using the formula: ti = total labor force wi = daily payment ipi = indexs (%/year) the number of poor family where living around tawang polder, could be seen in table below : (see table 1) table 1. proportion of poor family in 2013 (*) estimated from bps 26,8% living in poor by using the formula and the number of household each village, could be estimated the total number of family could be as labor force in aroung tawang polder, like in the table 2. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 401 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ f.2. willingness to pay ( wtp) of tawang polder basically willingness to pay ( wtp) of beneficiaries and also wishes to receive from the provider will depend on various things, and this of course relates to the balance of supply and demand . beneficiaries will usually find the cheapest cost provider of services, although there is now interest developments concerning the additional benefits of pes agreements, such as habitat conservation, poverty alleviation and other factors. also growing number of users who wish to obtain a deal that has proven benefits to the surrounding community, or are supported by credible ngos, so as to reduce the risk that the transaction will be greenwash or futile. economic valuation of environmental services can also be done through either the revealed preferences (revealed preference) or stated preference (stated preference). this assessment basically determines the value of environmental services based on willingness to pay (wtp) of individuals or communities were abstracted from the preferences of the community through the auction (bid) is total number of labor force in tawang polder payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 402 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ offered. some methods are quite popular for this approach include the contingent valuation method (cvm), travel cost method (tcm) and hedonic price. limitation of this method is that based on the stated preferences, may not be their true preferences, so that the estimated wtp and wta can not always be translated into actual payment of environmental services. information that is non-symmetric can also occur between providers and users of environmental services, so if there is one taking advantage of the ignorance of others in negotiating payment system. problems decreased function / benefit polder tawang as a holding pond for rob and flood control efforts in the surrounding area at this time requires attention to immediate business function optimization polder tawang. f.3. environmental services polder tawang calculation of the value of these ecosystem services will involve a variety of basic methods for economic valuation that can be perceived directly ( tangible ) or not ( intangible ), market ( market ) and non-market ( non-market ). calculation of the value of ecosystem services also involve the calculation of the cost of benefits, which will be used in the calculation of the value of payments for environmental services. utilization experts economic valuation is important in calculating the value of environmental services, as economic valuation methods used are still very specific, rigid, and difficult to measure. calculation of the economic value of ecosystem services is usually determined from the desire to pay (wtp / willingness to pay ) of beneficiaries and desire accept (wta / willingness to accept ) from the provider. basically willingness to pay of beneficiaries and also wishes to receive from the provider will depend on various things, and this of course relates to the balance of supply and demand . beneficiaries will usually find the cheapest cost provider of services, although there is now interest developments concerning the additional benefits of pes agreements, such as habitat conservation, poverty alleviation and other factors. also growing number of users who wish to obtain a deal that has proven benefits to the surrounding community, or are supported by credible ngos, so as to reduce the risk that the transaction will be greenwash or futile. economic valuation of environmental services can also be done through either the revealed preferences (revealed preference) or stated preference (stated preference). this assessment basically determines the value of environmental services based on willingness to pay (wtp) of individuals or willingness to pay polder tawang semarang based on fgd payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 403 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ communities were abstracted from the preferences of the community through the auction (bid) is offered. some methods are quite popular for this approach include the contingent valuation method (cvm), travel cost method (tcm) and hedonic price. limitation of this method is that based on the stated preferences, may not be their true preferences, so that the estimated wtp and wta can not always be translated into actual payment of environmental services. information that is non-symmetric can also occur between providers and users of environmental services, so if there is one taking advantage of the ignorance of others in negotiating payment system. g. discussion payment schemes and payments for ecosystem services in indonesia needs to be developed in the context of sustainable development and poverty alleviation. in practice, the need to consider the initial prerequisite of the scheme which starts from ngkatan pence strategies for strengthening livelihoods, including social capital, and legal certainty of access of communities to manage land and other natural resources. lessons from the implementation of compensation schemes for environmental services in countries of america, among others, that the compensation for environmental services is not the only ‘effective pill’ to reduce poverty in the region and control ling degradation ward. to function as a valuable instrument to strengthen and diversify livelihoods enhancement strategies, compensation schemes should be part of a broader development strategy. adaptation of compensation schemes for environmental services needs to be done carefully to match the conditions in indonesia. policy input to the national level is desirable because the current payment and payment for environmental services in ndonesia i still localized to specific cases with different levels of implementation. as an input in national level policy on the purpose, the need for policy advocacy is lifted from the experiences of the local level. although the government’s role is very important in this process, government intervention still needs to be examined critically so as not to turn off local initiatives. workshop participants have identified that there is a regulation that has a legal basis this scheme. consider a few things that need to be done before making regulations regarding environmental services scheme, among other things: an understanding of the regulation of payments for ecosystem services, government, legislature, and the public should be adequate; observe laws and regulations related to the existing regulatory environment reward for kinan possibility of overlapping regulations should be avoided, and a more flexible regulation at the national level and specifically at the local level. negotiations and increasing social capital is an important entry point in the implementation of payments for ecosystem services. reference of the technical side of the pes scheme is necessary to form an opinion and input to negotiate. in line with this, in-depth study should be conducted in accordance with the needs and potential in a region. direkomenda sikan also about the need for a structured institution that can serve as collateral so that environmental services in indonesia can bekecimpung at the global level, among other innovative financial institutions that can address national challenges for sustainable natural resource management and poverty alleviation in indonesia. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 404 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ there are three types of recommended capacity building, namely the concept of payment for environmental services, legal drafting of pes schemes, and sharpening skills or expertise, such as marketing, silviculture, negotiation and coordination between government departments. besides this discussion group also recommends the implementation of payments for ecosystem services evaluation sector in the location and development of assessments that have been carried out by various agencies. at the end of the workshop, lang-kah recommended key steps in the development of pes schemes in indonesia are: the creation of national regulations, in addition to the potential inventory of existing initiatives, packaging concepts through various publications and events ‘marketing’ ideas to be easily understood, preparation capacity of relevant stakeholders: communities for environmental services providers, utilizing jasalingkungan, regulators (government agencies), non-governmental organizations (ngos) whose role sebagaiperantara, and the preparation and monitoring devices evaluasipelaksanaan environmental services scheme. form a work team also managed to set up the network as a function of the initiative motorpenggerakpengembangan payment and payments for ecosystem services and follow up on all recommendations made in the workshop. in its function as a facilitator, it is the motor network, the central coordination and communication of the various initiatives development reward / payment for environmental services in indonesia. environment service is the product of natural resources and ecosystems in the form of direct benefits (tangible) and / or indirect benefits ( intangible), including the following: nature tourism services, protection services hydrology (hydrology), soil fertility, erosion and flood control, natural beauty and uniqueness, sequestration and storage of carbon (carbon offsets). environmental services generated from various types of land use (forest or agriculture), also both freshwater waters (rivers, lakes, swamps) and the sea. environmental services generated from a combination of natural assets, human quality, conducive social conditions, as well as technical modifications. four types of environmental services that have been recognized by the global community today is: 1) environmental services water system, 2) environmental services of biodiversity, 3) carbon sequestration environmental services, and 4) the beauty of the landscape of environmental services. the world’s poor whose lives are very much dependent on nature. destruction of nature will make them become more suffering and their livelihood options will continue to diminish. amid the earth’s carrying capacity and poverty is increasing, emerged a global commitment to minimize the negative impacts that may arise as well as trying to maintain a variety of options to improve people’s lives in ways that are sustainable. in tackling environmental degradation, one of which can be done through the use of environmental services. recognition of environmental services, namely ambiguous environmental protection and poverty eradication. changes in the structure of incentives would be able to realize behavior change to make it more conducive to the provision of environmental services made possible by the payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 405 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ existence of regulatory enforcement, the payments are balanced, and moral pressures that go hand in hand. this through the use of environmental services payments (benefits) or environmental services payments for environmental services (pes). why is payment for environmental services (pes) is very interesting? according to un-escap (2009), pes interesting because: reduced provision of environmental services. increase the income and population growth led to changes in land use and reduced environmental services has reached alarming stage. with increasing understanding of the socio-economic value of ecosystem services and cultural continued increase in population and economy, the value of which is increasingly scarce ecosystem services will only increase. impacts of climate change. environmental services become more valuable due to the effects of climate change. extreme weather events, floods, landslides, storms and droughts due to climate change impacts reduce gross domestic product (gdp) countries of the world, such as southeast asian countries is estimated to lose 2.2% 6.7% per year by the end of this century . effective environmental management is known as a way to overcome some of the costs (which are used to repair damaged environments) are increasing rapidly. potential to leverage the value of services and generate sustainable financing. pes teaches service beneficiaries (users) of the value of environmental services through monetary payment. pes has the potential for sustainable financing to complete the funding of the public. pes can also be used to leverage funding provided by the government to achieve greater results. pes allows flexibility in the design of decision-makers combining public and private sector participation such that enlarge the provision of services at any particular matter. growing international market for carbon storage services. pes gained attention as they relate to mitigation efforts (mitigation impacts) of climate change. deforestation is responsible for about a fifth of greenhouse gas emissions (ghg) world. carbon storage market that is growing has facilitated pes for reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (redd). the purpose of financial and non-financial payment for environmental services are: as an alternative production systems and land management are more environmentally friendly, as an effort to improve the welfare of land managers, as efforts to protect the environment and management of natural resources for economic and social development that is sustainable. environmental services are (a) individual, (b) community groups; (c) association, (d) a business entity, (e) local government, (f) the central government, which manages the land that produces environmental services and has a license or pedestal the land rights of the competent authority. while the beneficiaries of environmental services are (a) individual, (b) community groups; (c) association, (d) a business entity, (e) local government, (f) the central government, which has all forms of business that harness the potential of environmental services with not harm the environment and do not reduce the principal function. beneficiaries of environmental services outside of indonesian law jurisdictions subject to the legislation in force. g. conclusion polder management basically aims for sustainable development (sustainability development) is payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 406 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ about economic growth, social welfare and the distribution of environmental quality improvement by involving all relevant parties (stakeholders). polder semarang tawang is a part of the ecosystem, the environment in the course of mutual reaction between the living and natural factors. therefore, utilization of polder tawang has an effect in making the changes in the ecosystem. in order to use tawang polder development can not be viewed in isolation, but always done in conjunction with the ecosystems that support them. detail conclusion could be identified : 1. actual condition of natural resources in semarang river at this time is disfunctional and the conditions has been damaged. the malfunction of polder tawang system have an impact on the damage of the ecosystem include water quality retention, pond poor, slum conditions, silting in the upstream and downstream. 2. analysis of policy implementation can be summarized that the management system is still adhered to the principle of policy, the model of power policy approach that does not involve the role of the public (interest based approach) fault government policies, lack of community awareness about population growth and the role of stakeholders. 3. social capital has the potential to participate the following polder systems management such as values of trust, networking models and political capital has a policy to control the power management system of polders sustainable development. 4. change implementation of policy orientation polder model sustainable management system based on social capital and political capital in the application of sustainable polder system environment by involving the poor. 5. from the perspective of environmental economics, in particular economic valuation polder system and its supporting infrastructure, it can be said that tawang polder system development investment is relatively large with a budget of rp rp. 5.888883 billion, with details of the source of funds from bln usd. 4.711106 billion, and the fund ii special presidential assistant for rp.1.177.777.000 be considered failed if it does not produce a use value / benefits such as the provision of raw water supply for fire fighting, watering the garden city and the development of tourism. 6. in the context of this polder semarang tawang then use the value obtained by counting the number of families who benefit from the existence of the polder. the direct beneficiaries include the population of the village bandarharjo, tawang mas and purwodintan. based on statistical data from the bps in 2012 the total population of the three villages is 58 381 inhabitants with the number of families of 16 396 households. based on the results of fgd has been done then there are 59% who expressed such direct benefit from the guarantee of the flood area (extreme flood). 7. polder development aimed at flood control is expected to ensure the community surrounding polders to run their economic activities. when viewed from the family economic data, the average family income is rp. 1.200.000, -. from this information it can be calculated using the value (use value) is (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000, to rp. 11,607,660,000, -. if specified then the duv (direct use value) is 60% x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 6.964596 billion, payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 407 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and indirect beneficiaries is 30% x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 3.347298 billion, -. 8. value option (option value) associated with the use of options in the future environment. uncertainty of future use is closely related to the uncertainty of the environment so that the option offers more value is defined as the value of maintenance resources so that option is still available for use for the future. based on the results of the fgd option value (ov) is about 10% or 10% can be calculated x (59% x 16,395) x rp. 1.200.000 = rp. 1.115766 billion, 9. economic value can be seen from the number of local government budgets in the flood control program in 2012 at 22 billion, and if the overall budget is allocated into the program (1) control the flood (50.2%), (2) the conservation area of the city old (24.6%), (3) tourism (8.5%), fire (5.4%) and the development of fisheries (3.8%). 10. family survey results in three villages showed that the number of poor by 15 646 people or about 26.8% with bandarharjo details of 5,659 souls, tanjung mas purwodinatan of 8,601 people and 1,386 for the soul. the calculation result of the absorption of labor by 2,155 person-days (hok) is calculated from components such as cleaning polder polder maintenance, grass cutting, maintenance of equipment, painting and cleaning the river. by using standard assumptions wage of rp. 40.000, per day then this polder maintenance has been growing in the value of money amounting to rp. 86.2 million, 11.economic valuation of environmental services can also be done through either the revealed preferences (revealed preference) or stated preference (stated preference). this assessment basically determines the value of environmental services based on willingness to pay (wtp) of individuals or communities were abstracted from the preferences of the community through the auction (bid) is offered. approach to contingent valuation method (cvm), the wtp (willingness to pay) can be categorized into normal society where value is the highest biding 1,000, per household, for a group of community leaders willingness to pay a maximum of rp. 2,000, -, rp merchant group. 1500, and the group of companies around rp. 10,000 to rp. 20.000, -. while the wta (willingness to accept) this arise due to people’s preference for immediate free from the flood, so that economically the flood condition has been exhausting, mind and financially in every family. acknowledgement gratefully acknowledge to prof dr sudharto p. hadi, mes as a promotor. prof dr y. warella, mpa as a co-promotor for my disertation and prof dr purwanto, dea who give the support and thougfull suggestion in writing these paper. references trumper k, turner rk .2002. economic reasons for conserving wild nature. science, vol. 297 (5583): 3 aug 9 2002, pp. 950-95. butcher, p., m. howard, j. regetz, b. semmens, and m. vincent. 1998. an analysis of the potential for tropical forests to sequester carbon. masters thesis, donald bren school of environmental science and management, university of california, santabarbara. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 408 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ danida.2009. review of payment for environmental services in indonesia and other country. esp programme –danida. forest trend, the katoomba group and unep.2008. payment for ecosystem services getting started: a primer. unon.nairobi grieg-gran, m, s noel, and i porras.2006. lesson learned from payments for environmental service. 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[online] url: leimona, b., pasha, r., rahadian, n.p., 2010. the livelihood impacts ofincentive payments for watershed management in cidanau watershed,west java, indonesia, in: tacconi, l., mahanty, s., suich, h. (eds.),livelihoods in the redd? payments for environmental services, forest conservation and climate change. edward elgar publishing,cheltenham, pp. 106129. mayrand k. and m. paquin. 2004. payments for environmental services: a survey and assessment of current schemes. unisfera international centre for the commission of environmental cooperation of north america, montreal, p. 5-6 millenium ecosystem assessment.2005. ecosystem and human well-being: synthesis. island press. washington, dc. miranda, m., i. t. porras, and m. l. moreno. 2003. the social impacts of the payments for environmental services (pjl) scheme in costa rica: a quantitative field survey and analysis of the virilla watershed.in markets for environmental services no.1. london: international institute for environment and development. pagiola, s. 2003. “economics overview.” the importance of forest protected areas to drinking water: running pure. edited by nigel dudley and sue solton. world bank/wwf alliance for forest conservation and sustainable use. washington,d.c. pagiola, s. 2004. environmental services payments in central america: putting theory into practice. presented at the¯environmental economics for development policy training course. world bank institute, july 19–30, 2004. payment for environmental services and polder sustainable management in the context for poverty reduction in semarang / edi santoso, shudarto p.hadi, warella warela / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0021 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.9492 internationalization strategy, entry modes and cultural dimensions of chinese way of doing business in europe fikadu t. ayanie jimma university, ethiopia email: fekadutolossa@gmail.com abstract this paper presents the process of chinese outward direct investment in europe. it argues that the driving motive of chinese firms to go abroad aimed at acquiring new skills, advanced technology, brands and supply chains that would enhance their competitive advantage in international as well as domestic markets. a remarkable feature of the chinese cross border business expansion is the essential role of government in the internationalization of chinese mncs which was supported by official policy instruments, including the famous “go global” strategy that encouraged thousands of chinese firms to invest abroad. to this end, the chinese investment in europe has generally targeted few but major economies, namely germany, uk and france despite the investment growth in southern and central european nations in recent years especially after the financial crisis. merger and acquisitions has been the leading market entry mode resulting in huge takeovers characterizing chinese investment in europe. it is also apparent that the internationalization process of chinese business companies did not follow the traditional uppsala model as psychic distance and experiential knowledge didn’t play a role. nevertheless, it is evident that the path dependency of chinese expatriates in european countries has made it difficult to learn and adapt to the local work environment that exhibits diverging and contrasting cultural values. this huge cross-cultural gap, often portrayed in the literature as “culture conflict”, constitutes the biggest challenge that chinese companies face, in their international operations in general, and could undermine their effectiveness in doing business in european countries in particular. jurnal studi pemerintahan 589 received : october 23,2018 revised: november 18, 2018 accepted: november 30, 2018 how to cite this article is : ayanie, f. t. (2018). internationalizati on strategy, entry modesand cultural dimensionsof chinese way of doing business in europe.jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(4).589-618 mailto:fekadutolossa@gmail.com vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 590 key words: business culture, chinese mncs, entry mode, internationalization abstrak makalah ini menyajikan proses investasi langsung keluar china di eropa. ia berpendapat bahwa motif penggerak perusahaan china untuk pergi ke luar negeri bertujuan memperoleh keterampilan baru, teknologi canggih, merek, dan rantai pasokan yang akan meningkatkan keunggulan kompetitif mereka di pasar internasional maupun domestik. ciri yang luar biasa dari ekspansi bisnis lintas-batas tiongkok adalah peran penting pemerintah dalam internasionalisasi mnc cina yang didukung oleh instrumen kebijakan resmi, termasuk strategi "go global" yang terkenal dengan mendorong ribuan perusahaan china untuk berinvestasi di luar negeri. untuk tujuan ini, investasi china di eropa pada umumnya menargetkan ekonomi utama, yaitu jerman, inggris dan perancis meskipun pertumbuhan investasi di negara-negara eropa selatan dan tengah dalam beberapa tahun terakhir terutama setelah krisis keuangan. merger dan akuisisi telah menjadi mode entri pasar terkemuka yang menghasilkan pengambilalihan besar-besaran yang menandai investasi china di eropa. serta jelas bahwa proses internasionalisasi perusahaan bisnis china tidak mengikuti model uppsala tradisional karena jarak psikis dan pengetahuan pengalaman tidak berperan. namun demikian, terbukti bahwa ketergantungan jalur dari ekspatriat china di negara-negara eropa telah membuatnya sulit untuk belajar dan beradaptasi dengan lingkungan kerja lokal yang menunjukkan perbedaan nilai-nilai budaya. kesenjangan lintas budaya yang besar ini, yang sering digambarkan dalam literatur sebagai "konflik budaya", merupakan tantangan terbesar yang dihadapi perusahaan china, dalam operasi internasional mereka secara umum, dan dapat merusak efektivitas mereka dalam melakukan bisnis di negara-negara eropa pada khususnya. kata kunci: budaya internasionalisasi bisnis, mnc china, mode masuk, introduction in this era of globalization, the internationalization of industrial goods and services has become a key feature of the global economy in which thousands of multinational companies (mncs) along with their branch offices, also known as ‘subsidiaries’, are engaged in business worldwide (gilpin, 2001). business firms tend to internationalize via investing in the overseas often aiming at partial or complete control over marketing, production and assets in another economy (gilpin, 2001). while this tendency of outward investment has been a phenomenon of the developed countries, internationalization from the developing nations is also getting a momentum economies with china recently emerging as one of the leading outward investors (nicolas & thomsen, 2008; parmentola, 2010; blomkvist & drogendijk, 2016). even though china’s contribution to the global outward direct investment was historically small, since the mid-2000s it has increased dramatically to reach usd 366 billion in 20 11 (euccc, 2013). the chinese outward investment has grown substantially, especially in the years that followed the global financial crisis, to constitute roughly 10% of global fdi flows making china the world’s second largest investor after the usa (dreger, schüler zhou, & schüller, 2017). chinese investment activity is likely to intensify in areas like ict, automated machinery, and medical devices over the next years due mainly to integration of markets (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). it is in this vein that clegg & voss (2012, p. 8) described china as a “new colonial power” that is wielding its economic muscle and influencing the internal affairs of others. accordingly, the chinese outward investment has become an issue of a particular importance in the global political economy over the last decade (clegg & voss, 2012; euccc, 2013). this is especially true in the context of europe for it is a largest destination (twice as much of usa) of chinese outward investment (rabellotti, 2017) absorbing slightly greater than 40% of chinese investment stock in developed countries (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). the importance of chinese investors in europe is also demonstrated by a significant increase in the number of iconic acquisitions recently undertaken all over europe (rabellotti, 2017). 591 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 592 yet, as nicolas & thomsen (2008, p. 2) argued the implications for domestic firms in terms of competition could be far-reaching from “less well known is china’s diffuse but expanding footprint in europe” (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). this presence of the chinese firms in europe, described by others as the “march to the west,” has also the potential to bring substantial changes in the economic structure of the region as a whole (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). it is against this background that this paper is designed in such a way to explore the driving factors and entry modes of chinese business investment in europe. methodology this research is designed to be an exploratory study. it is meant to be an exploratory research to provide an understanding of the fundamental rationale and patterns of evolution of chinese outward direct investment, discuss internationalization strategies of chinese mncs in view of theoretical models and discuss how their culture affects their business engagements. to this end, this study has relied on secondary data collected from literature and utilized the qualitative approach of data analysis. in doing so, the author has reviewed the literature of international business, particularly relevant theories and models of internationalization, presented in the proceeding section. in the next section, the paper highlights the evolution of chinese outward direct investment in a more general manner and discuss internationalization strategies of chinese mncs in view of theoretical models that explains the process. this is followed by an assessment of motives and drives, and entry modes of chinese firms’ in outward direct investment in europe. the fifth section of this paper shall give a cultural framework to the discussion of chinese firms’ international business operations in the destination countries of europe to vindicate the challenge that arises as a result of differences in doing business at home and host nations. the last section concludes by reiterating the major points and indicating the way forward. literature review internationalization’: the concept and review of theories a glance at a literature reveals that “internationalization” is one of the most studied topics and its conceptualization has developed over the past half a century. johnson and vahlen (1977) defined “internationalization” as a process through which companies eventually increase their international business involvement. it is a dynamic concept often understood as the process of increasing involvement in both inward and outward sides of international operations, which has the following dimensions, including: (1) set of inter-related decisions and strategies; (2) consists of the outflow and inflow of products, service or resource that crosses national boarder; and (3) internal factors of the firm and environmental forces influence the process (dawei, 2008). the discussion on internationalization would inevitably bring crucial concepts, i.e. “internationalization strategy” and “entry mode” to the front. in this regard, robert gilpin (2001) states that foreign direct investment (fdi), mergers and ventures are among the usual international corporate strategy utilized as entry modes to establish a permanent position in another economy. fdi generally entails either the building of new facilities to create a subsidiary from scratch, known as “greenfield” investment (hellström, 2016), or the purchase of existing businesses often accompanied by takeovers and intercorporate alliances with firms of other countries, called “merger and acquisitions” (m&a) (gilpin, 2001; aureli & demartini, 2010; aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). although multinational firms have existed for a very long time, studies on internationalization are relatively recent. early empirical researches, in 1960s, on the subject, made a distinction between ‘exporting’ versus ‘fdi’ (buckley & casson, 1998). pioneer, in this regard, is vernon’s product cycle theory, which upholds that firms go through an exporting phase before switching first to market seeking fdi, and then to cost orientated fdi, in which technological and marketing forces explain standardization and location decisions (buckley & casson, 1998). in the 1970s, scholars identified licensing, franchising and subcontracting as other strategic options, and “co-operative arrangements” like m&a and international joint ventures (ijvs) became important in 1980s (buckley & casson, 1998; aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). in the last decade of 20th century, the cost and cultural factors have come back to the scene with the regard to the discussion on doing business abroad especially due to the tremendous increase of the role of fdi in developing countries such as china and vietnam (buckley & casson, 1998). jurnal studi pemerintahan 593 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 594 in general, the past half a century has witnessed the emergence of variety of theories dedicated to the explanation of conducting business abroad and firms’ internationalization strategies. these theories and models range from “internalization” and “principal-agent” theories, which are based on neoclassical economic assumptions of cost minimization and risk avoidance; to the ‘behavioral’ approach that views international expansion as series of decisions made by managers with “bounded rationality”; to “imperialism” that regards international investments an attempt to monopolize business activities abroad in which critical importance of state intervention is considered; to “born global approach” that poses composite “global frame-of-reference” in which the so called “soft factors” like international networks as prerequisites (aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011; buckley & casson, 1998; kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). however, for the purpose of this paper, i would only emphasize on three conventional models and present them as per their relevance for understanding and analysis of the chinese firms’ internationalization to european nation, which will be discussed thoroughly in the proceeding sections. the uppsala model of internationalization the uppsala model, often called the “scandinavian stages model” of entry, views the internationalization process as a sequential pattern of entry into successive foreign markets. this process includes firm’s engagement in (i) purely domestic activities, then (ii) start exporting via independent representatives, (iii) establishing sales subsidiary, and (iv) production or manufacturing in foreign economy (johanson & vahlne, 1977). this model is based on the distinction between state and change aspects of internationalization variables. the state aspects are market commitment and knowledge of foreign markets, whereas the change aspects are decisions to commit resources and performance of current activities, and hence, “interplay between cumulative market knowledge and decisions to increase commitment to international markets” (johanson & vahlne, 1977; aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). the basic idea being, the market knowledge and market commitment influence both commitment decisions and the current business decisions, which, in turn, affect market knowledge and commitment and vice versa (johanson & vahlne, 1977; aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). the stages model also underlines the importance of two crucial motions: “psychic distance”, the socio-cultural and linguistic differences, levels of economic development and patterns of business practices, etc.; and “experiential knowledge,” their general experience in trans-border activities (johanson & vahlne, 1977). according to this model, firms are supposed after strengthening their domestic business position, firms could minimize the perceived uncertainty and enhance opportunities if they start foreign business with minimum psychic distance and through experiential knowledge (ibid.). resource based view (rbv) the resource-based view (rbv) upholds that firms’ internationalization and the entry mode comes with the desire to utilize different resources that a company has in particular local context, and to drive optimum the opportunity for organizational learning (barney, 1991). the rbv views business firms as a combination of physical, financial and other intangible resources. the intangible resources include, inter alia, human capital, technological assets, brands, organizational image (parmentola, 2010; barney, 1991). there is a consensus among scholars that resources are necessary prerequisite for sustainable competitive advantage though dependent on value, rareness, imitability and substitutability (barney, 1991; aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). aharoni et al (2011) argue that, from perspective of rbv, management practices and skills such as problem-solving ability, discipline and motivation are nothing but resources of mncs embodied within human capital that could be used as a leverage for competitive advantage in the international marketplace. building on this premise, scholars argue that the foreign market entry mode decisions are generally driven by the desire to exploit existing resources in wider markets and to increase them with new resources via obtaining as well as developing strategic resources available elsewhere (parmentola, 2010). jurnal studi pemerintahan 595 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 596 network perspective the network perspective attempts to address the importance of “soft factors,” one being the relevance of ‘networks’ in the internationalization process (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). it is johanson & vahlne who continued examining the uppsala model of the process of internationalization and have come up, in 1990, with this model by applying a network perspective via including knowledge gained through relationships with other bodies on the foreign market operations. it is argued here that industrial networks, formed as a result of interactions with other firms, affect foreign investment activities, which in turn shapes a firm’s market knowledge (aharoni, tihanyi, & connelly, 2011). to this end, ‘internationalization’ is understood as developing networks of business relationships in other countries through extension, penetration, and integration (dawei, 2008). it has to be noted, here, that ‘extension’ means the creation of new set of networks, whereas ‘penetration’ entailed enhancing the already prevailing positions of the firm through increasing resource commitments in networks, and ‘integration’ meant the coordination of different national networks (dawei, 2008). thus, if the relationships between firms are seen as a network, it can be argued that firms internationalize because other firms in their international network are doing so (ibid.). the strength of the network model of internationalization is in explaining the process rather than the existence of multinational or international firms. from the network perspective, the internationalization strategy of a firm is explained by the need to: (i) reduce the requirement for knowledge development, (ii) cut the demand for modification, and (iii) make use of the available network positions (dawei, 2008). besides, the network model presents the importance of the firm’s own business network and the relevant network in the foreign market both of which are necessary conditions for successful internationalization (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). since firms operate in a well-developed and competitive networks, internationalization through external resources appears to be the best strategic option, especially to small firms, in the face of globalization. as a result, mergers and acquisitions, co-operation, alliance and joint ventures may become a major source of international network instability for which firms in the network have to be prepared (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). in the next section, the above theories will be utilized to explain the internationalization process in the context of chinese companies. result chinese outward direct investment evolution of chinese ofdi a wide array of literature portray that china has, historically, been rather the major recipient of foreign direct investment, and thus only a minor contributor to global investment flows (aureli & demartini, 2010). however, the 1978 reform became a turning point as china eventually rose as a global outward investor and net capital exporter (hanemann & rosen, 2012; nicolas & thomsen, 2008). following the reform, “going out” strategies were adopted in such a way to widen opportunity for export markets and to enhance the capacity and experience of chinese multinational corporations (guerrero, 2017). however, the outward investment during the first decade was generally limited due to over regulation of the national government until the late 1990s, when the government launched the so called “go global” (zou chu qu) policy (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). below is the diagrammatic depiction of the phases of chinese outward foreign direct investment. jurnal studi pemerintahan 597 source: nicolas and thomsen (2008, p. 3). figure 1: china’s ofdi & cross-border acquisitions (in mill. usd), 1982-2006 as shown, in the diagram above, the five phases of chinese ofdi are: a. phase i (1979–83): this phase was characterized by limited investment activities abroad because they are strictly linked to the political objectives of the government. only state-owned companies and provincial and municipal-based corporations were allowed to invest overseas upon approval of the state council (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 598 hence, many companies did not have the desire or capacity to go for internationalization in the years that followed the reform (hanemann & rosen, 2012). b. phase ii: this time “gradual opening,” witnessed the standardisation of approval procedures during the period from 1984 up to 1992. non-state firms were allowed to go abroad although the autonomy of the overseas investment of these enterprises was restricted through complex procedures and fund limitations (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). phase iii (1993–98): during this time, the chinese government c. strengthened regulations on overseas investment projects with a view to ensuring that capital was properly invested in the overseas for productive purposes (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). phase iv (1999–2002): this is when the “go global” strategy d. started as the firms got official support from the chinese government to do business in overseas in view of encouraging the chinese export. this time, the government granted export tax incentives, lifting tight controls on foreign exchange and reducing administrative requirement (nicolas & thomsen, 2008; ebbers & zhang, 2010). phase v: this period covered the time after the adoption of “go global” strategy. the ‘go global’ policy was confirmed at the e. ccp’s 16th congress in 2002 with the aim of encouraging local firms to take part in the international markets with the investment decisions of their own. unlike what it used to do earlier, the government gradually became a mere supporter and service provider with some authorities grated to local level governments and foreign currency controls are relaxed (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). following the go global policy, the chinese outward fdi flows exploded in the mid-2000s (hanemann & rosen, 2012). as of 2007, the magnitude of the chinese outward investment has become 128 billion usd (three-fourth of which is outside the financial sector), as more than ten thousand chinese mncs have taken part in fdi in more than 170 countries making china one of the top outward investors (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). since 2012, and after a series of policy adjustments and buoyed by huge state subsidies, several government owned enterprises (soes), private telecom companies, electronics producers & suppliers, and real estate companies have all actively ‘gone out’ (guerrero, 2017). to this end, chinese firms have headed to every corner of the globe with aim of securing resources and technology that its modern booming economy requires but also to get global recognition for chinese brands (ibid.). internationalization strategies of chinese mncs in theoretical lens jurnal studi pemerintahan 599 several scholarly works have tried to explain the internationalization strategy of chinese companies by making use of the mainstream literature on multinationals’ development. a study conducted on 18 chinese business firms has made it possible to locate investments along the value chain stages: headquarters, innovative activities, sales activities, logistics and distribution activities, and production activities (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). such classification of chinese firms’ internationalization into value chain stages typically resemble the traditional “scandinavian/ uppsala model” which views internationalization as series of business engagement from the domestic activity to export, then to sales and manufacturing in foreign economy. on the contrary, other studies show that the internationalization process of the chinese companies, compared to that of western world, is determined by range of factors and thus, have its own unique features that cannot be explained using the conventional theories of firm’s internationalization (parmentola, 2010). after thoroughly studying the two chinese giants (haier and hisense), parmentola (2010) has found out that the internationalisation choice of these firms: i. are meant to minimize competitive disadvantage in local markets through acquisition of “strategic immaterial resources” rather than aiming to exploit existing resources; ii. have started to invest, as part of their international business, in developed countries (us and europe) that have greater “psychic distance” due to both geographic and cultural distant from china; iii. adopted different and slightly complex entry modes even during early phase of their internationalization processes; iv. did not gain market knowledge through a “learning-by-doing behaviour,” in most cases chinese firms adopt an “imitative learning behaviour,” observing other chinese firms and foreign competitors, in order to acquire necessary knowledge in the initial phase of their internationalisation process (parmentola, 2010). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 600 taking this factors into account, parmentola (2010), has come up with an alternative theoretical model based on new hypotheses that in part contrast but also combines the two traditional models of international business, i.e. the rbv and the uppsala model, in order to describe and analyse the process of internationalization of the chinese companies. source: parmentola (2010, p. 272) figure 2: parmentola’s alternative model of chinese companies internationalization according to parmentola (2010), the internationalization process of chinese firms starts from a low level of market knowledge and limited experience (as indicated in point-1 in the figure 2 below), entering into distant market (often a developed country), in the very first phase, using complex entry mode (as acquisitions and/or jv) that would help them obtain market knowledge and the brand reputation (as depicted in node-2 above) necessary to export in the same distant markets (node-3) and to acquire a competitive advantage in the home market (node-4). he further argues that it is only in the second phase that the chinese firms are able to undergo the internationalization pattern (along the node 4 to 5) that resembles expansion of developed countries firms after accumulating and exploiting the acquired resources and experience to enter gradually into near markets (parmentola, 2010). other scholars have opted to adopt the network model to explain the internationalization of chinese mncs. it is the personal relationships and unofficial networks that significantly helped chinese companies in achieving their goals (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014; drahokoupil, 2017; miedtank, 2017). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 601 chinese companies, being late comers in the global fdi, lacking market-specific business knowledge, need the acquisition of relevant network necessary for the growth and expansion of business activities abroad (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). from this perspective, chinese mncs have to internationalize to establish relevant network in the foreign market that would enable them overcome disadvantages at home and/or to meet international standards. lenovo’s major motive to internationalize, for example, was to enhance its international networks in such a way to advance its technology and gain international recognition (miedtank, 2017). once ibm agreed to distribute lenovo’s pcs, lenovo’s acquisition sped up, the company increased its internationalization with recognition due to the international network. in the same fashion, other chinese companies investing in european firms, such as huawei and geely, have been doing the same to establish a strong network to adapt to international standards or to strengthen their position in the chinese market itself (miedtank, 2017). qj corporation, a chinese soe investing italian automotive sector, represents another example in this regard (aureli & demartini, 2010). nicolas and thomsen (2008) strengthened the same viewpoint arguing that the collectivist culture of asian societies necessitates relationships for the simple reason that it enhances competitiveness via minimizing costs of transactions. this has helped chinese firms to acquire much better “social capital” that effectively lowered their transaction cost and gave them an advantage, over the western companies, in forming and managing alliances and networks that characterizes their internationalization process (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). unlike the traditional mncs, which are highly tied to a ‘home base’, the chinese companies are more likely to start to be global in their attitude, strategy and organization. it is further argued that the “dragon multinationals” are “not burdened with historical baggage in their organizational structures, strategies and mentalities that derive from a previous era”, which has offered the “rapidly acquired advantages over slower-moving, even in markets that have traditionally been viewed as global” (nicolas & thomsen, 2008, p. 28). similarly, luo and tung (2007) argued, in what they termed as a “springboard model”, that the chinese companies have systematically used international expansion as a “springboard” for acquiring valuable resources and assets, ultimately boosting their position in international market. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 602 these “springboards” are reported to have enabled the chinese companies are able to overcome their competitive disadvantages and domestic institutional challenges, which eventually made them strong competitors in the international markets (luo & tung, 2007). access to advanced technologies and specific industrial knowledge, among other things, has assisted chinese companies to compensate for their competitive disadvantages (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). others have come up with the so-called “leap-frogging strategy”, “sideward crawl strategy”, to describe and explain the chinese companies’ internationalization “targeting market in developing countries first is similar to crab, which walks sideward and go very far away without noticing anyone so that they would apply their “low-cost, non-brand products” in these countries as they do in domestic markets (uk essays, 2015). all these explain why many chinese companies investing in europe systematically organize and maintain longer-term strategic operations with merger and acquisitions as a preferred market entry mode (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). this will directly take us to the motives, market entry modes, ownership patterns and major destinations of chinese outward investment in europe, which are discussed in the next section. chinese outward direct investment to europe as part of the transition by chinese investors from an interest in developing economies to high-income economies, europe has become an important destination for chinese outward fdi (hellström, 2016). this was manifested in the “take-off”, a decade ago, when annual inflows tripled from 2006 to 2009, tripled again by 2011 to $10 billion (€7.4 billion), and the deals with value of more than 1 million usd doubled from less than 50 to almost 100 in 2010 and 2011 (hanemann & rosen, 2012). in fact, in 2014-15, the eu was estimated to be the largest market for chinese acquisitions, in terms of value(hellström, 2016). accordingly, there is a consensus that europe has begun experiencing a structural transformation in outward direct investment by chinese firms. motives and drives of chinese ofdi in europe the motives and drives of chinese companies outward direct invest in europe have been well studied and yet of divided opinion. drahokoupil (2017) posits that the main driver of chinese business internationalization was ‘political’ as the government has long been influencing chinese companies’ investment strategies taking into account several factors such as level of development, economic perspectives, and the interests of individual target countries. the state has affected the “overseas investment strategies of chinese firms in many ways such as through the allocation of credit, the degree of competition in the home market, or its role as owner of corporate assets” (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). as perfectly captured by kessler et al (2014), although the market system has developed over the last decades, china continues to be a “political economy” due to active governmental involvement in business via ownership and regulation. the chinese outward direct investment trends and evolutions described above cannot be understood without reference to the role of the state and its policies which have evolved from restrictions to encouragement (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). and, this was clearly manifested in the ‘going-out’ or ‘going global’ strategy which became part of the official economic policy when it was included in the 10th five-year plan for 2001–2005 (drahokoupil, 2017). even more is to come as “the chinese government—within the framework of the made in china 2025 strategy–is striving for worldwide leadership in key technologies by 2049”, the 100-year anniversary of the people’s republic (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017, p. 157). looking at this new phenomenon, i.e. china deploying capital beyond its borders, some scholars have even portrayed the country’s geopolitical intent as a reason for its overseas investment and as an indicator of chinese wider international political strategy (clegg & voss, 2012). according to hanemann & rosen (2012), however, chinese direct investment in europe is driven overwhelmingly by commercial motives. they argue that although “china’s policies of encouragement of going abroad are impacting investment decisions, firms can make rational judgments about locating operations” via appraising opportunities in the european markets (hanemann & rosen, 2012). they also contend that the “mix of industries targeted, the high number of private enterprises making investments, and the competitive behaviour of companies after they arrive and set up shop in europe all point to profit” as the greatest motive in china’s outward fdi story. generally, as nicolas & thomsen (2008) noted, many chinese firms investment in europe has been driven by their interest to maintain their competitiveness globally instead of harnessing locally available advantages. nevertheless, chinese firms are involved in internationalization, investing abroad driven by profit, like any other commercially motivated investors, of course, taking into account a wide range of considerations. jurnalstudi pemerintahan 603 an empirical study conducted by blomkvist & drogendijk (2016) has revealed that, between 2003 and 2012, the main motives for chinese investment in europe are “market seeking” and “strategic asset seeking”. in the same vein, other studies have revealed that the desire to obtain advanced technology, brands, management skills, distribution channels in such a way to guarantee themselves direct access to the european markets and acquire cheap assets on sale, especially after the financial crisis of 2008 (hellström, 2016; rabellotti, 2017). explicitly stated, the chinese firms utilize “international expansion in order to tap into resources that would otherwise be unavailable” (nicolas & thomsen, 2008, p. 27). for many chinese firms, the acquisition of well-known brands and technological know-how are the fundamental elements for breaking away from a competition back home (hanemann & rosen, 2012). and, in western european countries, access to advanced technologies and established brands has helped chinese businesses get higher position in the global value chain and become more competitive. according to dreger et al (2017), the world’s three largest manufacturers, all based in germany or italy, are now under chinese control. china has also acquired some of europe’s leading providers of ict, energy, robotics and automotive products (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). the investment drive is motivated, moreover, by a need to export capital rather than creating domestic bubbles. oversupply in the chinese industrial sector, combined with a stock market slump since june 2015, has led to disenchantment with investment opportunities in the chinese market. in addition, domestic financing of overseas corporate takeovers has become much less costly as a result of low interest rates and continued liberalization of chinese capital control. such cyclical factors contribute to the recent acceleration in china’s cross-border acquisitions. at the same time, china seeks expertise and experience in higher-end industries and services, which has led to a shift in chinese investment from developing and emerging economies to high-income economies (hellström, 2016). geographic distribution of chinese ofdi in europe studies conducted by different scholars on geographical distribution of chinese ofdi reveal that there are large differences among european countries in absorbing chinese investments (blomkvist & drogendijk, 2016). nevertheless, europe’s big three, i.e. germany, united kingdom and france, are the leading destinations (hanemann & rosen, 2012). jurnal studi pemerintahan 604 in the year 2012 alone, these three economies, have received nearly 9 billion usd ofdi from china, which amounts to 50 per cent of all chinese fdi stock in the eu countries (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). these countries together with the netherlands, italy and spain have absorbed about 76 per cent of the total of chinese investments in the eu between 2003 & 2014 (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). during the same period, of all the countries, germany is, by far, found to be the top destination of chinese investments, receiving 37 per cent of total investments between 2003-2014 (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). the chinese investment in germany are mainly in the automotive industry, by and large, going to bavaria as a special cluster, and in the machine industry, in which the main attracting regions are again bavaria and baden wurttemberg (ibid.). yet, there is an important “core periphery divide”, when it comes to chinese outward investment in europe manifested in the greece, portugal and cyprus skepticism about germany, france and italy pushing for an eu-wide investment screening mechanism that the former governments think would undermine their ability to attract necessary capital (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). ownership pattern of chinese odi in europe looking at the ownership patterns, chinese outward foreign investment capital is increasingly coming from private sector, while state-owned enterprises (soes) have continued to dominate the investment made in europe (hellström, 2016). in all, more than 670 chinese entities have invested in europe since 2008. of those, almost 100 are state-backed companies or investment funds, which collectively had a hand in transactions worth at least $162 billion, or 63 percent of the total reported deal value, as compiled by bloomberg (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). eight of the 10 largest acquirers identified were either state-owned or backed by government including the silk road fund co., a sovereign wealth fund connected to china’s belt and road initiative, see table 1 below (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). table 1: top ten chinese companies investing in europe (2008-2018) s.n. name of the chinese company inv. value (bill. usd) 1. china national chemical corp. 58.2 2. china investment corp. 24.2 3. aluminum corp. of china ltd. 14.1 4. avic capital co. 11.6 5. silk road fund co. 10.5 6. tencent holdings ltd. 9.9 7. china petrochemical corp. 8.8 8. china cinda asset management co. 8.6 9. shanghai pudong dev. bank co. 8.6 10. china citic bank corp. 8.6 jurnal studi pemerintahan 605 source: tartar, rojanasakul & diamond (2018) vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 606 an additional 30 or more entities are currently owned by one of china’s provinces or municipalities (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). state owned enterprise (soes) have made an investment worth 78% of the total investment value between 2008 and 2013 (dekeyser, 2017). after 2015, it is the privately owned enterprises (poes) that have risen to lead chinese investment in europe in terms of the number of deals from 30% in 2015 to 74% in 2016, accompanied by the growth of its share in total investment value risen from just less than 5% before 2010 to more than 30% in 2013 and more recently even trying to overtake (dekeyser, 2017). yet, the line between state and private enterprises is far more blurred in china: the cosco group of companies, a container shipping consisting of publicly traded branches of state-owned china ocean shipping group co., and has bought stakes in, or operate in, ports from the bosphorus to the baltic sea (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). nonetheless, the soes dominated nature of chinese ofdi has brought a concern among many of the eu governments with regard to the “potentially non-commercial or political motives” of chinese firms to invest in europe (dekeyser, 2017), besides the criticisms continuing as to the close relationships between investors and political interests (dreger, schüler-zhou, & schüller, 2017). entry modes types of chinese odi in europe studies show that early phase of chines ofdi of big value began in the form of international joint ventures (ijv), chang’an motors and nanjing automobile group being good examples for managing to start producing motor vehicles with european, usa, japanese and other companies of developed world (aureli & demartini, 2010). eventually, the chinese ofdi in europe has been dominated by greenfield projects in wide range of sectors which is often described as “unusual” entry mode for a developing country (hanemann & rosen, 2012). after the implementation of the “go global” policy, it appears that the vast majority of china’s fdi in europe comes in the form of merger and acquisitions (aureli & demartini, 2010). in 2004, the chinese company nanjing automobile group (nag) bought british mg rover production line and brand (aureli & demartini, 2010). according to hellström (2016), acquisitions consisted greater than 95% of china’s outward investment flows to the eu in the year 2015 alone. jurnal studi pemerintahan 607 source: hell(st2rö0m16, p. 22). figure 3: chinese ofdi in eu by entry mode (investment in million usd) 2000-2015 major acquisitions of european firms, including volvo (swedish car maker), and kuka (the germany’s industrial robot maker), have attracted a significant interest besides the chinese investment in piraeus (greek’s shipping terminal) and hinkley point c (the proposed british nuclear power facility) (hellström, 2016; aureli & demartini, 2010). in 2016 alone, 37 chinese stakes in german companies, estimated to be 9.7 billion euros, were completed or announced, including the purchase of mechanical engineering company kraussmaffei for 925 million euros (bian & emons, 2017). and, as the pace of acquisitions is dramatically rising, it has become a reality that, on average, one german company falls into chinese ownership each week (bian & emons, 2017). currently, chinese investors own, partially or wholly, “at least four airports, six seaports, wind farms in at least nine countries and 13 professional soccer teams” (tartar, rojanasakul, & diamond, 2018). investors in the service and electronics sectors, on the other hand, such as icbc, huawei & zte only invest using the greenfield entry mode (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). it is worth mentioning here that many chinese firms also employ combination of greenfield as well as m&a (mergers and acquisitions) at a time, a phenomenon described by amendolagine & rabellotti (2017) as “complex entry mode strategy”. such complex entry modes have often been used in the capital and knowledge intensive manufacturing industry, such as automotive (saic), chemicals (chemchina, china national chemical), and energy (suntech power holdings) (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 608 however, as alluded to, the vast majority of the chinese firms investment in europe has taken the form of m&a, and this is the reason why many question whether the chinese investment in europe is either one of corporate takeovers (hellström, 2016). top sectors of engagement chinese investments in the european countries cover a wide range of economic sectors that differ substantially across years. it is reported, however, four out of five acquisitions, on average, are in manufacturing (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). in the service industry, 18 per cent of the acquisitions are in the computer and programming industry and the remaining ones are in publishing, information services and telecommunications (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). table 2: top chinese investment in europe by sectors (2008 2018) s.n. investment sector value (in bill usd) 1. chemicals 48.8 2. energy 34.5 3. mining 23.1 4. internet/software 15.1 5. automotive 14.8 6. finance 14.3 7. manufacturing 8.6 8. entertainment 7.8 9. commercial 6.9 10. construction 6.6 source: adapted from tartar, rojanasakul & diamond (2018) according to amendolagine & rabellotti (2017), whose study covered 836 deals of chinese firms investing in europe (2003-2011), nearly a half of the chinese investments are directed to only four industries: electronics (15.31%), machinery and engines (13.64%), communications (11.6%) and automotive (7.42%). between 2010 and 2014 for instance, 95% of chinese investment in the eu was concentrated in seven business sectors, with one third in the energy sector, 23% in real estate, followed by manufacturing, agriculture, finance and ict (amendolagine & rabellotti, 2017). recently, however, other sectors such as hospitality industry, utilities, transportation, and infrastructure have also become important, due to a sharp decline in fdi in real estate combined with decrease of capital for the energy sector (dekeyser, 2017). although chinese investment in europe has witnessed a growing diversification of sectors, making it difficult to predict top target industries, recent figures show an increasing appetite for advanced manufacturing assets, which counted for more than one third of total chinese investment in the eu in 2015 and 2016, mainly motivated to upgrade their technological knowhow (dekeyser, 2017). chinese and european cultural differences in doing business in this section, an attempt is made to present a summary of scholarly findings and discussions regarding some common patterns of doing business among chinese companies vis-à-vis the local culture in europe as per their relevance. the concept of “culture” is so broad and dynamic that, nonetheless, encompasses norms, values, expectations, artefacts and belief systems shared by the members of a society (hofstede, 2001). culture defines the ways of living through influencing people’s attitudes and behaviours in the everyday social interactions (aureli & demartini, 2010). and, “business culture” is generally defined as the culture in which people do business and how they interact with each other while doing business (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). it includes, inter alia, norms, individual values and organizational values, working language, symbols, beliefs and working habits (hofstede, 2001). it is argued that national culture does shape business culture as it influences the cognition and information domain of decision-makers thereby affecting the way decisions are taken, strategies formulated and goals identified and oriented (aureli & demartini, 2010). besides, cultural values are basically difficult to modify unless external economic, technical or social conditions undergo a major change (aureli & demartini, 2010). to this end, it is normal to observe significant cultural differences, between european countries and china, which are self-revealing in the way businesses are conducted. instead, understanding the core values of the chinese investors in managing their business in subsidiaries and the manner of their interaction with the local workforce is pervasive in so far as the most chinese companies are “doing business in a chinese way” in europe (miedtank, 2017; drahokoupil, 2017; kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014). these are indications of the fact that chinese managers doing business in europe may encounter several difficulties in working with local managers and employees as the introduction of their own business practices in strategy formulation, management control and hrm, which could potentially contrast with existing workforce attitudes, behaviors and management systems (aureli & demartini, 2010). table 3, below, presents the cultural differences of china and four major destination countries of chinese ofdi in europe, as reflected in the scores for five cultural dimensions of hofsted’s index (2001). jurnal studi pemerintahan 609 avoidance vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 table 3: cultural dimensions of china and four destination countries of europe s. n. cultural dimensions (cd) scores of individual country china france germany italy uk 1. individualism 15 71 67 76 89 2. power distance 80 68 35 50 35 3. uncertainty avoidance 40 86 65 75 35 4. masculinity long– 50 43 66 70 66 5. term orientation 114 n/s 31 n/s 25 610 source: hofstede’s cultural map (2001). although there are no values for italy and france with regard to the time orientation in hofstede’s (2001) work, it appears, from the score of germany and great britain, whose average is 28, that china is also characterized by a considerable long-term orientation. and, if one compares the mean value of the five cultural dimensions of the four countries in the above table with that of china, it appears that chines are significantly different from these european countries. in terms of individualism, power distance and uncertainty avoidance, despite some degree of similarity on masculinity, see figure 4. china ave. of 4 major desti. of chinese ofdi in eur. long–term orientation individualism 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 power distance masculinity uncertainty source: own computation and adaptation from hofsted’s index (2001). figure 4: cd scores of china vis-à-vis mean of four european nations it is self-revealing, in figure 4 (see above), that the chinese scores for long-term orientation, individualism and power distance is almost a direct contrast compared to the average value of four countries in which they mostly do their business. this implies that chinese are strongly oriented towards achievement of long-term goals, while its european counterparts aim at avoiding uncertainty of any form. the low score for individualism indicates how chinese are collectivist that values teamwork as opposed to the four destination countries. similarly, the chinese meaning of power and authority, formal positions and status happens to be more or less the opposite to the european nation due to the nature of chinese social structure which is strongly hierarchical. these differences observed in the scores for the cultural dimensions have been verified by several empirical studies conducted on chinese subsidiaries found in various european countries. kessler et al (2014) confirmed, after studying 50 chinese firms, that the chinese culture is ‘collectivistic’ and ‘network oriented’, as opposed to the european value of ‘individualism’, which is inherently reflected in the chinese management practices. chinese managers in subsidiaries, for instance, prefer to seek help within their network instead of trying to obtain professional assistance in order to overcome the challenges they face, or they prefer to “learn by trial and error” (kessler, prandini, & wu, 2014, p. 29). this collectivistic culture of the chinese is also evident in “company performance” which is considered as the achievement of team efforts of all persons involved in operations. hence, chinese managers and employees tend to have a strong sense of loyalty and duty toward the organization, which is perceived as a strong cohesive group where relations are based upon trust (aureli & demartini, 2010). in china, work relations are understood are strongly hierarchical in contrast to european countries, where it is more equal despite differences across countries. in chinese companies, orders are supposed to be strictly obeyed and the instructions of higher ranked employees are followed due to high power distance that defines the hierarchical work relations. this is often manifested in the “managerial unilateralism” and “authoritarian style of leadership” that the chinese expatriate managers have been pursuing in europe, where local employees perceive them as “less social” (in uk), as “problematic and dysfunctional” (in germany) and more “work centered” (in italy) as they expect overtime work from workers even during religious holidays (miedtank, 2017, p. 84). jurnal studi pemerintahan 611 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 612 there is also marked cultural difference between european countries and china in terms of is ‘directness’ that could be explained by power distance. chinese expatriates usually avoid direct conflicts at all levels via escaping debates with managers and workers on their decisions regarding work performance assessment (both in terms of methods and accompanying reward systems) benefits and incentives (miedtank, 2017; aureli & demartini, 2010). the chinese tend to be indirect in criticism, which contrasts with the more direct feedback style of europeans. chinese managers often focused on the solution, instead of the person, if a mistake is committed, which is perceived to be ineffective by local european employees (miedtank, 2017; aureli & demartini, 2010). from the perspective of the chinese managers, high power distance means that they should not involve in any direct confrontation that leads to ‘conflict’ because it amounts to “losing reputation” within the organization; whereas, the lower power distance of local employees in europe presents “scarce conformity and deference to authority” resulting in misunderstandings between the two groups (aureli & demartini, 2010, pp. 21-22). aureli & demartini (2010) have studied a state-owned chinese corporation, qj, that acquired the italian motorcycle, and found out that chinese managerial systems do not only diverge but also contrast the italian culture of business as observed in: (i) planning orientation, (ii) systems of control and (iii) hrm deriving from the merging of two different cultures. the chinese managerial systems consisted of “challenging targets in the medium-long range” due to long-term orientation and low level of uncertainty avoidance that characterize chinese culture, unlike the italians who prefer structured planning in order to define goals and implement accordingly to realize them. for chinese, it is the “achievement of defined targets”, instead of “following the defined procedures”, that constitutes the object of control system and, then “looking for trust” as a mechanism to implement control system within the firm which takes a more informal way than structured way (aureli & demartini, 2010, p. 20). talking about the hrm in chinese subsidiaries, miedtank (2017) has summarized her review of literature on chinese hrm between 2001 and 2015, into three themes which portrays that chinese companies, as opposed to mncs of european countries: (i) have adopted a ‘light-touch’ or ‘hybrid’ approach toward managing their european subsidiaries; (ii) they continue to send abroad a large number of expats who are inexperienced resulting in a growing “unintended home country effects”; and (iii) visible differences in hr practices and policies between privately owned and state owned chinese companies. jurnal studi as for the first basic difference in managing the subsidiaries, pemerintahan the adoption of ‘light-touch’ approach could be explained by the chinese “long-term orientation” that fundamentally affects the choice of integration mode (miedtank, 2017; drahokoupil, 2017). as already mentioned in the previous sections, the dominant entry mode of chinese firms into european economies is m&a, which is viewed as a long-run investment. since they don’t expect immediate returns, they tend to adopt the ‘light integration’ also labelled as ‘light-touch approach’ or ‘partnering approach’ (drahokoupil, 2017). accordingly, the managers of chinese mncs rarely guide the hr management departments or decision-making processes of their subsidiaries in europe, and this ‘passive’ managerial approach are attributed to the chinese cultural influence known as ‘wu wei’, the concept of “active non-action” (miedtank, 2017). from the chinese view point, such a management approach might be considered ‘desirable’ as professional organizations that have educated workforce need invisible leaders to empower employees and preserve harmony. yet, as a study with regard to chinese subsidiaries in germany revealed, although local managers often exercise “high autonomy” in deciding on operational and sometimes strategic issues, final decision remains with the chinese management (miedtank, 2017). this is due mainly to high levels of personal authority and owner domination that underlies the authoritative and coordination control as a defining culture of the chinese family business (whitley, 1991). it is apparent in the literature that principles of chinese family enterprise are used as an advantage to better adapt to conditions of uncertainty, and hence, they are not concerned to establish solid international management structures, but rather quickly develop flexible structures spanning diverse countries and markets (nicolas & thomsen, 2008). besides, the frequent sending, to europe, of chinese expats that have limited knowledge of host countries, lack international experience, low international management skills, and without adequate cross-cultural trainings has already created, what miedtank (2017) termed as “unintended rather than intentional home-country effects”. it appears that chinese companies do not to engage in a purposeful transfer of hrm skills and practices which are conventionally regarded as crucial variable for the business success in overseas subsidiaries, instead they are heavily involved in “unintended transfer of a chinese mind-set to europe” (miedtank, 2017, p. 86). 613 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 614 the chinese home-country effects manifest themselves in the implicit form of the transfer of management values, such as overlooking the strategic importance of hrm and some unrealistic expectations like “hard work” in the workplace (miedtank, 2017). the chinese expatriate managers are also easily challenged by local staff with superior knowledge and expertise (miedtank, 2017). as aureli & demartini (2010) noted, limited or ad-hoc training is provided for chinese expatriates in europe focusing on cross-cultural issues but lacks a long-term (pre-departure and post-departure) systematic component of development planning and management processes. to this effect, the “lack of managerial talent” in chinese firms has become the biggest obstacle to their overseas expansion, as overwhelming majority of the chinese executives verified, in one survey that covered 150 mncs, that “their globalization efforts were hindered by the scarcity of people with real cross-cultural knowledge or experience managing foreign talent” (nicolas & thomsen, 2008, p. 29). studies have revealed that state-owned companies and private companies face different regulatory and institutional environments. while chinese private businesses are generally flexible and were able to adopt hr values and practices of the host countries, the soe have been reported to be highly centralized, complex and prone to government intervention, and highly influenced by hr practices and policies of the home institutions (miedtank, 2017; luo & tung, 2007; drahokoupil, 2017). private companies, after expanding to europe through social networks, tend work with host country institutions to enhance their hr practices than replicating chinese employment practices in order to advance in their future. however, the complexity of state-owned companies’ organizational structure in combination with communication difficulties can create complex problems between chinese and european partners. to sum it up, chinese expatriate managers’ home-developed interpersonal and communication skills are therefore not readily transferable to different contexts, and in particular not to western europe (miedtank, 2017). as nocholas and thomson rightly put it chinese firms will continue to suffer from the drawbacks of their “path dependency”. conclusion in this paper, an attempt has been made to present the process of chinese outward direct investment in europe. from the discussion based on the review of literature, it has been noted that the chinese business expansion abroad is a recent phenomenon, which became meaningful only in the last decade when china has recently become a net exporter of capital. a remarkable feature of the chinese cross border business expansion is the essential role of government in the internationalization of chinese mncs which was supported by official policy instruments, including the famous “go global” strategy that encouraged thousands of chinese firms to invest abroad. literature on the subject also shows that the driving motive of chinese firms to go abroad aimed at acquiring new skills, advanced technology, brands and supply chains that would enhance their competitive advantage in international as well as domestic markets. to this end, the chinese ofdi in europe has generally targeted few but major economies, namely germany, uk and france despite the investment growth in southern and central european nations in recent years especially after the financial crisis. merger and acquisitions has been the leading market entry mode resulting in huge takeovers characterizing chinese investment in europe. although the involvement of the private companies has grown rapidly in the last few years, the chinese outward foreign direct investment in europe still continue to be dominated by state owned (and/or backed) corporations that have managed to takeover numerous firms in europe. these acquisitions of chinese soes in european countries, labeled by hellström (2016) as “divestment of strategic assets”, has brought concerns as to whether the chinese investments have political motives, that nicolas & thomsen (2008) believe will continue to “fuel conspiracy theories in the west”. it is also apparent that the internationalization process of chinese business companies did not follow the traditional uppsala model as psychic distance and experiential knowledge didn’t play a role. studies, instead, reveal that resource based view (rbv) and network perspectives could better explain the cross border expansion of chinese firms as the role of resources as both as a means (e.g. utilization of networks) and objective (e.g. acquisition of assets) of internationalization process was eminent. the internationalization of “dragon mncs”, as they are sometimes called, witnessed not an incremental process but one of rapid and loosely structured expansion which depicting somehow what some regarded as “asian century”. jurnal studi pemerintahan 615 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 616 nevertheless, it is evident that the path-dependency of chinese expatriates in european countries has made it difficult to learn and adapt to the local work environment that exhibits diverging and contrasting cultural values. this huge cross-cultural gap, often portrayed in the literature as “culture conflict”, constitutes the biggest challenge that chinese companies face, in their international operations in general, and could undermine their effectiveness in doing business in european countries in particular. given the current pace of internationalization and chinese continuing appetite for investments abroad, targeting particularly europe, the basic question remains if the chinese firms could meet the necessary organizational and managerial skills to lead and coordinate their rapidly expanding global operations. therefore, long-term cross-cultural training programmes in pre-departure and post-departure are essential for chinese expatriates in europe to positively interact with worker, managers and other local stakeholders in such a way to successfully integrate to the work environment in the subsidiaries. only then, investment brings meaningful results that can benefit both home and host countries, which in turn would not only guarantee the survival but also sustained development of the chinese mncs in the future. references aharoni, y., tihanyi, l., & connelly, b. l. 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(2016). chinese outward foreign direct investments in europe. european j. international management, vol. 10, no. 3, 343-358. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 617 buckley, p. j., & casson, m. c. (1998). analyzing foreign market entry strategies: extending the internalization approach. journal of international business studies, vol. 29, no. 3, 539-562. clegg, j., & voss, h. (2012). chinese overseas direct investment in the european union. london: europe china research and advice network. dawei, g. (2008). internationalization and entry strategy of enterprises: a case study of chinese firm: huawei . dissertation for master degree in international marketing, school of business and engineering, university of halmstad. dekeyser, h. (2017). chinese investments in europe: bargain hunt or salvation for the european economy? masterproef voorgelegd voor het behalen van de graad master in de richting politieke wetenschappen afstudeerrichting internationale politiek. drahokoupil, j. (2017). introduction. in j. d. (ed.), chinese investment in europe: corporate strategies and labour relations (pp. 1-17). brussels: etui aisbl. dreger, c., schüler-zhou, y., & schüller, m. (2017, april 15). chinese foreign direct investment in europe. deutsches institut für wirtschaftsforschung (diw) economic bulletin, 14-15, pp. 155 160. ebbers, h., & zhang, j. (2010). chinese investments in the eu. eastern journal of european studies, volume 1, issue 2, 187-206. euccc. (2013). chinese outbound investment in the european union. european union chamber of commerce in china. gilpin, r. (2001). global political economy: understanding the international economic order. princeton: princeton university press. guerrero, d. (2017). chinese investment in europe in the age of brexit and trump. transnational institute (tni), working papers. hanemann, t., & rosen, d. h. (2012). china invests in europe patterns, impacts and policy implications. rhodium group. hellström, j. (2016). china’s acquisitions in europe: european perceptions of chinese investments and their strategic implications. foi. hofstede, g. (2001). culture’s consequences: comparing values, behaviours, institutions, and organizations across nations, 2nd ed. sage publications. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 618 johanson, j., & vahlne, j. e. (1977). the internationalization process of the firm: a model of knowledge development and increasing foreign market commitments. journal of international business studies, 8, 23–32. kessler, e., prandini, m., & wu, j. (2014). chinese companies in switzerland. central european business review, vol. 3, no. 3, 23 30. luo, y., & tung, r. l. (2007). international expansion of emerging market enterprises: a springboard perspective. journal of international business studies, vol. 38, no. 4, 481–498. miedtank, t. (2017). international human resource management and employment relations of chinese mncs. nicolas, f., & thomsen, s. (2008). the rise of chinese firms in europe: motives, strategies and implications . the asia pacific economic association conference, (pp. 1-42). beijing, december 13 – 14, 2008. parmentola, a. (2010). the internationalization of chinese companies: are the traditional resource based theories valid yet? review of international comparative management, vol. 11, no. 2, 260-275. rabellotti, r. (2017, july 10 accessed on july 24/2018 @19:15). how good is investing in europe for chinese companies? retrieved from the asia dialogue: http://theasiadialogue.com/2017/07/10/how-good-is investing-in-europe-for-chinese-companies/ tartar, a., rojanasakul, m., & diamond, j. s. (2018, april 23). how china is buying its way into europe. retrieved from bloomberg web page: https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-china-business-in europe/ accessed 29/07/2018 at 5:36 pm ukessays.(2015).ukessays.retrievedfrom https://www.ukessays.com/essays/economics/case-study-of huaweis-internationalization-economics-essay.php?vref=1 whitley, r. d. (1991). the social construction of business systems in east asia. organization studies, vol. 12, no. 1, 1-28. http://theasiadialogue.com/2017/07/10/how-good-ishttp://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-china-business-inhttp://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-china-business-inhttp://www.ukessays.com/essays/economics/case-study-ofhttp://www.ukessays.com/essays/economics/case-study-ofhttp://www.ukessays.com/essays/economics/case-study-of internationalization strategy, entry modes and cultural dimensions of chinese way of doing business in europe abstract 590 abstrak introduction 591 592 methodology literature review 593 594 the uppsala model of internationalization resource based view (rbv) 595 596 network perspective result 597 figure 1: china’s ofdi & cross-border acquisitions (in mill. 598 internationalization strategies of chinese mncs in theoretical lens 599 600 figure 2: parmentola’s alternative model of chinese companies internationalization 601 602 chinese outward direct investment to europe motives and drives of chinese ofdi in europe 603 geographic distribution of chinese ofdi in europe 604 ownership pattern of chinese odi in europe table 1: top ten chinese companies investing in europe (2008-2018) 605 606 entry modes types of chinese odi in europe 607 figure 3: chinese ofdi in eu by entry mode (investment in million usd) 2000-2015 608 top sectors of engagement table 2: top chinese investment in europe by sectors (2008 chinese and european cultural differences in doing business 609 table 3: cultural dimensions of china and four destination countries of europe 610 figure 4: cd scores of china vis-à-vis mean of four european nations 611 612 613 614 conclusion 615 references 618 layout desember 2008 towards performance appraisal process, raters’ perspective plays an equally important role in understanding the appraising process. raters’ main goal is to identify useful information of ratee’s performance by providing appraisal as accurate as possible in order to report the ratee’s real performance. this is exceptionally important as the main function of performance appraisal system in most organizations is to provide utilizable performance information of the ratees in making human resource decisions whether it is for between person decisions (e.g., promotion and salary increments); within person decisions (e.g., feedback and identifying training needs); system maintenance (e.g., manpower planning and evaluation of human resource systems); or documentation (e.g., criteria for validity studies and meeting legal needs) (cleveland, murphy, & williams, 1989). any equal, accurate appraisal is better than inaccurate appraisal (denisi, 2011). hence, raters’ appraisal accuracy is deemed essential in making the performance appraisal perceived as objective, fair, and transparent by the ratees. the focus of performance appraisal accuracy research shifted its format from rating scales (bernardin, la shells, smith, & alvares, 1976; landy & farr, 1980; thorndike, 1920) to rater trainings (day & sulsky, 1995), rater cognitive process (denisi, cafferty, & meglino, 1984; feldman, 1981; ilgen & feldman, 1983), rater affects (tsui & barry, 1986), rater motivations (banks & murphy, 1985; harris, 1994; murphy & cleveland, 1995), and also rater goals and intentions (murphy, 2008; murphy & cleveland, 1995; spence & keeping, 2013). past research indicated that performance appraisal accuracy was heavily investigated because accurate appraisal were likely to be perceived by ratees as fairer, acceptable and they tend to respond positively to feedback (ilgen, fisher, & taylor, 1979). denisi (2011) found that the problem investigating performance appraisal accuracy as dependent variable in field setting lies in the difficulty to obtain “true scores” (direct measure of accuracy) and incorrect proxy to relate appraisal accuracy with rating errors (indirect measure of accuracy). since it is difficult to directly measure accuracy and rating errors, it does not mean it is inaccurate. therefore it is proposed muhamad ali embi school of government, college of law, government and international studies, universiti utara malaysia email: ali@uum.edu.my low kah choon school of government, college of law, government and international studies, universiti utara malaysia email: caseylow85@gmail.com rater’s intention towards appraising accurately http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 abstract the aim of this article is to stimulate thoughts and introduce new prospects to the study of performance appraisal accuracy, especially in the raters’ perspective. it focuses on a relatively understudied aspect of performance appraisal which is raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. in order to understand the application of this aspect, this paper attempts to develop a conceptual framework based on hypotheses of the direct and indirect factors that predict the raters’ intention to appraise accurately. it is hypothesized that the raters’ experience in appraising, raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal, and raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising will predict the raters’ intention towards appraising accurately by influencing the raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. keywords: performance appraisal accuracy, behavioral intentions, attitudes, perceived subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, background factors introduction the ultimate goal of conducting performance appraisal is to provide accurate appraisal that serve the purpose of feedback and performance information. in ratee’s perspective, the main goal of performance appraisal is to get accurate feedback of their performance, whether their strengths or weaknesses, for current appraisal year in order for them to change and improve their performance. while it is important to study the ratee’s reactions ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 153 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 that the measurement of raters’ intention towards appraising accurately may be used to measure appraisal accuracy indirectly in the field setting. in order to appraise, raters must possess a certain amount and degree of intentions to conduct such difficult task, which is appraising others based on a set of objective and subjective performance aspects. based on theory of planned behavior (tpb), behavioral intentions are the most proximal predictor of behavior (ajzen, 1991; ajzen & fishbein, 2005) as it explains a variance between 19% and 38% of the behavior (armitage & conner, 2001). in other words, individuals who hold high intentions to perform a particular behavior will be more likely to behave as they intended to. review on literature emphasizing on a broad range of intentions that raters possess when appraising ratees (spence & keeping, 2011) such as intention to appraise accurately, avoiding conflicts, to be benevolent and/or manage impressions (spence & keeping, 2013) was made. spence and keeping (2013) suggested that some intentions may be complementary while others may be competing. for instance, they found that “it is possible that when there is a strong intention to appraise accurately, the effects of other intentions are ameliorated” and “the combination of strong intention to appraise to avoid conflict and to appraise benevolently may provide exceptionally lenient and generous appraisal” (p. 17) which might not be accurate. based on the example given, intention to appraise accurately is predominant in raters’ appraisal intentions because it improved other intentions by reducing inaccuracies such as avoiding conflicts, acting benevolent and managing impressions. based on the discussions above, it is assumed that one of the causes of appraisal inaccuracy is due to raters’ intentional manipulation. raters are capable to appraise accurately and the motivation to appraise accurately more likely to be the result of raters’ intention to provide accurate appraisals rather than raters’ capacity to appraise accurately. this is because raters are rarely motivated to provide accurate appraisal and may, in some cases, be strongly motivated to provide inaccurate appraisals such as refusing to give low ratings. banks and murphy (1985) stated that “organizations must also consider factors which affect each raters’ willingness to record faithfully the judgments he or she made” (p.343). hence, this paper attempts to develop propositions for the direct and indirect factors that influence raters’ intention towards appraising accurately based on the theory of planned behavior framework. this paper is divided into five sections. first, a brief overview of the performance management and performance appraisal process research is offered. the second section of this paper provides discussion of raters’ appraisal accuracy research. next, the theoretical framework is reviewed. the fourth section discusses the hypotheses development of direct and indirect factors that predict raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. the final section provides the significant of the study. theoretical framework the theory of planned behavior (tpb) is an extension of theory of reasoned action (tra) founded by icjek ajzen and martin fishbein. the basic of tra is to predict individual’s behavioral intention. there are three general constructs in tra, namely behavioral intentions, attitudes and subjective norms. it is suggested that individual tend to have strong intentions (motivation) to perform behavior in question when he/she evaluates the behavioral outcome as positive (attitudes) and believes that individual or group of individuals who are important to him/her approve the behavior (subjective norms). when the individual possesses such strong intentions, hence there is a high probability that the individual will perform the behavior. however, individual’s intentions to perform a behavior do not always accurately predict the behavior in question due to the control factors. this showed that intention is not an exclusive determinant for individual performing behavior in question. therefore, the problem of non-volitional behavior is reduced by introducing the perceived behavioral control factor into tra and the new framework was being named as tpb as in figure 1. a number of meta-analyses research gave a good support to use tpb in understanding and predicting behavioral intentions (albarracin, johnson, fishbein, & muellerleile, 2001; armitage & conner, 2001; godin & kok, 1996; hagger, chatzisarantis, & biddle, 2002; sheeran & taylor, 1999). the value of mean correlation for the relationship between attitudes and intentions is 0.45-0.60, subjective norms and intentions is 0.34-0.42, and perceived behavioral control and intentions is 0.350.46. however, the tpb assumed that the relative importance between attitudes, subjective norms, and rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 154 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perceived behavioral control depends on the behavioral intention being studied. some intentions being studied concerned more about individual’s attitude as to compare with subjective norms while other intentions weighted more on perceived behavioral control. in certain situations, only one or two factors needed to explain individual intentions while others may be explained using all three factors. instead of that, the relative weightage of the three factors may not be the same according to different individuals and population. therefore, it is an opportunity to study about the direct and indirect predictor variables and weightage of each predictor in predicting raters’ intentions in rendering appraisal, especially intention to appraise accurately. figure 1. theory of planned behavior model the raters’ intentions to perform a behavior are influenced by direct and indirect factors. ajzen (1991) proposed that the behavioral intentions determined directly by attitudes towards behavior, perceived subjective norms and perceived behavioral control. attitudes towards behavior refer to the raters’ overall evaluation that comprises affective and cognitive aspects whether positively or negatively towards the behavior. perceived subjective norms towards behavior coined as the raters’ perception towards individual or group of individuals that are important to them whether to behave or not to behave in a particular manner. perceived behavioral control termed as the raters’ perception towards one’s ability to behave in a particular way. for example, rater who have high level of intention to appraise accurately tend to have positive attitude towards appraising accurately, perceived subjective norms that encourage rater to appraise accurately and rater have a strong perception that they are capable to render an accurate appraisal. indirect or background factors, such as personal factors, situational factors, and informational factors, influence raters’ intentions to perform a behavior. raters’ personal factors such as experience in rendering appraisal is measured based on the number of years of experience in appraising and involvement in formal training especially for performance appraisal program. situational factors such as purposes of appraisal is divided into two main purposes namely administrative (increment, promotion and conferment) and development (feedback and training) which measured based on raters’ perception of appraisal purposes. informational factors such as perceived adequacy of information is measured based on the raters’ self-report of information sufficiency in terms of performance appraisal system policy and process, guidelines in rendering appraisal, performance aspects to be rated and ratees’ work performance observation and monitoring. both the direct and indirect factors to understand and predict the intention towards appraising accurately are illustrated in figure 2. figure 2. conceptual framework performance management and performance appraisal process performance management is arguably one of the most important reform initiatives under the new public management. performance management is a system that linked performance information to human resource decision making. performance information is gathered via the performance appraisal system which is one part of the performance management process. the utilization of performance information is at the highest level when the information provided is accurate. hence, accuracy of appraisal is essential so that the utilization of such information can be used for the development of perforrater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 155 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mance appraisal process and system. performance appraisal process had been researched to improve performance appraisal accuracy. basically, the research on performance appraisal process can be deduced into two main focus which are (1) improvement on the process design (such as including new performance aspects and scales, increasing the interaction between raters and ratees, and involving more raters) and (2) improvement on the process implementation (such as providing better trainings, having strict enforcement on the rules and procedures, and checking on the raters consistency and bias). these initiatives to increase the performance appraisal accuracy turned up unfruitful because the source of the problem is not on the process design or implementation but the raters’ intentions. appraisal accuracy does not only depend on obeying the rules, understanding the appraisal principle, and having commitment in rendering accurate appraisal but also on having the raters’ intention to appraise accurately. the next session will discuss the progress of appraisal accuracy research in raters’ context with the aim of understanding more on the limitations and propose an alternative perspective to research on raters’ appraisal accuracy. raters’ appraisal accuracy research the concept of appraisal accuracy is used to observe the appraisal quality. the quality of appraisal is one of the most important criteria to evaluate the effectiveness of the performance appraisal process. previous researchers stated that the most suitable criterion used to evaluate appraisal quality is based on the accuracy of appraisal made by raters (bernardin & pence, 1980). the term appraisal accuracy is used to explain the type of relationship that exists between a set of measurement and another set of measurement (appraisal score versus “true score”) as a benchmark that is widely accepted for the purpose of comparison (guion, 1961). the appraisal accuracy is measured based on direct and indirect measurements. the direct measurement is calculated by comparing raters’ appraisal towards a number of ratees (n) and a number of performance aspects (k) with appraisal by the expert raters. the expert raters’ appraisal is calculated by averaging the scores of a group of expert raters to obtain “true score” for each ratee in each performance aspect (borman, 1977). then the raters’ appraisal score (n1 x k1) is compared with the averaged expert raters’ appraisal score (n2 x k2) to identify the range of differences. the smaller the score differences, the more accurate the appraisal. in other words, performance appraisal accuracy is the relationship differences between “true score” and performance rating score. on the other hand, the indirect measurement of appraisal accuracy is measured based on the proxy related to rating errors such as leniency, halo, and central tendency. the common use of indirect measurements of performance appraisal accuracy is being investigated to understand and reduce raters’ errors in appraising because landy and farr (as cited in sulsky & balzer, 1988) found that there is no other objective ways for raters to appraise ratees’ real performance. therefore, performance appraisal accuracy is one of the issues being concerned by the raters. raters are faced with difficulties to measure ratees’ performance quality because each rater has different understanding on the performance aspects. therefore, raters are normally being blamed for errors in terms of perceptions, judgments and responses that caused appraisal inaccuracy. hence, the raters’ appraisal accuracy has been the main subject to be studied by researchers and practitioners. performance appraisal process research focused on improving the accuracy of appraisal by developing better rating scales and training raters. a body of research developed better rating scales that could increase accuracy and defined as “the decrease of either rating errors or rater disagreements” (denisi, 2011: 264) such as forced distribution rating scales (berkshire & highland, 1953) or behaviorally anchored rating scales (smith & kendall, 1963) and provide trainings to the raters to reduce errors in their appraisal (latham, wexley, & pursell, 1975). however, there was no evidence that any one rating scale is superior to other scales (landy & farr, 1980). then the performance appraisal accuracy research shifted to raters’ cognitive process that are closely related to appraisal accuracy. itlooks at raters as decision makers in processing ratees’ performance appraisal by investigating how raters process the performance related information and appraise ratees based on the information. for example, the raters’ cognitive process in processing limited information of performance appraisal such as acquiring, storing, retrieving and integrating observed ratees’ performance information may cause errors and bias in appraisal. cognitive researchers attempted to understand and rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 156 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tried ways to reduce raters’ errors, bias, and subjectivity in the performance appraisal process. the studies based on proposed models (denisi, cafferty, & meglino, 1984; feldman, 1981; ilgen & feldman, 1983) were almost in laboratory environment and used accuracy as dependent variable whereby it is possible to construct “true score” using borman’s (1977) videotapes procedures that portrayed known levels of performance that allowed for the direct measure of accuracy. however, the “true score” is difficult to obtain especially in the field. although “true score” can be obtained in laboratory studies using videotapes, the results are not generalized and other factors, which affect the accuracy of appraisals, are not taken into account. as a result, researchers and practitioners rely upon proxies for accuracy such as proxies related to rating errors. it is assumed that the reduced in errors will improve accuracy. again, this proves to be incorrect to a certain extent. the rating errors such as leniency or halo may not be errors but simply reflect response tendencies (bernardin & pence, 1980; denisi & peters, 1996). in addition, it is shown that increased error such as halo error may actually increase accuracy (murphy & balzer, 1989). after learning about these, researchers and practitioners found that the cognitive approach alone did not bring much improvements and changes in the performance appraisal process practically (banks & murphy, 1985; bretz, milkovich, & read, 1992). this is because such approach only answered the questions on how raters appraise, which depends on their cognitive ability and memory power. the criticisms towards cognitive approach lead to non-cognitive research, such as social contexts (banks & murphy, 1985; levy & williams, 2004). the performance appraisal research mainly focused on raters’ cognitive process and it resulted in the complex humanity and social factors that are not given sufficient attention. hence, levy and williams (2004) had changed the way of looking at performance appraisal process research and they argued that social context plays a major role in the effectiveness of appraisal process. raters’ effects had been found as one of the most studied rater variables in social contexts. raters’ effects can be explained either in terms of raters’ personal feelings towards appraising task or their feelings towards their ratees in appraisal contexts. for the latter, rater liking or interpersonal affect towards ratees is one consistent theme in the research on social and motivational aspects of performance appraisal (cardy & dobbins, 1986; lefkowitz, 2000; tsui & barry, 1986). raters’ affective regard or degree of liking to ratees impacts directly towards performance appraisal by appraising ratees based on the extent to which raters like each ratee without considering the ratee’s actual job role performance or capabilities (bernardin & villanova, 1986). previous findings indicated that raters who favor a ratee will appraise less accurate than raters who neither like nor dislike their ratees (cardy & dobbins, 1986). tsui and barry (1986) discovered that positive rater liking found to be more lenient and lower halo while negative rater liking to be least lenient and higher halo. lefkowitz (2000) concluded from his review of 24 studies that positive rater liking is related to frequently higher appraisal ratings, less inclination to punish subordinates, better supervisor-subordinate relationships, greater halo and less accuracy. furthermore, raters’ affective state and emotional factors towards appraising task cannot be ignored because they affect appraisal accuracy (fried, levi, ben-david, tiegs, & avital, 2000; judge & ferris, 1993; sinclair, 1988). previous findings indicated that raters in good mood tend to recall more positive information from memory and tend to appraise more positively than rater experiencing neutral or negative moods. in addition, sinclair (1988) demonstrated that raters in depressed moods tend to appraise more accurately because it is least subject to halo effects. however, it is difficult to see how observations on raters’ mood can have any real practical applications, such as telling raters not to do appraisals when they are in bad mood. instead, it is likely that doing the appraisal caused the bad mood. in order to enhance more influences on performance appraisal process research, it may need a greater collaboration between scholars and practitioners to address the social realities of organizational life and circumstances. the second area of the social context is the research on raters’ motivation. performance appraisal model (harris, 1994; levy & williams, 2004; murphy & cleveland, 1995) and performance appraisal research (murphy, cleveland, skattebo, & kinney, 2004; spence & keeping, 2010; wong & kwong, 2007) started to pay attention back to raters’ motivation in performance appraisal process. traditionally, it is assumed that raters were motivated to appraise accurately (levy & williams, 2004). raters’ motivation had been studied as indepenrater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 157 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dent variables in performance appraisal research (decotiis & petit, 1978) and it showed that there is relationship between raters’ motivation to appraise accurately and performance appraisal factors. for instance, a more experience rater is motivated to render a more accurate appraisal compare to a less experience rater. instead, raters’ perceived developmental purposes in conducting performance appraisal tend to be motivated to render accurate appraisal compare to administrative purposes. in addition, raters possess a high level of motivation when raters need to discuss appraisal results and provide feedback to ratees with the condition that raters have adequate information to appraise. in order to understand other elements of raters’ motivation and how motivation affects the appraisal process, lines of research on raters’ motivation had focused on raters’ feelings of discomfort in conducting performance appraisal (villanova, bernardin, dahmus, & sims, 1993); raters’ personality (bernardin, cooke, & villanova, 2000); raters’ attribution (struthers, weiner, & allred, 1998); and raters’ accountability (klimoski & inks, 1990). however, levy and williams (2004) found that the researchers began to question “whether all or even most raters are truly motivated to appraise accurately” (p.887). bearing that in mind, researchers turn to examine raters’ goals and intentions which are more applicable in organizational life (murphy, 2008; murphy & cleveland, 1995; spence & keeping, 2013). in performance appraisal, ratees’ main goal is to improve their performance while raters are expected to provide a more accurate appraisal so that the performance information provided by raters will be utilized by the organizations in order to make any human resource decisions. therefore, raters must have the willingness or intention to conduct appraisal accurately. the research question here is; do raters intend to appraise accurately and what are the direct and indirect factors that influence their intention towards appraising accurately? hypothesis development generally, raters face a lot of challenges such as time pressure, conflict and other commitments in their tasks. these make the raters burdened with core tasks and appraisal process becomes difficult for them especially when the subjective performance aspects involve. hence, raters’ motivation to appraise accurately has been questioned. in order to appraise accurately, raters’ intention to appraise accurately is highly anticipated. the theory of planned behavior (tpb) states that one’s intention to perform behavior in question will influence their behavior to act upon. based on tpb, behavioral intentions are influenced directly by raters’ attitudes towards behavior, raters’ perceived subjective norms, and raters’ perceived behavioral control and indirectly influenced by selected background factors, such as personal factors (raters’ experience in appraising), situational factors (raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal), and informational factors (raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising). a. raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately refers to raters’ overall favorability or unfavorability on rendering accurate performance appraisal for a particular ratee, within a given performance aspects, at a given time of appraisal period, which is determined by the assessment of consequences whether positively or negatively towards appraising accurately. the semantic differential methods used to measures positivity and negativity of attitudes are based on the raters’ evaluation towards the consequences of appraising accurately via instrumental and experiential dimensions (ajzen & driver, 1992). the instrumental dimension involves the raters’ cognitive aspects in examining whether consequences of appraising accurately follows adjective pairs placed on oppose ends of sevenpoint scales such as bad-good, unimportant-important, useless-useful, harmful-beneficial, worthless-valuable, unnecessary-necessary, and unproductive-productive. while experiential dimension involves raters’ affective aspects in experiencing whether appraising accurately follows adjective pairs placed on oppose ends of sevenpoint scales such as unpleasant-pleasant, stressful-relaxed, and detrimental-constructive. if a rater feels that appraising accurately provides positive consequences (beneficial and constructive), therefore he/she has higher tendency to show positive attitude towards appraising accurately. past researches show that there is a relationship between raters’ attitudes and performance appraisal. decotiis and petit (1978) argued that the perceived consequences of accurate appraisal partly determine raters’ motivation to appraise accurately. longenecker, sims, and gioia (1987) found that raters tried to manipurater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 158 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ late the performance appraisal when they failed to see goodness in giving accurate appraisal. when the consequences of accurate appraisal is negative, raters tend to have negative attitudes towards appraising accurately; hence their intention to appraise accurately will be low and vice-versa. harris (1994: 740) categorized the negative consequences into five categories, namely damage to rater-ratee relationship, demoralization of ratees, criticism from raters’ subordinate, criticism from raters’ supervisor, and interference with other tasks. on the other hand, several researchers found positive consequences of accurate appraisal such as increasing utilization of performance information, providing more accurate feedback, improving ratees’ performance (latham & wexley, 1994), increasing ratees’ perception of fairness (narcisse & harcourt, 2008; roberson & stewart, 2006; taylor, tracy, renard, harrison, & carroll, 1995), increasing ratees’ acceptance of performance appraisal system (jiing-lih, werbel, & bedeian, 1988; roberts, 1992), increasing ratees’ participation in appraisal process (miller & thornton, 2006), stronger motivational effect to improve peformance of ratees (roberson & stewart, 2006; selvarajan & cloninger, 2011), encouraging ratees to possess positive reactions towards performance appraisal (lam & schaubroeck, 1999), contributing to performance appraisal system effectiveness, increase ratees’ trustworthy towards appraisal (o’reilly & anderson, 1980), and increasing ratees’ satisfaction towards appraisal system (selvarajan & cloninger, 2011).. researchers tried to understand the influence of raters’ perceptions or attitudes on appraisal consequences (whether good or bad) towards performance appraisal outcome as a whole (cleveland & murphy, 1992; harris, 1994; whisler, 1958). however, it is less known that how raters’ attitudes based on appraisal consequences will help in predicting raters’ intention to appraise accurately as an outcome. the concept of attitudes based on tpb seems to complete the puzzles in understanding and predicting the raters’ intentions in appraising. the tpb argues that raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately is based on whether they perceive the outcomes of appraising accurately as positive or negative (ajzen & fishbein, 1977). the raters’ attitude consists of both raters’ general attitude on appraising accurately in organizational level and raters’ specific attitude on appraising accurately in evaluating ratees’ performance based on performance aspects during appraisal period. for instance, if the rater assumed that appraising accurately will compensate fairly to ratees’ work performance and organization benefitted in terms of accurate performance information; thus, raters tend to possess positive attitude towards appraising accurately as well as highly intend to appraise accurately. in this research context, raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately is measured directly based on single unitary construct comprising both instrumental and experiential items (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). in other words, raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately is assessed by means of an evaluative semantic differential such as unlikely to likely evaluation. the past metaanalytic reviews found a mean correlations between attitudes and intentions in a range from .45 to .60 (albarracin, johnson, fishbein, & muellerleile, 2001; armitage & conner, 2001; godin & kok, 1996; hagger, chatzisarantis, & biddle, 2002; sheeran & taylor, 1999; sheppard, hartwick, & warshaw, 1988). hence, it is assumed that raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately will predict the raters’ intention to appraise accurately. therefore, it is hypothesized that h1: there is a positive relationship between raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately and raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. b. raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately the raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately refer to raters’ perceptions on social pressure whether they should or should not appraise accurately. the perceptions on social pressure are formed based on raters’ consideration whether the individual or group of individuals important to them (referents) prescribe, desire, expect, or encourage whether they should or should not perform behavior in question, such as appraising accurately (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). the construct of perceived subjective norms consists of both injunctive and descriptive norms (cialdini, reno, & kallgren, 1990). injunctive norms refer to perceptions regarding what should or should not be done pertaining to performing behavior in question, while descriptive norms denote perceptions that important other(s) is/are or is/are not performing a given behavior. in other words, the perceived subjective norms combine and integrate both the desires (injunctive norms) and actions rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 159 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (descriptive norms) of important referent individual and groups. in performance appraisal research, the term ‘norms’ is frequently discussed with inaccuracy issues such as leniency, commitment and normative information. harris (1994) found that situational variables such as organization norms tend to influence the raters’ motivation to appraise accurately. he also proposed that if there are norms that make raters become more lenient, then they will tend to rate the performance appraisal with high marks. similarly, longenecker, sims and gioia (1987) found that raters tend to appraise inaccurately when top management not taking performance appraisal process seriously. raters having such feelings tend not to be committed to appraise accurately since the top management is not commited either. spence and keeping (2010) also found that raters will be influenced by the normative information on how other raters appraise in their organization. hence, raters tend to appraise towards the normative information. when the normative information are insufficient, inflation norms will cause raters to provide higher ratings and accuracy norms will cause the raters to provide lower ratings. there is possibility that raters feel pressured to appraise accurately due to social pressure, such as the organization informs raters how they should interpret their appraisal. in accordance with this idea, normative pressures on how other raters appraise are also an essential element in determining the behavior of appraising accurately. consequently, the perceived subjective norms are applicable in the performance appraisal context because raters may be inflicted with pressures from different parties (e.g., top management, peers, and ratees) that will influence their appraisal and they will appraise accurately based on normative influences. for example, if a rater thinks that the important others, such as top management, feels that the rater should appraise accurately and other raters in the organization are appraising accurately; hence, the rater tends to have a high intention to appraise accurately. in this research context, raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately is measured directly based on single unitary construct consisting of both injunctive and descriptive normative items (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). in other words, raters’ perceived subjective norms is measured by directly asking what important others (organization referents such as top managements, peers and subordinates) think raters should do and what these important others are doing. the previous metaanalyses found a mean correlations between perceived subjective norms and intentions in a range from .34 to .42 (albarracin, johnson, fishbein, & muellerleile, 2001; armitage & conner, 2001; godin & kok, 1996; hagger, chatzisarantis, & biddle, 2002; sheeran & taylor, 1999; sheppard, hartwick, & warshaw, 1988). hence, it is assumed that raters’ perceived subjective norms will predict raters’ intention to appraise accurately. therefore, it is hypothesized that h2: there is a positive relationship between raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately and raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. c. raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately refers to raters’ perceived abilities to appraise accurately. the construct of perceived behavioral control consists of both perceived capacity and perceived autonomy (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). perceived capacity refers to the raters’ general expectations regarding the degree to which they are capable of appraising accurately (perceived ease or difficulty), while perceived autonomy implies the extent to which raters have the requisite resources and believe that they have the control to overcome whatever obstacles they may face (perceived degree of control). based on fishbein and ajzen (2010), the term ‘perceived behavioral control’ hastheoretical similarity with the concept of bandura’s self-efficacy (1977). the term ‘perceived self-efficacy’ is used to elaborate more on perceived behavioral control components in the performance appraisal process (ajzen & fishbein, 2005). raters’ self-efficacy being studied with performance appraisal inaccuracy (bernardin & villanova, 1986) by showing that raters with low self-efficacy tends to provide higher marks (tziner & murphy, 1999). the reason is because raters tend to use avoidance strategy to avoid controntations with their respective ratees. raters with low self-efficacy are not able to face such confrontation with their ratees on giving low marks or providing correct justifications based on requisite resources for the low marks. hence, the raters try to avoid such difficulty by providing higher marks. if there are no negative rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 160 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ appraisal and feedback, the probability for raters to face negative consequences will be lessen (bernardin & villanova, 2005; tziner & murphy, 1999). in order for rater to have high self-efficacy, it is assumed that raters have considerable information on ratees’ task behavior and raters are capable to assess ratees’ performance accurately (folger, konovsky, & cropanzano, 1992). in this research context, raters’ perceived behavioral control is measured directly by means of single unitary construct consisting of both perceived capacity andperceived autonomy items (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). in other words, perceived behavioral control is measured by inquiring directly whether raters believe that they are capable of appraising accurately and the extent to which appraising accurately is under raters’ control. the previous meta-analyses found a mean correlation between perceived behavioral control and intentions in a range from .35 to .46 (albarracin, johnson, fishbein, & muellerleile, 2001; armitage & conner, 2001; godin & kok, 1996; hagger, chatzisarantis, & biddle, 2002; sheeran & taylor, 1999; sheppard, hartwick, & warshaw, 1988). hence, it is assumed that raters’ perceived behavioral control will predict raters’ intention to appraise accurately. therefore, it is hypothesized that h3: there is a positive relationship between raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately and raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. d. raters’ intention towards appraising accurately all behaviors involve planning and “every intended behavior is a goal whose attainment is subject to some degree of uncertainty” (ajzen, 1985: 24). it is essential for raters to evaluate why there is a need to appraise accurately. when it is being understood, raters will feel empowered to act for the right reasons and be brave enough to follow their heart without fearing or feeling vulnerable. therefore, raters’ intention is one of the important concepts to be discussed in the process of rendering accurate performance appraisal. the term ‘intention’ is coined as an indicator of an individual’s readiness to perform behavior in question (ajzen, 2002) and is the most proximal predictor of behavior (ajzen & fishbein, 2005). the individual’s readiness to perform a behavior can be assessed using various indicators such as intentions, expectations, willingness, trying, and planning (fishbein & ajzen, 2010). a distinction has been made between behavioral intention and behavioral expectation (warshaw & davis, 1985), and willingness to perform a behavior (gibbons, gerrard, blanton, & russell, 1998). gibbons and colleagues found that willingness is in some way able to apprehend non-intentional effect on behavior and it adds a significant amount of unique variance to the prediction of behavior. for example, past studies on smoking, drinking, and drug use among adults combined measures of intention, expectation and willingness to generate a single index (gibbons, gerrard, cleveland, wills, & brody, 2004). in this research context, raters’ intention to appraise accurately is measured directly based on a single unitary construct consists of multiple indicators such as behavioral intentions (i intend to engage in the behavior), behavioral expectations (i expect to engage in the behavior), willingness (i will engage in the behavior), planning (i plan to engage in the behavior), and trying (i will try to engage in the behavior). in other words, the criterion measure of intention is attained by asking raters how likely it is that they intend to, expect to, willing to, planning to, and trying to appraise accurately. the results of several studies for wide array of behaviors which calculated by fishbein and ajzen (2010: 188) recorded a multiple correlations ranged from .62 to .88, indicating that the three predictors (attitudes, perceived subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control) ranged between 39% and 77% of the variance in intentions. hence, it is assumed that raters’ intention towards appraising accurately is influenced by (1) raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, (2) raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and (3) raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. therefore, it is hypothesized that h4: raters’ intention towards appraising accurately is influenced by (1) raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, (2) raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and (3) raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. e. raters’ experience in appraising raters’ experience in appraising is one of the most important personal factors. it is shown that raters’ experience is essential in assisting raters to render an rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 161 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ appraisal that is acceptable by ratees (charmine & hartel, 1993) and contributes to the effectiveness of performance appraisal system (anderson, payne, ferguson, & smith, 1994; prussia, anderson, & manz, 1998). previous studies related to raters’ experience show that more experienced raters tend to provide more accurate appraisal. landy and farr (1980) found that more experienced raters indicate positive relationship with performance appraisal quality and validity. as a result, more experienced raters tend to appraise consistently and thus accurately compared to less experienced (spicer & rusli ahmad, 2006). in another study, raters report on critical incident differently based on their experience (bernardin & villanova, 2005). the study found that less experienced raters tend to appraise based on interpersonal aspects while more experienced raters use the work performance aspects of the performance appraisal process, which is more accurate. other than that, more experienced raters are likely to provide lower ratings and more accurate contrast to less experience when appraising the same ratee (spence & keeping, 2010). in this research context, the raters’ experience in appraising is measured based on raters’ self-report of the number of years holding the role as raters and whether they have attended any formal trainings on conducting performance appraisal (spicer & rusli ahmad, 2006). it is assumed that raters’ experience in appraising will predict their intention to appraise accurately by influencing their attitudes, perceived subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. the more experienced raters tend to have a higher level of awareness and understanding of performance aspects that need to be rated and their ability to justify their appraisal towards ratees’ performance. hence, more experienced raters are likely to possess positive attitude towards appraising accurately. in addition, more experienced raters tend to be influenced by subjective norms to appraise accurately because they were believed to give a more reliable appraisal (jurgensen, 1950). more experienced raters also held strong perceived behavioral controls to appraise accurately. this is due to their experience in using appraisal instruments that may reflect higher accuracy in the appraisal process (gordon, 1972). therefore, it is hypothesized that h5: raters’ experience in appraising will predict raters’ intention towards appraising accurately by influencing (1) raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, (2) raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and (3) raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. f. raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal is one of the essential situational factors. basically, the primary purposes of appraisal are categorized into two main groups, namely administrative and developmental (murphy & cleveland, 1995). administrative purposes by helping organizations to make decisions on promotions and salary decisions while developmental purposes concerned with providing feedback and identifying training needs (cleveland, murphy, & williams, 1989; landy & farr, 1980). the previous studies show that appraisal conducted for developmental purposes is less disposed to appraisal bias, and thus more accurate, compared to appraisal conducted for administrative purposes (meyer, kay, & french, 1965; zedeck & cascio, 1982). this is because raters have fewer needs to manipulate their appraisal related to developmental components of performance appraisal (youngcourt, leiva, & jones, 2007). in contrast, performance appraisal used for administrative purposes is influenced by friendship and political influences (cardy & dobbins, 1994; longenecker, sims, & gioia, 1987). hence, the inflation of ratings is likely to happen when appraisals are used for administrative decisions (murphy & cleveland, 1995) compared to developmental decisions (jawahar & williams, 1997). as a result, appraisals tend to be less accurate when they are made for administrative purposes than developmental purposes. in this research context, the raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal are measured based on a random list of appraisal purposes, which is categorized into administrative and developmental purposes. the perceived purposes of appraisal are either for administrative purposes only or for both administrative and developmental purposes. this is because appraisal conducted for the purposes of developmental will lead to the fulfilment of administrative purposes because better-trained ratees are assumed to be at higher performance level compared to less-trained rates, and thus having a higher chances for rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 162 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ promotion and salary increments. therefore, it is assumed that raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal will predict their intention to appraise accurately by influencing their attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal tend to influence raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately because raters tend to think of the appraisal outcomes prior to appraising and this will influence their appraisal (cleveland & murphy, 1992). for example, raters’ perceived administrative and developmental purposes of appraisal will have positive attitude towards appraising accurately because it is perceived more accurate by ratees compared to administrative purposes alone (o’donnell, 1990; selvarajan & cloninger, 2011). furthermore,raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal will form distinct subjective norms towards influencing raters’ intention to appraise accurately. for instance, raters who perceived the appraisal for both administrative and developmental purposes intended to provide accurate high marks to deserved ratees if the organization supports promotion advancement for potential ratees. the raters’ perceived both administrative and developmental purposes of appraisal also influenced raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. this is because raters have the abilities to appraise accurately if it is for both administrative and developmental decisions compared to administrative decisions alone. therefore, it is hypothesized that h6: raters’ perceived purposes of appraisal will predict raters’ intention towards appraising accurately by influencing (1) raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, (2) raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and (3) raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. g. raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising appears to be one of the most important informational factors and it has not been elaborated explicitly. the emphasis on providing sufficient information and advice on accurate appraisal enables more informed decisions by raters. before appraising ratee’s performance, raters must acquire relevant information to assist them when appraising. it is assumed that the accuracy of appraisal is directly related to the quantity and quality of information about ratees (kondrasuk, crowell, dillon, kilzer, & teeley, 2008). roberts (1998) found that there is a lack of information provided by the organization to adequately establish the performance appraisal process, especially for the raters. if the information is inadequate, raters may determine what information is missing and then attempt to collect it (crocker, 1981). hence, the raters must not only be motivated to observe but also be proficient at documenting and assessing the ratee’s performance and at the same time providing continuous feedback (liu & dong, 2012: 158). these tasks need raters to be equipped with sufficient information. raters are not a passive measurement instrument but rather an active agent pursuing specific goals, such as accurate appraisal. raters can obtain information about the ratees’ performance in order to justify their appraisal and also evidence for their justifications. this information might include direct observation of ratee’s work behavior, reports from customers and other members in the organization, inspection of the results of work performance, such as products or reports, raters’ prior appraisal of ratees’ performance (balzer, 1986; murphy, balzer, lockhart, & eisenman, 1985), and the ratees’ general reputation as a good or poor performer (march & march, 1978). based on the signal-detection theory, both green and swets and also macmillan and creelman (as cited in brewer & wells, 2006) found that there is a relationship between confidence and accuracy whereby the strength of evidence or information adequacy determines both accuracy and confidence. it is assumed that the information adequacy is directly related to raters’ confidence and indirectly to raters’ intention to appraise accurately. raters equipped with adequate information to help them appraise could boost the raters’ confidence and thus possess a higher intention to appraise accurately. information adequacy is measured by asking raters to indicate how well-informed they were with respect of the appraisal system, appraisal implementation process, appraisal forms, performance aspects to be rated, appraisal standard used, observation on ratees’ performance, ratees’ performance reports from relevant parties, past performance appraisal reports, and ratees’ general reputation. it is assumed that raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising will predict their intention to appraise accurately by influencing their attitude, perceived subjective norms, and perceived behavioral rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 163 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ control. raters who perceive to have adequate information for appraising are likely to possess positive attitude towards appraising accurately because their appraisal can be justified based on the information provided. raters who have sufficient normative information will not be influenced by social pressure to appraise inaccurately. other than that,, raters tend to have strong perceived behavioral control when they are equipped with sufficient information, which make them understand the whole process of implementing accurate performance appraisal. therefore, it is hypothesized that h7: raters’ perceived information adequacy for appraising will predict raters’ intention towards appraising accurately by influencing (1) raters’ attitude towards appraising accurately, (2) raters’ perceived subjective norms towards appraising accurately, and (3) raters’ perceived behavioral control towards appraising accurately. conclusion this paper provides a conceptual framework to understand direct and indirect factors that predict the raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. the study hopes to contribute in several ways. first, the present study contributes to understanding the direct and indirect factors that influence the raters’ intention to appraise accurately based on tpb framework. the tpb is applied in various fields, such as health (albarracin, johnson, fishbein, & muellerleile, 2001), nutrition (liou, 2007), and even entrepreneurship (kautonen, van gelderen, & tornikoski, 2011) just to name a few. nevertheless, it is not being applied in the performance appraisal research, especially in predicting the raters’ intention towards appraising accurately. second, knowledge about raters’ intention to appraise accurately is important in providing awareness of the existence of bias and errors in appraising which can be intentional even though raters state that it isunintentional to escape for being blamed as inaccurate. it is assumed that raters have the ability to appraise accurately, but the intention is a motivation for raters to show their abilities and efforts to appraise accurately. therefore, it is significant to study the raters’ intention to appraise accurately in order to predict whether raters are intended or unintended to appraise accurately and what factors that facilitate or impede raters to appraise accurately. third, the integration of various factors in a framework is always welcome as performance appraisal involved a complex process. this research attempts to include conative (intention), affective (attitude), cognitive (attitude), social (perceived subjective norms), abilities (perceived behavioral control), personal (experience), situational (perceived purposes of appraisal), and informational (perceived information adequacy) factors into raters’ intention towards appraising accurately framework. such integration allows researchers and practitioners to 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(1982). performance appraisal decisions as a function of rater training and purpose rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 168 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 of the appraisal. journal of applied psychology, 67, 752758. rater’s intention towards appraising accurately / muhamad ali embi & low kah choon / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0015 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 183 of 193 assessing the prevalence, cause and consequences of corruption in dagmawi minilik sub-city, bahir dar, ethiopia abstract the main purpose of this study was to assess the prevalence, cause, and consequences of corruption in dagawi minilk sub city, bahir dar. the study employed a descriptive case study using mixed-method. for the primary data were gathered from 96 respondents consisting of sub-city heads, sectoral directors, and employees using questionnaire, five key informants were also interviewed. for the secondary data, books and periodical reports related to the topic were assessed. gathered data were analysed using frequency counts and percentages. the results of the study confirmed that employees of dagmawi minilk sub-city have the perception that different forms of corruption (especially bribery, nepotism, and favouritism) are frequently occurring in the sub-city and has various negative consequences. as a result, this study has identified low payment scales, absence of exemplary leadership, lack of effective supervisions, weak implementation of ethical codes of conduct, ineffective institutional accountability, and lack of strict and fast punishment as significant causes of corruption in the study area. moreover, embezzlement of public resource, service delivery delay, poor service quality, reduction of state revenue, economic inequality, and the collapse of government legitimacy were identified as consequences of corruption. thus, this study recommends that improving institutional accountability, increasing salary for staffs, selecting exemplary leaders, and imposing strict and immediate punishments should be there. keywords: corruption, causes, consequences, dagmawi minilk sub-city, prevalence abstrak penelitian ini memiliki tujuan utama yaitu untuk menilai prevalensi, penyebab, dan konsekuensi dari korupsi di kota minilk dagawi, bahir dar. penelitian ini menggunakan studi kasus deskriptif dengan mix-method. data primer dikumpulkan dari 96 responden yang terdiri dari sub-city heads, sectoral directors, and employees menggunakan kuesioner dan wawancara. untuk data sekunder, buku dan laporan berkala yang terkait dengan topik penelitian. data yang terkumpul dianalisis menggunakan jumlah dan persentase frekuensi. hasil penelitian ini menjelaskan bahwa karyawan dagmawi minilk sub-city memiliki persepsi bahwa berbagai bentuk korupsi (terutama suap, nepotisme, dan favoritisme) sering terjadi di sub-kota dan memiliki berbagai konsekuensi negatif. oleh karena itu, penelitian ini telah mengidentifikasi adanya skala pembayaran yang rendah, tidak adanya kepemimpinan yang patut dicontoh, kurangnya pengawasan yang efektif, lemahnya penerapan kode etik, akuntabilitas kelembagaan yang tidak efektif, dan kurangnya hukuman yang ketat dan cepat sebagai penyebab korupsi yang signifikan. selain itu, penggelapan sumber daya publik, keterlambatan pemberian layanan, kualitas layanan yang buruk, pengurangan pendapatan negara, ketimpangan ekonomi, dan runtuhnya legitimasi pemerintah diidentifikasi sebagai konsekuensi dari korupsi. dengan demikian, studi ini merekomendasikan bahwa meningkatkan akuntabilitas institusional, meningkatkan gaji untuk staf, memilih pemimpin yang patut dicontoh, dan menjatuhkan hukuman yang tegas dan segera dengan semestinya. endalsasa belay abitew endalkachewbelay65@gmail.com department of governance and development studies bahir dar university bahir dar, ethiopia history received : oct 10th, 2019 revised : oct 21st , 2019 accepted : oct 23th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: abitew, e.b. 2019. assessing the prevalence, cause and consequences of corruption in dagmawi minilik sub-city, bahir dar, ethiopia. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(3). 183193 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:endalkachewbelay65@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 184 of 193 introduction corruption exists in various forms involving different participants; because of this, it has no single comprehensive definition. corruption is an act of malfeasance by government officials for personal enrichments while performing tasks entrusted to them by the general public (bardhan, 1997). for hammed (2018), corruption can be defined as dishonest or illegal behaviour of government officials. misuse typically involves applying a legal standard. this type of corruption includes the selling of government property, bribery, and malversation of funds (svensson, 2005). the most popular definition of corruption is the abuse of public office for personal gain or interest (jain, 2001; world bank, 1997). corruption is not only occurring in developing nations but also in developed countries. corruption affects almost all parts of society. like cancer, as argued by benon (2009), corruption “eats into the cultural, political and economic fabric of society, and destroys the functioning of vital organs”. like terrorism, aids, and environmental degradation, corruption is one of those problems that have no respect for national boundaries (manchin, 2000). according to kaufmann (2003), corruption is recognized as a major obstacle to sustained development and the creation of an enabling environment for good governance in africa. in almost all african countries, corruption has become a common and routine element of the functioning of the administrative machinery (oliver & de saradan, 1999). according to the world bank study conducted in ethiopia, corruption is the most challenging problem that all household face after poverty (world bank, 2005). according to the tesfaye (2007), during the previous regimes (imperial and dergue), corruption is said to have resulted in undermining the legitimacy of the governments and weakening their structures, reducing productivity, hindering development, marginalizing poor, worsening poverty, create social unrest, and speed up their downfall. even though corruption is one of the burning issues and impediments to good governance and sustainable development worldwide, it is more common in developing countries than developed ones. ethiopia is one of the developing countries where the prevalence of corruption has been uncontrolled (selamu, 2010). after the current government, the ethiopian people’s revolutionary democratic front (eprdf) came into different power measures have been taken to control the persistence and further escalation of corruption in the country. federal ethics and anti-corruption commission (feacc) was established in may 2001 as of the measures taken by the ethiopian government to combat corruption through investigation, prosecution and prevention (feacc, proclamation 235/2001). despite the establishments of feacc and all other efforts exerted by the government, the problem of corruption remains in the country. therefore, the purpose of this study is to assess the prevalence, cause, and consequences of corruption in dagmawi minilk sub-city with the objectives of assessing the prevalence of corruption, identifying the major causes of corruption, and finding out the major consequences of corruption in the study area. this study is expected to make a substantial contribution to the research of the prevalence, cause, and consequences of corruption, and to recommend policy guidelines to curb corruption. specifically, the findings of this study may serve as an input to dagmawi minilk sub-city in fighting corruption. theoretical framework defining corruption various scholars agreed that corruption is a universal problem that needs urgent attention. however, like many other concepts in social sciences, corruption has no universally accepted definition. according to heyneman (2004), corruption is defined as the abuse of authority for personal or material gain. all manifestations of corruption are motivated by the desire to use the public office for personal gains, (e.g. for the benefit of the official, his relations, ethnic group, or friends) at the expense of the public (olopoenia, 1998). it involves bribery and other dishonest means for achieving particular disgraceful issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 185 of 193 ends, which is an indication of an ailing society (milovanovic, 2001). corruption is a kind of behaviour that deviates from the norm prevalent or behaved to prevail in a given context, such as politics. it is deviant behaviour associated with a particular motivation, namely that of private gain at public expense (carl fredrich, 1997). there have been several different attempts at defining corruption. however, no precise definition can be found which applies to all forms, types, and degrees of corruption. kwame (2000) analyzed corruption from the sociological perspective, according to him; corruption is prevalent in societies where integration is low, and socialization is reduced such that recognition of the common national interest is not pervasive enough. according to leslie palmier (1983), corruption is defined as the use of public office for private advantage. this is one of the most popular definitions of corruption. it is evident from the preceding discussion that there is a wide range of definitions of corruption. for this study, the researcher takes the definition given by leslie palmier (1983), the use of public office for private gain. this definition is simple and sufficiently broad to cover most of the corruption that public sectors are facing, and it is also widely used in literature. forms of corruption in the public sector public sectors consist of governments and all publicly controlled or publicly funded agencies, enterprises, and other entities that deliver public programs, goods, or services. some of the following forms of corruption are found in public sectors. bribery it involves the offering of something, often money but can also be goods or services in order to gain an unfair advantage. common advantages can be to sway a person’s opinion, action, or decision, reduce amounts fees collected, speed up government grants, or change outcomes of legal processes. nepotism is the practice or inclination to favour a person, or group of persons, related to the person in authority when giving promotions, jobs, raises, and other benefits to employees. this is often based on the concept of feminism, which a person must always respect and favour family in all situations, including those pertaining to politics and business. embezzlementis the illegal taking or appropriation of money or property that has been entrusted to a person but is owned by another. in political terms, this is called graft which is when a public office holder unlawfully uses public funds for personal purposes. extortion is threatening or inflicting harm to a person, their reputation, or their property in order to unjustly obtain money, actions, services, or other goods from that person. for instance, blackmail is a form of extortion. fraud is an act of misrepresentation or deception. charging undelivered goods or services, tampering of product specification, and overpricing goods and services to cover the cost of bribes. fraud results loss of state revenue. the public sector is involved in fraudulent activity by overlooking altered or missing documents or by receiving bribes to “ignore” illegal activity. favouritism is a mechanism of abuse of power means “privatization” and highly biased distributions of common resources, no matter how the resources have been accumulated in the first place. causes of corruption in the public sectors corruption is now widely recognized as one of the greatest enemies to prosperity, economic competitiveness, and social and political stability of a country. although it differs from country to country based on political, socio-cultural and economic factors of a country, corruption is a common problem worldwide. causes of corruption are many and depend on different contextual environments. the followings are the common causes of corruption identified by chibwana (2008). weak rule of law corruption in public sector prevails where laws are applied selectively, and where the law is used as a tool for advancing private interests as opposed to protecting the public interest. a common feature of such a breakdown in the rule of law in highly corrupt countries is where the police act as lawbreaker rather than law enforcers. low payment scales or wages most of the employees in the government sector are not monetarily compensated; hence, some employees corrupt to enhance their living condition. the lack of good infrastructures such as roads, issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 186 of 193 water supply services, permanent electricity, and other things related to public service entice an employee to commit corruption. unclear, complex and frequently changing laws, policies when laws are conflicting or demand intensive interpretation, the discretionary power of public officials is expanded, increasing the likelihood that they will make arbitrary or self-serving decisions when laws are unpredictable, quite often entrepreneurs do not know their rights and obligations. as a result, they cannot comply fully nor defend themselves against illegal inspections. an institution that has outdated policies and regulations is a fertile ground for corruption. corruption, then, becomes a means to promote inefficiency and arbitrary official actions. ineffective institutional accountability the state itself creates these institutions, such as the office of ombudsman, ethics and anti-corruption commission, and the legislative. some of these institutions emerge from outside the formal state structures, and they include media organized civil society. however, in highly corrupt countries, there is an apparent weakness in these institutions of accountability, lack of accountability and dysfunctional internal checks and balance under which the self-evident legitimate rights of citizens will not be observed and enforced before any state institution. lack of strict and fast punishments even if someone is found guilty or even caught red-handed by the anti-corruption officials or media, the convicts get less punishment. first, they will be suspended for a few months or weeks and then re-posted to another location with the same job grade and pay. thus, an uncorrupt person is given a chance to continue his or her practice. organizational culture in some institutions, employees may believe that corruption is a way of life and that they cannot survive without it. people join the institutions to become part of the system absence of ethical codes of conduct workers in an institution that has no codes of conduct that compels employees to act with integrity and accountability are prone to corruption. thus, not guided on the best codes of conduct. absence of exemplary leadership when leaders themselves are corrupt, and the authority vested upon them for personal interest, they will not be exemplary leaders; also, they will not let anti-corruption watchdogs, if there are any, in force the full length of security of the law against to suspect of corrupt behaviour. bureaucratic delays delays in making decisions may impede access to services; hence, people may resort to bribery to speed up services. lack of effective supervision if there is no supervision in an institution, employees may not follow work procedures, codes of conduct, or process. this will make the institution suffer from loose and dented. consequences of corruption corruption poses a serious development challenge. corruption arises from both political and bureaucratic offices can be petty or grand, organized or unorganized. thus, the consequences of corruption have many dimensions related to economic, political, and social effects. economic consequences since there is a debate on the effect of corruption on economic growth, many studies examine the relationship between these two variables. some scholars like huntington (1968) argue that corruption may improve efficiency and hence promote economic growth by allowing enterprises to circumvent cumbersome regulations with bribes, especially in developing nations. however, many pieces of literature insist that corruption lowers economic growth because it may reduce the incentives of private investment (bradhan, 1997), distort public investment decisions (tanzi and davoodi, 1997). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 187 of 193 political consequences corruption hampers democracy and the rule of law. in the political sphere, corruption undermines democracy and good governance by subverting formal processes. corruption in elections and legislative bodies reduces accountability and representation in policymaking; corruption in the judiciary suspends the rule of law; and corruption in public administration results in the unequal provision of services. in a democratic system, public institutions and offices may lose their legitimacy when they misuse their power for self-interest. corruption may also result in encoring cynicism and reducing the interest of political participation, political instability, reducing political competition, reducing the transparency of political decision making, distorting political development, and sustaining political activity based on patronage, clientelism and money, among others. generally, corruption erodes the institutional capacity of the government as procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned off, and officials are hired or promoted without regards to performance. social consequences corruption discourages people from working together for the common good. frustration and general apathy among the public result in weak civil society. demanding and paying bribes became a tradition. it also results in social inequality and the widened gap between the rich and the poor. corruption demoralizes the population and leads to a lack of confidence in the state institutions. the most visible consequences are poor public services, increased social polarization, disinvestments, and exclusion. the adverse effects of corruption on the environment are also documented in the literature. corruption aggravates pollution, especially in developing nations (welsch, 2004). pellegrini and gerlagh (2006a,b) found that corruption has a substantial negative effect on the environment policy stringency, which may imply that corruption affects pollution, mainly through environmental policymaking. to conclude, corruption poses adverse effects on economic, political, social, and environmental spheres. research methodology the purpose of this study was to assess the prevalence, cause, and consequences of corruption in dagwawi minilk sub-city, bahir dar. the study employed a descriptive case study with mixed research approach: both quantitative and qualitative research approaches. the target population for this study were the employees, the managers, and sectoral directors working in dagwami minilk sub-city. in this sub-city, there are four sectoral directors, one manager and 139 other employees, a total of 144 units. both probability and non-probability sampling techniques were employed in sample selection. the researcher purposely selected the key informants: the manager and four sectoral directors of the sub-city for the interview. using yamane (1967) formula of 95 per cent confidence level and 5 per cent desire level of precision or margin of error and simple random technique, 103 sample size was determined from the 139-employee population. the required data for this study were collected from primary and secondary sources. the primary data were gathered through questionnaires distributed to sample employees, and the interview was used to collect data from the sub-city manager and sectoral directors. for the secondary data, relevant books, references and periodical reports were obtained. quantitative data were analyzed using simple descriptive analytical techniques such as frequencies and percentages, while qualitative data were analyzed and interpreted in the meaning full way through an explanation. in this analysis, reiteration and elaborations of key concepts and suggestions would be made on the findings that fit with the existing literature. result and discussion from the 103 distributed questionnaires, a total of 96 (93%) were returned. after collecting all the information needed, data were analysed and interpreted using the method mentioned above. thus, this section presents the results and discussion simultaneously based on the themes derived from the objectives of the research. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 188 of 193 prevalence (perceived) of corruption in dagmawi minilk sub-city even if the perceptions on the prevalence or frequency of corruption may be different from the reality, an understanding of these perceptions is still indispensable since perceptions form the basis for decision making as to promote the development of an effective and well-informed strategy against corruption. accordingly, respondents were asked to tell the prevalence or frequency of different forms of corruption they perceived in dagmawi minilk sub-city, and their responses are presented in a figure. figure 1. views of respondents on prevalence of corruption in dagmawi minilk sub-city as shown in figure 1, bribery (47.92%), nepotism (45.83%) and favouritism (48.96%) are the most frequent forms of corruption occurring in dagwami minilksub-city. concerning the other option, respondents replied that embezzlement (46.88%), fraud (56.25 %), and theft (43.75%) are forms of corruption sometimes occurring in the study area, while extortion (40.63%) is rarely occurring. on the basis of these responses, one can say that extortion is not a serious form of corruption in the study area. however, bribery, nepotism, and favouritism are serious problems to the sub-city. this finding should serve as a warning signal to dagmawi minilk sub-city to take measures and curb the widespread or rampant of corruption which will be a threat to the sub-city. in line with this, lawal (2007) argued that the frequency or prevalence of corruption in the public sector hampers efficient and effective service delivery. services delayed creates an avenue for corruption; hence, when services are intentionally delayed to attract a bribe, the availability and affordability can no longer be quarantined, and therefore, efficiency and effectiveness of the services will be compromised. besides, as per interviews made with key informants, regarding the occurrences of corruption in the study area, their response indicated that there are occasional types of corruption in the study area and they had personal experiences of hearing about or dealing with an incident of corruption in the preceding years. according to the key informants, some employees use relationships (friends and relatives) when they are serving the clients. it is also noted that some employees receive bribes to provide kebele identification card (id) by encrypting or communicating with a broker. causes of corruption scholars such as chibmana (2008) sated that corruption is a social phenomenon that cannot be explained by a single word or cause. it is a complicated social, institutional, and human issue often resulted from many contingent circumstances. reducing corruption requires an understanding of its 47,92 45,83 27,08 48,96 34,375 23,96 31,2536,46 37,5 46,88 38,54 56,25 35,42 43,75 15,63 16,67 26,04 12,5 9,38 40,63 25 0,00 10,00 20,00 30,00 40,00 50,00 60,00 always sometimes rarely issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 189 of 193 causes. the researcher has got respondents’ opinion about the factors that cause corruption in dagwami minilk sub-city, and their responses are presented tables. table 1: views of respondents on causes of corruption in the study area no. items responses sa a n da sda 1 low payment scales 59 (61.5) 21 (21.9) 5 (5.2) 7 (7.3) 4 (4.1) 2 weak implementation of ethical codes of conduct 27 (28) 42 (43.8) 8 (8.3) 6 (6.3) 13 (13.6) 3 ineffective institutional accountability 45 (46.9) 33 (34.4) 6 (6.3) 9 (9.4) 3 (3) 4 lack of strict and fast punishment 48 (50) 27 (28.1) 5 (5.2) 7 (7.3) 9 (9.4) 5 unclear, complex and frequently changing laws 23 (24) 30 (31.3) 19 (19.8) 14 (14.5) 10 (10.4) 6 lack of effective supervisions 41 (42.7) 35 (36.4) 3 (3.1) 9 (9.4) 8 (8.4) 7 bureaucratic delays 29 (30.2) 33 (34.4) 9 (9.4) 14 (14.5) 11 (11.5) 8 absence of exemplary leadership 26 (27.1) 38 (39.6) 7 (7.3) 16 (16.6) 9 (9.4) key: s= strongly agree, a= agree, n= no opinion, da= disagree, sda= strongly disagree nb: figures in the bracket represents percentages in table 1 item 1, 61.5 % and 21.9% respondents strongly agreed and agreed, respectively, that low payment scales trigger corruption while 11.4% (7.3% and 4.1%) of respondents think the otherwise. 5.2% of the respondents, however, mum about it. in item no.2 of the same table shows that 43.8 % of respondents agreed and 28% strongly agreed that weak implementation of ethical codes of conduct cause corruption. 13.6% and 6.3% respondents replied strongly disagreed and disagreed respectively on weak implementation of ethical codes of conduct cause corruption. the remaining respondents (8.3%) have no opinion regard to the scenario. item 3 shows that 46.9 % and 34.4% respondents answered strongly agreed and agreed respectively that ineffective institutional accountability causes corruption. about 9.4% of respondents disagreed, and 3% strongly disagreed that corruption will be occurred due to ineffective institutional accountability. as regards to item no. 4 in table 1, which concerning strict and fast punishment mechanisms, 50% of respondents strongly agreed and 28.1% agreed that lack of strict and fast punishment cause corruption. about 9.4% and 7.3% of respondents answered strongly disagreed and disagreed respectively on the scenario. others (5.2%) respondents have no opinion concerning the issue. another contributing factor that aggravates corruption in dagmawi minilik sub-city is the existence of unclear, complex, and frequently changing laws. in item 5, in the same table shows 31.3% of respondents agreed, and 24% strongly agreed that unclear, complex and frequently changing laws cause corruption. in item no. 6 in the same table, majority, 36.4% of respondents agreed and 42.7% strongly agreed that lack of effective supervisions cause corruption because if there is no supervision in an organisation, employees do not follow work procedures, codes of conduct or process. in item 7, in the same table, majority, 34.4% and 30.2% respondents answered agreed and strongly agreed respectively that bureaucratic delays are the main causes of corruption; when officials and/or employees delays in making decisions this can impede access to services, and leads people to resort of paying bribes in response to speed up service. item 8 shows that 39.6% of respondents agreed and 27.1% strongly agreed that corruption occurs due to the absence of exemplary (model) leadership. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 190 of 193 therefore, on the basis of these responses, we can argue that low payment scales, weak implementation of ethical codes of conduct, ineffective institutional accountability, lack of effective supervisions; lack of strict and fast punishment; and absence of exemplary leadership are factors causing corruption in the study area. these findings of the study are supported by different research. corruption is strongly influenced by the low salaries of public administration employees (state officials), who are therefore trying to improve their financial position by receiving bribes. allen and et al. (2015) in their study found that corruption arises because agencies, institutions and the government can no longer control corruption effectively due to underpaid officials, which is a problem especially in the developing countries, where they do not have the sufficient tax revenue to reward the local officials properly. svenson (2005) also added that the salary level of civil servants affects the receipt of a bribe (the higher it is, the smaller the chance that the person will act corruptly). corruption also caused by ineffective and unclear regulations. dimant (2014) argued that the level of efficiency of public administration determines the extent to which corruption can find fertile soil and sprout. such efficiency is determined by the quality of the regulations and permits, since ineffective and unclear regulations help to increase the level of corruption in at least two different ways: the artificially created monopoly of power that enables civil servants to obtain bribes is based on their superior position and embedded in the system; ineffective and unclear regulations cause inhibition and therefore encourage natural persons to pay bribes in order to speed up the bureaucratic procedure. furthermore, yemane (2004) confirmed that poorly defined, constantly changing and inadequate rules and regulations, lack of properly established laws and principles, or code of conduct applicable to public officials and lack of institutions to enforce them, lack of watch-dog agencies causes of corruption. the key informant interview results also revealed that low salaries or wages of employees, lack of discharging responsibilities in a proper manner and unethical behaviour of employees are the triggering factors that cause corruption. however, the interviewees said that low salaries are not the only cause for official and employees to act corruptly. besides, the power of patronage networks; that is, by groups using informal patrimonial relationships, conducting corruption in a very secretive manner is common in the sub-city. respondents’ opinion about the consequences of corruption the consequences of corruption are broad, ranging from reduced economic growth to a distortion of public expenses; thus, hinders development. the consequences of corruption are felt in all sectors. an understanding of the consequences of corruption is useful for the development of a nation and the success of an organization. in this study, respondents were asked to indicate the different kinds through which the consequences of corruption are manifested in different factors specific to dagmawi minilk sub-city. the next table highlights the opinion respondents about the consequences of corruption. table 2: views of respondents on consequences of corruption consequences of corruption frequency percentage (%) results in delays of service deliver 17 17.7 embezzlement of public resource 31 32.3 human rights are violated 5 5.2 reducing efficiency in service deliver 11 11.5 results of poor quality of services 21 21.9 weakens state capacity and subvert legitimacy 8 8.3 others 3 3.1 total 96 100 as depicted in table 2, corruption aggravated (32.3%) embezzlement of public resources. it also results in poor service quality (21.9%), delays in service delivery (17.7 %), reduced efficiency in service issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 191 of 193 delivery (11.5%), weakens state capacity, and subvert legitimacy (8.3%), and violation of human rights (5.2%). on the basis of the data, respondents responded that officials embezzle or waste the public’s resource if there is less control over their daily activity. furthermore, the researcher conducted interviews with key informant interviews who shared their opinions regarding the negative consequences of corruption. accordingly, respondents were of the opinion that corruption leads to increased cost, lowering quality of services, reducing productivity, reducing the revenue of the state, worsening income inequality, undermines the legitimacy of the government, and weakening their structures and finally speeding up the downfall of the state. these findings of the study are supported by different research. for instance, according to shleifer and vishny (1993), corruption has adverse consequences on the provision of service offered within departments or organization where corruption is rampant. however, this is contrary to kaufmann and wei (1999) that payment of a bribe has no adverse consequence; but rather, it is an efficient solution for overcoming centralized, overly extended bureaucracy, red tape, and excessively long delays. however, many works of literature such as gupta et al. (2000) and sodnet (2000) support the first argument, i.e. corruption has adverse consequences on the provision of services within an organization; this goes in line with the findings of this study. conclusion & recommendations based on the findings under each specific objectives of this study, the following conclusions can be drawn. regarding the prevalence of corruption, the results of the study depicted that different forms of corruption prevailed, particularly bribery, nepotism, and favouritism were seen the forms of corruption which frequently occur in the study area. regarding the causes of corruption, the result of this study revealed that lack of effective supervision, ineffective institutional accountability, lack of strict and fast punishments, bureaucratic delays, lack of effective implementation of ethical codes of conduct, and absence of exemplary leadership were seen as the major causes of corruption in the sub-city. regarding the third objective of the study, embezzlement of a public resource, poor quality of services, delays in service delivery, reduced efficiency in service delivery, and weakens the capacity and legitimacy of the state were found to be the major consequences of corruption that hinder the realization of the objectives of the sub-city. in order to reduce the prevalence and negative consequences of corruption and thereby to combat it, the researcher suggested some possible recommendations. firstly, in order to detect and identify corrupt individuals, institutional accountability should be improved in the sub-city. secondly, dagmawi minilk sub-city should increase salary for its staffs; if it cannot to do this, it must find other ways to increase the income of staffs. thirdly, since the result of the study indicated that the absence of exemplary leadership causes corruption, only those individuals who can be a role model must be selected as a leader for the sub-city. fourthly, let the employees be aware of the negative consequences of corruption, and new rule and regulations have also its significance in combating corruption. lastly, strict and fast punishments need to be applied in the cause institution to create an environment free from corruption. references allen f, qian j, shen l. (2015). corruption and competition benon, c. b. (2009). determinants of public procurement corruption: a study on uganda. bradhan, p., (1997). corruption and development: a review of issues. journal of economic literature chibwanna. (2008). leadership enhancement on agriculture. usa, university of california. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3262543 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2729979?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 192 of 193 dimant e. 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"does 'grease money' speed up the wheels of commerce?" kwame, n (2000), the root of corruption: a dissenting view, in s. ed, african public administration, harare, zinbabwe, aaps lawal, g., (2007). corruption and development in africa: challenges for political and economic change. humanity & social sciences journal 2 (1): 01-07 manchin, r., (2000). an assessment of corruption: discovering a hidden society phenomenon, ed.r. manchin, istanbul, hungarian gallup institute milovanovic, m. (2001). endogenous corruption in emerging industrial relations. the hungarian academy of sciences (2001). oliver, d., & de saradan, o. (1999). the role of public purchasing departments in acquisition processes for consulting services, international journal of procurement management, vol.1, no1/2 olopoenia, a. a. (1998). a political economy of corruption and underdevelopment. lecture delivered at the university of ibadan, faculty lecture series no. 10. faculty of social sciences, university of ibadan. selamu sulamo. (2010). preventive approach to combat corruption and the snnprs ethics and anticorruption commission. the case of durame town administration, unpublished ma thesis, ethiopia, hawassa university, transparency international, (2011). national integrity system assessment ethiopia, addis ababa. shimelis a. (2005). corruption and anticorruption in ethiopia: a case study of the ethiopia customs authority, addis ababa university, (ma thesis). shleifer, a and vishny, r. w (1993). corruption. the quarterly journal of economics, vol. 108, no. 3. p. 599-617. sodnet (2000). a survey of the extent of and attitudes towards corruption in service delivery in education, health, land, judicial services and police force. nairobi: sodnet. svensson j. (2005). eight questions about corruption.the journal of economic perspectives. 19(3) issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/60947/ https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/60947/ http://goalgoole.com/proclamation-no-2352001-federal-ethics-and-anti-corruption-commission-establishment-proclamation/ http://goalgoole.com/proclamation-no-2352001-federal-ethics-and-anti-corruption-commission-establishment-proclamation/ https://philpapers.org/rec/fritpo-28 https://philpapers.org/rec/fritpo-28 https://www.amazon.com/political-corruption-handbook-arnold-heidenheimer/dp/0887381634 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/44838168_education_and_corruption https://yalebooks.yale.edu/book/9780300116205/political-order-changing-societies http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/665731468739470954/governance-matters https://www.imf.org/en/publications/wp/issues/2016/12/30/does-grease-money-speed-up-the-wheels-of-commerce-3524 http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/messages/downloadsexceeded.html https://ideas.repec.org/a/ids/ijpman/v1y2007i1-2p144-165.html https://ideas.repec.org/a/ids/ijpman/v1y2007i1-2p144-165.html https://scholar.harvard.edu/shleifer/publications/corruption https://books.google.co.id/books/about/corruption.html?id=ikeogwaacaaj&redir_esc=y https://books.google.co.id/books/about/corruption.html?id=ikeogwaacaaj&redir_esc=y http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/anticorrupt/svensson%20eight%20questions%20about%20corruption%20(jep%20vol%2019,%20no%203%202005).pdf jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103104 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 193 of 193 tanzi, v. & davoodi,h., (1997). corruption, public spending and growth, imf working paper, wp/97/139 tesfaye, sh. m. (2007). fighting corruption and safeguarding integrity 2 – 5 april 2007. addis ababa: salam printing agency. world bank (1997). world development report: the state in a changing world, washington dc world bank (2005). wb ssatp indicators in ethiopia yamane, taro.,(1967). statistics: an introductory analysis (2nd ed.). harper and rowpublications, new york. yemane d. (2004). designing anticorruption strategies for development: a country study of eritrea: north carolina state university hammed, a., (2018). corruption, political instability and development nexus in africa jain, a.k. (2001) corruption: a review. journal of economic surveys, 15, 71-121. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.imf.org/en/publications/wp/issues/2016/12/30/corruption-public-investment-and-growth-2353 http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/518341468315316376/world-development-report-1997-the-state-in-a-changing-world http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/688971468136802153/pdf/369621sa0transport01wb.pdf https://www.worldcat.org/title/statistics-an-introductory-analysis-2nd-ed/oclc/299725866 http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.816.7732&rep=rep1&type=pdf https://ideas.repec.org/p/pra/mprapa/85277.html https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1467-6419.00133 layout desember 2008 indonesia and malaysia that is up and down seems to never die. in 2009, dr. mahatir mohamad, the former prime minister of malaysia, reacted angrily to the action of sweeping malaysia by a group of young men who called themselves the flag (utusan online, 12 september 2009). the action that is an expression of disappointment over claims of the traditional cultural heritage by malaysia has happened over and over again. since 1957 (terang bulan) to 2009 (pendet dance and woven cloth from sambas), there have been at least 24 items that are claimed as their cultural heritage. a year later, precisely august 13, 2010 hot embers rolled again. the trigger was malaysian marine police arbitrarily forcibly dragged three patrol officers of ministry of marine affairs and fisheries who managed to catch malaysian fishermen stealing the fish in the indonesian sea. interactions between indonesia and malaysia are always in an unstable condition but they need each other. that is why the study of the two countries on contemporary issues seems never in silent in relation with the dynamics of the relationship patterns. some studies particularly on media coverage of the fluctuated relation of the two neighboring countries have been carried out by several previous researchers. ludiro madu (2007) for example, explored in depth about nationalism when ambalat crisis happened in 2005. moreover, sukandar and handayani (2010) specifically did a comparative study of the confrontation in the indonesian media in the 1960s and 2000s. this study will specifically focus on the construction of the media towards the political confrontation in the crisis of bilateral relations between indonesia vs malaysia through the demonstrations coverage of anti-indonesian in malaysia and anti-malaysian in indonesia on kompas online and utusan online. as the media with depth news format, kompas also often serves as a reference for the discourse or ideas development that relates to the interests of the wider community. in this study, the texts in kompas will be used as a comparison of texts in utusan. utusan is the biggest media in malaysia. chamil wariya, the founder of the malaysian press institute expressed that utusan keeps maintaining the press gatut priyowidodo lecturer at department. of communication petra christian university, surabaya, indonesia. he cans be contacted by e-mail: gatpri@petra.ac.id inri i. indrayani lecturer at department. of communication petra christian university, surabaya, indonesia. she cans be contacted by e-mail: inri.inggrit@petra.ac.id taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 abstract the relations between indonesia and malaysia are always full of dynamics. indonesia is always known as old brother of malaysia since it has similar history, religion also socio cultural background. some decades show that the decline of relationship of both countries. another time, as asean members, the two countries devote their nationalities to purify their collective identities as eastern nations. the objective of the research is to extricate the construction of kompas online and utusan online toward news coverage of the borders dispute between indonesiamalaysia in 2010. this research is proposed to examine central issues which reported by kompas online and utusan online consistently. as a media, kompas coverage dominates circulation nationally. kompas.com was the pioneer of online news in indonesia and was born in reformation era. utusan is a prominent media industry in malaysia that was conducted by umno as the ruling party in malaysia for some periods. the method used in this research is framing method by robert n. entman’s which consists of four steps identification: defining problem, diagnosing causes, moral judgment and a treatment recommendation. this research found that kompas news covered the border dispute must be negotiated as recognition of indonesia dignity. on the contrary, utusan’s spectacle focused on the indonesian demonstrators anarchism during the dispute. keywords: online media, media construction, the border dispute, indonesia-malaysia’s bilateral relations introduction the current issue of relations between ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 199 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 idealism to inform and educate the nation. based on the above phenomena, the research question of this research is how the media construction towards the bilateral relations of indonesia malaysia in the demonstrations coverage of anti-indonesian in malaysia and anti-malaysia in indonesia in kompas.com and utusan.com? literature review media and the dinamic of indonesiamalaysia relationship despite on different levels, since 1998, both indonesia and malaysia have experienced waves of democratization. at the same time, the media as the fourth pillar of democracy plays a significant role in the dynamics of bilateral relations (priyowidodo, 2010). the presence of post-reform media places the media as one of the players in political participation, public awareness and policy with regards to political events, locally, nationally or regionally. interestingly, media portrays the dynamics of the relationship with malaysia as an older younger brother relationship. although the media in malaysia is still under government control, but the end of the era of mahathir ‘s leadership in malaysia has had implications for the relationship between indonesia and malaysia. as a result of mahathir’s foreign policy towards indonesia a radical era occurred in the history of the bilateral relations between indonesia and malaysia. liow (khalid &jacob, 2012) sees that this due to the fact that leading figures are representations of the two countries, especially in conjunction to the political relations of these two allied countries. he further said: the role of leadership (in particular personality and style) is an important determinant in understanding the dynamics of the domestic politics as well as foreign policy-making of both developed and developing societies. consequently, the international relations of many of the countries in southeast asia have often been significantly influenced by the idiosyncrasies of their leaders and such is also the case of malaysia and indonesia. as non governmental actors, the news media plays the part of public diplomacy that determines public opinion in the two states. sentiment and public antipathy are largely determined by the agenda setting of news media in constructing the relationship between indonesia and malaysia. indonesia-malaysia border case is one of the classic cases of conflict that dominates discourses in these two countries. confusion over maritime borders had also practically led to conflict between the marine officers of the two countries along with with indonesian fishermen exacerbating the border issue. the media in indonesia which is actually much more independent and its news are considered more vulgar and provocative in terms of the border conflict. former malaysian information minister, zainuddin maidins once rebuked indonesian media as it was considered too aggressive in reporting the case of the border so that it ultimately led to public protests indonesia where protesters engaged in doing massive demonstrations in front of the malaysian embassy in jakarta. maritime border conflict between indonesia and malaysia is the impact of the lack of agreement in the united nations conference on the law of the sea in may 1982 made by indonesia, malaysia and singapore. as an archipelago, indonesia considers that the territorial waters of the strait is a significant part of the indonesian archipelago. there was difference in views between indonesia and malaysia. overcoming the difference, the two governments signed a treaty of friendship and subsequently delimiting the territorial sea of the strait of malacca in 1970. indonesia declared the territorial sea as far as 12 miles from the base line in 1957. in 1960 this was made as permanent border law. this decree was then followed by malaysia in 1969. a conflict that has also obtained an extensive media attention and caused a problem the two countries are the islands of sipadan and ligitan. the two islands sparked an indonesia malaysia dispute. it became one of the dominant discourses in news reports both in indonesia and malaysia in the early post-reform period. the handling of the problems of maritime and coastal borders of indonesia and malaysia is one of the indicators the ebb and flow of bilateral relations between the two countries. several studies on the relationship between indonesia and malaysia has also been studied by several researchers. madu (2007) noticed that ambalat crisis that occurred in 2005 triggered a war of messages in the virtual world. each website expressed campaigns that carry the spirit of nationalism in which the point was to try to defend the taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 200 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ interests of the country based on their own perception or version. another similar study that focused more on the confrontation of the historical dimensions can also be seen from a study conducted by sukendar (2010). he tried to make a comparison of media coverage on the confrontation incidents in the media in the 1960s and in the late2000s. the result was, even there were differences in the emphasis but essentially every time the media raised the issue in a different period, each of the media tried to show emotional sensitivity of the readers. a few years earlier woodard (1998) was also very interested in such a sensitive issue, but oriented more on the relation between the malaysian-indonesian confrontation and the australian domestic political constellation as a close neighbor of indonesia. through several studies above, it can be concluded that the actual relations between the neighboring countries whether near or far, always experience fluctuating dynamics. media construction water lippmann (1922 in griffin, 2003, p. 390) argues that the mass media created the image of the events in our minds. then, mccombs and shaw develop, “…as laid out by mccombs and shaw, the agenda setting hypothesis is relatively straight forward one. specifically, agenda setting is the process whereby the news media lead the public assigning relative important to various public issues. the media agenda influences the public agenda not only by saying “this issues is important” in an overt way, but by giving more space and time. in the perspective of social science, theory of media construction is a critique on the social construction theory described by peter l. berger and thomas luckman (1966). although it does not always reflect actual reality, the mass media remains a recording instrument of sort in capturing a variety of events or public affairs. that is why according bungin (2008, p. 194-195 ) the social construction of the mass media has four stages namely: (a) phase of construction material preparation, (b) phase of construction distribution, (c) phase of construction establishment and (d) confirmation stage. however, no less important is that the construction of reality of the media is also determined by the interests of who runs the media (severin & tankard, 2007, p. 434435). in 1999, for instance, rupert murdoch banned bbc news broadcasts from his hong kongbased satellites, star tv, because china objected to the bbc’s reporting on chinese dissidents. murdoch, in his statement, admitted that it was done because the chinese authorities pressured him. a similar fact occurred when the indonesian daily “sindo”, in its reporting, took a position in favor for the its owner who went into politics. as shown by two of these media, social reality can be constructed based on the respective interests that lie behind media. on the last indonesian presidential election, the newspaper “media indonesia” media was pro nasdem party that was identical with its leader surya paloh. on the other hand, sindo defended the party hanura that carried harry tanu—the owner of sindo’s media group—as a candidate for vice president (setiawan, 2014). these empirical facts further confirm that the construction of reality and the dominant voice in the media is largely determined by agenda setting or editorial policies based on the interests of media owners. the principle of impartiality in the media has been sacrificed in order to present a false reality that is in accordance with what the agenda champions. according to mcquail (2005: 101) there are at least five propositions essential to the understanding of social construction, namely: (a) the society is a construct rather than a fixed reality, (b) media provide the materials for the construction of reality, (c) meaning are offered by the media, but can be negotiated or rejected, (d) the media selectively reproduce certain meanings, and (e) the media can not give an objective account of social reality (all facts are interpretations). on a conceptual level, it is very clear that media is prone to influences and control that stems from the various interests that lie behind it. it is, therefore, not surprising that in terms of news coverage that concerns national interests, media organizations would be prone to taking the position that “protects” the interests of their country. that is, even though the media organizations themselves should be impartial, but when another country attempts to intervene in matters of the state, then the media would be susceptible to defend its own country. taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 201 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the perspective of framing according to hallahan, k. (1999) framing is a critical activity in the construction of social reality because it helps shape the perspectives through which people see the world. although public relations practitioners commonly refer to framing effective messages (duhé & zoch, 1994) in the same way that a builder frames a house from the bottom up, the framing metaphor is better understood as a window or portrait frame drawn around in formation that delimits the subject matter and, thus, focuses attention on key elements within. thus, framing involves processes of inclusion and exclusion as well as emphasis. entman (1993, p.55) summarized the essence of framing processes with the following: framing essentially involves selection and salience. to frame is to select some aspects of perceived reality and make them more salient in the communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation for the item described. frames, then, define problems—determine what a causal agent is doing and costs and benefits, usually measured in terms of cultural values; diagnose causes—identify the forces creating the problem; make moral judgments—evaluate causal agents and their effects; and suggest remedies—offer and justify treatments for the problem and predict their likely effects. the frame chosen by the media is of course determined by the values that underlies and circumstances that surround a particular media organization and its personnel. these includes media ideology, media ownership and editorial policy. according to the logic of the affirmation, the media would collects data and evidence to support its evaluation of a particular situation prior to writing the news. pan and kosicki proposes that news media frame is in principle the same as the news themes the media chooses. in their statement: a theme is an idea that connects different semantic elements of a story (e.g., descriptions of an action or an actor, quotes of sources and background information) into a coherent whole” the meaning of a word cannot be separated from the themes constructed by the news media. further meaning lies in the individual level, but it is inevitable that such meaning is obtained after the individual received the meaning constructed by the media. this is stated by reese: frames are organizing principles that are socially shared and persistent over time, that work symbolically to structure the social world” reese (2007) further notes that framing, unlike many more esoteric research concepts, has gained popularity in both the scholarly literature and the public imagination. reese is also in agreement with d’angelo (2002) that framing is more of a research program than a unified paradigm and that theoretical diversity has been beneficial in developing a comprehensive understanding of the process (if not a consistent terminology). d’angelo(2002) notes that the framing program is guided by a combination of the cognitive, constructivist, and critical perspectives although a theoretically rich and useful concept, according to hallahan (1999) framing suffers from a lack of coherent definition. an exhaustive literature search suggests the existence of more than 1,000 citations about framing in the academic literature. framing has been adopted as a textual, psychological, and socio-political construct. depending on the circumstances, the meaning of framing varies based on the research question, the level of analysis, or the underlying psychological process of interest. entman (1993) characterized framing as a “fractured” paradigm that lacks clear conceptual definitions and a comprehensive statement to guide research. other researchers have called for developing a more integrated approach that clarifies the framing concept within various domains (e.g., brosius & eps, 1995; levin, schneider, & gaeth, 1998; pan & kosicki, 1993; scheufele, 1999; yows, 1995). thus, to use the construct in research requires careful explication (chaffee, 1991, see hallahan 1999;209 ). for the purposes of this study, the researchers specifically use the entman framing model with a consideration that the model is relevant to the theme, which the taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 202 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ researchers has selected. it also provides sample devices for elaborating the data. method this study used a qualitative approach with framing analysis method. framing analysis focuses on the establishment of a message from a text. the model used to parse the news in kompas and utusan to the bilateral relations between indonesia and malaysia is the model of robert n. entman. in the concept of entman, framing basically refers to the provision of definitions, explanations, evaluations, and recommendations in a discourse to emphasize a particular frame of the events under consideration. the following model is the framing of entman: (1) define problems how is an event/issue seen? as what? or as what problem? (2) diagnose causes what causes the seen event? what is considered as the cause of a problem? who (actor) is regarded as the cause of the problem? (3) make moral judgment what are the moral values presented to explain the problem? what are moral values used to legitimize or delegitimize an act? (4) treatment recommendation what are the solutions offered to address the problem/issue? what are the ways that are offered and should be taken to address the problem? this research consists of six articles from kompas newspaper and seven articles from utusan newspaper. news framing from both media was conducted within the period of 1628 august 2010. finding and discussion some frames raised in kompas online news and utusan online to the coverage of marine and coastal border dispute between indonesia and malaysia after the incident on august 13, 2010. the following is the discussion. frame: regional violation by malaysia over indonesian region problem identification kompas wrote about claims and violations committed by malaysia in the news on august 16, 2010. indonesiamalaysia tension on the border has happened not just this one. notes related to the maritime boundary issue, according to fadel muhammad, minister of marine affairs and fisheries, has happened ten times. the incident occurred again on august 13, 2010. kompas described the events in detail and mentioned indonesian officials arrested by malaysia. the text begins with three members of the fishery patrol supervisor of minister of marine affairs and fisheries were arrested and detained by malaysian police in johor. they were arrested while herding five malaysian fishing boats which were stealing fish in indonesian seas. the head of supervision station of marine and fisheries resources in pontianak, bambang nugroho said the three members of the patrol detained are asriadi (40), erwan (37), and seivo grevo wewengkang (26). in the text kompas stated that malaysia had conducted violation and desecration on indonesian sovereignty by arresting officers on patrol in indonesian maritime territory. the arrest of the state officer who is the symbol of the state in the region of the country itself is a form of humiliation. causal interpretation kompas edition on august 16, 2010 clearly reported that the arrest of three officers of the indonesian ministry of marine affairs and fisheries violated the rules. they were in charge of running the obligations and responsibilities as the state officers. however, then they were treated improperly (arrested) by the malaysian police. thus, this was a form of infringement. the cause of the arrest was clearly discussed in the following news: patrol officers of indonesia maintained the principle that they would not release the malaysian fishing boats. however, the malaysian police dragged forcibly and brought the three patrol officers to johor. the supervisor ship dolphie 015 was also carried, but then returned to batam. seven malaysian crew who stole fish are now detained at batam water police station. the seven taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 203 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ malaysian fishermen who were caught are faisal bin muhammad, muslimin bin mahmud, lim kok guan, chen ah choy, ghazaki bin wahab, roszaidy bin akub, and boh khe soo. however, it seems the reason of indonesian officers was not admitted. it is seen clearly from kompas’s quotation as follows: general director of supervision and control of marine resources, ministry of marine affairs and fisheries, aji sularso said malaysia felt that their fishermen caught fish in the region. “we think it happens in our region,” he said. “their status is not a prisoner, just being questioned,” he said. the same thing, according to yassin, applies to seven malaysian fishermen who are currently at water police station, regional police of riau islands in batam. moral evaluation kompas regretted this incident. however, indonesia still wanted this problem to be resolved amicably. furthermore, kompas wrote news as follows: coordinating minister for politics, justice, and security, djokosuyanto, at the state palace, jakarta, said president susilo bambang yudhoyono wanted the case of three officers arrested by malaysian police to be resolved amicably and to promote diplomacy. according to djoko, the relevant agencies are attempting to resolve the issue. the minister’s statement implies a message that the solution to the conflict is avoided as far as possible. it is more important to resolve the ‘hot’ problem by diplomacy. treatment recommendation because it concerns the self-esteem of a nation, the diplomatic channel must be optimized. in details, kompas wrote: fadel muhammad in his press conference in jakarta on sunday evening, said, “the indonesian government immediately sent a reprimand or a diplomatic note to malaysia.” frame: the indonesian government must take a firm stand problem identification the fundamental issue when bilateral relations happen is to keep the two countries have equality. if not, then the relationship will have an impact on the loss on one side and benefit on the other side. a firm action for shock therapy that could make the ‘opponents’ have to think twice in taking an action is needed to raise the selfesteem in the eyes of other countries. causal interpretation the insistence of national elements who wanted indonesia to take decisive action to malaysia exists because government is full of consideration. kompas writes that the current wave of protests that took place cannot be separated from the accumulation of latent problem. the incident on august 13, 2010 is merely the trigger. kompas proclaims if two observers from the university of indonesia and lipi cannot be separated from the surge of emotion that is impatient to see the slow of indonesian government to take action: both commented on the seepage issues related to the case of illegal fishing by malaysian fishermen in indonesian territory. malaysian foreign minister dato’ sri anifah hj aman expressed readiness to negotiate with indonesia to resolve problems between the two countries, both aquatic and terrestrial problems, although the process is certainly long and complicated. moral evaluation because of its action that is not firm, the government is faced with a difficult choice. if it is true that indonesia terminates the diplomatic relation, three million workers who now earn a fortune in malaysia will stake their life. kompas writes taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 204 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ marty worries that the severance of diplomatic relations can be very difficult for indonesian workers who work in malaysia. however, there is truth in the opinion of the observer that having conflicts does mean becoming enemies forever. conflict is actually a solution to find elegant ways to organize the relations of the two countries for better future. treatment recommendation severance of diplomatic relations is still a discourse voiced by some elements which are very concerned to see indonesia treated inappropriately by malaysia. however, before that happens, the pattern of diplomatic relations between the two countries that is better and mutually beneficial should be discussed. as proposed by the chairman of the pds and also supported by observers of international relations from airlangga university, the pattern should be: the chairman of prosperous peace party, denny tewu asked president yudhoyono to revise the decision that has been taken related to this issue. he also admitted that he would send a letter to the president so that the government reviewed the diplomatic relations with that country. he thought the attitudes and government’s statements so far did not evoke the sense of nationalism royal malaysian anifah aman in kinabalu, september 6, 2010, to discuss the maritime border between the two countries. the sections below will reveal the news frames of utusan online, frame: there is no problem in the relationship between indonesia and malaysia. problem identification in the midst of a wave of anti-malaysia and antiindonesia due to border issues, utusan on august 17, 2010 right on the 60th indonesian independence day, wrote news with the title pm is sure the relations between indonesia and malaysia continue to firm. in the news, utusan proclaimed that between indonesia and malaysia there was no dispute or conflict. utusan even quoted malaysian prime minister expressing the relationship between indonesia and malaysia were getting better and strategic. border issue is not deemed as a significant problem that is capable of blocking more productive cooperations between the two countries. causal interpretation in the news on august 17, 2010, utusan did not mention the issue of the border that was threatening indonesia-malaysia relations at that time. instead utusan raised an issue about closer relations and cooperation that were more meaningful and productive between the two sides. utusan also highlighted malaysia’s active role to create economic development and peace not only bilaterally with indonesia but also in a regional and international scale. in a congratulatory message to the president of indonesia susilo bambang yudhoyono on the 65th indonesian independence day today, he said, it will contribute to the development, prosperity and harmony of the two countries at both bilateral and regional levels as well as international level. the statement of prime minister of malaysia who was raised just in the celebration of the 65th indonesian independence day put the attention and respect of malaysia to indonesia. the statement of prime minister of malaysia that was intended for the president indicated that the country’s leaders never assume the existence of serious problems that disrupt bilateral relations. utusan also reiterated the position of indonesia which was perceived by malaysia as a country who has a close relation historically. indonesia is considered as the older brother of malaysia so both parties should have a good relationship and cooperation. it is derived by the following statement by malaysia pm: “malaysia and indonesia actually has a very special brotherly relations and a very close cooperation, he said. i hope that the two countries will continue to develop a more meaningful and productive cooperation for the interest and fortune of both countries, “he said. in the statement of prime minister of malaysia, utusan also described the political attitudes of malaysian taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 205 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ society which also gives an appreciation on the indonesian independence day. the attitudes of malaysian society are in line with malaysia’s foreign policy that puts a good relationship and cooperation for the peace and prosperity of all. “ najib, on behalf of the government and people of malaysia, in the message expressed his heartfelt congratulations to susilo in anniversary of indonesian independence.” moral evaluation malaysia has a commitment to maintain peace and encourage other countries to develop and advance the economy. the border dispute between indonesia and malaysia will not widen into a serious conflict that will lead to political confrontation or war because peace is the essence of the malaysian government in conducting foreign policy. treatment recommendation based on the statements of malaysian prime minister, utusan concluded the importance of maintaining good relations and cooperation between malaysia-indonesia. disputes and political problems should not be viewed as an important issue that leads to a conflict. malaysia actually strives for the creation of relations and strategic cooperation between the two countries. this recommendation was also proposed so that bilateral relations between indonesia and malaysia become stronger. frame: lira and lmp became a source of unrest in the malaysian embassy in indonesia problem identification utusan on august 19, 2010 wrote an article with a title 40 indonesian citizens held a demonstration in front of malaysian embassy. it highlights the existence of the mass organizations in indonesia, which became a source of trouble. demonstrations and anarchism they did worsen the border problems being faced by indonesia and malaysia. utusan also framed the discourse which was developed by such mass organizations as the party who is anti-malaysia. anarchism tinged with an option for indonesia, namely indonesian society boycotted products from malaysia and made war with malaysia. descriptions proposed by utusan show that indonesia is a country with a low level of security so that the demonstrators managed to damage the embassy area which should be protected and immune from the law. the following sentences were written by utusan, in today’s incident, a representative of the organization submitted the statement to the head of chancery, embassy of malaysia in jakarta, raja reza raja zaib shah, and in the content of the statement, he urged indonesian people to boycott products of malaysia such as petronas and proton. they also declared war on malaysia, which they claimed undermining the nation of indonesia. causal interpretation in this article, utusan identifies clearly that the source of the problem is a group of people who are members of mass organizations that have sentiment towards malaysia. the sentiment then became anger after the arrest of three indonesian officers by malaysian marine officers. they made the borders problems worsen and acted overreactive. in its article, utusan mentions lira and lmp as the parties provoking anarchism. the mass organizations acts destructively that violates diplomatic rules. embassy area is an area that has legal immunity against the law in indonesia so that the actions of the demonstrators who forcibly entered the malaysian embassy is a violation of the vienna convention in 1961 governing diplomatic relations between states. utusan wrote as follows, this time it involves about 40 participants from lumbung information rakyat (lira) consisting of youth, students and housewives, who gathered in front of the embassy building in kuningan, south jakarta. a total of 100 policemen stood in guard in front of the embassy to prevent demonstrators running wildly as they did on monday when a group of 80 protesters from laskar merah putih (lmp) decided to destroy the plaque name of the embassy. other participants climbed the embassy gate and the roof of guard building. taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 206 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ moral evaluation in this article, there are two things concerning moral values framed by utusan. the first is the weakness of the security forces in indonesia. demonstrations followed by anarchism show that the police and the state have failed to control the behavior of a group of people who violate the privileges and immunities of other countries in indonesia. the act of the ngo forced malaysian embassy to send a note of protest to the ministry of foreign affairs of indonesia and indonesian police because the police failed to protect the embassy property from being destroyed, in accordance with specified protection under the vienna convention. the second value framed by utusan is the demonstrators did not have democratic ethics. this is shown by the evidences described by utusan that they tended to be vigilante, refused discussions and discredited legal mechanisms for conflict resolution. they were identified as those who deliberately want to make border issues become a dispute and massive conflict for both countries. the representative of the group refused to have a dialogue even though the embassy of malaysia was ready to accept their presence. before the demonstrations in front of the embassy, members of lira first gathered in front of the petronas office in mega kuningan, and in the event they also refused to have a dialogue with petronas. treatment recommendation at the end of its article, utusan sees that the mechanism performed by the mass organizations is not the right solution for conflict resolution. instead diplomatic efforts as well as the constitutional mechanism become the best option for indonesia-malaysia. this recommendation was expressed by utusan in the following sentence, the seven malaysian fishermen and three patrol officers of indonesian ministry of maritime affairs and fisheries were released last tuesday through diplomatic efforts of the two countries. discussion the four devices i.e. definitions, explanations, evaluations, and recommendations has worked in accordance with their functions and purposes. however, the understanding of how the media work in indonesia and malaysia cannot be separated from the political system prevailing in each country. the tightly controlled media in malaysia certainly has implications on how news production works. moreover,utusan is the official media owned by umno, the ruling coalition of political parties. almost in every edition, utusan never shows negative image of the administration. this fact is understandable, because a negative image will further render umno susceptible to being targeted by counter-attacks carried out by the opposition group led by dato sri anwar ibrahim. the pakatan coalition consists of pkr (partai keadilan rakyat), dap (democratic action party) and pas (partai islam se malaysia). the conditions are different from what happened with kompas. as an independent media, kompas is not held hostage by the burden of protecting the interests of a particular political party. the only thing that prevents kompas from reporting news that portrays indonesia in a negative light, is its editorial policy that refuses the practice of “fishing in murky waters”. this means that kompas is unwilling to make profit at the expense of the larger interests of the country. the framing of the news still applies as a way to build balance. but kompas still promotes a sense of nationalism, which means indonesia should not, in any way, submit to any other country. beside the political system, the construction of the news media also can’t be separated from the ideology of the media that applied in the newsroom. this media ideology will influence policy in the newsroom of framing the news. media ideology in principle will conform with the interests of capital owners reporting that construction will represent the interests of the owners of capital. journalists are not the only individuals who role as a gatekeeper in the news selection process. informants, correspondents, editors, chief editor are included as active actors of the process of framing inside the newsroom. herbert gans (1979, in shoemaker, vos & reese, 2009) identified that in addition to previous aspects, the social order is also influenced policy in the regard of framing news media. gans explained more clearly, “the news is not simply a compliant supporter of elites taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 207 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ or the establishment or the ruling class; rather, it views nation and society through its own set of values and with its own conception of the good social order” construction news about the border conflict between indonesia and malaysia is a product of the media as a result of negotiations between the various interests both politically, economically and socio-cultural. the different angle chosen by kompas and utusan is a representation of the system or the internal and external environment in which the media industry dwells. conclusion the frames of kompas and utusan are different when viewing the border issues of indonesia-malaysia. the coverage of utusan on anti-malaysia demonstrations is constructed as an effort of parties who want to split and undermine the bilateral relations between indonesia and malaysia. malaysian government saw that there was no problem or conflict between indonesia and malaysia. demonstrators’ action violated the culture and moral values that were deemed not represent the position of the indonesian government on border cases. the coverage of kompas consistently raised the waters and marine border disputes between indonesia and malaysia. kompas saw the dispute between indonesia and malaysia on the sea area is a maritime boundary agreement with malaysia that has not been completed. kompas framed the source of the problem lies precisely in malaysia’s acts as an affront to national pride. acknowledgements this research is possible by support research grant from the centre of petra communication studies (pkkppusat kajian komunikasi petra). researchers also would like to thank those who have provided comments, feedback and criticism for the sake of improvement of the final report of 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(2007). the framing project: a bridging model for media research revisited. journal of communication 57, 148–154 setiawan, l.i (2014). citra partai politik hanura pasca deklarasi capres dan cawapres wiranto-ht pada harian sindo dan media indonesia. skripsi (unpublished), surabaya: fikom-uk petra severin, w.j. & tankard,jr., j.w. (2007). teori komunikasi, sejarah, metode dan terapan di dalam media massa. jakarta: kencana prenada media group shoemaker, p., vos, t. & reese,s. (2009). the handbook of journalism, oxon: routledge sukandar, r.,& handayani, e. (2010) “a comparative study of indonesian media in 1960s and 2000s on konfrontasi” paper on international conference on media (i-come) 2010, proceedings, melaka: june. wardhani, b.l.s.w., (2008). “trends in indonesia-malaysia bilateral relations in post –suharto period”, indonesia journal of social science 1 (1), 1-9. woodard, g. (1998). “best practice in australia’s foreign policy: `konfrontasi’ (1963-66)”. australian journal of political science, march. 33 (1), 85-99. newspaper articles kompas, 2010. “pelanggaran wilayah malaysia tangkap petugas ri di wilayah ri”, kompas, (16 agustus). kompas. 2010. “pencurian ikan gelombang kemarahan bermunculan”, kompas, (18 agustus). kompas. 2010. “opini berubah, lokasi dinilai bermasalah, pencurian ikan”, kompas, (24 agustus). kompas. 2010. “pemerintah harus tegas”, kompas, (26 agustus). kompas. 2010. “ri-malaysia:pemerintah perlu berikan terapi kejut”, kompas, (26 agustus). kompas. 2010. “presiden surati pm malaysia”, kompas. (28 agustus). utusan, 2010. “pm yakin hubungan malaysia-indonesia terus kukuh” utusan (17 ogus). utusan, 2010. “indonesia hantar nota diplomatic bantah insiden di bintan” utusan (18 ogus). utusan, 2010. “40 warga indonesia demonstrasi depan kedutaan malaysia” utusan (19 ogus). utusan, 2010. “demonstrasi: wisma putra panggil kedutaan besar indonesia” utusan (25 ogus). utusan, 2010. “tunjuk perasaan di indonesia dilakukan kumpulan upahan” utusan (27 ogus). utusan, 2010. “nik aziz sifatkan tunjuk perasaan anti malaysia memalukan” utusan (27 ogus). utusan, 2010. “kpt arah pelajar malaysia di indonesia berwaspada” utusan (28 ogus). taking sides: the frames of online media on the bilateral relationship between indonesia and malaysia / gatut priyowidodo & inri i. indrayani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0019 layout februari 2016 the empowerment of marginalized community (street vendors) for developing creative economy in payakumbuh city west sumatra syamsir senior lecturer at public administration department, the state university of padang; jl. prof. hamka, air tawar, padang 25131; e-mail: syamsirsaili@yahoo.com; hp: 085263639233 abstract this study generally aimed to find a model for empowerment of the marginalized community of street vendors for developing creative economy in payakumbuh city, west sumatra. while specifically this study aimed to get an overview of: 1) the city government’s efforts in the empowerment of street vendors, and 2) the degree of success of the empowerment program of street vendors by the city government. this study uses qualitative approach. data collected through questionnaire, interview, observation, and documentation study in several government agencies and the street vendors in payakumbuh, west sumatra province. respondents in this study consisted of street vendors with business types of vegetables, fruits, accessories, foods, beverages, and other culinary merchants.using frequency and percentage tests on responses by 445 respondents of street vendors and some informants in payakumbuh city, west sumatra, this study tested some aspects of marginalized community empowerment program payakumbuh city. the findings of this study indicate that: 1) the empowerment of marginal urban communities (street vendors) by payakumbuh government has been running quite well; and 2) the level of success of the street vendors empowerment programs by the payakumbuh government during the time is still categorized as quite well, especially when it is measured based on capital movement of the street vendors. keywords: marginal communities, street vendors (pkl), community empowerment, capital movement. introduction indonesian economic development that tends to degenerate for recieved 09 october 2015; accepted 03 november 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 80 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics nearly three decades so far has given rise to problems in various sectors of social and economy. the difficulty of finding a job and the number of employees who are fired is a reality that is much felt by the indonesian community. the simplest solution of the problem for a small group of people to survive is by selling a variety of merchandise, food, or drink in a small scale. these communities are now more commonly known as street vendors (pedagang kaki lima = pkl) or in terms of a somewhat more dignified called as square creative merchants (pedagang kreatif lapangan). profession or work as street vendors is a real dilemma. on the one hand become a street vendors or pkl is an attempt to hang the needs of everyday life. but on the other hand as the business activities that use public space, street vendors often have to deal with the local laws, which generally prohibit the selling in places that should be used by the general public, such as sidewalks and the road, so the foreclosures in the control operation by officers is something that is greatly feared but could not be avoided by the street vendors. sulistio (2012) asserted that some consider pkl as illegal, yet some others perceive its existence as a way to overcome unemployment and poverty. apart from the increasing poverty, the economic crisis also caused a decline in the productivity of many companies in indonesia at last few decades, so much going on termination of employment resulting in rising unemployment in the region of central java (mulyanto, 2007). to cope with the increasing number of unemployed, the empowerment of the informal sector, especially street vendors, is indispensable. although the case described is about conditions in central java, but the same case and condition may be occurs in almost all parts of indonesia as well, including in payakumbuh, west sumatra. lately, various institutions, both public and private start paying attention to business continuity of street vendors. they should be http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 81 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 rewarded for exceptional struggle. in fact, without capital from the government or any bank, they can still survive and actually able to create jobs as well as the largest contributor to the local government retribution. therefore, the ministry of cooperatives has instructed that street vendors are directed, nurtured, and empowered, because of the impact on local and national economy are very powerful. nevertheless, the existence of street vendors becomes uncomfortable when local governments have begun to implement policies relating to issues of city planning and its beauty. negative stigma about the existence of street vendors as part of the informal economy becomes more viscous when there appears the discourse about the beauty of the city, as if viewed in terms of the aesthetics of the neighborhood where street vendors tend to seem chaotic, rundown, and disturbing the beauty of the city, so the presence of street vendors in various regions need to be evicted to another place. based on the above discussion, it is necessary to do a study that will try to gather information, to find, and to identify empowerment model for marginalized communities (street vendors) through government policies in developing creative economy, particularly for marginalized urban communities in payakumbuh. in the first year of this study, the focus of research was directed at finding answers of the research questions related to: 1) what efforts have been made the city government in the empowerment of street vendors in payakumbuh?; and 2) how does the success level of empowerment program by payakumbuh government for street vendors so far? theoretical framework empowerment program for community according to edi suharto (2010) the concept of empowerment refers to the ability of a person addressed to vulnerable groups so that they could have the ability and strength in two ways, namely: 1) http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 82 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics have a freedom that includes everything, that is, free to express opinions, freedom from hunger, freedom from stupidity, and freedom in obtaining health; 2) obtain productive resources that can increase revenues in obtaining goods and services needed. empowerment is a process in achieving the objectives of strengthening or provides empowerment on an individual or group of individuals who are helpless retarded and poverty. in order to realize an empowerment should refer to the results in achieving a better social change from previous conditions. meanwhile, according to syarif makmur (2008) empowerment refers to two tendencies, namely: 1) the process of empowerment oriented to process in giving strength and ability that a person is more empowered, and 2) empowerment tends to motivation or encouragement to the individuals to determine their lives. kartasasmita (in sumaryadi, 2005) explained that the obstacles in the development and implementation of policies that support community empowerment include: 1) lack of understanding or commitment; 2) financial policy barriers, 3) the time period required for a change in the higher levels; 4) diversification of culture, economics, geography, and ethnicity; 5) the structure, function, and behavior of public service. community empowerment is correlated with the provision of access for the community itself, institutions, and community organizations in getting and utilizing their rights for economic, social, cultural, and political improvement. therefore, community empowerment is very important to overcome community disability caused by access limitations, lack of knowledge and skills, and poor condition undergone by some of the communities (pakasi, 2012). furthermore kartasasmita (in sumaryadi 2005) suggested that community empowerment must be done in three phases, namely: 1) creating an atmosphere or climate that allows the potential of the developing society; this condition is based on the assumption that every individual and community has the potential to be develhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 83 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 oped; 2) strengthening the potential of the people or the power possessed by implementing concrete measures, accommodates various inputs, provide facilities that are accessible to all people; and 3) empowering communities in the sense of protecting and defending the interests of vulnerable groups; in the process of community empowerment must be prevented so that they do not get weak, become getting weaker, or increasingly marginalized in the face of strong community. based on the above description it can be seen that the process of community empowerment must protect vulnerable groups, so that the weak should not oppressed or marginalized by the powerful. therefore partiality or protection of vulnerable groups is very important in the process of community empowerment. in addition, in governor regulation of west sumatra no. 66 year 2005 on the general guidelines for the integrated program for community empowerment in nagari noted that strategies used in order to increase community empowerment include: 1) improve the coordination and integration of various sectors that serve to empower the community; 2) increase the awareness, ability, independence and community care in prioritizing development and active participation of society; 3) enhancing the role of entrepreneurship as economic actors and move the economy; 4) encourage medium and large scale entrepreneurs to help small or micro-economic entrepreneurs in the field of production, processing and marketing of products through various patterns accordingly; 5) developing the capacity of local community organizations to accelerate the process of modernization in the fields of economy, technology, preservation of minangkabau culture and other cultures; as well as the management of natural resources and environment and local community social solidarity; and 6) cultivate the community efforts that already exist in order to compete in today’s era of globalization. based on this regulation, it can be seen that the strategy can be http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 84 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics done in implementing the community development effort is an attempt to educate people and raise their awareness to advance and develop so that they can be involved in development, and to enable them to compete with future development. street vendors and its problems in indonesia street vendors is the person doing the trading business and or services in a public place, either using or not using something, in conducting trading business. street vendors usually provide wide variety of goods at lower prices. vendors’ stalls are usually located outdoors or under a roof which is easily accessible from the street. they have low-cost seating facilities which are sometimes rudimentary. their marketing success depends exclusively on location and word-of-mouth promotion. street vending businesses are usually owned and operated by individuals or families but benefits from their trade extend throughout the local economy (kumar, 2015). while other opinion explained that the street vendors are traders who conduct informal trading business by using open or closed area, most public facilities determined by the local government as a place of business activities either by using the mobile or disassembly equipment according to predetermined time (mulyanto 2007). in addition, kasmad and alwi (2015) stated that street vendors are a group of people who are engaged in small-scale business and vulnerable to poverty. the street vendors are one source of the problem, which caused the highway traffic jams that occurred in all the major cities in indonesia. marked as a disorder at the margins of urban society, a disruption of public space and transportation flows, street vendors have been rendered objects of control to be policed and written out of rational, urban planning (sarmiento, 2015). nevertheless, the economic restructuring and state-led regional integration projects of the last few decades have contributed to the growth of informality http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 85 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 in domestic labor markets producing increasing numbers of informal, immigrant workers, from day laborers and street vendors to street artists, who rely on access to public space to earn a living in the u.s. (dunn, 2014). most of street vendors commonly found on sidewalks and public parks, but sometimes they are also found on freeway off-ramps and street medians. street vendors have become an unavoidable feature of the urban landscape in the most of major urban centers in indonesia. one of the characteristics of street vendors in indonesia is that they generally have small capital and are not likely to get a business loan funds from formal financial institutions, because there is no collateral pledged. in addition their business conditions seemed unconvincing to guarantee repayment capacity (suwandi, 2013). therefore, in an attempt to meet venture capital, many of the street vendors borrow money from moneylenders who actually incriminate them and make them fall into a debt-trap. according to singh (2015) street vending is global phenomenon and is rapidly increasing in asian countries due to globalization and economic liberalization as the new policy regime has drastically affected the employment in organized and particularly in manufacturing sector. in addition, bhowmik (2012) asserted that the globalization and economic liberalization have created employment opportunities on the one hand while it has also displaced workers in large enterprises who have turned to street vending as an alternative source of income. the existence of street vendors can be perceived from different angles of interests. for the public, especially for lower middle class, the existence of pkl can help them fulfill their daily needs. they can get their daily necessities in a relatively cheaper price from street vendors. yet, for the government, particularly the local government, pkl is commonly considered to obstruct development, break the urban order and contaminate the urban landscape. within such http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 86 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics perspective, local governments frequently do many attempts to handle the street vendors in their area both persuasively and repressively (sulistio, 2012). in addition, the role of the informal sector is complex and controversial. the informal sector also provides jobs, bolsters entrepreneurial activity and helps alleviate poverty and unemployment, especially in the urban area (njaya, 2014; singh, 2015). the experience of developing countries in the world shows that street vendors generally composed of migrant (manning and effendi, 1985). street vending, now, constitutes an established labor market which according to initial studies offers a significant source of employment and income for immigrant communities in the city (sarmiento, 2015). economic downturn, rapid urban population growth, political instability, rising unemployment and lower takehome pay drove some harare residents into the informal sector as food vendors (njaya, 2014). the trend can also be seen on street vendors in indonesia. therefore, the implication of this trend is that there is the strong correlation between street vendors and migration. thus, while there are socio-economic gaps between rural and urban areas, it will continue to happen rural-urban migration flows (urbanization) which is a source of new faces for street vendors. in many cases in indonesia, limited education and skills of migrants in many urban areas cause they prefer the types of business activities that do not require too high education and skills. their choice fell on the informal sector, that is as street vendors or hawkers. according to rachbini (in alisjahbana, 2006), the street vendors who sell their merchandise in various corners of the city in fact is a group of people belonging to marginalized and powerless. they are said to be marginal because they are excluded of the average flow of city life. they are said to be helpless, because they are usually not affordable and not protected by law. they have weak barhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 87 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 gaining position and they often be the object of controlling and structuring of the city that often being repressive. though they play very important actors in the urban informal economy by generating employment and supporting urban poor as well rich (kumar, 2015). in addition, the results of research on the factors that affect the income of street vendors in manahan surakarta (diah ayu ardiyanti, 2006) revealed that there was an effect of business capital, working hours, working period and business or entrepreneurial attitude towards income of the street vendors, and business capital factor is the dominant factor affecting the income. while wardoyo (2008), based his study in sragen, found that business capital and entrepreneurial behavior has a positive effect on operating income of small food and beverage traders in the gemolong market sragen. ayu diah ardiyanti (2006) also revealed that the factors that influence the success of the business of street vendors around the gor manahan surakarta city in 2006, among others, consist of external factors that is: (1) business capital used to develop the business; (2) competition which provides motivation to achieve success; (3) strategic business location that is able to increase the amount of income; (4) government regulation which provides the opportunity for traders to run and develop their business. the other research finding shows that the emergence of pkl in bandar lampung is caused by several factors, such as survival factor, lack of capital for running formal-sector business, reason of fulfilling educational needs, lack of employment, difficult bureaucracy, temporary job, lineages, and as a true profession (sulistio, 2012). the model of street vendors empowerment in indonesia various studies on empowerment (development) model of street vendors have often done in various places in indonesia, both in cities and counties. the recommendations also have much to offer. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 88 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics but not many of the recommendations are accurate and can optimally solve the problem of street vendors. development of street vendors who often constituted or followed by enforcement of various regulations by the government, either in the form of laws or local regulations, or governors, regents and mayors regulations, apparently not many are able to overcome and solve the problem of street vendors, in fact it often makes the street vendors are becoming increasingly marginalized (source: office of cooperative and smes of west sumatra, 2009). aminuddin farick m. (2004), which examines the implementation of the jakarta provincial local regulation no. 5 of 1978, found that the performance cumulative for the implementation of regulation policy is still low. aminuddin farick among others recommends that it should be the allocation of funds and placement officers adequately in order to develop the street vendors, as well as the need for regulating the implementation of each article of the local regulation 5/1978. while paulus wirotomo (2011) found that under jokowi governance, solo government has conducted social development by relying more on structural development, through which cultural and social processes are also developed. any policy study must direct its concern more towards fundamental elements of societal life, i.e. “structure, culture, and social process”. through the structural development, there would be alteration of power relations between informal sector (pkl) actors and other groups in society (for instance in obtaining a space to trade, in their reloca-tion process by the governmental apparatuses). by local regulation no 3 of 2008 on the street vendors manage-ment, solo government opted for relocation approach by way of: (1) providing free stalls; (2) facilitating the building of a cooperative in order to help the vendors financially independent; (3) providing space choices/business stalls for street vendors, i.e.: shelter, tent (in sidewalks and streets, with limited time), and pushcarts. jokowi also instructed non-viohttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 89 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 lent value in constructing organizedand orderlystreet vendors. this means that the mayor had established a cultural development by using structural power (regulation). moreover, bambang wahyu sudarmadji and sri lestari munajati (2005) based on their research in the area of street vendors in bogor city provide several alternatives in the treatment or guidance to the street vendors in bogor city based on grouping for the street vendors region. some indication of the treatment plan for each group of the street vendors region are: coaching program for street vendors, the street vendors’ setup program, and the demolition program for the street vendors. in addition, in a research report in the taman seribu lampu cepu city, ika prasetyaningrum (2009) found that the main problem of street vendors in the cepu city include issues related to the presence of street vendors in the evenings. that is, the presence of street vendors in the city is indeed a potential for taman seribu lampu because it gives the crowds to this neighborhood at night. however, on the other hand, the activity of street vendors in the park is not contained in the spatial plan of the city. likewise mabogunje (2009) who conducted a study on informal traders handling problems, including the street vendors, in pontianak found that the handling is done by the city government to tackle street vendors so far brings good results, but it also realized that the demolition without providing the solution is certainly not the best solution. meanwhile halomoan tamba and saudin sijabat (2006), which examines the street vendors as neglected entrepreneurs also provide some offers on the empowerment and development of the street vendors, among other the street vendors empowerment through cooperatives and partnerships programs between public and private sector. another example, a model of empowerment for the street vendors conducted by the government of surakarta in 2006 in cooperation with the ministry of cooperatives and smes. the street vendors empowerment efforts carried out by means of http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 90 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics business development approach accompanied by efforts to transform the informal sector into the formal sector. on the other hand, kasmad and alwi (2015) who conducted study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city found that one of the causes of failure in the empowerment of street vendors in the city of makassar is due to the exclusion of stakeholders to overcome street vendors problems. besides, street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city are designed base on a top-down approach, so they are considered as objects, which must accept all government programs aimed at them. as a consequence, the interests and needs of the street vendors are not met through the empowerment policies. therefore, the government needs to change the top-down model of policy and bureaucratic mechanisms for implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city. this is somewhat different from the case or condition in yogyakarta city. nurmandi (2009), based on his study in yogyakarta, found that the mayor of yogyakarta had forced all stake holders to manage street vendors in an integrated system that enable every part of them to empower and to share their knowledge and create the best decision for the street vendors empowerment. from the various findings of these studies, it is indicated that, in general, the handling (coaching) or empowerment programs all this time often does not favor the street vendors. yet when we look, the regional income in almost all cities/regencies in indonesia is largely derived from the market retribution each year that in fact there are many contributions of the street vendors in it. research methods this paper is based on evaluation study on policy implementation. this study uses qualitative approach. the population in this study is all the street vendors at various locations in the payakumbuh city, west sumatra. the sample in this study was selected using http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 91 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 proportional stratified random sampling technique. in addition, the researcher also conducted in-depth interviews with several informants. data obtained from a sample of respondents (street vendors) that have been established through a questionnaire with closed set of four alternative answers using a likert scale, ranging from grades 1 to 4 for the negative statements and grades of 4 to 1 for a positive statement. respondents in this study consisted of street vendors with business types of vegetables, fruits, accessories, foods, beverages, and other culinary merchants. besides, data also obtained from some informants, especially leaders and cooperatives managers of the street vendors and community leaders were determined purposively. data in this study were analysed by using descriptive analysis in the form of frequency and percentage. in addition, data were also analysed with interactive models of analysis through data reduction, data display, data interpretation, and making conclusions. result and analysis based on some of the decree of the governor of west sumatra of the year 2008 2013, as well as the policy of the department of cooperatives, industry, and trade (koperindag) west sumatra, every street vendors are given capital support amounting to rp. 300 thousand 2 million per person. capital support program for the street vendors is intended as a way to make the street vendors to be more motivated in their profession as street vendors. in order that support programs for the street vendors can achieve the desired goals and motivate the street vendors, the researcher have conducted an evaluation for the success of the program. one form of the benchmarks used in seeing the success rate is by looking at the capital movement of the street vendors. additionally, in this study, researcher also looks at the efforts of the payakumbuh government in developing the street vendors. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 92 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics the efforts of payakumbuh government in empowering and developing street vendors many studies on empowerment model for the street vendors had been conducted in various places and in indonesia. the recommendations also have much to offer. but not many of the recommendations are accurate and can optimally solve the problem of the street vendors. empowerment and development of street vendors that often constituted or followed by enforcement of various regulations by the government, either in the form of laws, local regulations, and governors, regents, and mayors legislations, are apparently not able to overcome and solve the problem of the street vendors. even, in fact, it often makes the street vendors are becoming increasingly marginalized. the street vendor is one of independent entrepreneurships. therefore, it requires a space that could hold the life of the street vendors. space provided should be able to support their activities instead of vice versa. policies also should be able to provide an umbrella for their activities. but sometimes the expectation of the street vendors as part of the urban marginalized group is often overlooked. whereas they also want to enjoy a decent and prosperous life as well as their rights are protected in the business. even though lately the government has begun to care about them, such as by creating and managing them in carrying out their profession as street vendors. street vendors empowerment lately has become a government concern in many cities in indonesia. in the case of surakarta, for example, holidin and rilyan (2012) reported that besides the traditional market, the existence of the street vendors also preserves prospective potentials for surakarta. not only contributing to the local generated revenue (pad), the street vendors also play a role in the informal sector employment, particularly after the crisis of 1998. after that crisis, the number of the street vendors was getting too http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 93 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 large that they deployed the green areas and public facilities. this situation came out as the background for the local government to assign the policy of the street vendors management. holidin and rilyan (2012) also reported that the innovative practices in the traditional market revitalization and street vendors management programs in surakarta during the leadership of jokowi were oriented to bureaucratic reform. the implementation of innovative programs was performed consistently, using a change of approach in the context of an egalitarian communication policy among parties in the governance, thus triggering transparency and participation. as a consequence, the market and spatial planning sectors became a breakthrough, overcoming the ego-sector tendency of local government’s inter-working units; thus hindering the consequence of enlarging the size of the organization in the case of the cities in west sumatra, since 2008, the department of cooperatives, industry and trade of west sumatra has launched the street vendors registration program that accompanied by the provision of capital support. the program begins with registering 1,000 the street vendors in five cities in west sumatra namely the city payakumbuh, bukittinggi, padangpanjang, batusangkar, and sawahlunto city and then continued with the same program for 4,000 street vendors in 16 districts/cities in 2009, and to 2,000 street vendors of 19 districts/cities in west sumatra in 2010 (department of cooperatives and smes in west sumatera, 2009). the program continues to run regularly and gradually until 2014. based on the results of monitoring and evaluation, the program turned out to be quite a positive impact for the development of street vendors in west sumatra (syamsir, 2010 and 2012). through registration and capital support program since 2008 2013 of department of cooperatives, industry, and trade of west sumatra provide support in the form of soft loans to the street vendors who have registered as much as rp. 300 thousand (in 2008) http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 94 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics and increased gradually until rp. 2 million (in 2013) by the street vendors through cooperatives in some counties and cities in west sumatra, including payakumbuh (source: documentation of department of cooperatives and smes of west sumatra, 2008-2014). soft loans granted to the street vendors is intended as a stimulus in the hope that the beneficiaries (street vendors) can develop successfully, rapidly rising class in the future, free from the winding of moneylenders, and able to raise a cooperative dealer. in addition, registration and capital support programs for the street vendors are also accompanied by a training program for street vendors despite the fact that this training is not maximized. this training is also intended that the capital provided would be more efficient and in turn they will be able to accelerate to the next grade/class (source: summary of interviews with informants of department of cooperatives and smes of west sumatra, july 14, 2015). therefore, the role of the city government should be able to carry out sustainable development, either through training or coaching in terms of the location where the street vendors to run their business. city government should prepare a coaching program within a specified period in order not to stop for nothing. in other words, at least, with the capital support program implemented by the government through of department of cooperatives, industry, and trade, or what is now called as department of cooperatives and smes, then a glimmer of hope is still owned by the street vendors to develop, at least maintain, their business in order to survive for themselves and their families. that means that the motivation to strive and continue the business still exists in the street vendors and perhaps only increased from the usual. moreover, the purpose of this capital support program is also to help street vendors apart from the bondage of the moneylenders. through this study also indicated that a small portion of the street vendors are still trapped by loan sharks because they are not getting http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 95 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 enough capital loans from the cooperative and there are also street vendors that are squeezed by “rogue elements” in the market. this is partly revealed from interviews conducted with some street vendors and street vendors supervisors of street vendors cooperative association in payakumbuh, although the percentage is not so great (source: interview summary, july 15, 2015). the success of street vendors development program by the government of payakumbuh the capital growth of street vendors after receiving the capital reinforcement support can be seen in table 1 below. table 1. description of capital growth of street vendors who receives capital reinforcement support in payakumbuh table 1 above shows that the capital owned by street vendors who receive capital support in payakumbuh turned out to be quite diverse, both the number of initial capital they have at the first time they become street vendors, or the amount of capital at a time before or after they get funding. table 1 also illustrates that the majority of street vendors who receive capital support in payakumbuh is fairly well established in terms of capital. likewise the condition of the street vendors’ capital before they receive the capital support. there are some of street vendors who decreased their capital compared to their initial capital, especially those who have capital of more than rp. 5 million and the owners of capital between rp. 500,000 – 1,000,000. this means that most http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 96 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics of street vendors do need additional capital in their trade. furthermore, after they receive the capital support it seem that the movement of their capital are quite positive, especially they who have the capital of more than rp 5 million, which increased by 14.4% compared to the time before they receive the capital support. lack of capital is often an obstacle to the empowerment and development of street vendors. besides street vendors often face several obstacles such as lack of access to credit, inadequate infrastructure, and limited other resources as supporting the informal sector even though they play very important actors in the urban informal economy by generating employment and supporting urban poor. in addition, according to yanuasri and sunaryo (2015) the existence of street vendors are often overlooked in the arrangement of space in a region, although they have an important role in supporting and developing the economy of a community. basically street vendors grow as a result of the limited employment opportunities in the formal sector. furthermore, the capital movement of street vendors who receive the capital support in payakumbuh city can also be seen from the percentage of their capital movement after receiving the capital support from the office of cooperatives, industry and trade as illustrated in table 2 below. table 2. description of capital growth percentage of street vendors who receives capital support in payakumbuh http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 97 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 based on table 2, it can be understood that in fact the movement of capital percentage of the street vendors in this study tend to be high after they receive capital support. this is partly illustrated by the fairly large percentage of street vendors who has increased the percentage of capital above 20%, which is about 37.8%. in general, it can be said that capital movements of street vendors who received capital support in payakumbuh be categorized quite well. as shown in table 3 above, capital movements of street vendors averaged over 20% is quite large. the finding of this study appears to be in line with the finding of syamsir (2011) who found that the capital support program for street vendors in west sumatra for three years is quite able to raise capital of street vendors, although the level of motivation and their satisfaction after receiving the financial support is largely still indicated “low”, this is presumably related to the small amount of financial (loans) they receive so that they do not feel so helped or motivated by the capital support. actually, entrepreneurship through microcredit schemes possess several advantages to small-scale businesses in a way that it can diversify product and the price offered is negotiable to attract customers. in addition, it is observed that government’s aid could help entrepreneurs to start or expand their businesses. in the case of neighboring country like malaysia, for example, mohamed et.al. (2014) found that the microcredit schemes can help women entrepreneurs via advice and ongoing monitoring from corresponding parties. the micro-credit financing scheme would also determine the business viability among woman bumiputera entrepreneurs. the majority of women entrepreneurs have the potential to succeed and continue their business with financial assistance given upon them. the implementation of micro-credit schemes may also increase the number of entrepreneurs. however, in the case of payakumbuh city, due to capital support they receive is too small, then the support as http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 98 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics if not so meaningful to them in developing their businesses. during this time, most street vendors in traditional markets in the city of payakumbuh borrow money (capital) from the moneylenders. this happens because of difficulties in obtaining loans from financial institutions, particularly the banking sector. they were forced to borrow money from the moneylenders, as the moneylenders are considered able to meet their immediate needs and easier terms despite with high interest rates. moneylenders practices which are prevalent among street vendors in payakumbuh lead the efforts of street vendors in the city is not developing. most of their business profits are often used to pay interest on their loans. this condition is the same as the findings of suwandi (2013) in surakarta that most street vendors in this city are not likely to get a business loan funds from formal financial institutions and most of them were forced to borrow money from moneylenders who actually incriminate them and make them fall into a debt-trap. however, in the case of payakumbuh city, the capital support from the office of cooperatives, industry and trade, then the existence of moneylenders at least could be reduced. furthermore, the development or capital movements of street vendors in this study area can also be seen from the street vendors increase in weekly sales turnover (omset) at the time after they receive capital support compared to before they receive the support, as illustrated in table 3. table 3 above illustrates that the weekly sales turnover of street vendors who receive capital support was increased significantly compared to the time before they receive the capital support. table 3 also shows that the greater part of the street vendors (30.6%) claim to have an increase in weekly sales turnover significantly up to rp. 1 – 2 million. while the street vendors who have increased their weekly sales turnover between rp. 2 – 5 million and that of more than rp. 5 million is also quite a lot, that is about 4.7%. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 99 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 table 3. weekly omset of pkl before and after receiving capital reinforcement this is, among others, also indicate that the street vendors need and dependence towards the capital is a must. this means that without capital, the street vendors would be difficult to develop. this is partly indicated by the significant increase in the percentage of their sales turnover after receiving capital support, though mostly only move between rp. 1-2 million. this condition is consistent with research findings of bambang wahyu sudarmadji and sri lestari munajati (2005) in the city of bogor and the findings of diah ayu ardiyanti (2006) at manahan surakarta that revealed that the need for capital is becoming one of the factors that influence the development of the street vendors. conclusion and recommendation based on the findings of this research and discussion as previously stated, among others, it can be concluded that: 1. the efforts of payakumbuh government in developing street vendors may be quite successful. registration program for street vendors is considered very appropriate in order to evoke the spirit and motivation of the street vendors in business. through this program the government could have a complete database of the street vendors. besides, capital assistance program is also quite effective to help street vendors apart from the bondage of the moneylenders. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0023 79-103 100 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics 2. in general it can be concluded that the capital movement of the street vendors which is registered in the year 2008 2013 in payakumbuh still categorized quite good. this is partly illustrated by the fairly large percentage of street vendors in the capital increase above 20%, that is about 37.8%. based on these conclusions, the recommendations to be presented include: 1. in the development effort, it is necessary to increase the number of the loan of the street vendors in accordance with their expectations, because the need for capital still become quite important for the the street vendors to increase their motivation in business. besides, it also needed to develop the street vendors regarding business management and entrepreneurial spirit, financial management, and business development strategies, as well as on training in the form of business clinic (assistance). 2. in order to increase the capital movement for the street vendors, it is necessary to control and supervise the street vendors periodically in the form of monitoring and accommodating complaints and constraints they face in the field. references alisjahbana (2006) the marginalization of the urban informal sector. its press; surabaya. arbie, alfian (1984) “family businesses of batak and minangkabau ethnics in conventional polarization” in ahmad ibrahim (ed). 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pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng doi : 10.18196/jgp. v13i2.14447 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp the role of good governance in transmitting the influence of new public management and leadership in public servants’ performance bambang istianto*1 , albertus wahyurudhanto2 abstract: grounded in the relationship-based view, the current study aims to examine the impact of new public management and leadership on the performance of civil servants via an underlying mechanism of good governance practices. data has been collected from the leaders and officials of civil services in jakarta, indonesia, via purposive sampling techniques. data were analyzed using structural equation modeling in smartpls 3.0. findings revealed the significant influence of the new public management in strengthening the per ceptions of good governance among the civil servants, resulting in their higher performances. likewise, results also revealed the significant influence of public leadership in building positive perceptions of good governance, leading to the increased productivity of the civil servants. the current study is a valuable addition to the existing body of literature by uniquely exploring the impact of new public management and leadership together in enhancing perceptions of good governance among the civil servants utilizing the relationship-based view. moreover, theoretical and practical implications, along with the future research directions, are discussed in detail. keywords: new public management; public leadership; civil servant perfor mance; perceived good governance; relationship-based view abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji dampak manajemen publik dan kepemimpinan baru terhadap kinerja pegawai negeri melalui mekanisme yang mendasari praktik tata kelola yang baik. data dikumpulkan dari pimpinan dan pejabat pegawai negeri sipil di jakarta, indonesia, melalui teknik purposive sampling. data dianalisis menggunakan pemodelan persamaan struktural di smartpls 3.0. temuan mengungkapkan pengaruh signifikan manajemen publik baru dalam memperkuat persepsi tata kelola yang baik di kalangan pns, sehingga kinerja mereka lebih tinggi. demikian pula, hasil penelitian juga mengungkapkan pengaruh signifikan kepemimpinan publik dalam membangun persepsi positif tentang tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik, yang mengarah pada peningkatan produktivitas pegawai negeri sipil. studi saat ini adalah tambahan yang berharga untuk kumpulan literatur yang ada dengan secara unik mengeksplorasi dampak manajemen publik baru dan kepemimpinan bersama-sama dalam meningkatkan persepsi tata kelola yang baik di antara pegawai negeri dengan memanfaatkan pandangan berbasis hubungan. selain itu, implikasi teoritis dan praktis, bersama dengan arah penelitian masa depan, dibahas secara rinci. kata kunci: manajemen publik baru; kepemimpinan publik; kinerja pegawai negeri sipil; persepsi good governance; tampilan berbasis hubungan jurnal studi pemerintahan 263 affiliation: 1politeknik transportasi darat sttd, indonesia 2sekolah tinggi ilmu kepolisian, indonesia correspondence: bambang.istianto58@gmail.com how to citate: istianto, b., wahyurudhanto, a. (2022). the role of good governance in transmitting the influence of new public management and leadership in public servants’ performance. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(2). 263-280 article history: received: (june 5th, 2021) revised: july 26th, 2021 accepted: (january 3th, 2022) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5389-930x https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8678-6355 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:bambang.istianto58@gmail.com vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 264 introduction central and regional governments face immense pressure on state-owned companies and public sector organizations to improve their performance (wei, guo, & su, 2021). this pressure further leads to the development of new public management systems (hartanto, agussani, & dalle, 2021a). the primary focus of the new public management (npm) is to ensure performance-based management all over the country (hayati & aviana, 2021). the npm movement began in the late 1970s and early 1980s. its first practitioners emerged in the united kingdom, and at the beginning of the 21st century, developing nations also started to follow it (felício, samagaio, & rodrigues, 2021). the public service performance reflects the output efficiency of the public sector that contributes to the policy objectives (felício et al., 2021). besides, research shows that certain obstacles to serving the community result in a negative administration image, reflecting little bureaucratic accountability, low responsibility and responsiveness, and poor service public services, hence depicting a negative image of the administration (hamid et al., 2020). these obstacles further point out a need to offer a management system to provide guidelines and facilitate the public servants to perform their duties efficientlyand effectively to reflect the best outputs (hayati & aviana, 2021). hence, the focus of the current study is to examine the impact of new public management and public leadership on the performance of public servants via an underlying mechanism of goodgovernance. besides, research reflects the significance of using npm in the current government institutions based on the demands of the majority, who are more aware and interested in public affairs after the intrusion of modern information and communication technology (düren et al., 2019; hayati & aviana, 2021). they expect the public servants to apply the general management-ori ented concept in public services to produce high-quality prod ucts and depict superior performances. hence, it is vital to ana jurnal studi pemerintahan lyze the extent to which new public management reflects good governance practices that lead to the high productivity of the public servants (indahsari & raharja, 2020; masud & hossain, 2021). in addition, nowadays, the phenomenon of leadership is the center of attention among scholars of public administration all over the globe (crosby & bryson, 2018; schwarz, eva, & newman, 2020). leadership is conceptualized as “the process of influencing others to understand and agree about what needs to be done and how to make it, and the process of facilitating indi vidual and collective efforts to accomplish shared objectives” (yukl & becker, 2006, p. 8). the researchers also highlighted the need to align the public organizational goals to better transmit them in the common interest of the public and generate high public values (vogel, reuber, & vogel, 2020). this further motivates the organizational members to perform at their best levels to satisfy the public in the country. in connection with that, the leader’s important role has been widely recognized and acknowl edged (stazyk & davis, 2020). however, the type of leadership that can prove effective in the public sector needs more clarity and exploration (vogel et al., 2020). besides, scholars have dem onstrated that the elements of publicness in the unique settings of the public sector should be the core essence of public leader ship (tummers & knies, 2016; vogel et al., 2020). at the same time, various measures have been derived from the literature to define the type of leadership required in the public sector (tummers & knies, 2016; yang & ren, 2020). si multaneously following the relationship-based view, tummers and knies (2016) argued that the extent to which leaders sup port their followers to handle issues linked with the public sec tor determines the type of leadership based on the four roles, including network governance, political loyalty, rule falling and accountability of the leaders towards the public (schwarz et al., 2020). in addition to the conceptualization of public leadership in the context of the public sector, the extent to which it affects 265 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 266 the performance of the public employees has been given scant attention (hamid et al., 2020; kumari et al., 2020). addition ally, good governance reflects government entities’ responsive ness, accountability, and transparency while deciding about public affairs in their best interest (mansoor, 2021). hence, the cur rent study aims to examine the impact of public leadership on public servants’ performance via an underlying mechanism of good governance practices. at the same time, the current study has been conducted among the civil servants of jakarta, indonesia. jakarta is the capital and the largest city in indonesia. simultaneously, indonesia is among the countries where npm in managing local governments has been reported with an utmost significant impact on various af fairs, including transparency, accountability, and responsiveness of the government institutions (turner, prasojo, & sumarwono, 2022; wicaksono, 2018). besides, to improve the civil servants’ quality and productivity, plenties have been imposed, and early retirements have been witnessed with lower ministrations and lower performers and vice versa (hayati & aviana, 2021). in ad dition, although several studies have reported the significance of npm based on intelligence (hayati & aviana, 2021) and the quality of human resources in the government sector (turner et al., 2022) however, its impact on performance has been least ex plored in indonesia. hence, the current study is a valuable addi tion to the existing body of literature and aims to answer the following questions. to what extent new public management and leadership are significant to improve the performance of the civil servants in indonesia? to what extent do new public management and leadership impact indonesia’s good governance practices? do good governance practices positively influence the perfor mance of the civil servants in indonesia? is the association of new public management and leadership with the civil servants’ performance in indonesia mediated jurnal studi pemerintahan by good governance practices? literature review and hypothesis development new public management (npm), perceived good governance, and civil servants’ performance new public management focuses on performance-oriented public sector services, cost and procedural efficiency, dividing public bureaucracy into work units, results-based accountability, bureaucratization, and liberty of the managers and leaders to lead institutions in a better direction with fair competition (martinez guzman, 2020). hence, it is appropriate to apply in public sector management. simultaneously, it is very important for the leaders of the government agencies to optimally apply the concept of npm for improving the public servants’ performances to facilitate the public at large (hyndman & liguori, 2016). be sides being a paradigm, npm’s theoretical base is rooted in the economy where individual interests are aggregated, and individu als as customers are given more importance (hamid et al., 2020). simultaneously, the government only plays its contingent role in creating and support the functions of market mechanisms and accountability of such mechanisms to ensure the success of its policies in the public’s best interest (arayankalam, khan, & krishnan, 2021). hence, organizations working on the npm model have clear objectives and performance targets that serve as obligations towards managers or employees to achieve in the best possible manner. additionally, the organizations which set performance targets are closely linked with performance stan dards and measures, which further provide the best practices and values hence determining the success or failure of the organiza tion (martinez guzman, 2020). previously, npm has been linked with the intelligence of civil servants (hamid et al., 2020). at the same time, the current study postulates that it is a source of enhancing the perception of individuals towards good gover nance and leading such perceptions towards the best performance of the civil servants to facilitate the masses and maintain the law 267 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 268 and order situations in the country. hence, based on the rela tionship based-view and the above arguments, it is hypothesized that; h1. new public management is positively associated with civil servants’ perceptions of good governance. h3. new public management is positively associated with civil servants’ performance. h6. civil servants’ perceptions of good governance mediate the association of new public management and their performance. public leadership, perceived good governance, and civil servants’ performance leaders’ interactions with other individuals depict their lead ership qualities (yang & ren, 2020). researchers reported that emotional regulations and awareness became vital factors influ encing the communication quality and resultant satisfaction of the individuals during social interactions (tummers & knies, 2016). leaders’ ability to carry out the leadership roles by influ encing individuals or groups of individuals/followers for achiev ing organizational goals has been conceptualized as leadership (schwarz et al., 2020). simultaneously, in the context of public sector leadership, several characteristics of leaders have been iden tified by the scholars, including achievement of the public inter est, identification of success based on set standards, development of strategies for achieving success, analysis of the consequences of the actions made at various levels, strategies implementation details, achievement of the broader goals by motivating stake holders and members, etc (mittal & dhar, 2015; schwarz et al., 2020; vogel et al., 2020). of all these objectives or characteris tics of good leadership, the productivity of the organization stands at the top (vogel et al., 2020). researchers revealed the significance of leadership in manag ing country affairs (lerra, 2021), persuading people (demja & al shurif, 2021), gaining competitive advantages (ali & anwar, 2021), and building foreign relationships (cheng & zhu, 2021). jurnal studi pemerintahan likewise, researchers reveal the significance of good leadership in enhancing the perceptions of good governance among the citizens (hartanto et al., 2021b; mansoor, 2021). however, the current study is established on the relationship-based view that postulates that when leaders make decisions in the best interest of the public, the followers end civil servants perceive them as accountable, responsible, and transparent towards the public and the employees. hence, they get motivated, which further makes them perform in their best possible way. thus, following the abovearguments, it is postulated that; h2. public leadership is positively associated with civil servants’ perceptions of good governance. h4. public leadership is positively associated with civil servants’ performance. h5. public leadership is positively associated with civil servants’ performance. h7. civil servants’ perceptions of good governance mediate the association of public leadership and their performance. theoretical framework of the study figure 1. theoretical framework of the study 269 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 270 research methods an affirmative and descriptive research approach has been utilized in the current study. the current study population in cludes the leaders and officials in the city of jakarta, indonesia. the slovin formula was used to assess the sample of the study for generalizing the results to the overall population (zikmund et al., 2013) in the context of leaders and officials in jakarta. based on the above calculations, the current study projected re spondents were 450 people, or around 30% of the total struc tural officials in jakarta. besides, a purposive sampling technique was utilized to select the sample (dalle et al., 2020; mansoor & wijaksana, 2021). for data collection, researchers visited vari ous regional government organizations in jakarta city. the whole data collection procedure started in january 2021. by the end of eight months till september 2021, researchers were able to col lect the data of 362 respondents. simultaneously, a survey ques tionnaire consisting of 29 items of all study constructs was used to collect the data. the new public management seven items scale was adapted from hamid et al. (2020). public leadership was measured with an eleven item scale adapted from vogel et al. (2020). to measure perceived good governance, a seven-item scale was adapted from bennett et al. (2019). finally, public ser vice performance was measured with four items adapted from hamid et al. (2020). “a 5-point likert scale ranging from 1=strongly disagree to 5=strongly agree was used to assess all study constructs”. demographically, the majority of the public servants who participated in the survey were males (73.4%) and married (61.4%). the average age of the respondents was 40.2 years. about half of the respondents were graduates (49.1%). at the same time, 27.6% and 22.5% were undergraduates and postgraduates, re spectively. data analysis and results to analyze the data, smartpls 3.0 software was used. partial least square (pls) depicts a variance-based structure equation jurnal studi pemerintahan modeling analysis that measures the structural and measurement models to assess the psychometric properties of the measures and test the hypothesized relationships. assessing the measurement model “the structural equation modelling (sem)analysis has been performed in smartpls 3.0 software”. the simulation analysis table 1. reliability and validity results variables/items factor loadings ave cr ca 1 2 3 4 new public management 0.546 0.930 0.811 npm1 0.767 npm2 0.702 npm3 0.705 npm4 0.723 npm5 0.751 npm6 0.770 npm7 0.729 npm8 0.711 npm9 0.755 npm10 0.788 npm11 public leadership 0.718 0.584 0.907 0.803 pl1 0.791 pl2 0.776 pl3 0.734 pl4 0.745 pl5 0.748 pl6 0.780 pl7 perceived good governance 0.772 0.532 0.888 0.743 pgg1 0.701 pgg2 0.788 pgg3 0.709 pgg4 0.715 pgg5 0.741 pgg6 0.720 pgg7 public servants performance 0.726 0.560 0.836 0.716 psp1 0.774 psp2 0.769 psp3 0.737 psp4 0.713 “note: cr=composite reliability; ca= cronbach alpha; ave=average variance extracted.” 271 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 272 depicted that the qualification of the study respondents posi tively influenced their performances in public services. hence, we controlled their qualification while testing hypothesized paths. next, “cronbach’s á (ca)” and “composite reliability (cr)” were assessed and reported to establish the measures’ validity and reliabilities (henseler, ringle, & sarstedt, 2015; mansoor & wijaksana, 2021). as table 1 presents, the values of ca and cr were in the acceptable range as recommended by scholars, i.e., > 0.70 (mansoor & paul, 2022; sarstedt, ringle, & hair, 2017). moreover, the “factor loadings” of all the study items were above 0.70, and the ave “average variance extracted” of latent constructs was above 0.50 (dalle et al., 2020; hair et al., 2010), hence establishing the convergent validity of all the study con structs (mansoor, 2021; sarstedt et al., 2017). discriminant validity we used the “heterotrait-monotrait (htmt) ratio” for as sessing the discriminant validity of the measures (henseler et al., 2015; noor, mansoor, & rabbani, 2021). the values of the htm ratio, as shown in table 2, are above 0.90, depicting the inde pendence of all study constructs. table 2. heterotrait-monotrait ratio constructs mean std. 1 2 3 4 new public management 3.95 1.01 0.738 public leadership 4.12 0.81 0.611 0.764 perceived good governance 3.89 1.07 0.597 0.523 0.729 public servants performance 3.91 0.98 0.536 0.467 0.502 0.748 “note: the square roots of ave’s of the constructs are shown in bold in diagonal.” jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 2. full measurement model assessing the structural model direct hypothesis as shown in table 3 results revealed that, new public manage ment (ß = 0.153**, t = 3.980) and public leadership (ß = 0.232**, t = 5.020) had a positive significant impact on the public ser vants’ performance. results presented that showed that new public management (ß = 0.361***, t = 7.809) and public leader ship (ß = 0.265**, t = 6.177) positively influence good governance perceptions of a nation. at the same time, perceptions of good governance practices positively impacted the public servants’ performance (ß = 0.313***, t = 7.325). thus, supporting hypoth eses h 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 of the study. moderating hypotheses a significant indirect impact of new public management (ß = 0.326***, t = 7.467) and public leadership (ß = 0.309***, t = 7.023) on public servants’ performance via an underlying mechanism of perceived good governance was found by the results. hence, hypotheses h6 and seven were supported, as presented in table 3. 273 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 274 table 3. hypothesis testing results hypotheses std. beta t-value p values supported h1 npmpsp 0.153 3.980 0.007 yes h2 plpsp 0.232 5.020 0.001 yes h3 npmpgg 0.361 7.809 0.000 yes h4 plpgg 0.265 6.177 0.000 yes h5 pggpsp 0.313 7.325 0.000 yes h6 npmpggpsp 0.326 7.467 0.000 yes h7 npmpggpsp 0.309 7.023 0.000 yes where: cd= covid-19 dissidence; asi = attitude to self-isolation; dos= distrust in official statistics; tp = threat perceptions. figure 5. full structural model discussion findings of the study following the relationship-based view, the current study has been conducted in jakarta, indonesia, to examine the impact of new public management and leadership on civil servants’ per ceptions of good governance and their resultant performance in the public’s best interest. applying a detailed empirical testing technique, the results revealed that new public management has a significant impact on the public servants’ performance. these findings are supported by previous studies, which depicted the jurnal studi pemerintahan significance of new public management in enhancing the intelli gence level of the public servants and their productivity at vari ous levels (christensen & lægreid, 2011; düren et al., 2019; indahsari & raharja, 2020; zafra-gómez, rodriguez bolivar, & munoz, 2013). this further reflects that the governments which effectively and efficiently manage their public servants by plying new technologies and techniques, particularly in the form of in centives and penalties, the civil servants are more motivated and perform at their best levels in the workplace. simultaneously the results also revealed the significant influ ence of the new public management in building and promoting positive perceptions of good governance among the civil servants. based on the previous studies, which reflect that new public management is a source of depicting governments’ transparency and accountability (hayati & aviana, 2021; klenk & reiter, 2019; lapuente & van de walle, 2020), the current study findings can be explained that when the civil servants are confident about their government officials, sincere with the public, and they are satisfied with their decisions based on the transparency and ac countability of such decisions, they value the governance system more and believe in the good governance of the government of ficials. in addition, the current study also revealed the significant influence of public leadership in building and enhancing good governance perceptions among the civil servants and the result ant increase in performance. these results can further be related to the previous studies, which depicted the significance of lead ership styles and leadership qualities in enhancing the public perceptions of leaders and building trust among the public (crosby & bryson, 2018; demja & al-sharif, 2021; place & vardeman-winter, 2018; purwanto et al., 2020; xie et al., 2018). whereas utilizing these previous studies, it can be considered that in the public service sector, when the public servants are convinced about the fair and transparent leadership of the gov ernment representatives, they are satisfied with the governance 275 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 276 system (schwarz et al., 2020; vogel et al., 2020). as a result, they considered themselves responsible for performing their duties to continue that chain of good governance to benefit the public and the country. likewise, the results revealed that when silver civil servants are satisfied with the governance system, they value their pro ductivity and believe in hard work to enhance their performances. finally, the current study also revealed the mediatory role of good governance to transmit the significance of the new public man agement and leadership in enhancing the civil servants’ perfor mance based on their satisfaction level with the measures taken by the government officials and perceptions of their fair leaderships. these results further prove the significance of the new public management measures and strong leadership charac teristics for motivating the civil servants to be loyal to their jobs and to their country. they believe that every action is linked with the faith and future of the citizens. hence, they try their best to perform their duties efficiently to generate a prosperous economy and enhance sustainable practices in the country. theoretical and practical implications the current study offers several theoretical and practical im plications for academicians, policymakers, and government enti ties. first, the current study has uniquely been established on a relationship-based view that postulates that performances can be enhanced based on building good relationships at individual and institution levels (rao et al., 2020). hence, government institu tions should focus on building a good relationship with the stake holders, especially with the civil servants holding sensitive posi tions and are in direct contact with the public and responsible for the decision-making related to the public. secondly, the cur rent study presented that the new public management can effi ciently and effectively be utilized to enhance the civil servants’ positive perceptions of their leaders and government bodies to work for the betterment of the public, which further motivates jurnal studi pemerintahan them to perform at their best level to facilitate the masses. the results also revealed the significance of leadership in the public sector context where decisions are made to enhance the confidence of the public servants and facilities are provided to them so that they feel connected to themselves as a part of the government and further enhance that connection to the public level. in other words, they can act as a bridge between the gov ernment and the public to decrease communication barriers and increase public confidence in government entities. this can only be established by working on the new public management model and focusing on public leadership. the public servants’ views and suggestions of the civil servants and the masses should be considered seriously and attentively. finally, as the results present, good governance practices act as a bridge between transmitting the characteristics of new pub lic management and public leadership, enhancing the produc tivity of the civil servants. hence, the new public management system should be applied to all the developing and developed nations to make their civil servants feel connected with the gov ernment at all levels, which can further send signals of transpar ency, accountability, and responsiveness to the government, re sulting in the enhanced performance of the civil servants based on the transparency model. limitations and future research directions despite several strengths, the current study has a few weak nesses that will bring valuable policy insights into public man agement literature if addressed in the future. first, the current study has assessed the influence of new public management and leadership in developing and enhancing civil servants’ positive perceptions of good governance and resulting in high perfor mance. however, the contingent role of the civil servants’ inter est in the job and their intelligence level has not been examined. future researchers can also explore and better understand the diverse type of factors that influence the performance of civil 277 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 278 servants. in addition to that, the significance of religiosity in connecting the civil servants to their jobs and performing their duties can also be assessed in the future to understand better their mindset add motivating factors. finally, the current study followed a cross-sectional research design where data was collected at one time. in contrast, in the future, time-lagged or longitudi nal studies can be conducted where civil servants’ perceptions can be analyzed at time 1, and their performances can be as sessed in time 2 for generalizability and to reduce the common method business issues. references ali, b. j., & anwar, g. 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(2013). business research methods: cengage learning. 280 263 layout desember 2008 learning is a process with multiple dimensions. by every step we do, we are not only adding new knowledge on top of what we know already. with every step we do, we modify alleged certainties and we change the view on what we knew before. psychology of development suggests support of the community for the individual, derived from a classification of human life phases. concepts are focusing on the first part of our lives, from birth until we leave school and enter work environment; they divide it into four phases, comprising a life time of approximatelytwenty years. basisis the assumption that the main development tasks for a human individual are to be managed during this span of life and that they will be accomplished when we leave school, enter professional life and choose a mate. experience and expectation so far has been that we grow into an adult world of order, of clearness and relative security about how our lives will proceed:we take our place in society,master our life based on what we have learned (institutionalized) in school and (informally) from our peers and parents;we can live in stability und harmony until we approach the end of our lives. the biographies and values of our parents still reflect this idealized picture and the paradigm of an educational cycle that is more or less completed before the phase of adulthood. the school system is the institutional polity arrangement related to this idea. social agreement as well as expectation is thatadultsarebasically able to master individually their own challenges ofexistence and to provide the necessary support for those, who run through the educational cycle and grow into the society. the graphic illustrates in the upper part the perspective of psychology of development: elaborated concepts for the first four life phases are provided, but few ideas for adult life. this corresponds with the perspective of institutionalized education. in the lower part, the increasing life expectation is outlined (on the example of germany). it leads to an additional, so far widely unreflected life phase, which covers already almost the same span of life as the time from birth until entering work life. the accomchristoph behrens kiel universitat and universitasmuhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: drchristophbehrens@gmail.com educational governance today http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 abstract in the communication and knowledge based global village, under the conditions of dynamic change in an economy driven world, education has become a complex and challenging endeavor, both for individuals and organizations. learning has changed dramatically: knowledge and skills are quickly outdated and devaluated, giving education a new meaning within an individual biography; schools, universities and other providers of education go through organizational revolutions, who are challenging their self-concept and management; governments are under pressure to reshape educational governance according to new paradigms with the overall goal to sustain national or regional competitiveness. are key actors in the education system ready to face these challenges and to modernize their organizations? starting from an overview on the complexity of learning in modern societies, generalizable consequences are reviewed in a case study on germany. it leads to a framework for a necessary research project in countries such as indonesia, which are still ahead of educational reform. the focus is on the organizational meso and macro level that is playing the key role in educational governance. keywords: change management, demographic change, educational governance, globalization introduction learning is crucial for our existence, for access to resources, for our life chances, political participation and for our view on the world. becoming a human being as well as being a human is related to learning. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 177 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 plished stage of development in oecd member countries shows the perspective also for other regions of the world. but this model of learning has become too narrow. the environment is changing: (i) knowledge and skills are experienced to be quickly outdated. in consequence, a steady economic basis through life-long secure employment, in developed countries standard for the older generation, has become the exception for the younger ones. in developing countries such standards may not even be reached any more. a significant number of jobs in traditional industry production in developed countries have been cut due to increasing productivity and replaced by employment opportunities in the service sector. the it based fourth industrial revolution (‘industry 4.0’) will further accelerate this transition on a global scale. people in developed and in developing countries are collectively experiencing precarious labor conditions amidst global competition. this creates pressure to continue learning permanently and to achieve a superior grade of education. (ii) social forms of community have changed with economic prosperity and technical modernization. growing chances to shape our lives individually are going along with a loss of what was familiar to us before. ulrich beck and anthony giddens have reflected the consequences of modernity and outlined a new, highly dynamic risk society (anthony giddens,1990; ulrich beck, 1992). it is characterized by a devaluation of knowledge acquired in the traditional educational cycle during childhood. while the idealized picture of clearness, continuity and stability more and more differs from reality, learning and adjustment to changing circumstances has become the new paradigm for a knowledgebased society (peter drucker, 1969). in this dynamically developing society, power is correlated to knowledge (michel foucault, 1976; jean-francois lyotard, 1979). active participation in development becomes a prerequisite for social and political inclusion. (iii) the number of innovative sources for information is steadily growing, new learning settings are established. communication through internet and social media has rendered it possible that learning got disconnected from fixed places in a regional or national context, and particularly from the traditional public institutions of education (schools, universities).learning is offered on a global scale by private and commercial providers. overall the role of entrepreneurship increases, as the field of education has become a business sector and economically a location factor; it takes place in the internet, on the smart phone and everywhere at any time. the new landscape of learning is complex and offers a never known abundance of access to information, which provides opportunity to extend individual knowledge. this is challenging its users also to reflect the quality and reliability of information, as well as the agenda of figure 1.psychology of development, perspective of education and demographic trends educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 178 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ those who provide them. what is really relevant needs to be sorted out from an information overflow. existing and new social problems, a broadening variety of social and individual circumstances, the revolution of communication through technical innovation and thus a separation of education from its traditional locations and fixed times, as well as its commercialization on a global market have led to a new culture of learning. this challenges to rethink the related institutional and professional framework, particularly if education is understood as a complex process with political or cultural impact, rather than a commodity. the discourse about objectives for education, modes of delivery, the mission of educational institutions and the role and necessary qualification of educational professionals is under way. it has led to reform projects on a large scale such as the harmonization of the higher education system and related standards in europe in the bologna process (http://www.ehea.info); schools and universities experience organizational and educational revolutions that turn their self-concept and their management upside-down in a situation of severe identity crisis and struggle for survival under the pressure of social and political change. consequently, the role of those who teach in the institutions is redefined: from a provider of knowledge (in a mostly hierarchic way) towards a companion (on the same eye level) for the management of learning processes. this means a revolution for the self-perception of many educational professionals, particularly in hierarchic cultures; professionalism in the field of education is redefined. adults feel increasingly unable to fulfill expectations towards them, as educational professionals, but also in informal educational settings as parents and role models. the clear definition of roles in the landscape of learning, which was part of the social agreement in the past, has widely lost its basis. where educational reforms in public sector take place too slow, private competitors can set new trends and may also take the advantage. the relevance of public educational institutions is challenged, as our example germany will show. those who have access and can afford it, move to privately organized alternatives. as a result, an educational gap may widen between those who are well prepared for the future, and those who are not with serious impact given the growing importance of knowledge for economic prosperity, social inclusion and political power. result and analysis 1. educational governance theoutlined challenges in sight, educational governance needs to be reflected. when it is discussed, the perspective should include: (a) thenew paradigm of lifelong learning for all, instead of an outdated view only on young people; (b) the reality of social heterogeneity, which is continuously increasing; itrequires an appropriate diversification of learn objectives and methodology; and it replaces the assumption of homogeneous groups and learn situations with standardized educational objectives and methodology; and: (c) the necessary diversity of arrangements and tools that have the capacity to cater individual needs in all life phases under diverse circumstances, considering diversification and complexity of modern societies in times of globalization; they have to replace institutional settings and tools, which are serving people in a widely standardized way. an additional component in a modern understanding of education in a life-long perspective results from the current demographic trends. increasing life expectation in developed and in prospering countries, as well as improving quality of life beyond the age of 65 grants us an additional life phase. a new biographic chapter with own meaning brings along related individual expectations and needs. this phase after completion of work life is not only continuously extended step by step. it is also a terra incognita: we need to explore (i) how to include it into individual life planning, (ii) what consequences to draw for public policy making and (iii) how to benefitas a community from extended, valuable experiences of the elderly. the latter may be a crucial point particularly for countries, which face the other key aspect of the demographic trends: a declining number of young people, leading to serious challenges on the job market and for social security systems. education is subject to emotional, sometimes ideologically overloaded debates in the public sphere1. social entrepreneurship in the field of education reflects the heterogenity of pedagogic approaches, political or religious convictions. thus private educational initiatives and entrepreneurship, private schools and universities have a long tradition. in how far a state is claiming to regulate this diversity and the extent of private initiative in the field of education (f.e. in form of private kindergarten and schools) indicates the level of politicization of educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 179 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ education itself. as there are many opinions about what makes education ‘good’, a consensus about fundamental issues is necessary to reach a consistent system. in democratic regimes this means a delicate balancing of perspectives and interests. it is to be achieved through communication and cooperation of the actors in the educational sector, through good educational governance based on open discourse in the public sphere. a consistent, sophisticated successful and accessible educational system2must ensure individual development of the entire people and not for priviledged groups only. this is a key factor for a country’s development as well as for social peace. the increasing complexity of learning, as illustrated before, makes good educational governance an increasingly challenging managerial task. 2. germany germany is an example for a state with democratic constitution that is economically successful over a long time already; it has a lively democratic civil culture and a sophisticated, highly politicized educational system. this educational system is characterized by a government monopoly and was shaped over 250 years in three major reform steps. (1) the introduction of a compulsory education for all children in public schools in the 18th century established the governmental monopoly; it was followed (2) by a standardization of the organizational design and the pedagogic basis for professional work in schools in the 19th century. referring to the ideas of wilhelm von humboldt (1792), a curriculum framework was formulated for advanced value oriented holistic learning that includes knowledge of all sciences as a basic education for all students in secondary schools and universities. this idealistic understanding of bildung refers with respect to the unique individual and its valuable contribution for society, and rejects toreduce people to the aspect of their economic usability3. respect for the dignity of the individual human being became in 1949 even a basic principle in the german federalconstitution. (3) educational reforms of the 20th century led to a critical review of educational practice (german: reformpädagogik4) and to an expansion of the landscape of learning. in the center of modernization: (a) equal chances despite of social background, initially focused on children from the working class, since the 1970s shifting to immigrants; (b) a general uprating of the educational level through expansion of the time of learning, promotion of academic education and additional educational settings, complementing school based education; (c) modernization of vocational training; and (d) methodic-didactic reform of instruction. figure 2.the landscape of learning in germany. educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 180 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ as a result, the education sector in germany is characterized by a mutual philosophic fundament, though it consists of multiple organizational forms of schools. the differenciationreflects phases of life (german: lebensphasen), as well as a diversity of individual circumstances (german: lebenslagen), regional approaches, different educational concepts cultural and political agendas. the landscape of learningfor germany in figure 2gives an idea about this complex setting. education in schools stands side by side to education outside schools, each sector with complex sub-structures, both with public and private organizations, but with a consistent philosophic and professional basis. each of the fields of education has an own tradition, own strategic approaches, sources of funding, management cultures and planning routines. the environment is characterized by a multi-level governance system with impulses from (and towards) international (european), national, regional and local level, as well as from diverse political discourses and related organizational frameworks. traditional private schools in germany are legally defined as substitute schoolswith a social function, complementary to public institutions. they are consistent in their structure and services with the regular public schools and they shall not support segregation according to economic capacity of parents. but they reflect also attempts of social groups to distinct themselves from others and to secure religious or cultural identity (f.e. in confessional schools or in schools of the danish minority). more interesting in our context are the new educational institutions that are expandingsince german reunification in 1990. in contrast to the aforementioned traditional private schools, they are based on social entrepeneurship due to a wish to take over responsibility in civil societyand an increasing awareness about the changing requirements towards education (koinzer and leschinsky, 2009; p.669ff ). though private schools play (due to the government monopoly) quantitatively a minor and predominantly substituting role in the complex german system5, the new institutions set up in the last 25 years have gained an indirect politically significant and increasing influence. they reflect a growing negative perception of public educational institutions; intensified calls for innovation led to increasing pressure to reshape concepts of education. the new private schools also represent the remarkable influence of the international environment, for example with their strategic goal to secure for the country international competitiveness through special focus on recruitment of functional elites, and to secure for the students their individual competitiveness on an international job market through individual support at an early stage, or by the option to achieve double degrees in a bilingual educational setting. the character of distinctiveness of traditional private educational institutions referring to issues of cultural or religious identity is in the new private institutions replaced by distinctiveness referring to economic and political considerations within the middle class. the growing influence of private educational institutions has supported as well a general tendency to redefine the role of the state within educational governance: its traditional function to regulate education is not concretized any longer by a responsibility to fulfill related obligations directly (german: erfüllungsverantwortung) but to guarantee their fulfillment by others (german: gewährleistungsverantwortung). the state limits itself to regulation and to implementation monitoring, while direct execution is increasingly delegated to third parties. given the tradition of governmental monopoly in the field of education, this is a revolution both for educational governance and for the mindset of the acting parties within. within germany’s federal system the states are responsible for education under the outlined paradigm of gewährleistungsverantwortung. all major political decisions are taken on the middle governance level in close cooperation with local authorities. to ensure consistency from a national perspective, a conference of the education ministers of the states (german: kultusministerkonferenz, abbreviated kmk) is responsible for oversight, quality development and where necessary definition or alignment of standards. despite this responsibility assigned to the kmk, educational governance in germany was increasingly perceived as ineffective and criticized since the third great impulse for reform in the second half of the 20th century. beside a general political debate about the advantages and disadvantages of a federal system with strong states, external pressure was created through rapid political and social change, through globalization and the growing importance of knowledge in economic context. particularly the results of international rankings and the related educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 181 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ global discussion about achieved results, necessary objectives and systematic reformsof education caused a deep-rooted unsettledness among actors in the education sector in germany. in these discussions, the programme for international student assessment (pisa) was in the center of attention. this worldwide study by the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd), triannuallyperformed since the year 2000,aims at testing literacy in the three competence fields reading, mathematics and science and the ability of students to solve problems. the publication of the pisa results was perceived as surprising for the aforeselfconfident actors in the german landscape of learning. media created the catchy phrase of the pisa trauma. under the dominating economic discourse,german competitiveness was seen in danger. political strategies in germany refer until today to the assessment of the educational system according to the design of pisa (deutscher bundestag, 2014). education governance reform: the exampleof schleswig-holstein. as the states (german: bundesländer) are executing power in the field of education, the reforms following social change, globalization and the ‘pisa trauma’ are reflected in the following on the example of one of the german states: schleswig-holstein.situated between the metropol region of hamburg in the south and germany’s neighboring country denmark in the north, schleswig-holstein is the most northern territorial state (german: flächenstaat) of the federal republic of germany. approximately 2,8 million people are inhabiting large rural areas, three major cities and the boarder of the urban agglomeration of hamburg. more than 1.600 schools with 28.000 teachers are visited by 385.000 students, around 25 % of them in context of vocational training. the 12 universities in schleswig-holstein with more than 8.400 employees (among them around 1.000 professors) are visited by approximately 55.000 students (ministery for education and science, 2014). around 4% of the students in schleswig-holstein are visiting private schools (statistisches bundesamt, 2012: verband deutscher privatschulverbände, 2014) after the publishing of the first pisa results, the state government of schleswig-holstein acknowledged the impact of a ‘world in transition’ and of globalization for the first time in a press statement of the prime minister in december 2001. a strengthening of the educational systemwas targeted. it should contribute to sustain economic capacity through structural reforms, enhanced self-responsibility of actors such as schools and universities, but also the parents and students, and through a critical reflection of professional educational practice. the strategic perspective, particularly for the schools, was defined as “giving our young people a perspective in the europe of the future” (landesregierung schleswigholstein, 27/12/2001). as weaknesses of the existing educational system wereidentified (behrens, 2012a): 1) input orientation instead of output orientation in schools,as well as a lack of reflection of international developments and their consequences for the landscape of learning; 2) limitation of education governance on the school system with institutionally supported focus on elites,complemented by a rigid selection instead of individual support for all; 3) ideologically dominated political debates instead of an open dialogue of actors with orientation on the needs of the students. based on the regionally differenciated, detailed results of the pisa rankings for germany and especially for the state of schleswig-holstein, special attention was drawn in the following years to the bad performance of local students at schools in the field of reading competencies: in the rankings, almost 20 % were assessed as weak. schleswig-holstein’s government set up a state wide project in order to enhance capacities under the motto “we leave no one behind reading makes strong”. over four years, 40.000 students in 210 primary schools, both public and private, were individually supported (landesregierung schleswig-holstein, 22/12/2010) and with the latest pisa ranking from 2012, first improvements became visible (landesregierung schleswigholstein, 03/12/2013). the policy of the state government referred to the general trend in the discourse of educational science to focus more on individual support and not primarily on abstract or ideologically motivated discussions about the school system and its legal framework a trend that was supported particularly through practical experiences in private schools. what did not happen yet was a strengthening of educational governance and an approach that would lead to a generally broader modern understanding of education and include all its institutional sectors. only after the election of 2012, when a new reform oriented state government took office6, a modern frame educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 182 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ for educational governance according to the principles of good governance was setby inviting all relevant actors in the same year to a state education conference, promoting a mental revolution:an open dialogue replaced the so far top down approach of educational governance. the results of the state education conference were integrated by the government and the state parliament into the drafting of a new school law in 2013 with the targets to reduce the complexity of the school system and to overcome the rigid selection system with related pressure on the individual by a new framework for individual support of all students, based on practical experiences of reform oriented private and public schools (school law of the state of schleswig-holstein as amended by the parliament, 2014). the principle of open dialogue was complemented in 2014 by a new concept to shift from the traditional school development planning towards an education planning circle (epc). it was designed in context of discussions about a framework for mutual educational planning with the neighbor state of hamburg on the background of an ongoing public discourse about schleswig-holstein’s regional development strategy 2030. the epc considers and integrates the entire landscape of learning into a new strategic perspective on education. as outlined in figure 3,a horizontal perspective, which linksall sectors of the educational landscape,is combined with a vertical perspective that considersexisting distribution of responsibilities between governance levels.public and private institutions are equally involved and understand each other as partners rather than rivals. result is a sophisticated planning design with an orientation along existing schemes, professional standards and various cultures of planning in different educational sectors, instead of an attempt to impose a complete new grand design. this strategic approach considered failures of the past, where attempts to establish a completely new compulsory framework had led to constant strenuous opposition towards reform. it builds on the existing heterogeneity of the educational institutions instead. the epc strengthens the autonomy of the sectors, while targeting improved output and outcome through coordination and alignment between them. the role of the government within thisapproach is redefined as (i) a support in balancing of interests and perspectives between all stakeholders, and (ii) a monitoring of implementation of educational principles and cross cutting issues as well as the achieved results. responsibility for the implementation (erfüllungsverantwortung) remains in the single educational institution and its respective organizational framework (german: träger). this corresponds to the principle of figure 3. education planning circle (epc) for schleswig-holstein educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 183 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gewährleistungsverantwortung of the state, the limitation of the governmental role to regulation and implementation monitoring. the red inner planning circle (meso level of governance) includes organizational structures of the different education sectors on the state level. the outer circle of regional and local institutions (micro level) contributes within the respective sectoral structures. impulses from macro level (eu, national level, but also academic educational discourse) are considered in the process of planning. as a summary we can state that within a time frame of thirteen years, schleswig-holstein changed its education governance fundamentally. the publishing of the first pisa results caused an instantreflex, based on the traditional understanding of (top down) leadership by the state government. but it initiated as well a qualified reflection of changes in the environment of learning through globalizationand social developments. the process of precise intervention to improve the results of learning was used as a chance to re-balance the distribution of responsibilities within the educational governance system. a new shared responsibility of all stakeholders, visible in the state education conference as a mutual platform for discourse, led to a new approach for planning and process steering that follows principles of good governance with the state government as moderator and supporter, and the principles of strategic management with a strong output orientation. result is a new understanding of educational governance as shared responsibility among to a large extend autonomous stakeholders, committed to the mutual objective of quality development as a permanent task,leading to continuous improvement of the capacity of an educational system. the complexity of this system requires sophisticated management capacity. thisis not an obstacle for achievement of good results, on the contrary: the competitive situation in the education system, the setup of an educational market with politically mature participants and a high readiness to take over responsibility, is likely to support a stronger focus on quality development and is urging those, who offer educational services, to align their services to changing environmental frame conditions and demand, and to performbetter continuously. the discourse about the weaknesses of the education system in schleswig-holstein triggered also a debate about the question, if a mere economy oriented assessment of education is desirable. this corresponds to theglobal debate about the impact of growth oriented economy and the limits of growth7. the question of concepts for the older generations and particularly for people in the new life phase (beyond 70 years old) within innovative educational settings and organizational frameworks will be tackled in context of a ‘year of demography 2015’ that is prepared by the state government while this article is printed. 3. indonesia indonesia is an example for an emergent new economy, which plays an increasingly important role on the global scale, but which is still ahead of a groundbreaking educational reform at the same time. since the overthrow of the authoritarian soehartoregime in 1998, the democratic constitution was complemented by a lively democratic culture. radical anti-democratic movements found little public support, conservative or backward-looking perspectives and their political exponents are step by step retreating. the parliamentary and presidential elections of 2014 have illustrated the achieved progress with freedom of opinion, strong media, peaceful campaigning, clear political alternatives and a broad controversial discourse on political key topics in the public sphere. the majority voted to continue the way towards a modernization of the country, and this not only in terms of economic development8. the political social and political environment thus seems favorable for reform. an international comparative perspective suggests a critical view on indonesia’s education system. figure 4 shows that the country is at the bottom of the overall pisa ranking, which is dominated by east asian countries. indonesia is also the weakest performer within asean. not much different like in other countries such as germany, the indonesian society reflects intensively consequences of globalization and modernization. when it comes to learning, this reflection remains often on the surface. opinions about the status quo and the capacity of indonesia’s educational system show a significantly contradictory mix of perceptions. on the one side, achieved progress is upheld, as well as a necessary priority in preserving existing structures, culture and ‘local wisdom’ against growing ‘un-indonesian’ influences9. the other side, referring among others educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 184 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to the aforementioned bad result of indonesia in the pisa ranking, points out severe professional, institutional and governance problems, which affect individual and national chances in an increasingly international environment. the limited public discourse is often more political than based on a professional educational perspective and characterized by assumptions or assertions rather than by robust data and analysis. divested of a culturally conditioned tendency to avoid direct criticism, we could identify and describe within this research as major weaknesses of the existing educational system10: 1) education and learning are widely reflecting the socially dominant patterns of traditional authority (max weber,1922): input oriented, static and selfcentered, lacking basic standards of modern educational professionalism as well as reflection of international developments and their consequences for the landscape of learning; 2) educational governance works ‘top down’, it is centralized, bureaucratized and sluggish, with weak subnational and horizontal structures, low professional capacity, missing academic discourse and innovation as well as a perspective on individual support for talents; 3) debates on education are dominated by political and cultural competition, by advocating different philosophies based on religion, nationalism, regionalism and related overlapping interests, while a professional dialogue on the actual needs of students under a global perspective is widely missing; and 4) severe regional differences in access to education and avaiable educational resources. education is a matter of national policy in indonesia, the legal frame and curricula are defined by the national government. a generally strengthened role of the regions through decentralization policy since 1998 has shown limited impact in the field of education so far. the legal basis is often not clear.regions such as yogyakarta emphasize new opportunities to add components to the figure 4.pisa ranking 2012 educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 185 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ national curriculum, which are related to regional culture and ‘local wisdom’ (in yogyakarta: hame mayu hayuning bawana); they critizise a too strong focus of national politics on education under the paradigm of market economy. discussions on national level on the other side underline more a need to secure unitarism and therefor consistency of the overall educational system; some even favor recentralization in order to achieve national goals. consequences from globalization are rarely reflected and thus a reasonable balance between diverse strategic objectives is not achieved in constructive discourse.meanwhile the reality in educational institutions is characterized by management of daily difficulties on all levels due to insufficient resources. to observe is also a tendency to headlining, to claim achieved progress with catchy phrases that hardly meet reality. robust data, generated through solid assessment and evaluation following international standards, are mostly missing in all areas. that a local perspective may be not sufficient any more to guarantee a decent life, is a difficult experience for many people. economically motivated migration from villages to cities, particularly to jakarta, is a major topic for indonesia’s development. but important for our context is also the widespread experience that the hopes for a better life remain unfulfilled, if a solid education is missing. for an economic perspective, even in the own country, learning has become increasingly important. this trend will be reinforced with the establishing of the asean community, which is scheduled for 2015. the starting point for indonesia according to the aforementioned pisa ranking is not competitive. meanwhile communication habits and related informal learning situations have drastically changed since 1998. indonesia is the biggest market worldwide for social media; the internet has allowed the current generation of students for the first time a basically unlimited access to information and provides the option for learning beyond pre-structured institutionalized settings. the environment of learning has changed for the current generation of young people in indonesia just as for students in germany, japan or the u.s. and as in other countries, the reality of learning among this generation has got much more complex. the following landscape of learning for indonesia, based on our research, shows significant differences to the institutional and political setting in germany as outlined before. formalized education outside school has a limited tradition, while religious instruction in islamic schools plays an important role for the majority of the population. in contrast to germany, a large and increasing number of young people goes along with an increasing number of seniors; their specific needs are so far not reflected at all. indonesia is facing the challenge to handle parallel high demands for education among all age groups, starting in all areas from a low level. key aspects of school education policy are highly related to a changing national and international political environment (decentralization, democratization, asean community); the need for a groundbreaking new set up of educational governance is facing a bureaucratized, static administrative culture. other major areas of challenge and conflict are despite some running development programs – the still rudimentary system of vocational education, lacking consistency between planning routines (particularly an alignment of economic and educational policy), fundamental problems to reach professional standards and to provide quantitative and qualitative capacity (statistics, human and other resources in educational institutions etc.). the strong position of religious islamic schools parallel to the public schools11, but also the social reality in families and local communities, which can be described as predominantly traditional; the culturally dominant principle of seniority; a shared understanding of learning as the path to take the predetermined place in society and to please god, family and community; an upholding of tradition and similar attitudes; all these issues are characteristic for indonesia’s society. they indicate a fundamental problem of the countries educational system, a predominant understanding of education as instruction and a limited understanding about individual support to develop individual strengths. the instructive character of formalized teaching targets or at least favors a repetition of knowledge and thus a confirmation of the view on things as it is approved (by authorities). it is thus input oriented and does not support abstraction, critical reflection, innovation and (individual) development. this fatal principle typically is cultivated since the very beginning of an individual educational biography, and tends to pervade all educational institutions, also universities. beside the traditional private (religious) schools, another new type of educational institutions based on social entrepeneurship can educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 186 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ be observed. new pedagogic concepts such as in the green school in bali (www.greenschoolalliance.org ) with its commitment to sustainability and education beyond economic usability, work as a laboratory for a different, innovative, transnational approach to learning. international schools (for example: www.ais-indonesia.com), which are following for example american or australian curricula, are targeting competitiveness on the international job market. some reform oriented domestic universities like muhammadiyah university yogyakarta are following the path of innovation and internationalization to enhance their capacity and international competitiveness. but while these approaches are quite comparable to the activities of private schools of the new generation and other innovative institutions in germany(as well as in other countries), a visible influence on the public debate – as shown for germany or even an innovative effect on the educational system is missing so far:lacking leadership of the government in modernizing the educational system, a generally weak consistency within educational organizations due to fragmentation, non existing horizontal structures of communication and cooperation as well a general lack of professional discourse, lead to a marginalized existence of innovative educational institutions in indonesia. good ideas remain widely unknown and too seldome publically appreciated. the change from a bureaucratic top down system towards a professionalism oriented educational landscape is in indonesia only at the beginning. as a result current education governance can be characterized more as administrating of the status quo rather than innovation and future oriented management. reform oriented professionals are facing severe active obstruction. thus, the reality in institutions and in educational governance lags behind the time. thisis not different to other public organizations in indonesia that face the same complex political transition since 1998 (behrens, 2012). on the level of educational professionalism, the complexity of learning is little reflected so far. to summarize, on the institutional and governance level, self-conscious professional actors are mostly missing. the necessary capacity needs to be developed. to be considered is that the incompleted detachment from former authoritarian structures has a technical and a mental component. the parallel responsibility of two ministries, each for a part of the landscape of education, is a political approach to cope with the countries complex political fundament. but it is potential source for conflict at the same time and creates an additional aspect of education governance that requires coordination, if consistency shall be reached.reform approaches so far tried to define a new legal basis, while related collective cultural patterns in educational institutions and indifigure 5.the landscape of learning in indonesia. educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 187 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vidual mindset do change slowly. this is not supported actively by the government yet. on the level of educational practice, the predominant culture of instructionis awaiting to be replaced by a modern approach to learning. as the necessary professional background among teachers is often missing, a reform of education in indonesia will need at the very beginning a reform of the understanding of learning: education for educators. as in germany and other countries, the environment of learning is also for indonesia dramatically changing. the significant role of modern communication and information technology is a groundbreaking development that offers opportunities for reform. particularly the private schools and reform oriented institutions as small islands of social entrepeneurship could contribute to the necessary complex reform program, as well as reform oriented traditional schools and universities under private management such as within the muhammadiyah organization. conclusion it is the main objective for education governance today to initiate and to manage change processes, where a systemor pedagogic practice does not lead to sufficient results and shows significant weaknesses, as shown for indonesia.to secure perspectives for each country and its people, educational reformis essential that considers key aspects of a fundamentally changing environment (social, demographic, economic, political). the experience from germany shows:a government that takes initiative and plays a proactive role, is an important success factor for a reform process. its self limitation to setting a general framework, to regulation and to implementation monitoring is an appropriate approach given the complexity of a modern landscape of learning, as well as from a perspective of good educational governance. the development of necessary pedagogic concepts and their direct execution can be successfully delegated to capable third parties.in a situation as in indonesia, it will be part of a reform process and second key success factorto build up such a professional basiswith sufficiently professional human resources. strong committment and resources will be necessary, as well as professional expertise from outside. in indonesia, good examples for innovative learning and successful institutional arrangements are already available within the country. international assessments from the oecd and other organizations already provide a first frame for monitoring of progress. these are two advantages that can make it easier to find a solid and pragmatic approach. key challenges for indonesia will be (a) to create a consistent educational governance that overcomes the current competitive setting on the national policy level, which is expression of a more general competition between two philosophical-ideological perspectives since the country’s independence; and (b) to concretize a new balance between the governance levels in order to redeem the promise of regional autonomy without risking national consistency. germany with its experiences in educational governance in a decentralized approach may contribute here valuable impulses. socialentrepeneurshipcan play an increasing and active role for educational reform and a positive development of a landscape of learning. interesting for a reform oriented country are particularly those private institutions that have shown successfully how to link up requirements of a globalized world with a unique regional culture. this is what integration of ‘local wisdome’ into policy making and governance practice means. finally: educational governance and educational reform are always about a shared understanding (philosophy) of humanity and learning. in the current crisis of capitalism, public discourse as in germany may lead to amore human oriented perspective on education again. result can be a decoupling of economic development and individual development. reform of educational governance in such an environment may not be limited any more to an overall objective of development in the sense of economic competitiveness, increasing individual or collective economic capacity, wealth or consumption of resources. it may lead to a rediscovery of another aspect of ‘local wisdom’:very traditional educational ideals in the comprehensive sense of bildung. endnotes 1 the concept of the public sphere as an area in social life where individuals come together to discuss societal problems in order to influence political action was developed particularly by hannah arendt (1958) and jürgen habermas (1962). 2 accessibility here in the sense of equality of all educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 188 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ citizens in their option to visit educational institutions according to talent, interest and choice without insurmountable (financial) obstacles. 3 as key objective of education was defined to support the development of an autonomous individual that acquires self-determination and maturity through the use of reason. independent thinking and acting, the continuous improvement of individual capacity and disposition was concretized in goals such as determination, diligence, sense of responsibility for own life as well as for the community, result orientation, excellence, optimism and tolerance. from today’s economic perspective one could say that it supports the development of major strengths of an entrepreneurial character. from a political perspective, education targets to form responsiblecitizens,who participate equally andresponsiblyinthe democraticprocessesin a pluralisticsociety. 4 a summary by jürgen oelkers (2005). 5 according to oecd (2006), germany with 6 % and switzerland with 5 % of the students visiting a private school are clearly below the oecd average of 14 %. meanwhile the share of private schools in the netherlands is close to 70 %, in ireland around 60 % and in spain around 35 % (all data for 2006). 6 the so called coast coalition, in german: küstenkoalition, formed out of social democrats, green party and the party of the danish minority. 7 the debate started with the report published by the club of rome in the early 1970s. 8 key slogan of the campaign of the prevailing presidential candidate jokowidodo was the call for a ‘mental revolution’, in indonesian: revolusi mental. 9 the trend to refer to ‘local wisdom’ remains an ambivalent issue. it may highlight the need to come to a balance between necessary modernization and local culture, or to concretize concepts for reform considering specific local conditions. but it is (mis)used occasionally as a strategic argument to obstruct reasonable development and not seldome remains a blurr, unconcrete term. in this context an integration of ‘local wisdom’ is understood as successfully linking up requirements of a globalized world with a unique regional culture. 10 analysis by behrens (2014) based on qualitative interviews with key persons in the indonesian educational system. 11islamic schools are not supervised by the ministry of education, but by the ministry of religious affairs. strictly speaking one could assume a (competing) parallel structure of school education, both with its own standards and agenda. this governance setting corresponds with the parallelity of a democratic constitution that is emphasizing plurality as basis for indonesia’s nationhood, and a growing cultural dominance of islam as two competing political bases of the country. references altrichter, h. / brüsemeister, th. / wissinger, j. 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(2006). the culture of the new capitalism.london state government of schleswig-holstein (27.12.2001).ministerpräsidentin heide simonis zum jahreswechsel 2010/2002. press release, kiel state government of schleswig-holstein (22.10.2010). wissenschaft belegt: größtes leseprojekt in deutschland „niemanden zurücklassen lesen macht stark” zeigt wirkung. press release, kiel state government of schleswig-holstein (10.11.2011). bildungsminsiter dr. ekkehard klug: „die arbeit an den schwächen und die arbeit an den stärken gehört in der schule zusammen”. press release, kiel state government of schleswig-holstein (03.12.2013). bildungsministerin wende zu ‚pisa 2012‘: „deutschland ist der anschluss an die internationale spitzengruppe gelungen”. press release, kiel state of schleswig-holstein (2014).school law for the state of schleswig-holstein, amended on 4 feb 2014 (gvobl. schl.-h. s. 21), kiel weber, m. (1922): die drei reinen typen der legitimen herrschaft. in: preussischejahrbücher 187. berlin website: social enterprise alliance (2014).social enterprise examples.retrived from the website:www.sealliance.orgon18 june 2014 unesco / unevoc (2014). world tvet database. retrived from the website:http:// www.unevoc.unesco.org on 18 june 2014 world bank (2014). education in indonesia. retrived from website: http://web.worldbank.org/on 18 june 2014 educational governance today / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0017 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.9490 driving factors of deforestation in indonesia: a case of central kalimantan ely susanto, nanik lestari, maharani hapsari, and krisdyatmiko universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta email: elysusanto@ugm.ac.id abstract as one of countries which has the large tropical forests in the world and the largest in asean, indonesia has been facing serious deforestation problems. eventhough some scholars have found causes of the deforestation and have tried to give solutions, however, identifications of deforestation causes are still worth studying as the deforestation still becomes an important issue in indonesia. this study tries to extend and explore the causes of deforestation in central kalimantan, one of provinces in indonesia which has been facing the deforestation problem caused by many factors. this study applied a qualitative approach. data were collected by using interview and focus group discussions which involved about 27 informants representing 14 organizations leaders such as walhi, aman, save our borneo, yayasan bentang borneo, ampuh, tuk jakarta, greenpeace, siej, spks, sawit watch, forest watch indonesia, mongabay, institute dayakologi, link-ar borneo, wwf and academia as informants. the study found several factors that drive deforestation which are asymmetric deforestation concept, governance issues and commodity-based development politics. jurnal studi pemerintahan 511 received :october 1, 2018 revised: october 13, 2018 accepted:november 11,2018 how to cite this article is : susanto, e., lestari, n., hapsari, m., & krisdyatmiko. (2018).driving factors of deforestation in indonesia: a case of central kalimantan. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(4), 511 533. mailto:elysusanto@ugm.ac.id vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 keywords: deforestation, deforestation policy, central kalimantan, indonesia 512 abstrak sebagai salah satu negara yang memiliki hutan tropis di dunia dan terbesar di asean, indonesia menghadapi masalah deforestasi yang serius. meskipun beberapa ahli telah menemukan penyebab deforestasi dan mencoba memberikan solusi, namun identifikasi penyebab deforestasi menarik untuk dipelajari karena deforestasi masih menjadi isu penting di indonesia. studi ini mencoba memperluas kajian sebelumnya dengan cara mengeksplorasi penyebab deforestasi di kalimantan tengah, salah satu provinsi di indonesia yang menghadapi masalah deforestasi. penelitian ini menerapkan pendekatan kualitatif. data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan wawancara dan forum group discussion. penelitian ini melibatkan sekitar 27 informan yang mewakili 14 organisasi seperti walhi, aman, save our borneo, yayasan bentang borneo, ampuh, tuk jakarta, greenpeace, siej, spks, sawit watch, forest watch indonesia, mongabay, institut dayakologi, link-ar borneo, wwf dan academisi sebagai informan. studi ini menemukan beberapa faktor yang mendorong deforestasi yaitu: konsep deforestasi yang beragam di antara pemangku kepentingan, isu tentang tata kelola yang belum baik dan politik pembangunan yang berbasis komoditas. kata kunci: kebijakan deforestasi, deforestasi, kalimantan tengah, indonesia introduction deforestation emerges as a critical issue for countries around the world as it has produced serious impacts on global environment (geistt and lambin, 2002; salahodjaev, 2016; casse, et.al, 2004; culas, 2014). the importance of deforestation as public issue is associated with of environmental damages such as flooding, soil erosion, biodiversity loss (fearnside, 2005; kanninen et al., 2007; salahodjaev, 2016) and greenhouse gases emission (tsurumi and managi, 2014). what makes indonesia so important in the global politics of deforestation is its position as a country which has the large tropical forests in the world (fao, 2010) and the largest in asean (koh, 2009; suwarno et al., 2015; arnold, 2008; margono, et al., 2014; hansen et al., 2008, 2009). scholars also linked this phenomenon to social problem in society such as “forced migration” (black, 1994) and human diseases (yasuoka and levins, 2007). as one of countries which has the large tropical forests in the world (fao, 2010) and the largest in asean (koh, et al., 2013; suwarno, et al., 2015), indonesia has been facing serious deforestation problems (brun, et al., 2015). based on fao (2001, 2006), hansen et al.,(2008, 2009) and margono et al., (2014) stated that “indonesia is experiencing the world’s second highest rates of deforestation, due to pressure associated with socio-economic and political changes” (p.77). other scholars also stated the same thing which is indonesia experiences tremendous deforestation (arnold, 2008; margono, et al., 2014). therefore, it is importance to investigate the causes of deforestation in indonesia in order to find core problems as basis for formulating solutions. some scholars has investigated the causes of deforestation in indonesia. burges et al., (2011) conducted a study in indonesia and found that deforestation in indonesia was closely linked to the behaviors of local bureaucrats and politicians. jurnal pemerintahan 513 studi vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 514 this study found that “increases in the numbers of political jurisdictions are associated with increased deforestation. illegal logging increases dramatically in the years leading up to local elections” (p.29). koch (2009) conducted a study in central sulawesi, indonesia. koch (2009) found that “the high prices for the cash crop cacao as well as relative land abundance at central sulawesi’s rainforest margin can be regarded as ultimate driving forces of deforestation” (p. 20). eventhough some scholars have found causes of the deforestation and have tried to give solutions, however, identifications of deforestation causes are still worth studying as the deforestation still becomes an important issues in indonesia. this study tries to explore the causes of deforestation in central kalimantan indonesia. suwarna et al. (2015) state that central kalimantan is one of provinces in indonesia which is facing the highest deforestation problem caused by many factors such as “economic, institutional, social, ecological and infrastructural factors” (p.78). the study however, only focuses on decentralization policy and forest governance so that it still provides large rooms to exlore the causes of deforestation in this province. literature review deforestation there are various definition about deforestation. deforestation is defined as “the loss of trees involving a vegetational succession from forest cover to some other kind of landscape” (rollet, 2009: 221). koyuncu and yilmaz (2009) define it “a permanent conversion of the land area covered by forests to other land uses such as wasteland, cropland and pasture” (p.213). from those definitions, we can say that deforestation involves change in forest uses to other pusposes through activities that destroy forests so that forests are permanently lost vegetation. many scholars have investigated the cause of deforestation. ehrhardt-martinez (1998) for example developed and tested a model to explain the causes of deforestation. one of their finding is the rate of deforestation occurs in line with the population and economic growth. geist and lambin (2002) conducted a study of tropical deforestation by analyzing 152 local case studies. the study found that there is no a universal formula to solve the problems of deforestation. instead, identifying the causes of the proximate causes and underlying driving forces of deforestation and interactions both causes are important to be done and then using such knowledge to formulate approches or policies to solve it. this is supported by a study conducted by tegegne, lindner, fobisse, and kanninen et al (2007) in cameroon and the republic of congo. different from previous studies, koyuncu and yilmaz (2009) studied about the impact of corruption on deforestation. the data collected from various corruption indices supported the impact of corruption on deforestation. the study also found that the impact of corruption was higher than population growth. salahodjaev (2016) investigated the impact of intelligence on deforestation. in this study, intelligence was measured by using the level of iq. based on data from 186 nations, the study found that intelligence had a negative and significant relationship with deforestation. it means that the high intelligence of human resources of a country can therefore help the country reduce deforestation. it is than suggested for a country to invest more on human capital when they want to maintain their forest from degradation. instead of corruption and intelligence, property right (liscow, 2013) and international trade (von maltitz and setzkorn, 2012) also have an impact on deforestation . on the other hand, as one of regions that has the largets tropical forest in the world, the southeast asia region face deforestation problem (barbier, 1993). barbier (1993) further explained that the destruction of forests in southeast asia worried because it was larger than in amazonia and central africa because of opening up the forest for economic activities such as agriculture and timber production. jurnal studi pemerintahan 515 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 516 but more interesting to look more closely is that the owner of a largest tropical forests exist in the region is indonesia (fao, 2010). in detail, fao(2010) explained that seven countries have more than 100 million hectares of forest each, and the ten most forest rich countries (the russian federation, brazil, canada, united states of america, china, democratic republic of the congo, australia, indonesia, sudan and india) account for 67 percent of total forest area (p.12). therefore, it is not a surprised phenomenon if indonesia becomes one of largest contributors of greenhouse gases in the world (burgess, et al., 2011). based on those facts, further burges et al. (2011) conducted a study in indonesia and found that deforestation in indonesia was closely linked to the behaviors of local bureaucrats and politicians. desentralization and governance in forestry sector conceptually, decentralization refers to the “the assignment of fiscal, political, and administrative responsibilities to lower levels of government” (livack, ahmad and bird, 1998, p.4). the basic rationale of decentralization is that the implementation of the policy brings closer the conduct of government to the general public who are the beneficiaries of services delivered, which enhances accountability and efficiency. in light of that, many governments in the world have adopted decentralization policy, including the indonesian government. decentralization in indonesia got underway in 1999, signalled by the implementation of law no.22/1999 on local governments and law no.25/1999 on balancing finances between the central government and local governments. law no.22/1999 were later amended to become law no.32 / 2004 that was later subsqentuly revised to become law no. 23/2014. article 1 section 8 defines decentralization as the transfer of government functions by the central government to local governments based on the principle of autonomy. meanwhile, article 31 section 2, law no.23 /2014 delves into goals of decentralization policy with respect to local government restructuring. some of the above goals include enhance effectiveness, quality of public service delivery, the quality of local government governance, local competitiveness and preserve local traditions, customs and culture. those goals are very much in line with world bank (2001)’s idea concerning the rationale of decentralization, which lies in its contribution to enhanced quality of efficiency, accountability, and public service delivery. technically, decentralization policy involves the devolution of government functions by the central government to local governments, including forestry. the laws on local government and finances mentioned above provide the legal framework for the distribution and transfer of the various government functions. according to suwarna et al (2015), law no. 25 / 1999 is the basic legal framework that entrusts the local government, in this case, the city/district government head (mayor/bupati) with the authority to utilize the forestry sector as a source of local government income. suwarna et al (2015) further explain that the ministry of forestry has issued several ministerial decrees no. 05.01/ kpts-ii / 2000 and no. 21 / kpts-ii / 2001 to confers “bupati and walikota the authority to issue small-scale timber concession licences to co-operatives, individuals, or corporations owned by indonesian citizens for areas of up to 100 hectares within conversion forests and production forests slated for reclassification to other uses” (p.79). law no.23 / 2014 tries to lay the legal foundation for better forestry governnance through the publication of a matrix that depicts the distribution of forestry functions between the central government, provincial governments, andcity/district governments. another policy that relates to forestry is law no. 6 / 2014 on village administration. the law confers on village administrations the authority to manage village forests (article 76). a research by suwarno et al. (2015) analyzesthe relationshion between, decentralization policy, governance and deforestation in central kalimantan province. jurnal studi pemerintahan 517 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 518 the findings of the research underscores the reality that ”decentralisation of indonesian forest policies has, in the case of central kalimantan, led to a decrease in local governance quality and an increase in deforestation, over the period 2000-2010”(p. 94). in other words, decentralization policy in part impacts on governance, which in turn adversely affects the rate of deforestation. prior to the research by suwarna et al. (2015), burgess et al. (2011) has conducted a research in indonesia and found that in the lead up to local government elections, the behaviour of politicians and bureaucrcy tends to change in ways that contribute to the deforestation. research method this study focuses on exploring the driving factors which cause deforestation in central kalimantan. to achieve the objective of study, we applied a qualitative research. data were collected by in-depth interview and focus group discussions. the methods involved informants, who represented 14 organizations in jakarta, bogor (west java), pontianak (west kalimantan) and palangka raya (central kalimantan) to explain causes deforestation in indonesia, especially central kalimantan. the detail is listed on table 1. among the key informants referred here were several environmental activists, non governmental organization leaders and beneficiaries, as well as officials as a regional institution in asean and the government of indonesia. table 1 list of informants (ngo’s) no. organization scope of issues 1 wahana lingkungan hidup (walhi) kalimantan tengah conservation 2 aliansi masyarakat adat nusantara (aman) kalimantan tengah indigenous resource management 3 save our borneo (sob) conservation 4 yayasan bentang borneo (ybb) livelihood 5 aliansi masyarakat peduli hukum (ampuh) kalimantan tengah equity and law 6 transformasi untuk keadilan (tuk) conservation media 7 greenpeace livelihood 8 the society of environmental journalists (siej) livelihood 9 serikat petani kelapa sawit (spks) conservation 10 sawit watch media and conservation 11 forest watch indonesia (fwi) mongabay indigenous resource management 12 institute of dayakologi link-ar borneo academia indigenous resource management 13 knowledge mobilization jurnal studi pemerintahan 519 we also used secondary data based on reports published by governments and non goverment which portray the nature of deforestation problem. results and discussions asymmetric deforestation concept asymmetric deforestation is built upon contesting conceptualization devised by various stakeholders. the concept of deforestation is rife with the debate between the government and non-governmental environmental organizations, which has perpetuated its conflicting concepts. according to the forest in law no. 5 /1967 on forestry basic law and law no. 41/ 1999 on forestry, the indonesian government defines deforestation as forest destruction, whereas, non-governmental organizations (ngo) define deforestation as a reduction or decrease in areas under forest vegetation. this is evident in the save our borneo’s definition of deforestation as: vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 520 “areas which the government designates as forest vegetation may be limited to swathes of forest undergrowth (ilalang) vegetation. deforestation is the decrease in all areas that are covered by forest vegetation. if natural forests are converted into pine forests, according to government sources, such a practice does not amount to deforestation because areas under forest vegetation remain unchanged. on contrary, for us (sob), such a practice constitutes deforestation as the area under natural forest vegetation is reduced (sob, 2016)”. differences in the definition of deforestation among actors have led to differences in action and movement. with the basic concept of deforestation still debatable, there has been a gap between policy formulation and implementation on the ground. the government defined forest in accordance with law no.41/1999 on forestry, which has implications for the concept of deforestation. consequently, the moratorium which the government imposed on cutting forests to reduce the pace of deforestation is only applicable to areas not forest vegetation. yet according to non-governmental organization sources, tackling deforestation means protecting all areas covered by forest vegetation. tuk jakarta (ngo) also corroborates the argument that “the government through its moratorium on deforestation is based on calculation of change in areas under primary forests, while the reality is that deforestation occurs when members of community, production equipment, gradually open up areas under forest vegetation. ideally, the definition of deforestation also includes the process of degradation, which must be averted as well. the degradation process is a major factor behind deforestation. in otherwords, deforestation is not just a matter of cutting trees, but also involves the process of converting land, conversion of peatforests forces people or farmers to encroach on forests (tuk, 2016). the term deforestation as a basic concept, which has strong bearing on policy is still rife with debate among actors. tuk (ngo) explained that definition deforestation must be built upon clear consensus between policy makers and actors on the ground. there is thus need for synergy in the definition of forest areas right from the time the government designates an areas a forest area. mongabay (ngo) proposes an important thing which the government should do that is putting in place one map policy. a representative from mongabay said: this is necessary because to this day, there are various maps that are used, which often leads to disharmony. for example, the map used by members of the community is based on that in the hands of ngps, while the map the government uses is also different. to that implementing a one map policy is an important issue the government must considered seriously if such a problem is to be averted in future. such statements from aman, walhi, mongabay, sob and tuk (ngo’s) confirm that the issue of deforestation demands halting destruction and degradation. degradation in the view of non-governmental environmental activists does not involve only reducing forest land, but stopping the destructive process that leads to the land conversion of forested areas. furthermore, this includes activities beyond cutting trees, such as making efforts to prevent land users from changing the composition of the vegetation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 521 vol. 9 no.4 november 2018 522 table 2 actor and definitions position definition actor government forest is an area defined by the government as a forest. forests cover production forests, where their management alters the original vegetation structure. the term deforestation is not described in the rules. the government only mentions forest destruction. governmentdefines forests in accordance with law no 5/1967 and no.41/1999 on forests. forest areas include conservationforests, protected forests, and production forests. companies use the government definitionas reference. companies draw benefits from the role they play in the production forest category. palm oil plantations (wilmar, sinar mas, unilever) ngo deforestation is defined as a decrease or reduction in the area covered by forest vegetation. the growth of forest areas in their natural vegetation is lush, and can be calculated, height and types of plants that grow in accordance with the enviromentand locality (sampurna, 2016) deforestation occurs when natiral forests change to become production forests, industrial production forests, and afterwords mining areas. it all starts with production forests, then becomes industrial production forests, then plantaions, and culminates into mining areas (walhi, 2016) deforestationoccurswhen production equipment and farmers exert pressure and open forests for cultivation (mansiun, 2016) walhi central kalimantan, save our borneo (sob) central kalimantan, yayasan bentang borneo (ybb), aman central kalimantan, ampuh cenral kalimantan institut dayakologi aman west kalimantan wwf tuk jakarta walhi jakarta greenpeace siej jakarta sawit watch bogor fwi mongabay source: compiled by authors governance issues forestry sector governance is an area in which contesting definition on deforestation seeks its ground for further policy debate, which perpetuates problems at various locals. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 523 this is evident in the overlapping regulations and policy inconsistencies. some ngos such walhi, sob, aman, tuk, fwi and mongabay explained that deforestation occurs due to the policy of each regime changing due to politicization of the land use permits form various extractive activities. they further explain that since 1997-1998 forests started to lose their capacity to sustain ecosystems that rely on them, which was compunded by el nino event that caused forest fires. in the wake of that, mining activities begun to enter into protected forest areas, because of the decision of the government to give permits to mining companies. the damage to forests from mining and forest fires has continued since then. moreover, mongabay (ngo) describes that the deforestation rate increased in the aftermath of president suharto's administration granting forest economic rights (hph) to society. since then forest utilization has been driven and based on market / industry needs. the destruction of forests begins with logging and timber harvesting: both legal and illegal. after the wood is harvested, land clearing follows. mongabay further explains that after the forest resources are logged, land clearing and planting with industrial plants (hti) such as acacia, pine, and other commodities follows. another ngo, sbo, continues to explain that the diversion of forests functions extends into oil palm plantations until the mine. this pattern is also presented by walhi and sob as follows: “deforestation during soeharto’s era begun with the conversion of virgin forests into production forests, while during post suharto era, deforestation, has largely been associated with palm oil and plantations (converting forests to become industrial forest estates), and subsequently mining. there is a change in the speed and pattern of deforestation and degradation over the last 30 years since 1980 to the present day. during 1980-1990: deforestation was as a result of hph, which involved harvesting timber, meanhwile deforestation since. 2000 to the present day: land clearing occurs after which acasia, oil palm are planted, and eventually land is converted into mining areas (walhi, 2016).” vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 524 “during 1970s, hph was the main source, while industrial forest estates (hti) despite being natural forests were designated as planted forests, in 1990s until post reformation, has been characterized by illegal logging, the land after that was converted to oil palm plantations. with forest fires during 1990s, forests having been decimated, land was converted again into plantation agriculture. hti continues to change, hph continued with selective cutting of large forest trees, coupled with frequent forest fires, resulted into large chunks of land being converted into oil palm and mining areas (sob, 2016)”. the pattern of forest destruction in every regime is characterized by lack of integrated forest management. walhi, link-ar borneo, aman central kalimantan explained that the existence of many regulations has in fact exacerbated forest degradation. the damage to forests is attributable to policy mistakes/failures. as to why deforestation continues to this day, answering that question leads one to reach the conclusion that there needs for reorganization in the government. overlapping regulations as reflected in the laws on forestry, mining, and estates, agriculture, oil and gas, as well as maritime law that are out not synchronous. investors exploit the loophole, while forests that customary /indigenous communities have protected for hundreds of years are suddenly taken away from them. they said that: “a different president means a different minister, which in turn means different policy regime (aman, 2016)”. improvement in governance should lead to improvement in the pattern of exploitation of forests, and not exacerbate it as has occurred. the reason for that relates to the reality that bureaucracy will continue to use the pattern that has been in place even if there is change in leadership. evidence of the low quality of governance in forest management in central kalimantan is also attested by the large number of forest clearing permits that have been issued in the lead-up to and after local government elections. ybb (ngo), shows examples of the following cases of forest conversion expenditures: “based on our observation, permits are issued prior to, and after local elections. specifically, for incumbents, permits are issued prior to the conduct of local elections, while for newly elected local; government heads, permits are issued after local elections. that has been the pattern since 2003 (ybb, 2016)”. dayakology institute (ngo) also stresses the point that permits for plantations in kalimantan is as often smaller than the actual area covered by the document. “at the national level, i do think that the political process in 2009 had influence on number of permits that were issued, and by extension deforestation of 14.7 million. permits for industrial production plants and productin forests are issued before and during the presidential elections. permits for production forests in 2009 were twice as high as the number of applications. that was an accumulation of permits during 2007-2009 period. the pattern seems similar in other sectors as well. permits for industrial production plants, mining, and, oil palm plantations issued in 2009, showed an increase of 50%, 100% even 200%. the same seems to be evident in other provinces during the period, which is an indication that local elections have influence on issuing of permits (dayakologi institute, 2016). deforestation can be avoided with improving the governance. improvements include integrate forest policies and other regulations that related, reaffirm and review the roadmap for sustainable environmental development, and minimization of permits. bad forest management has aggravated disparity in the local society’s access to forest resources. one manifestation of that is the existence of overlapping policies that have had implications for spatial planning and development. in their agendas, civil society elemens working proposed a number of initiatives that reflect their very diverse policy advocacy orientation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 525 commodity-based development politics national and transnational investment in palm oil industry has emerged as the development alternative to forestry in central kalimantan. this indicates the sustenance commodity-based development politics that marks indonesian politics since the era of independence. the rise of palm oil as lucrative market commodity has been contested in many grounds, mainly due to heavy international expose on the issues of land injustices and environmental degradation in emerging national markets. economic development that emphasizes palm oil as the dominant source of economic activities does not augur well for societal development at large as it is considered narrowing the livelihoods option of the local community. walhi, sob, dayakologi institute, aman, link_ar borneo, mongabay, greenpeace and forest watch indonesia (fwi) revealed that the process of transferring forested areas to hti and palm oil plantations is one of the main causes of deforestation. the condition of forest destruction is getting worse with the large number of people who are beginning to switch to planting palm. mongabay states that: "now there is a trend, when large investments people feel less prosperous by using the plasma mechanism, finally people open their own oil palm plantation, ie self-help oil garden. this will aggravate the already severe situation. actually they have rubber, but the market considerations are not profitable, they tebang rubber then they planted palm (mongabay, 2016) ". palm oil commodity has spread far and wide in kalimantan, a process that has led to the collapse and abandoning of other commodities that are more friendly to the environment such as rubber and rotan. the huge market for palm oil, has induced a change in market system. according to dayakology institute, in the year 2001 members of the organization provided guidance to 210 villages in ketapang district, and in 2010 there were only 10 villages remaining. institute dayakologi said that jurnal studi pemerintahan 526 “out of those villages, in 2001, 210 villages were not growing oil palm, which also meant that their forests were in good condition. today, out of 10 villages there is no longer any virgin forests left. in the past, during the 1980s and early 2000s, the strategy was to pay abide by what the head of the community said, which helped to strengthen the head of the community, today, individualism is more prominent, which has led to weakening of the community. this is compounded by the fall in prices of rubber, coupled with other economic problems that have exacerbated the situation. that is why we are so powerless today (institute dayakologi, 2016)”. some ngos such as link-ar borneo, mongabay, aman and sob also emphasize the injustice in palm oil plantation management systems. in terms of ownership, aman and sob mention injustice in the mechanism of obtaining permits for the use of land used as plantations. save our borneo noted that the problem of palm oil lies in the ownership, which perpetuates income inequality. one person can have control over 126 000 hectares in central kalimantan province. the company obtains land from the outsourcing of forests and the removal of community land is not clear, so the community tends to be non construction workers. it also delivered mongabay and link-ar borneo as follows: "when people want to open oil palm plantations they will prefer areas that are released from forestry, because there is still wood, and the wood can be sold to the factory and they have taken advantage of it. it should be when we cut down the wood, we have to re planting, but it happens not like that (mongabay, 2016). " jurnal studi pemerintahan 527 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 528 "the issue of transparency is in the spotlight. speaking of investment-related palm oil assets, the rspo itself closes information regarding land ownership status, even government data. we never compare between the data from the government, data from the rspo, and our survey in the field, it's nothing syncronic. the community has never been shown amdal (environmental impact analysis), and the adverse impacts of their activities (oil palm). (link-ar borneo, 2016). " the meaning of societal development is aimed at changing the social order of society for the better. deforestation can only be reduced if development is driven by considerations of sustainability and human resource development. the role that society plays in managing and preserving forests is irreplacable and inseparable. development, therefore, shall put human resource development as integral to achieving sustainable forest management through broadening access to livelihoods beyond monetary benefits. to that end, the best way to reduce deforestation is to orientate development toward human resource development which can play an important role in ensuring sustainable management in the forestry sector. forest wath indonesia (fwi) and yayasan bentang borneo (ybb) stated that in the lead up to and after the election, the forestry sector is used as a licensing commodity ranging from hph, hti, plantations to mines. this shows that deforestation occurs because economic development emphasizes the exploration of commodities in the forestry sector. therefore, forestry sector development should be directed to the carrying capacity of the environment and sustainability. discussion deforestation causes environmental degradation, climate change, and endangers people’s health, social problems. to that end, it is important to find long term solutions to the deforestation problem, there is a need to identify its root causes. in general, this research defines deforestation as the loss of forest cover reflected in the change in the original vegetation, attributable to entrance and penetration of production equipment. the definition, complements the definition that was pemerintahan propounded by rollet (2009), and konyucu and yilmaz (2009) that consider deforestation as change or conversion of forests into other uses. this research sees the contestation over definition of deforestation in indonesia as fundamentally political. the asymmetric deforestation concept among stakeholders are often neglected in policy formulation, even though the existing differences determines stakeholders’ actions in accordance with their specific political capacity to address the issues. lack of consensus in understanding the meaning of deforestation, by creating ambiguity, has led to rampant degradation. forest governance reflects in the overlapping regulations and policies working with the political interests of the local elites who seek the economic benefits from exercising political authority during strategic momentums, mainly political election. this appears in rampant issuance of forest operational licenses. in that respect, this research finding corroborate burgess (2010) findings to that showed a relationship between an increase in deforestation and the issuing of forest operational licenses by local bureaucracy and politicians in the lead up to and after local government elections. with regards to the pattern of forest degradation that is attributable to other forest uses, research findings are in line explanation of previous research conducted by konyucu and yilmaz (2009); geist and lambin (2002); barbier (1992), that associate deforestation in indonesia with conversion of land use toward infrastructure, , economic activities, agriculture, and other factors. in the same vein, the research findings also confirm previous research by faria and almeida (2015) that identified trade as an important factor that is responsible for deforestation. the third finding of this research is that commodity-based development of the forestry sector. the finding almost bears semblance to the case in sulawesi in koch’s (2009) research. the only difference is that the context is in central kalimantan, where oil palm is the main commodity that has led to forest land use conversion. jurnal studi 529 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 530 meanwhile, in koch (2009)’s study, rising cocoa prices is the major factor that has been responsible for increasing forest land use conversion in sulawesi. to that end, reducing deforestation can be achieved, if and when the major causes of the problem are resolved. conclusions this study has investigated the driving factor causes of deforestation in central kalimantan, indonesia. this study found several important findings. first is asymmetric deforestation concepts. the term deforestation is still subject to debate as state definition of deforestation is continuously being challenged by the definition developed by civil society members. second, deforestation, in many of its aspects, is also associated with governance problems, and the third deforestation caused by complex political economic settings that shape its emergence. to solve the deforestation problem in indonesia, there is a need to open the definition of deforestation through a more inclusive process that shape government policy. this will also require transforming the politics around which forest governance has evolved at various locals. finally, the government of indonesia should strengthen the commitment to implement policies that may transform commodity based politics into more sustainable trajectory of resource use. acknowledgments this paper was supported by faculty of social and political sciences grant “hibah hilirasi-jurnal internasional bereputasi dan berfaktor dampak number 1787/j01.sp/up-26/iii/2018, universitas gadjah mada. the authors also thanks to dr. ian wilson for helpful comments on earlier version of the article. this article is written based on the research report produced in 2016 titled against deforestation: the formation of environmental movements in asean. references arnold, l. l. (2008). deforestation in decentralised indonesia: what’s law got to do with it? environmental law and development journal, 4, 75–100. barbier jr, j., & duprez, d. (1992). hydrogen formation in propane oxidation on pt-rh/ceo2/al2o3 catalysts. applied catalysis a: general, 85(1), 89-100. black, r.(1994). forced migration and environmental change : the impact of refugees on host environments, journal of environmental management, 42, 261-277. burgess, r., hansen, m., olken, b. a., potapov, p., and sieber, s. (2012). the political economy of deforestation in the tropics. quarterly journal of economics, 127(4), 1707–1754. casse, t., milhø, j a., ranaivoson, s. and randriamanarivo, j.r. (2004). causes of deforestation in southwestern madagascar: what do we know?. forest policy and economics, 6, 33–48. culas, r. j. (2014). determinants of land use in wheat production: the australian wheat-sheep zone, presentation at the 58th aares annual conference. ehrhardt-martinez, k. (1998). social determinants of deforestation in developing countries: a cross-national study. social forces, 77(2), 567-586. food and agricultural organization (fao). (2010). global forest resources assessment 2010: terms and definitions. rome: united nation food and agricultural organization (unfao). fearnside, p. m. (2005). deforestation in brazilian amazonia: history, rates, and consequences. conservation biology. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1523-1739.2005.00697.x geist, h. j. & lambin e. f. (2002) . proximate causes and underlying driving forces of tropical deforestation. bioscience, 52(2), 143-150. hansen, c.m., stehman, s.v., potapov, p.v., loveland, t.r., et al. (2008). humid tropical forest clearing from 2000 to 2005 quantified by using multitemporal and multiresolution remotely sensed data, proc. natl acad. sci, 107 (27) 9439– 44. hansen, m. c., stehman, s. v., potapov, p. v., pittman, k. w., margono, a. b., and stolle, f. (2009). quantifying changes in the rates of forest clearing in indonesia from 1990 to 2005 using remotely sensed data sets, environmental research letter, 4(3), 1-12. jurnal studi pemerintahan 531 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 532 kanninen, m. et al. (2007). do trees grow on money? the implications of deforestation research for policies to promote redd. bogor: cifor. koch, s. (2009). driving forces of tropical deforestation at the forest frontiers of central sulawesi: an institutional and demographic perspective, pacific new nr. 32, juli-august. koyuncu, c. and yilmaz, r. (2009). the impact of corruption on deforestation: a cross-country evidence, the journal of developing areas, 42(2), 213-222. liscow, z. d. (2013). do property rights promote investment but cause deforestation? quasi-experimental evidence from nicaragua. journal of environmental economics and management, 65(2), 241–261.advanceonlinepublication https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jeem.2012.07.001 margono, b. a., potapov, p. v., turubanova, s., stolle, f., & hansen, m. c. (2014). primary forest cover loss in indonesia over 2000 2012. nature climate change. advance online publication https://doi.org/10.1038/nclimate2277 rolett b. v. (2009). deforestation. berkeley: university of california press. salahodjaev, r. (2016). intelligence and deforestation: international data. forest policy and economics, 63, 20–27. advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.forpol.2015.12.003 suwarno, a., hein, l., & sumarga, e. (2015). governance, decentralisation and deforestation: the case of central kalimantan province, indonesia. quarterly journal of international agriculture, 54(1), 77–100. tsurumi, t., and managi, s. (2014). the effect of trade openness on deforestation: empirical analysis for 142 countries. environmental economicsandpolicystudies,16(4),305–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10018-012-0051-5 von maltitz, g. and setzkorn, k. (2012). potential impact of biofuels on deforestation in southern africa. journal of sustainable forestry, 31(1-2). yasuoka, j., & levins, r. (2007). impact of deforestation and agricultural development on anopheline ecology and malaria epidemiology. american journal of tropical medicine and hygiene, 76(3), 450–460 abstract 511 introduction 513 514 literature review 515 516 desentralization and governance in forestry sector 518 research method table 1 list of informants (ngo’s) 519 results and discussions 520 521 522 table 2 actor and definitions governance issues 523 524 525 commodity-based development politics 526 527 528 discussion 529 530 conclusions acknowledgments references 531 532 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113123 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp politician as the leader in indonesia’s student regiment and its psychological impacts indro adinugroho1 and hobby putra anky2 abstract it has been a long debate that politicians should not be involved in any organi zations which has a primary purpose to educate civil society. indonesia student regiment (menwa) is an example of the organization which functions as a vessel for indonesian students to encourage engagement in the field of national defense and tri-dharma, a responsibility to give contributions while students in university. however, for over 6 years, menwa has been led by a politician who also becomes an active board in a political party. considering the basic function of menwa, ethically menwa should be led by a professional without any political interest to keep maintaining the purity of the purpose. despite its negative impact, there is also a positive consequence. politician who becomes a leader in the organization can share political knowledge and value to the members to become active citizens, particularly enhance the political participation of its members. this study aims to identify a relationship between supporting politi cian as the leader and three aspects of psychological orientation towards poli tics (potp). result shows that members who support the leader (politician) tend to have higher scores in political efficacy (pe) and political interest (pk), two fundamental variables which are needed in democratic country than the other groups. keywords: menwa, politics, student, psyhological, orientation abstrak telahmenjadiperdebatan panjang bahwa para politisitidak boleh terlibat dalam organisasi apa pun yang memiliki tujuan utama untuk mendidik masyarakat sipil. resimen mahasiswa (menwa) adalah contoh organisasi yang berfungsi sebagai wadah bagi pelajar indonesia untuk mendorong keterlibatan dalam bidang pertahanan nasional dan tri-dharma, sebuah tanggung jawab untuk memberikan kontribusi ketika mahasiswa ada di universitas. namun, selama lebih dari 6 tahun, menwa telah dipimpin oleh seorang politisi yang juga adalah elit partai politik. mempertimbangkan fungsi dasar menwa, secara etis menwa harus dipimpin oleh seorang profesional tanpa kepentingan politik untuk menjaga kemurnian tujuan organisasi. terlepas dari dampak negatifnya, ada juga konsekuensi positifnya. politisi yang menjadi pemimpin dalam organisasi dapat berbagi pengetahuan dan nilai politik kepada anggota untuk menjadi warga negara yang aktif, khususnya meningkatkan partisipasi politik anggotanya. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi hubungan antara dukungan untuk politisi sebagai pemimpin organisasi dan tiga aspek orientasi psikologi jurna l studi pemerintahan 355 affiliation: 1faculty of psychology atma jaya catholic university of indonesia correspondence: jln. jenderal sudirman no. 51 jakarta, indonesia citation: dadinugroho, i., & anky, h. p. (2020). politician as the leader in indonesia’s student regiment and its psychological impacts. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 11(3), 355–3 6 8 article history: received: august 11, 2020 accepted: nov 10, 2020 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113123 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8858-1908 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8858-1908 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 terhadap politik (potp). hasil menunjukkan bahwa anggota yang cenderung mendukung politisi sebagai ketua menwa cenderung memiliki skor yang lebih tinggi dalam aspek political efficacy (pe) dan ketertarikan pada politik (pk), dua variabel mendasar yang diperlukan di sebuah negara dengan prinsip demokrasi. kata kunci: menwa, politik, mahasiswa, psikologis, orientasi background the history of menwa actually starts from the independence of indonesia in 1945. before the independence, when the japa nese forces were still dominating indonesia, the government of japan who occupied indonesia as colony, trained many indo nesian citizens, particularly students with basic military skills. this community was named as gakukotai which defined as stu dent troops or pasukan mahasiswa in indonesian language. thereby, after japan left indonesia, this community evolved became bigger and changed the name into wala 59 (rahmanto 2013). at that time, wala 59 was handled by in donesia national army and it was prepared as the secondary defense forces for indonesia. due to most of the members are students from various indonesia universities, the organization had the name changed again into indonesian student regiment (menwa). until now, menwa has two primary purposes, first of all, it is related to sharing values about defending the country by appreciating indonesia and secondly, it is related to giving sup port to indonesian universities as students through tri-dharma, the term to define the national obligation for all indonesian universities which consist of three aspects, teaching, research & publication and community empowerment. it has been described that menwa was formed as the inde pendent troops which facilitates indonesian students in univer sities across indonesia who have any interest in military skills and training. as the organization with a long history since the independence, menwa has a sacred purpose, to help indonesia in the field of national defense when the country needs it. stu dents who participate in menwa are also encouraged to be ac tive in the area of teaching (i.e., lecturer assistant), research & publication (i.e., research assistant) and community empower 356 jurnal studi pemerintahan ment (i.e., involve with lecturer in a community project). in day to day activities, members of menwa are also impelled to con duct military practices with indonesian army. the aim of the practices is to share the knowledge of military that might be fundamental as an instrument for defending the university and country in emergency situation. considering the significant func tion of menwa for indonesia, menwa should be led by a profes sional in the field of military and defense. however, the fact conveys different reality, in opposite, menwa is led by a politi cian who becomes an active board member in political party and parliament. this situation is possible to obscure the primary purpose of menwa with practical politics and group interest be cause in accordance with the internal regulation, leader of menwa is given with a room to share his (her) political values to the organization. chief or leader as the highest position in menwa has the power to control and direct the vision and mission of the orga nization. based on various studies in the field of leadership and organization, the role of leadership is essential for the organiza tion to grow and face challenges in the future due to the func tion of leader to achieve mission and determined goals (ghasabeh, soosay & reaiche 2015). besides that, leaders also play a significant role in delivering transformation and adapt ability of the organization to achieve sustainability in the future. a term to define this capability can be named as transforma tional leadership, a style of leadership which consists of four dimensions, idealized influence, intellectual stimulation, inspi rational motivation and individualized consideration (ghasabeh, soosay & reaiche 2015; dong, bartol, zhang & li 2017). in the context of menwa, the role of transformational leadership is crucial to deliver innovation and breakthrough in the organization through the authority to change the internal regulation, replace the mem bers and establish a direction. authority is the instrument that can be used by the leader to make change and transform the 357 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 358 organization following the trend and make it sustained. how ever, a leader who does not perform is possible to harm organi zations in the future. toxic leadership, a leadership style who focus on intimidating subordinates in the organization can be an example of a term to define the issue of ineffective leader ship (reed 2004). basically, the study of negative impact of toxic leadership has a connection with millgram’s experiment (millgram, 1963). this experiment has revealed why oppression and massive geno cide conducted by hitler as the top leader of nazi occurred in this world. this experiment involved participants to help ex perimenter in giving punishment, a dummy electricity shock to the confederate in the next room if the confederate gave the wrong answer in responding questions and the confederates pretended to shout after they received a dummy electric shock. result shows that participants were kept going to give an elec tricity shock based on the order from the experimenter even though the voltage of the shock can be deadly. from this study, we can infer that authority can be created by the leader and possible to bring the members, even organization into the false direction. from this point of view, leadership, direction and authority are fundamental elements that embedded in the leader and cannot be separated partially. the situation where leader misuses the authority also can happen in menwa. thus, if the leader can persuade members to follow the direction even though the direction is made against the norms, it is possible for the members to conduct the requested behaviors and group pressure is likely to occur in that case. the study of group pres sure is started with a classic experimental study which involved participants to judge the length of lines described with the exist ence of other who gave social pressure (asch 1955). result shows that when majority of confederates agreed to one answer, even though it was false, the participant tend to follow their response. thus, this concept also followed by numerous researchers to understand many psychological phenomenon, such as bullying jurnal studi pemerintahan (sim & shin 2016); group creativity (goncalo & diguid 2012) and also voter turnout (gerber, green & larimer 2008). in relation with menwa, group pressure is likely to occur in most of members who receive a direction, particularly communal direc tion. based on various studies and literature review, the impor tance of leader in an organization is fundamental. despite many controversies in the public which shares the vulnerability of an organization to be trapped in practical politics, politician as the leader also has positive consequences to influence members through values related to politics and government. the impor tance of values which shared by the leader has been reviewed in a study conducted by schaubroeck, lam & cha (2007) which describes team values shared by the transformational leader can be a significant mediator which facilitate transformational lead ership and group performance. based on this study, it isshown that a leader who is able to share team work as values to the followers will achieve better group performance than the other groups who are not. moreover, according to bass, avolio, jung & berson (2003), leader is a central position which represents the characteristic of the organization and the anchor for all members to form perceptions of the organization. based on this argument, it is very possible for the leader in menwa to share several values on politics and shifting the political awareness of members of menwa. as an attempt to identify this condition, there possible variables which can be utilized to assess the condi tion of menwa are political interest (pi), political knowledge (pk) and political efficacy (pe) developed by burns, schlozman and verba (2001). the position of indonesia as the third largest democratic coun try in the world requires active citizens, particularly in politics (i.e., joining political party, do voting and deliver critics & solu tion to the government) to improve the quality of democracy over time. in order to achieve a robust condition of democracy, then political apathy needs to be reduced. through three as 359 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 360 pects of potp, the existence of political apathy slowly can be replaced with political awareness. many studies have revealed the importance of these aspects in influencing political partici pation. a study conducted by bimber, cunill, copeland & gibson (2015) describes the function of pi in moderating the effect of digital media use and political participation. specifi cally, this result shows that pi can strengthen the effect between digital media use and the intention to conduct voting. another study to examine the importance of pe is also conducted by feldman and hart (2016) through online experiment. this study revealed the effect of pe in facilitating emotional response to wards the issue of climate change. specifically, this study describes message which emphasize internal, external or response efficacy toward political action can induce hope and anger in respond ing climate change as the global issue. as well as pi and pe, pk is also crucial for democratic country. one study conducted by miller, saunders and farhart (2015) examined the role of knowl edge in politics in moderating a belief in conspiracy theories. this belief refers to a perception of participants to see political environment is formed through conspiracy. result from this study shows that pk is significant to exacerbate the degree of belief in conspiracy. furthermore, these three studies have shown the significant effect of three aspects of potp in reducing po litical apathy and absenteeism in politics. it can be suggested that members in menwa who give more support in politician as the leader tend to have higher potp score compared to others who are not. by considering the logic of potp, the importance in democratic country and the em pirical findings from various studies, this study attempts to ex amine the impact of politician becoming a leader in menwa as the case study, which measured through the degree of support from members towards the leader. as mentioned earlier, menwa is an independent organization which has a purpose in the field of national defense and university education. currently, menwa is led by an active politician from indonesia raya movement jurnal studi pemerintahan (gerindra) party, riza patria (rp) for approximately 6 years. he is also a vice chairman in gerindra and members in indonesian parliament. by considering this fact, rp is possible to share his political values and affecting the degree of potp of members in menwa. as an attempt to identify the effect of rp’s leader ship, two instruments were utilized in this study. first instru ment is related to measure the degree of support towards the leader and second instrument refers to potp scale (adinugroho 2018) to identify the degree of pi, pk and pe. we hypothesized that members of menwa who tend to support the leader will also have higher degree of pi, pk and pe compare to others who are not. methods participants and sample for over 181 members of menwa were participated in this study. the composition is categorized into two types, members in structural position (64%) and regular members (36%). the composition of sample is higher for structural position due to its relation to the purpose of this study. members who work in structural position are likely to work closely with the leader to manage the organization. all the members who participated in this study are active members with the age range from 18 to 23 year-old. the proportion is not equal between male (69%) and female (31%) due to majority of menwa members are dominated by male members. purposive sampling method was applied in the study to identify targeted participants from various universi ties in indonesia. the self-report questionnaires were shared through online panel to the participants, however, second au thor also collected directly to the menwa’s headquarter in jakarta, indonesia. there is no psychological disorder reported in the data collection process which can affect the quality of the data. measuring support towards the leader as an attempt to identify how participants give support to 361 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 362 the current chairman of menwa, we applied 5 items to measure participant’s opinion and attitude towards rp as the legal chair man of menwa. we formed the instrument by relying on classi cal theory of attitude developed by ajzen & fishbein (1972) which defines attitude as an evaluation of an attitudinal object to oppose/against or to support/approach specific attitudinal object. even though, human behavior is a complex issue which can be explained by relying on one or two approaches, attitude is proposed as the alternative which has a relationship in pre dicting human behavior. in the instrument, attitude to support menwa’s leader is mea sured through five items (i,e., i realize that supporting my leader in this organization can give me positive impact; i believe my friends in the organization will support the leader in a political aspect; menwa’s leader is a figure who become a role model for me; joining menwa increases my chance to participate in politics; menwa’s leader can become the greatest teacher for me to learn politics). all the items were developed by the first and second authors by considering social and behavioral context in menwa, including organizational structure, chain of command form the leader & board and also subjective norms in menwa. the purpose of these items is to capture the attitude of members through attitudinal scale from 1 (less likely to support) to 5 (extremely support). supporting leaders and the relationship with potp ajzen and fishbein (1977) in their classical psychological ap proach suggested that attitude is a psychological variable which has one requirement, named as attitudinal object. through the object, human develops form of cognitive evaluation to produce meanings toward the object. this evaluation is categorized into two aspects, positive and negative, each of this will create differ ent behavioral outputs. therefore, we applied this empirical concept to define menwa’s members who create a positive evalu ation can be defined as members who accept the leadership of jurnal studi pemerintahan rp and vice versa. thus, value sharing that might be related to politics and political purpose is possible to be occurred for mem bers who favor rp as the leader. through this empirical frame work, it is possible to see the possibility of positive relationship between the degree of potp and how members support the leader in the organization. three aspects of potp are originally driven from classical theory in psychology, cognitive capacity represents pk, interest (pi) as the curious emotion (silvia 2008) and efficacy which rep resents the human belief to see internal ability to produce in tended result (bandura 1982), which consist of two dimensions, internal and external. internal focuses in the belief of one’s ability to deliver some positive changes through politics, while the external refers to the perception of how government re sponds the need of the citizens. in a democratic country, these three aspects are crucial to form a condition named democracy, a condition where government is made by the people through election and other democratic process like voting and political lobbying in parliament and they are responsible for the people (collier & levitsky 1997). democracy as the condition of a state is not given, in opposite; it needs huge participation from vari ous elements, including civil society, scholars, practitioners and politicians. some of important activities in democratic country are voting, joining political party up to delivering critics and opinion to the government. therefore, as the fourth largest democratic country, indonesia needs potp to be embedded in the society to reach better result. as an attempt to identify the degree of potp for indonesian participants, we utilized potp scale which developed by the first author (adinugroho 2018). the instrument consists of three parts; pi, pe and pk. itemsin pi and pe were written with statement and summated rating scale from 1 (totally disagree) to 5 (totally agree). for pk, the items were developed with forced choice model with true or false answer. 363 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 aspects example of item 364 table 1. example of items in potp-s (adinugroho, 2018) pe (i) i am sure for what i have will be useful for indonesia pe (e) the reason about political decision made by government is the thing that i can understand pi the news about minister in cabinet is an interesting issue for me results comparing potp score between two different groups as an attempt to identify the difference pattern of potp score between two groups who have different point of view to wards the leader, comparison analysis was conducted in this study. in this phase we calculated mean score of potp between two groups and mann-whitney test (hart 2001) as the statistical in strument to identify the significant difference between two groups. therefore, to identify two groups with high and low support toward the leader, we calculated 30% upper and lower groups (n=54 for each) from all participants involved in this study. this calculation was conducted based on consideration of vari ance and extreme score which we applied mann whitney for independent sample to iden tify the significance difference and test our previous hypotheses, where group who support the leadership of rp tend to have a higher score in all potp dimensions compare to group who has a lowerscore in supporting their leader. the selection of mann whitney was decided based on two considerations, (1) the sample size of each group is considered small and (2) the normality test of each group shows skewed distribution, both for high and lower support groups. from the calculation, table 2 shows that high support group tends to have higher score in two aspects, pi and pe compared to low support group. conversely, not for pk which shows insignificant result with similar score between two groups. driven from this result, it is suggested to partially accept our hypotheses for pi and pe, not for pk. jurnal studi pemerintahan table 2. average sco re for three aspects of potp between hig h & lo w suppo rt g ro ups 365 p e intern al extern al 15,05 (3,35) 7,90 (1,12) 12 (1,12) 7,05 (1,43) u=348,5; p<.01 u=574; p<.05 *mann whitney is used based on the characteristic of sample distribution table 3. linear regression analysis for pi (a) and pe (b) as the outcome variables (a) pi variabel b β se(b) t sig. support for the leader 0,755 0,677 .07 9,789 0,000* f = 95,819 sig. 0,000 r square = 0,454 (b) p e variabel b β se(b) t sig. support for the leader 0,373 0,659 .04 9,316 0,000* f = 95,819 sig. 0,000 r square = 0,434 *significant at 95% confidence interval **significant at 99% confidence interval the contribution of supporting political leader towards potp in menwa in addition to support our argument regarding the contribu tion of supporting the leader and its impact towards potp (pi and pe), we conducted linear regression analysis with pi and pe as the outcome variables. we did not include pk in the analysis due to insignificant result in comparative analysis between groups using mann-whitney test. the result indicates that supporting the existing leader in menwa who is an active politician can also affect the degree of pi and pe which considered as the impor tant aspect of citizens in democratic country. result from re gression analysis has shown the significant result both for pi (b pk 4,88 (0,87) 4,88 (0,71) u=830,5; p>.05 high support (n=55) low support (n=55) mann whitney u pi 30,93 (8,70) 23,29 (5,34) u=353; p<.01 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 366 =.677; p<.01) and pe (b=.659; p<.01). this result also indicates that approximately more than 60% of the variance in pi and pe scores is contributed by the support or not to support the leader. discussion & conclusion the role of leader and leadership style are two crucial ele ments for organization to grow and adapt to a new challenging situation over time. to support this argument, mills (2005) has argued that leadership style play a significant role in determin ing the direction of one organization. a great leader will aware of any kind of changes that possible to affect the existence of the organization, then he (she) is able to take decision, even though it is risky for the organization. leadership has become one of the important variables to affect employee’s performance (veliu, manxhari, demiri & jahaj 2017); pro-organizational be havior (graham, ziegert and capitano 2015) and employee engagement (popli & rizvi 2016). even though these three stud ies do not capture the similar context like menwa, but it can be suggested that leadership style is crucial in affecting opinion of members in an organization that can be valuable to drive the organization. in relation with political issue, most of the time, political prac titioners state that active politician who becomes leaders in an institution that should be led by professional can blurred the vision and mission of the organization. for example, the posi tion as the chief oh indonesia national audit agency which contested by many politicians from various political parties is said to be politically unethical (cnn indonesia 2019). despite many arguments that declare the negative effects of politician becoming a leader, this study shows an opposite result to counter the argument. it can be shown from the result that politician do share unique values to the members which represented in two aspects, pi and pe. even though pk did not show a signifi cant result like we hypothesized in previous argument, but the role of pi and pe in society cannot be underestimated. jurnal studi pemerintahan these two dimensions are crucial for society who lives in a democratic environment where the awareness to see politics as the instrument of change is significantly important. based on the study from reichert (2016) and bimber, cunill, copelan & gibson (2015) interest and efficacy toward politics are positively correlated with political participation, a variable which defines a concrete behavior to participate in politics through various activities, such as voting, discussing policies, delivering critics & aspirations up to joining political party. political participation is the opposite side of apathy and it is needed in all countries where democracy is stated as its principle. although the positive im pacts can be given, politician as the political leader is also need a limitation through specific regulations and policies to avoid “po litical contamination” which possible to be occurred. in conclu sion, the role of politician as the leader in theorganization can not be perceived as the completely false decision because politi cians also have a role to share political awareness (through pe and pi) to 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(reyes, 1998) underlying the challenges of this new order are the burdens of rising expectations, growing populations, conditions of turbulence and declining resources, on the one hand, and the themes of globalization, competitiveropinder oberoi new delhi university, india. email: roopinderoberoi36@rediffmail.com applying business process re-engineering to public sector as a new public management strategy http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 abstract the introduction of business process reengineering (bpr) to the public sector follows the much broader trend of new public management. bpr in the public sector mostly means amalgamation of business processes, computerization of various activities and removal of some unnecessary ones. bpr assimilates a radical premeditated scheme of business process reengineering and an additional progressive technique of uninterrupted process improvement with adequate information technology (it) and e-business infrastructure strategies. public organisations have specific and exclusive features that differentiate them from private sector organisations. based on the literature review and examining of study findings, it is argued that a public sector organisation can employ bpr to get better its process and overall organisational performance, if it (1) has accrues a collection of bpr-relevant resources and capabilities; (2) has embarked on bpr with adequate depth and breadth; (3) is developing a post-bpr complementary set of skills, systems and technologies, which are essential to further develop the organisational impact of the bpr; and (4) has successfully mitigated the effects of bpr implementation problems. in addition to its effect on administration and service delivery processes through reduction of the processing time, work steps and cost of government processes, bpr also contributes to enhancing citizen/customer and employee satisfaction, increasing organisational transparency and responsiveness which have also become an essential objective of new public management. therefore, public sector bpr is emerging as an indispensable to performance 292 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ness, market and enterprise dynamics, decentralization, governance, the information age, and the rise of new technologies, on the other. world economic systems are undergoing dynamic transformations that require extensive adjustments in the way and manner public and private organizations operate. thus, new, elaborate techniques in managing organizations have emerged to help mediate this transition, and reengineering has been offered as among the more prominent systems of mapping and adapting to the realities of this new and complex order. (reyes, 1998) as it is, reengineering concepts have readily proliferated across a steadily growing and attentive audience in both the public and private sectors. reengineering tools and practice have now been either considered in the agenda of revitalization of public sector organizations among developed and developing countries, both at the local and national levels. (reyes, 1998) organizations are being urged to experiment with new structures and processes. a ‘process perspective’ on organizing is emerging as a major challenge to ‘functional’ principles of organizing established during the last century. business process reengineering is one example of process thinking that has received great attention amongst organizational theorists and practitioners. to begin with, reengineering comes on the heels of a growing inventory of prescriptions and interventions towards reforming government bureaucracies today. as a philosophy and a strategy geared towards enhancing corporate systems and methods in a globalized environment, reengineering can be viewed as part of a shopping list of aspirant paradigms that prescribe ways and approaches to reverse the tide of incompetence, inefficiency, redundancy, rigidity and the problematic of oversized staffs that characterize government bureaucracies today. (reyes, 1998) micro-management for public sector tends to be focused on the organization and is sometimes drawn from sound business practices used in the private sector (reyes, 1997). along these lines falls the concept of reengineering and total quality management (tqm), bench-marking, market testing, franchising, contracting and information technology. these approaches now form part of a developing managerial revolution in the public sector. they represent specialized techniques that are gradually redefining bureaucratic practices and public organisations. bpr proponents have used words “fundamental,” “radical,” “dramatic,” and “process.” the message is simple and straightforward: it means businesses must discard old habits and traditions, dismantle sacred and cherished walls of large, corporate entities that have transformed them into over centralized bureaucracies, creating layers and layers of management, which in turn, symbolize the production of layers and layers of corporate rules, procedures and manuals. (reyes, 1998) like osborne and gaebler’s tirade of the work ethic prevailing in government today, reengineering proponents hammer and champy argue that the present system of managerial practices trace their roots and styles from adam smith’s concept of division of work and job specialization, later adopted and institutionalized in america by corporate figures like henry ford and alfred sloan. this system, forged by the necessity of assembling work, has structured work processes of modern companies into over-fragmentation based on ritualized functions centered on tasks, on applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 293 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ jobs, on people performing these jobs, on structures, instead of process. (reyes, 1998) defining business process reengineering? warboys et al. (1999) define a process as: a process is structured change, i.e. there is a pattern of events which an observer may recognise across different actual examples (or occurrences) of the process, or which may be made manifest, or implemented, in many different occurrences. in bpr, the process to be reengineered is the so-called business process. in some ways, reengineering appears to be a reincarnation of taylor’s scientific management model, which aspired to employ scientific and empirical methods in understanding work at the shop room level (taylor, 1911). taylor’s use of time and motion studies advanced the principle of understanding the work process to eliminate stages that cause wastage and fatigue among workers in the shop room. reengineering advocates the more radical prescription of discarding old processes and starting anew. reengineering could thus be a form of neo-taylorism resurrected in the present era. (reyes, 1998) in bpr, the process to be reengineered is the socalled business process. davenport describes a business process as “simply a structured, measured set of activities designed to produce a specified output for a particular customer or market”. riemer (1998) describes business processes in an object-oriented style: “business processes are series of steps that change states of business objects (that is, customers, orders and inventory), thereby causing business events”. however we should note that bpr is concerned with customer-orientation. business process reengineering is known by many names, such as ‘core process redesign’, ‘new industrial engineering’ or ‘working smarter’. all of them imply the same concept which focuses on integrating both business process redesign and deploying it to support the reengineering work. generally the topic of bpr involves discovering how business processes currently operate, how to redesign these processes to eliminate the wasted or redundant effort and improve efficiency, and how to implement the process changes in order to gain competitiveness. the aim of bpr, according to sherwood-smith (1994), is “seeking to devise new ways of organising tasks, organising people and redesigning it systems so that the processes support the organisation to realise its goals”. the book ‘reengineering the corporation: a manifesto for business revolution’ by hammer and champy (1993) is widely referenced by most bpr researchers and is regarded as one of the starting points of bpr. the following is their definition of bpr: [reengineering is] the fundamental rethinking and radical redesign of business processes to achieve dramatic improvements in critical, contemporary measures of performance, such as cost, quality, service and speed. davenport (1993), describes ‘business process redesign’ as: the analysis and design of workflows and processes within and between organisations. business activities should be viewed as more than a collection of individual or even functional tasks; they should be broken down into processes that can be designed for maximum effectiveness, in both manufacturing and service environment. bpr integrates a radical strategic method of business process reengineering and a more progressive method of continuous process improvement with adequate information technology (it) and eapplying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 294 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ business infrastructure strategies. the main difference of both methods is between improvement, which essentially relies on a problem-solving approach, and reengineering, which relies on reconceptualizing how a business process should work. most process change projects fall between these extremes. bpr combines process redesign and management methods with automation of activities and workflow systems. it is a blending of process management, usage of workflow management systems and applications integration. it does not only encompass the discovery, design and deployment of business processes, but also the executive, administrative and supervisory control over them to ensure that they remain compliant with business objectives. besides, changes in processes and it, changes in organizational structures, management and people are included. thus the outputs of business processes should not only achieve the company’s objectives, but also need to satisfy customers’ requirements. from these definitions we can conclude that business processes start and end with customers, and the value of business processes is dependent upon customers. the origins of bpr some researchers argue that the original concept of reengineering can be traced back to the management theories of the nineteenth century. the financial times report (1994): the purpose of reengineering is to make all your processes the best-in-class. ... frederick taylor suggested in the 1880’s that managers use process reengineering methods to discover the best processes for performing work, and that these processes be reengineered to optimise productivity. ... in the early 1900’s, henri fayol originated the concept of reengineering: to conduct the undertaking toward its objectives by seeking to derive optimum advantage from all available resources. (p. 8) similarly, galliers (1998) observes that “bpr ... far from being a new departure is in fact a reversion to the classical school1 of strategic thinking popularised in the 1960s”. that is, organisations make such radical changes when they meet competitive pressures which challenge their current processes. bpr can be viewed as a response to such change and therefore fits in the classical school of strategy where organisations adjust themselves to new forms in order to maximise their profits. however it is commonly agreed that bpr first came and attracted academic and industrial attention in 1990 as a result of two papers by michael hammer (on reengineering, see hammer, 1990) and thomas davenport (on business process redesign, see davenport and short, 1990). in 1993 they further published two key books (hammer and champy, 1993 and davenport, 1993) which brought widespread attention to the emerging field of bpr. the concept of bpr is widely regarded as having been introduced as a perceived solution to the economic crisis and the recession of the late 1980’s and early 1990’s (butler, 1994). macintosh and francis suggest that it is becoming more important “to develop new products effectively than to produce old products efficiently”. by introducing fast developing information technology, enterprises try to redesign their structures and seek new ways of operation, which results in many enterprises moving toward combination but not division of labour. hammer and champy conclude that previously divided tasks are now being re-unified into coherent business processes. business process applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 295 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ reengineering, defined as ‘the fundamental rethinking and radical redesign of business processes to achieve dramatic improvements in critical contemporary measures of performance such as cost, quality, service and speed’ (hammer and champy 1993: 32), is considered one of the most high-profile ideas related to process organization (denison 1997). bpr gained in influence in the 1990s, diffusing quickly from its american, manufacturing origins to europe and non-manufacturing settings, including public service organizations. thus one reason why bpr becomes popular is that it provides a mechanism to make the changes better to fit the competitive environment to which the enterprises must adapt themselves in this new and post-industrial age. the key concepts bpr seeks to break from current processes and to devise new ways of organising tasks, organising people and making use of it systems so that the resulting processes will better support the goals of the organisation. this activity is done by identifying the critical business processes, analysing these processes and redesigning them for efficient improvement and benefit. vidgen et al. (1994) define the central tenets of bpr as: • radical change and assumption challenge; • process and goal orientation; • organisational re-structuring; • the exploitation of enabling technologies, particularly information technology. that is, by focusing on business objectives, we analyse the processes of the organisation, eliminate non-essential or redundant procedures, and then use it to redesign (and ‘streamline’) organisational operations. process analysis and design methodology (padm) the padm consists of four phases which intermingle and reciprocally interact. the four phases are (1) process definition; (2) baseline process capture and representation; (3) process evaluation; and (4) target process design. wastell et al. (1996) process reengineering life cycle (prlc) includes five stages: (1) envisioning process change; (2) inaugurating the reengineering project; (3) diagnosing; (4) (re)designing; and (5) (re)structuring. kettinger et al. (1995) the fundamental structure of the proposed bpr framework contains three elements: (1) bpr principle; (2) bpr process; and (3) bpr methods and tools mayer et al. (1995) bpr stages a high-level approach to process innovation consists of the five stages: (1) identifying processes for innovation; (2) identifying change levers; (3) developing process visions; (4) understanding existing processes; and (5) designing and prototyping the new process davenport (1993) bpr stages a stage-activity (sa) framework for reengineering was proposed, where bpr consists of six stages: (1) envision; (2) initiate; (3) diagnose; (4) redesign; (5) reconstruct; and (6) evaluate. the figure 1 below illustrates the basic steps. you begin by documenting what you do today, establish some way to measure the process based on what your customers want, do the process, measure the results, and then identify improvement opportunities based on the data you collected. you then implement process improvements, and measure the performance of the new process. this loop repeats over and over again, and is called continuous process improvement. applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 296 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bpr aims to put rationality and systematic thought back into management transformation efforts, rather than relying on vaguer notions of inspirational leadership and culture change. key elements of reengineering are analysis and inductive reasoning. the two intertwine at each stage of the bpr effort: • they contribute, in the first stage of the preliminary bpr effort, to a better understanding of the issues and problems the organisation needs to address; • in the second stage, analysis and inductive reasoning are used to explore the theoretical capabilities of the organisation, in terms of how well it is likely to be able to address its identified problems; • in the third stage of the bpr effort, the gap between institutional capabilities and the issues the organisation must address is defined; • the fourth stage of a bpr initiative involves uninhibited problem solving efforts which assume no prior constraints on the direction or the nature of the solution to the problem, i.e. the generation of imaginative and creative ways of dealing with the identified gap. reengineering applications in the public sector: three dominant viewpoints some of question that come to the fore in the context of public sector are: what then are the prospects and potential problems of reengineering applications in the public sector? can it be applied to the public sector in addressing common problems now besieging bureaucracies of both developed and developing countries? the contemporary logic of organizing public sector has been illustrated as the new public management (npm). npm is seen as a ‘mega shift’ in the organization and management of public services in the 1980s and 1990s and the uk and usa represents a ‘high impact’ case internationally. the npm wave of restructuring has strengthened vertical lines of reporting in many public service organizations through the advancement of managerialism and performance measurement. in these respects it accords with functional organizing principles and the ethos of control and coordination (denison 1997). the introduction of bpr to the public sector follows the much broader trend of new public management (npm) (dunleavy, bastow et al., 2006; osborne and gaebler 1992). although there are various definitions of npm, it generally refers to the adoption by public sector organisations of management practices, organisational forms, efficiency and accountability principles and value for money concepts more commonly associated with private businesses. while discussing bpr applicability for public organisations we have to keep in mind the specific figure 1: basic steps of improvement models applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 297 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and unique characteristics that distinguish them from private sector organisations. public sectors are faced invariably with bureaucratic inertia and rigidity that render even the most progressiveminded functionary struck with status quo approach. many principles of bpr are the product of efforts to install elaborate control measures to ensure accountability and reduce bureaucratic discretion that can lead to graft and corruption. but taken to their extremes, these stringent procedural safeguards ultimately “become ends in themselves regardless of the terminal value for which these safeguards have been formulated”. (reyes, 1982) aside from disrupting the smooth flow of services, this web of rules and regulations incurs huge public outlays in terms of personnel, paperwork, and even costs of procurement of supplies and equipment, among others. reengineering can therefore serve to ascertain the necessity of these control measures and highlight rules and procedures that have accumulated over time, some of which have outlived their purposes, or which tend to consider minute details. public organisations also face the challenge of having to deploy their limited budget to meet the ever-increasing and sometimes contradictory demands of various stakeholders (macintosh 2003). in particular, they are expected to improve the effectiveness of their administrative and service delivery processes. some of these demands have reduced the apparent gap between private and public organisation management practices and have made probable the relevance of private business management and reform tools such as total quality management (tqm), just in time (jit) and bpr to the public sector (macintosh 2003). in the case of bpr in particular, the adoption of e-government policies and strategies to automate, informate and transform the public sector has led to the wider adoption of bpr methodologies and practices (kassahun, emerie; 2012) over the past several years, there have been heated debates regarding whether private corporate style management and reform techniques are appropriate for the management and transformation of public sector organisations (mclaughlin et al. 2002). likewise, there have been debates about the applicability of bpr to public organisations three dominant views have emerged in those debates. the bpr scepticism view maintains that the core principles of bpr are not suitable to the characteristics of the public sector (linden 1994) unlike private sector models, which aim primarily at profitability, models for public sector change should strike a balance between economic, efficiency, effectiveness objectives and pure public goals, such as equity and fairness (linden 1994). further, in the public sector, there are stakeholders that measure the performance of the public administration and service delivery processes based on equity in the input and transparency of the processes. this is not compatible with other stakeholders that measure the same, but based on efficiency and effectiveness criteria (halachmi and bovaird 1997). indihar-stemberger and jaklic (2007) claimed that radical change in business processes and structure is impossible in the public sector. they identified the following change-inhibiting factors: 1. the constraints imposed by bureaucracy (that is, red tape), 2. the greater levels of interdependence across applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 298 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ organisational boundaries, 3. more frequent turnover of top-level administrators, 4. greater resistance to change from employees, and 5. management having less authority than do their private sector counterparts. kassahun, emerie; (2012) the bpr optimism view argues that public organisations are always under pressure for efficient and transparent public service delivery and better performance by businesses, citizens and various other stakeholders (linden 1994). bpr can serve as a key reform tool to transform the public sector from its existing hierarchical bureaucratic model into customer-oriented process model and to modernise it using the latest developments in it (sia and neo 2008; andersen 2006). the bpr pragmatism view, while accepting the applicability of bpr to the public sector, recognises the unique characteristics of the public sector that would require customised methodology; the adaptation, rather than adoption of private sector lessons; and the paying of sufficient attention to public sector-specific success factors (macintosh 2003). halachmi and bovaird (1997), after appreciating the problems of applying the experiences of private firms and corporations to the public sector, affirmed that bpr, if applied, has the potential to answer the performance problems of public sector organisations. they maintained the view that knowledge of the success or failure factors of bpr in private businesses are relevant to public sector bpr. (kassahun, emerie; 2012) public sector bpr also involves relatively higher levels of participation and consensus than is the case with the private sector. in contrast to the private sector, in the public sector, there are numerous legal, statutory, and regulatory requirements and the bpr process involves higher degree of consensus among the major stakeholders due to which the bpr process takes relatively longer time but with less failure rates than the private sector (scholl 2005). using a model built based on bpr theory, ongaro (2004) demonstrated that the principles and practices of private sector bpr apply to public agencies, provided public sector specificities are well considered. the elements in this model include macro-institutional and contextual factors, such as legal and cultural settings, together with macro enabling factors, a public sector reform program with specific enabling conditions and pressures, micro-level/individual organisations and their relationships, executive leadership and the implementation of process management, together with enabling ict and organisational culture. this model can thus be seen to integrate macro-level contextual institutional factors and micro organisational factors deemed to influence any bpr implementation. however, this model requires further validation. (kassahun, emerie; 2012) in a proposal to extend a bpr methodology that applies to the public sector pateli and philippidou (2011) conducted a case study. their study confirmed that private sector bpr methodology can be valid to the public sector if (a) a change institutionalisation phase is included at the end and (b) radical redesign is excluded because the public sector context does not lend itself to radical redesign. principally practised in private sector bpr is now being acknowledged in the public sector to applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 299 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ transform business processes and achieve dramatic improvements in service delivery. some of the advantages of bpr are: · adoption of bpr facilitates reduces bureaucracy; · affordable, faster and higher quality services for the customer; · better management of public resources and greater transparency. as business process reengineering offers an opportunity for make policy-makers take another fresh look at the logic and rationale of these rules and safeguards, opening possibilities of discarding and rewriting them. this is significant because through the years, much attention has been given to the agenda of reform of public sector organizations and the way they perform. it is therefore hardly surprising that reengineering efforts in recent years have been launched in several countries. (kassahun, emerie; 2012) bpr implementation problems as discussed above, government organizations should radical redesign their processes to achieve dramatic enhancement in their performance: such as optimization in resource utilization, cost, quality, reduced time of service, speed and customer friendly service. to achieve this, various alternatives of bpr’s should be analyzed to assess their impact on performance as a whole organization. this requires an appropriate performance model which will help to gain insights into the concept of interaction of csfs enabling the overall application of bpr. government organizations are continuously under pressure to answer the tax payers (customers) regarding the performance improvement of its services. the step wise improvement in services and products of public sector is no longer sufficient to satisfy the customers due to better services provided by private sector companies which have been outsourced to them by government. the tqm techniques, such as – quality management, six sigma, kaizen, total productive maintenance (tpm) and others focus on improving existing processes, which are outdated and outmoded. therefore, these tools do not add value to the processes. the only means to come out of this situation is to adopt radical approach to bpr. the customer’s confidence in public sector’s product or services are the competitive dimensions which can be referred as performance objectives, customer requirement, strategic choice attributes, competitive capabilities, and operational priorities. in 1980s and 1990s, tqm movement emphasized on process focused change. raff and beedon (1994); hodgson (1994) observed that sufficient literature is available to show wide application of tqm in non profit and public organizations. however, radical changes through bpr have not been accepted by public organizations. ‘fear of failure’, ‘high risk of investment’, and ‘bureaucratic set up’ could have kept public sectors away in adopting radical changes through bpr. a survey in (champy, 1995) shows that reengineering has had widespread adoption in the private sector. approximately 70 per cent of all private businesses in us and europe have run, or are running, some form of re-engineering project. the same survey suggests that the failure rate of reengineering attempts has been equally high over 70 per cent. a discussion, following that survey, suggests that much of that failure has resulted from applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 300 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ a lack of change in management paradigms, which should accompany the radical changes in the business processes. the review that bpr can be (and has been) adopted as a tool for public sector transformation also revealed lessons learnt that are critical to bpr success. these include complementing the bpr outcome using continuous improvement mechanisms; changing the organisation structure and enabling it with sufficient depth (janssen and dwivedi 2011), involving lower-level employees and all stakeholders in the bpr implementation, synchronising the process-based implementation that bpr requires with the demands of the functionally based organisational structure (mcnulty and ferlie 2004); allocating sufficient resources to the bpr (thong, yap and seah 2000); selecting a reengineering that has the requisite knowledge and skill on change management, and securing top management support and commitment (mcnulty and ferlie 2004); and empowering front-line employees. the review also reveals that radical bpr implementations are restricted in the public sector due to management’s reluctance to cede their power through empowering lower-level employees and professionals’ tendency to want to preserve the status quo. mcloughlin and riddell (1998) identified bureaucratic culture, multiple stakeholders with different value systems and a lack of resources as the factors inhibiting depth of the bpr change. halachmi and bovaird (1997) also stated the difficulty of sustaining the bpr effort and outcome in the public sector context due to electionprompted changes in the top management. if bpr has no legislative basis, its duration of implementation and consolidation can be as short (or as long) as the office term of the incumbent political party assuming the executive government role, as bpr efforts can be rejected or abandoned by incoming authorities. although leadership change also occurs in the private sector, backsliding is not as extreme as it can be in the public sector. the factors cited as implementation problems relate to · lack of the requisite knowledge and skill to properly plan and manage bpr projects (, lack of knowledge and skill in change management (tarokh, sharifi and nazemi 2008), · difficulty of developing and implementing and sustaining supporting is and it infrastructure (saxena 1996; martin and montagna 2006; hesson 2007; debela 2010), management turnover (martin and montagna 2006) and · resource constraints (financial and technological) considering the transformational potential of bpr in the public sector and the difficulties of applying some of its underlying assumptions such as the ‘clean slate’ in the public sector, andersen (2006) proposed a public sector process-rebuilding model. the model takes into account specific characteristics of the public sector such as higher level of political interference, strict budgetary regulation, and specific status of public servants and includes elements such as public sector primary and secondary processes rebuild by it/is and public values (economic, democratic, and technical). it would also be important to consider political and pluralist factors confronting the bureaucratic milieu. essentially this refers to the environment of the political system, where, as thomas points applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 301 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ out, “success in government consists not just making the right decisions, but also of mobilizing political support for the decision.” he adds that “there is more challenge for the public manager than for his private-sector counterpart to balance the conduct of external political relations with numerous outside actors and institutions while still paying attention to internal management functions” (thomas, 1996) the literature review on public sector bpr revealed that the bpr pragmatism view is most dominant view among the three views; suggesting the relevance of practices and lessons of the private sector bpr to the public sector bpr while at the same time recognising the unique characteristics of the latter such as resource constraints and public sector performance measures. the review found the following public sector bpr lessons relevant for the current study: complementing and sustaining the bpr outcome using continuous improvement mechanisms, changing the organisational structure and enabling is/it with sufficient depth, allocating sufficient financial resource to the bpr, selecting a reengineering team that has sufficient knowledge and skill (on change management, the role of it in bpr, communication and stakeholder involvement, and the functions of the organisation to be reengineered), securing top management support and commitment, and empowering front-line employees. conclusion bureaucracies today are experiencing what may be described as a severe paradigm crisis in coping with change and in managing their affairs. the public sector is faced with hostile environments, alienated publics, scarce resources, and low levels of credibility. transitions today are periods of extreme anxieties. fortunately, these anxieties can help stimulate imagination and innovation. there is nothing here to suggest that reengineering is a panacea or a nostrum that would serve as a quick-fix remedy for whatever ails organizations at the moment. it is, at best, an approach that would need study and much experimenting. but side by side with this lies the important consideration that public managers and policymakers must adapt techniques to the idiosyncratic needs and peculiarities of their organizations. as gareth morgan laments, “too many managers are looking outside themselves for answers to their problems. they are looking for the latest theory and at what successful organizations are doing. they are trying to spot the latest trends. in reality they would be better off engaging in critical thinking for themselves, recognizing that they and their colleagues already have a vast treasure of insight and experience, which they could and should be using” (morgan, 1993: 218, as cited in thomas, 1996: 23). this cynicism is understandable considering that movements and techniques for public sector reform, as well as so-called managerial revolutions, have ebbed and flowed during the past fifty years, accumulating a bewildering number of aspirant paradigms that have frustrated public sector reformers. but as halachmi maintains, “the scepticism about this new management gospel is not surprising and might even be healthy...but not an excuse for discarding the message of re-engineering without any further explanation” (halachmi, 1995). there are major differences between the case of applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 302 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ reengineering in the public and private sectors, especially in respect of the core value generation process which underlies the reengineering effort and in the criteria used in deciding whether or not to launch a bpr initiative. the success of a reengineering effort may depend critically on the strategic capability of the organisation prior to undertaking the effort. well performing organisations, public or private, are more likely to survive bpr and to improve performance than weak ones. yet, in the public sector, well-performing agencies may not be permitted to go through bpr, while those that have been subject to recent criticism are likely to be encouraged even if the effort fails to improve performance. while the experience of bpr in the private sector is indeed of importance to the learning of managers in the public sector, managers in either sector should not expect the experiences of others to provide tailor made solutions to their specific problems. knowing and understanding the reasons for success or failure of bpr in the private sector can prepare public sector managers for undertaking the effort, but it cannot automatically indicate to them a preferred model for reengineering. however, as more accounts of successful – and unsuccessful — cases of reengineering are documented, it may be possible to undertake the development of a generic model(s) of reengineering by sector. for the present, public sector managers should pay particular attention to the widest possible definition of ‘value’ when analysing value added in the process reengineering effort. in doing so, they will need to be especially sensitive to the way in which ‘value’ in the public sector is differently interpreted by the major stakeholders and the intensity with which stakeholders (both internal and external) identify with the processes whose radical redesign is intended. in the interim, they would be well advised to be conservative in estimating the gains from bpr. references davenport, th 1993, process innovation: reengineering work through information technology, harvard business school press, boston, ma. davenport, th 1995a, ‘business process reengineering: where it’s been, where it’s going’, business process change: reengineering concepts, methods and technologies, pp. 1–13. davenport, th 1995b, ‘reengineering: the fad that forgot people’, fast company, http:// www.fastcompany.com/magazine/01/ reengin.html davenport, th 2008, ‘business process management: foreword’, in v grover and ml markus (eds.), business process transformation: advances in management information system, volume 9, me sharpe, armonk, ny, pp. 41–46. davenport, th 2010, ‘process management for knowledge work’, in j vom brocke and m rosemann (eds.), handbook on business 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(1997), “controversies in public administration: enduring issues and questions in bureaucratic reform,” philippine journal of public administration, 42 (1-4) (january-october). reyes, danilo r. (1995), “the study of public administration in perspective: a passing review of the development of the discipline,” philippine journal of public administration, 39 (1) (january): 1-36. saxena, k 1996, ‘re-engineering public administration in developing countries’, long range planning, vol. 29, pp. 703–711. applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 304 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ taylor, frederick w. (1911), principles of scientific management. new york: harper and brothers. thong, j, yap, c & seah, k 2000, ‘business process reengineering in the public sector: the case of the housing development board in singapore’, journal of management information systems, vol. 17, pp. 245–270. applying business process re-engi-neering to public sector as a new public management strategy: understanding the contra views and limits / ropinder oberoi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0017 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 84 of 108 challenges of democratization in the democratic republic of congo (drc) abstract the main purpose of this study is to assess the main challenges of democratization in the democratic republic of congo (drc). in order to enrich the basic information and achieve the intended specific objectives, the study relied upon secondary data sources. democracy matters for human security in drc because well-designed and inclusive political institutions and processes are the key to both preventing violence and managing conflict constructively. it is believed that acting for democracy is acting for peace and security. the drc, which lies in the heart of africa, is one of the largest and richest mineral resources countries of the continent and has strategic importance for the stability of the great lakes region. this study shows that challenges related to a long period of dictatorship, internal conflicts, communal violence, corruption, weak monitoring of weapons, poor leadership, and globalization have affected the democratization processes and indicators of good governance in the drc. this study recommends that the government of drc should consolidate democratization and enhance good governance so as to reduce the crises of democracy in the country and thereby collaborative governance with all the local, national, regional and international stakeholders should be established to avoid the long-suffering of the congolese people. keywords: authoritarian, challenges, corruption, democratization, drc, governance abstrak tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menilai tantangan utama demokratisasi di republik demokratik kongo (drc). demokrasi penting bagi keamanan manusia di drc karena institusi dan proses politik yang dirancang dengan baik dan inklusif yang menjadi kunci untuk mencegah kekerasan dan mengelola konflik secara konstruktif. diyakini bahwa bertindak demokrasi berarti bertindak untuk perdamaian dan keamanan. drc, yang terletak di jantung afrika, yaitu salah satu negara dengan sumber daya mineral terbesar dan terkaya di benua ini dan memiliki kepentingan strategis untuk stabilitas kawasan danau besar. studi ini menunjukkan bahwa tantangan yang terkait dengan periode panjang kediktatoran, konflik internal, kekerasan komunal, korupsi, kepemimpinan yang buruk, dan globalisasi telah mempengaruhi proses demokratisasi dan indikator tata pemerintahan yang baik di drc. studi ini merekomendasikan bahwa semangat demokrasi, anti senjata, pemerintahan drc yang kuat dan perbaikan dalam tata kelola harus menjadi fokus utama dari semua aktor lokal, regional, dan internasional dalam upaya mereka untuk membantu penderitaan panjang rakyat kongo. gedifew sewenet yigzaw email: sgedifew2010@gmail.com bahir dar university ethiopia history received : may 04th, 2019 revised : may 22nd, 2019 accepted : june 10th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: yigzaw, gedifew s. (2019). challenges of democratization in the democratic republic of congo (drc). jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(2). 84-108. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:sgedifew2010@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 85 of 108 introduction one of the most serious challenges to our shared security emerges from human desperation in societies that lack respect for human rights and democracy. acting for democracy is acting for peace and security. the only way democracy will prove itself is through a living relationship between people and their governments based on trust, accountability and the determination to deliver practical results (jan ellison, 2006). democracy matters for human security because well-designed and inclusive political institutions and processes are the key to both preventing violence and managing conflict constructively because respect for human rights and public participation are essential for meeting human development objectives (häusler et al., 2016). africa is termed as the cradle of humanity, the land of enormous ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity, the continent that is rich in numerous natural resources and different climates and ecosystems, but it is also known for the continuous stage for misery, underdevelopment, extreme poverty, civil and political unrest, instability, wars and undemocratic government structures. the democratic republic of congo (drc) which lies in the heart of africa is one of the largest and richest (i.e. in mineral resources) countries of the continent and has strategic importance for the stability of the great lakes region (vlassenroot & verweijen, 2017). with an area of 2.3m sq/km, it is a giant of subsaharan africa, bordering nine other countries. it is surrounded by angola, the republic of congo, the central african republic, sudan, uganda, rwanda, burundi, and tanzania across lake tanganyika and zambia. drc was formerly referred to as congo free state, belgian congo, congo-leopoldville, congo-kinshasa and zaire. the country has enormous mineral wealth such as copper, diamond, gold, cobalt, and potentially large reserves of oil and natural gas, among others. in contrary, this resource-rich country is also the site of one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises (undp, 2014). the conflicts of 1996 and 1998 have resulted in massive disruption of the social, political and economic fabric of the country. for over a decade, the country has been mired in conflict with devastating effects on its civilian population. the conflict in the drc is one of the most staggering conflicts in international politics as well. the country emerged from what has been called ‘africa’s first world war’, due to the indulgence of many neighbouring countries in the conflict, in 2003 with the establishment of a transitional government. the war has come to a halt but has given way to several local conflicts. the current situation continues to be miserable with the rising cost of the violent conflict; in terms of death and destruction, disease, malnutrition and mass displacement ever rising. the humanitarian crisis in the drc is among the most complex, deadly and prolonged as the numbers of displaced persons, sexual crimes, mutilations and summary executions have been of staggering magnitude (un, 2018). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.researchgate.net/profile/koen_vlassenroot?_sg=q_yprrywakrpdivcurca6xdqpg2cyixpfiw2fd0xd-c3uzz44rksqljjovpjjhgk3mpep-i.97mubopsemuwphbxnimw6uym5y_rwlrkeznjvroihejmuhtikzbvs1qmtgjpjnkhiixfmzj8d2rhceushokfiq https://www.researchgate.net/profile/judith_verweijen?_sg=q_yprrywakrpdivcurca6xdqpg2cyixpfiw2fd0xd-c3uzz44rksqljjovpjjhgk3mpep-i.97mubopsemuwphbxnimw6uym5y_rwlrkeznjvroihejmuhtikzbvs1qmtgjpjnkhiixfmzj8d2rhceushokfiq jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 86 of 108 as a result, the conflict in the drc can largely be attributed to bad governance and the consequent lack of democracy since its independence. the bad governance resulted in inequitable distribution of resources, corruption, human rights violations under authoritarian regimes and, thus, strengthened discontent among the congolese people. that is why; the crisis in congo is essentially seen as an outcome of authoritarianism, foreign interference, misgovernance and lack of democracy. since independence in 1960, continuous inter-ethnic and civil strife, authoritarian rule, and foreign interference have destroyed the country’s democratization process. the main objective of this study is to investigate the challenges of democratization process in the democratic republic of congo (drc). it is fact that the general, otherwise called broad objective, has to be broken down into specific, measurable and attainable objectives. thus, this study has attempted to address the following specific objectives: ❖ to assess the history of democratization process in the drc. ❖ to identify factors contributing to crisis of democracy in drc at the domestic level. ❖ to assess external challenges affecting the democratization processes in drc. review of related literature political crisis and its consequences in drc the democratic republic of congo faces a worsening humanitarian, human rights, and security crisis. the consequences have been devastating for the congolese people, with some 4.5 million people displaced from their homes more than in any other country in africa and 2 million children are at risk of starvation. tens of thousands of refugees have fled into uganda, angola, tanzania, and zambia in recent months (sawyer, 2018). the 2006 general elections, culminating in the electoral victory of incumbent president joseph kabila, heralded a formal end to the transition period and entrenched the hold of a now democratically elected president and his patronage network over the national institutions. as this confirmation of kabila’s power limited the prospects for substantial changes in the national level balance of powers, several of the factions that had already been discontent with the transitional process continued to refuse to integrate their troops into the national army (verweijen & vlanssenroot, 2017) congo is africa’s biggest copper producer and the world’s largest source of cobalt; a metal that has tripled in value in the past 18 months, given the surge in demand for electric cars. congo is home to immense biodiversity and the world’s second largest rainforest, which serves as a significant carbon sink for greenhouse gases. congo’s rivers have the hydropower potential that could one day power half of subsaharan africa. however, poor governance and large scale abuses by armed groups and members of the congolese security forces fueled by widespread impunity and struggles for control over the country’s vast resources have stunted the country’s development and left countless victims (sawyer, 2018). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 87 of 108 much of the violence that plagues congo today is linked to the country’s broader political crisis, as president joseph kabila has stayed in power beyond his constitutionally mandated two-term limit by delaying elections and quashing dissent. security forces have killed over 300 people during largely peaceful protests since 2015. hundreds of opposition supporters and democracy activists have been thrown in jail. as a result, since august 2016, an outbreak of violence in the country’s central kasi region, involving congolese security forces, government-backed militias, and local armed groups, has left up to 5,000 people dead. in december 2016, the deadline for new elections passed. this followed failed attempts by the kabila regime to change the constitution to allow him to run for a third term, a tactic that has proven successful for neighboring rwanda’s paul kagame and burundi’s pierre nkurunziza. even if elections take place in 2018, they are unlikely to bring fundamental changes to the congo (beurden, 2018). moreover, throughout 2018, government officials and security forces carried out widespread repression and serious human rights violations against political opposition leaders and supporters, prodemocracy and human rights activists, journalists, and peaceful protesters. the december 30 elections were spoiled by widespread irregularities, voter suppression, and violence. more than a million congolese were unable to vote when voting was postponed until march 2019 in three pro-opposition areas (world report, 2019). in central and eastern congo, numerous armed groups, and in some cases government security forces, attacked civilians, killing and wounding many innocent people. much of the violence appeared linked to the country’s broader political crisis. the humanitarian situation remained alarming, with 4.5 million people displaced from their homes, and more than 130,000 refugees who fled to neighboring countries (world report). corruption: a devastating challenge in drc the government of the drc is putting its own short-term interests over the well-being of the congolese people. corruption in the drc is an endemic problem, and seriously hinders businesses operating in the country. it permeates all levels of government and all sectors of the economy, rendering the country’s investment climate as one of the least competitive in the world. clientelism, rent-seeking, and patronage have decimated fair competition, particularly in the sectors of public procurement and extractive industries. it floods all levels of the state apparatus, involving a wide range of state officials, ranging from low ranking civil servants to the highest members of government in the drc. besides, corruption has also impeded efforts to increase the transparency of government institutions. the ruling elites have a direct stake in the country’s economy, and steer economic activities in accordance with their own personal opportunities (business anti-corruption portal, 2018). in 2016, the country ranked in the 8th percentile (with 0 being the worst score) (cimetta et al., 2018). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.hrw.org/africa/democratic-republic-congo https://www.business-anti-corruption.com/corruption-dictionary jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 88 of 108 furthermore, several studies indicated that the drc is widely considered to be among the most corrupt countries in the world. the country ranks low on several governance-related indices, coming in nearly last on the 2014 version of the mo ibrahim index of african governance (listed 47 out of 52 countries) and ranked 154 out of 177 (with a very low score of 22 out of 100) on transparency international’s 2014 corruption perceptions index. this current state of pervasive and systemic corruption is the result of years of poor governance in drc (mvondo, 2015). accordingly, deep-rooted corruption led to the gradual erosion of the state’s authority over the years until the state completely collapsed in the 1990s. corruption was further ingrained in congolese political circles during the civil war led by laurent kabila as well as during the post-conflict transition period, such that the office of the presidency of the republic was perceived as the country’s most corrupt institution. in general, as the drc emerges from a long period of violence and instability, the country continues to struggle with repeated political crises, weak governance, mismanagement of natural resources and severe corruption. research methodology the research methodology in this study examines the contextual scenario of challenges of democratization in the drc. this study purely employed secondary sources of data, such as books, journal articles, media news, international reports and internet sources. the research approach followed throughout this paper is qualitative and the research method is descriptive in nature because the study has attempted to describe the existing phenomena of democratization in drc, and its main internal and external factors contributing to the crisis of democracy in drc. content analysis as a method of data analysis was mainly used and description was also applied. findings and discussion the history of democratization process in the drc the drc gained independence from belgium in 1960 under the leadership of prime minister patrice lumumba. immediately after independence, the country was plunged into a political quagmire that was characterized by military uprisings, attempted secession by two provinces, and the eventual military overthrow of the government in 1965 by joseph-désiré mobutu, who at the time was chief of the congolese armed forces. mobutu ruled the country from 1965 to 1997 until he was ousted by laurentdésiré kabila. however, laurent-désiré kabila was assassinated by one of his bodyguards in 2001 and was succeeded a few days later by his son, joseph kabila, who remains the president of the drc to this day (mbaku, 2018). according to mbaku, joseph kabila was elected president in 2006 and re-elected in 2011. however, it was claimed that he had won the 2011 presidential election through fraud and election irregularities. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 89 of 108 kabila’s reign has been characterized by high levels of sectarian violence, increased poverty, high levels of corruption, and the increasing use of violence by the government to suppress citizen dissent. the mobutiste regime largely squandered the wealth of the country and progressively isolated it at international level. in 1997, a coalition led by laurent désiré kabila of the afdl party (alliance of democratic liberation forces) overthrew this regime with the assistance of outside allies. however, laurent désiré kabila soon demonstrated his independence from his eastern allies of rwanda, burundi and uganda. this latter used the inability of kinshasa to bring the interhame hutu rebels exiled in drc after the rwanda genocide of 1994 under control as an excuse to intervene militarily in the congolese territory. congo was divided by this long period of war until 2003. the conflict cost the lives of more than 3 million people and saw the assassination of laurent désiré kabila in january 2001 (international crisis group (icg), 2019). after five years of the bloody conflict ended, the government and key rebel groups signed the socalled global and all-inclusive peace agreement, otherwise called the sun city accord, in december 2002. the global and all-inclusive agreement ratified in sun city in 2003 marked the official end of the war years and committed drc to a process of political transition. the peace settlement paved the way for the formation of a transitional government of national unity headed by joseph kabila, the son of laurent désiré kabila, who had been serving as interim president since his rebel-turned-president father was assassinated in january 2001. the transitional constitution adopted in 2003 required power sharing between the president and four vice presidents, two from the former rebel groups, mainly the movement for the liberation of the congo (mlc) of jean-pierre bemba and the congolese rally for democracy of azarias, one from the political opposition, and one from kabila’s political movement (sawyer, 2018). during the first two years of the transition, the ‘1+4’ system (which means that joseph kabila would remain in power as the president, but he had to share power with four vice-presidents who were the leaders of main rebel groups and political opposition) institutions were hampered by their internal contradictions. they proved incapable of reaching decisions on the various issues and were held back by a number of events, including the confrontations in the east, the attempted coup of june 2004, the withdrawal of drc from the institutions in august 2004, the rise in tension with rwanda at the end of 2004, and the threat by the mlc to withdraw from the institutions at the start of 2005 (vahtras, 2008). each time, the tensions abated due to the intervention of the international community, whose role in drc was officially acknowledged in the texts of the sun city agreement, which set up an international committee for the support of the transition with powers of intervention. a number of events have demonstrated that the consolidation of peace and democracy in drc will be a long process. however, the constitutional referendum held on the basis of universal suffrage in december 2005 was a decisive step on the way to pluralist democratic elections (un, 2014). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 90 of 108 in spite of an electoral campaign tainted by a proliferation of hate-filled speeches and the uneven distribution of the resources, the people demonstrated with dignity and determination that it favored a democratic, non-violent way of selecting its leaders during the elections organized in the second half of 2006. these elections were the culmination of a long and difficult process of restoration of peace and the stabilization of the political institutions of the drc. they made it possible to achieve a decisive step towards the consolidation of democracy and a policy of appeasement involving all the political actors in congo. after the approval of the new constitution on a referendum in 2005 and the first democratic elections at the first time since 1960 held in 2006, the drc currently enjoys its first democratic period ever. the first democratic elections (presidential, legislative and provincial) were held on july 30, 2006 and democratically elected government, parliament and other state institutions were sworn in the beginning of 2007 (world report, 2019). election and drc’s fragile democracy as a historic event a successful election would be a springboard for the drc’s fragile democracy. the united nations adapted standards to better encompass both the elections and the governing processes; the right of all voters to participate in the electoral process without hindrance, freedom to campaign for all political parties, secrecy of the ballot, reasonable speed in the counting of ballots, accountability and openness of the electoral process to the competing parties and an acceptable electoral law are identified as the guiding criteria and governing processes for the country of the world. however, when we measure these governing principles in the context of drc, almost all are failed in practice. the 2006 congolese constitution was created in the aftermath of thirty-two years of dictatorship, during which president mobutu sese seko used public funds to enrich himself and his allies, and sets up safeguards to prevent the abuse of public office for personal enrichment (congo research group, 2017). in 2006, joseph kabila became president when his father laurent was assassinated in 2001. his presidency secured controversial elections in 2011. the electoral calendar should be fixed early in the electoral cycle to allow the electoral institution to effectively plan for elections. the drc constitution fixed the end term of office for president joseph kabila’s leadership, and second and final term in office was terminated on december 20, 2016. the constitution also requires elections by november 27, 2016. however, the kabila’s leadership has been post-pond the election of november 2016 due to very silly reasons. article 70 limits the presidential term to five years which is renewable once and states that the president shall stay in power until the effective installation of the new president. but it does not mention any electoral procedures that the outgoing president should stay in power until elections are held to select his or her successor. the constitution of this article and the electoral post-pond has brought many contentions and violence in the drc. the kabila’s administration has adopted the attitude of the congolese people that will lead them to conflict and violence instead of election due to poor implementation of formal electoral issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 91 of 108 calendar, weak political consensus, political greediness, lost confidence in the drc’s governing and electoral institutions and in general political uncertainty. thus, one can conclude that the criterion for evaluating capability of holding successful elections in drc has failed. in line with this finding, cepps assessment (2016) found that lack of political consensus and low credibility of electoral commission on a path towards elections are the biggest obstacles to the organization of elections in the drc. the assessment team stated that an increasing number of cases of human rights abuses targeting the political opposition, civic activists and media professionals hinder the electoral process by reducing transparency and trust in the government and the electoral process, and constitute a further vulnerability in the electoral process. these lead the country to have a failed democracy in which both human and democratic rights of the people have been repeatedly violated. in order to install domestic stability, to enhance the quality of governance and to establish the democratization process in the drc, several studies are recommending the post conflict election as an important solution. post-conflict elections are expected to establish domestic and international legitimacy, institute a process of democratization, promote reconciliation, and lay the groundwork for lasting peace. this is expected to take place in an environment where violence and civil war have critically damaged infrastructure and national security, and undermined social economic and political institutions (dutton, 2014, p1). nevertheless, the two giant congo’s institutions; independent national electoral commission (ceni) and the constitutional court have been accused of their biases into kabila’s administration due to politicization. these accusations together with lack of consensus within the political class and the popular protests brought risks firing the drc into a new cycle of conflict and thereby lead to fragile process of peace consolidation in the country (stearns, 2018). challenges of democratization in democratic republic of congo democratization is a crucial element of post-conflict peacebuilding in the drc. it is the process of gradually introducing more participatory politics, including elections and the creation of a civil society supportive of tolerant pluralistic politics through adherence to the constitutionally enshrined rules of the game. it involves bringing about the end of an undemocratic régime, the inauguration of a democratic régime, and then the consolidation of a democratic system. a democratic transition, therefore, is one phase in the process of change from one state to another along a democracy continuum (ngwube, 2013). democratic consolidation describes the challenges of making new democracies secure, expectancy beyond the short-term, protecting them against regression to authoritarian governance, and building dams against eventual reverse waves. a democracy is consolidated when it is made stable, vibrant, efficient and accountable. for that reason, the process is complex and iterative and takes into issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 92 of 108 account the national conditions which rely upon power sharing (jones & taussig, 2019). however, the culture of democratic consolidation in which the democratic principles are consistently applied and the system of democratic transition in the drc in almost non-existent due to multiple internal and external influences. the challenges of democratic consolidation in the drc cannot be dissociated from the country’s long history of authoritarian rule and two civil wars. this entrenched a political culture and moulded a political class that has succeeded in outliving that epoch. mobutu’s patrimonial rule after 1965 evolved under political leadership, which neither shared a shared vision nor was able to articulate a substantive political agenda for its development. this allowed the individual interests and aspirations of the ruling class to define the political game, while corruption opportunism and materialism flourished (ngwube, 2013). the drc suffers from multiple crises, which are interlinked, and are preventing the emergence of a stable and capable state, and the consolidation of democracy. these crises have destroyed all determinants of state power, and they are never clearly identified in a manner that allows for the application of suitable solutions. for the purpose of this study, we can assess two sets of crises; crises related to domestic affairs and crises related to external affairs. the drc will need to deal with both if it is to rebuild a viable state and consolidate democracy. even if it is abundantly clear that external factors have always played a role in undermining state reconstruction and democratization process in the drc, the main ground for the continuing dis-functionality is also constituted by internal crises. the drc‘s democratic election of 2006 marked the country‘s entry into what huntington (1991) has termed as, the third wave of democracy but still, the state remains in a very fragile situation (kabemba, 2011). domestic challenges facing democratization process in drc crises produced by internal or domestic factors include the crises of formal or electoral democracy, the crisis of governance, crisis of poor control of the instruments of power, and crisis of leadership. the crisis of electoral democracy the crisis of formal democracy arises when elections fail to translate into a real democracy. the 2006 democratic elections, to some extent, resolved the crisis of legitimacy by producing a legitimate government and installing democratic institutions (international crisis group, 2006; shonza, 2008 & kabemba, 2011). in the drc, elections are solutions to the problem of political legitimacy, but they do not provide answers to other problems of state malfunction. similarly, the mere establishment of a democratic electoral process is not sufficient to ensure that a regime is democratic or will remain issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 93 of 108 democratic over time. there are four levels on which the classification can be contested in relation to the drc. first, the elections were not accepted by all political parties or by all the congolese people. this does not fulfil the requirement proposed, for example, by bratton and van de walle (1997) that a country is held to have installed a democratic regime if, in a context of civil liberties, a competitive election is freely and fairly conducted and the results of the election are accepted by all the contestants. equally speaking, if we follow the logic of david betham (1994) who has argued that the experience of transition plays a key role in democratic consolidation, it is possible to argue that democracy in the drc has not entered the consolidation phase because the inter-congolese dialogue and the transition failed to reconcile congolese leaders and factions to institute good governance and to restore peace and stability in the country. in the drc, the transition will continue to be an ill-defined phenomenon, with no agreement on its point of ending. the transition in drc delivered the elections, but the conflicts that the congolese were trying to resolve have continued well beyond (kabemba, 2011). second, it is not assured that electoral democracy will be sustained in the drc. after seven years (2006-2013) of democratic governance, democracy is not improving; instead, it is deteriorating. there have been many human rights cases of abuse, the killing of human rights activists, political unrest, conflicts and changes to the constitution that did not receive the approval of many people. the ruling party continues to change the rules of the game. it changed the electoral system from a system of two rounds to a one-round system. this system was introduced to diminish the chance of the opposition forming a coalition if no presidential candidate gets a majority of the votes in the first round. this kind of change to the constitution without wider consultation and in less than seven years of democracy is proof of the instability of the political system. it is clear that formal political institutions do not solely determine the rules of the game. political actors use all kinds of opportunities to renegotiate the rules of the political game while the game is being played. in the drc, peoples are still far of entering the period of consolidation of democracy; it might be more prudent to speak of consolidation of the transition. in the absence of a credible and reliable opposition, it is doubtful that democracy will be consolidated in the drc. third, the perception that as soon as democratic elections are organized the problem of state dysfunctionality will be resolved was misleading. while the country successfully organized democratic elections in 2006, these elections do not constitute change. elections have not changed the way power and privileges are organized in congolese society. elections have not changed the character of the state as a failed or dysfunctional state. elections were simply a catalyst for state formation because they have provided interlocutors who have the mandate from the people to engage other crises that the state might be faced with. these representatives must be accountable to citizens. in the drc, democratic institutions issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 94 of 108 have been put in place, but the behaviour of those who run them has not changed (shonza, 2008). the reputation of the state has not increased under the democratic government. the drc continues to manifest the characteristics of a colonial state even after democratic elections, and it remains in the essence of corrupt and repressive. fourth, the legitimacy of the government and its leaders is not solely based on elections. electoral democracy must be accompanied by economic and social benefits to citizens, or what is called substantive democracy. electoral democracy cannot be consolidated without substantive democracy. failure to achieve this can slowly start to undermine the legitimacy of leaders and government. the drc faces the double and interlinked challenges of stabilizing politics and ensuring economic growth and development. the political economy of state-building in the drc will have to combine both. the current process of state-building is taking place outside a meaningful debate on the possible economic policies. there will not be political stability and the consolidation of democracy if a minimum level of consensus is not reached on how to respond to socio-economic questions of its citizens. when we put this differently, ensuring human security cannot be postponed in favour of electoral democracy. it is reasonable to expect people at a certain stage to start and to turn their backs on the current democratic process if their social and economic needs are not satisfied. the social and economic context provides an enabling environment within which grievances accumulate, entrepreneurs of violence emerge, and the incentives and resources that facilitate the recruitment of combatants are shaped. the challenge for the drc is how to generate approaches with the potential to address poverty while sustaining the democratic process. hence, democratization in the drc should include efforts to alleviate poverty, redress inequalities in income and gender, and facilitate access of the large majority to essential social services (particularly education, health, electricity and clean water). empowered citizens are those who do not fear state repression. unless citizens improve their capacity for interaction, bargaining and competition with the holders of state power, it is doubtful that democracy will consolidate (häusler et al, 2016). crisis related with bad governance the democratic republic of the congo (drc) is entering a critical period in its democratic transition, which began in 2006 with a new constitution. the 2011 elections were fraught with charges of fraud, and the upcoming elections face numerous political and logistical hurdles. poor governance is deeply rooted in nearly every sector and at all levels of society (usid, 2018). the crisis of governance occurs when power is not adequately defined. it is when power is used by those who control the state to oppress society. those who capture the state tend to monopolize it to serve their private interests. because of this, democracy in the drc is a minimalist democracy. kabemba (2011) puts it in his phd issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 95 of 108 dissertation that the crisis of governance in the drc occurs because men continue to suppress institutions, and institutions are not able to impose themselves on society. in the drc, the permanent failure to reform the state is due to the undermining of institutions and the violation of the country‘s laws with impunity. those in power design mechanisms to allow them to control power for a very long time. this is influenced by the fact that the state is the only provider of services and jobs. this situation creates tensions between individuals and groups as they attempt to capture the state. the ruling elite relies on an intricate web of personal, family, clientelist and ethnic ties and on the military to monopolize the state, even within a democratic system. this situation undermines state-society relations, increases conditions for corruption, and reduces accountability and transparency. weak and unaccountable government (even if it is democratically elected) cannot contribute to statebuilding. lack of accountability undermines government legitimacy. when legitimacy is weak, states have difficulty in functioning (usid, 2018). this means that democratic elections (transparent and credible as they might have been) do not contribute to state-building if they bring into power governments that refuse to be accountable and responsive to the needs of the people. the most critical failure in the drc has been the incapacity of citizens to organize and to hold leaders to account, even when they violate the constitution and are involved in corruption. in this way, the crisis of governance raises the critical issue of participatory democracy in the drc. in a liberal democracy, people must be able to participate in policy formulation and implementation. the freedom of people to associate and organize, to influence the collective decisions of the state, goes beyond the ability to form and join political parties and vote for political representatives (mcmurchy, 2018). as citizen participation in governance increases, the state strengthens internally through reduced corruption, zero tolerance for impunity, and increased respect for the rule of law. this, in turn, builds social cohesion and strengthens state capacity to face social challenges in a coordinated and collective fashion. in post-election of drc, there has not been space for public participation. government has no strategy to engage civil society to participate in national policy development. a country that is doing well on this issue is south africa. today, the south african government probably invites and allows a higher level of civil society participation in national policy development than any other government in africa (mcmurchy, 2018). the growing blockade that separates state and society will continue to undermine state-building and nation-building projects in the drc. good governance: the challenge of development the decades of dictatorship have cancelled out the elementary principles of good public management, and the situation further deteriorated during the war years. all the indicators of issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 96 of 108 governance are at their lowest level since 2017, and drc is below the average for the other countries in the region. in 2015, 2016 and 2017, drc obtained a score of 12.32, 9.85 and 8.75 out of 100 in the world bank’s voice and accountability index respectively (world bank, n.d; cia, 2016). this shows that the voice and accountability score has shown decline within 3 years. all the indicators were in the red zone in the 2006 global integrity report, which measures the level of governance, and drc is 144th in a list of 158 countries in the report by transparency international (transparency international index, 2005; cia, 2016), which measures the degree of corruption. while in a context of this kind, it is necessary to bring about such an important reform and administrative decentralization at the same time, the detrimental effects of this poor governance could multiply and considerably compromise every effort to improve the destiny of the people of congo for some time to come. we can make country comparison with ethiopia and indonesia in terms of political stability and absence of violence/terrorism based on indicators of the year 2017. thus, drc has faced instable political situation than ethiopia even if both countries have relative similarities. ethiopia has been twice more stable with percentile score of 7.62 than drc with score of 3.81. another country from asia, indonesia is the most successful southeast asian country in terms of presence of better governance than the drc. indonesia has scored -0.51/2.5 (the level of political stability or absence of violence) and drc has scored -2.30/2.5 in 2017 measurement index (see http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#reports). this implies that indonesia has better level of governance score than the drc. the following table 1 shows the effectiveness of good governance in the drc based on the world bank report. table 1: world bank governance indicators governance indicators year number of sources governance score percentile rank standard error (-2.5 to + 2.5) (0 to 100) voice and accountability 2015 12 -1.30 12.32 0.13 2016 12 -1.39 9.85 0.13 2017 12 -1.44 8.87 0.13 political stability and absence of violence/terrorism 2015 6 -2.15 4.76 0.21 2016 6 -2.23 4.29 0.22 2017 6 -2.30 3.81 0.22 government effectiveness 2015 10 -1.63 2.88 0.18 2016 10 -1.51 5.77 0.18 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#reports jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 97 of 108 2017 10 -1.63 4.81 0.18 regulatory quality 2015 9 -1.35 6.25 0.18 2016 9 -1.32 7.69 0.18 2017 9 -1.47 5.29 0.18 rule of law 2015 13 -1.57 2.88 0.15 2016 12 -1.62 4.81 0.17 2017 12 -1.69 3.85 0.16 control of corruption 2015 12 -1.29 8.17 0.15 2016 11 -1.34 7.21 0.16 2017 11 -1.42 5.77 0.14 source: world bank, worldwide governance indicators: 2015-2017 notes:  sources indicate the number of individual data sources on which the aggregate indicator is based.  percentile rank indicates rank of country among all countries in the world, 0 corresponds to the lowest rank and 100 correspond to the highest rank.  governance score indicates estimate of governance measured on a scale from approximately -2.5 to 2.5, higher values correspond to better governance.  standard error captures the precision of the estimate of governance. lower values indicate more precision. in the text, the new constitution of drc also gives governance as a central priority. it asserts the following factors as fundamental basis: the creation of good governance as one of the priorities in the fight against poverty, the dividing up of the territory with the creation of new provinces, decentralization and the unity of the country. but, the creation of good governance and a minimum of macroeconomic stability will only be possible if the main national development actors; government, citizens, private sector and civil society organizations agree to play a concerted role in the reconstruction of the drc over a long term period. the crisis of poor control of the instruments of power this crisis manifests itself when the state does not control the determinants of state power properly. it is when the state suffers a profound crisis of authority because it cannot deliver goods to people or regulate society—people, therefore, move beyond the reach of the state (un, 2018). state powers emanate from its capacity to project its presence across its territory and to protect and provide services to citizens. the determinants of state powers will include the public administration and its capacity to collect taxes, security agents and the justice system. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 98 of 108 public administration and taxation administrative structures are at the core of the infrastructural power of the state. the administration system provides for the collection of revenue, the delivery of services related to public goods (including health, education, infrastructure, water, energy, and identity documents, among others), ensuring the circulation of information and the drafting and implementation of regulations. it manages international relations, and it ensures the coordination between different departments to ensure capital formation and investment. it involves bureaucratic organization at the national, regional and local levels, and monitors both formal laws and informal norms that determine behaviour. the main structural component of public administration is the civil service. how to reform and render the civil service efficient and capable of providing services to citizens is the biggest challenge confronting state-building efforts in the drc. it is the role of politicians to build an efficient administration. differently, a dysfunctional administration is a reflection of the politics of the country. where the administration is functional and apolitical, it matters little if there is no order at the political level; the administration will continue to perform its duties. the congolese administration faces three main challenges: human resources (and especially management), the legal framework, and financial and material resources. first, human resources pose a significant organizational and competency challenge. in the drc, appointment in the public sector does not follow competency or qualification criteria. the administration has been ethnicized, and control is absent. nobody can say with certainty how many civil servants there are in the public administration or what skills they have. this is true for each ministry and department, including the police force and the army. if it is difficult to determine the number of civil servants, it is even more difficult to list the state properties under their control (sawyer, 2018). the biggest challenge remains the lack of competent and skilled personnel to run the administration. the drc skills shortage reflects the weakness of an education system which is not aligned to the needs of the country. the drc has very few qualified managers, and universities and colleges do not produce the necessary skills. congolese leaders do not invest much in education; the state does not believe in investing in intelligence creation. this might be the missing link in the entire state reform project. second, financial and material resources are an important determinant of state power. a bankrupt state cannot fulfil its mandate. the congolese state is not currently in a position to meet people‘s needs even if it wanted to as it is functioning with inadequate financial support. the national budget is ridiculously small (7 billion american dollars) in 2011. this does not mean that the drc cannot raise sufficient resources. the problem has to do with the lack of capacity of public administration to collect taxes. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 99 of 108 the drc administration is unable to mobilize the internal finances that the state needs to function (undp, 2014). domestic revenue should be one of the main sources for fiscal space expansion because of its sustainability, thereby reducing dependence on donor assistance. revenue mobilization is central to the goal of state-building. building a strong internal economy provided a base for building a strong army and political ideology. european states, to survive external assaults had to have strong economies to support militarization. in this environment, taxation became the main source of state funding. this required a professional and effective public administration to mobilize revenues. this was also necessary for accountability and effective resource management. therefore, it is possible to conclude that the collection of taxes is fragile not only because of the collapsed administrative infrastructure and inadequate skills but also because of corrupt customs officials and tax administrators in the drc (mvondo, 2015). poor security agents democracy cannot be consolidated in an atmosphere of disorder, instability, war and insecurity. the congolese state obligation to maintain order and provide security to citizens and property is a critical component of state building. the crisis of poor control of instruments of power refers to the fact that the drc has no competent security agents (police, army and the intelligence services) to maintain order or to defend the integrity and sovereignty of the state and ensure justice. as many studies indicated that the police, the army and the intelligence services had not defined their role. they are ill-equipped, ill-disciplined, poorly trained, badly paid, and they are politicized. for this reason, there is a need to rediscover the proper roles of the police and the army in the drc. the army has for an extended period played the role of the police, through continual harassment of citizens (business anti-corruption portal, 2016). the protection of the integrity of the national territory has never been its role. it is not surprising that when the integrity of the drc territory has been under threat, it has been external forces which have come to its rescue (berdal & wennmann, 2010). the congolese army is an amalgamation of many armies, militias and rebel groups. for the drc, the reform of the army will not come from the rhetoric of creating a disciplined and professional army. these armed men and women need to be put into army barracks and undergo sustained training on the role of the army. the task of producing a new and professional congolese army has failed so far because recruitment has been ethicized, politicized, and has never been based on competencies and qualification. this has resulted in a propensity to intervene in politics (freedom house, 2015). the state's ability to rely on coercion by using the military to guarantee its survival has been kept intact, and this is delaying the creation of a professional national army. at the same time, the police force is incapable of instilling law and order. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 100 of 108 the democratic reforms introduced with the country's new constitution and its first democratic elections in 2006 have barely taken hold, with national institutions continuing to function in a way that is predatory and patrimonial, showing scant regard for the rights of congolese citizens. presidential and legislative elections held during november 2011, described by most observers as lacking credibility, provided a very clear indication of this dysfunctionality. this context also undermines any hopes of implementing the decentralization process which is outlined in the 2005 constitution. hence, throughout 2012, the political and security situation has been critical (bouvy & lange, 2012). the country's army started a rebellion against the rebels, but it is weak. due to this, 800,000 people were exiled into rwanda in october 2013 (bbc news, november 2013). in mid-2013, in collaboration with kabila's army, the un secured a regional agreement to end the m23 rebellion in eastern areas, and the group's alleged founder or high ranking officer, bosco ntaganda surrendered to the international criminal court to face war-crimes charges. however, now, the m23 rebels group ended its insurgency and wants to participate in the politics of drc peacefully. on november 10, 2013, the government of the drc and m23 rebel group signed a cease-hostilities political agreement in uganda, kampala. after signing this political agreement, the congolese people were celebrating for the peaceful settlement of the twenty years of conflict in drc. therefore, it is possible to conclude that this will pave the way for the spread head of democratization in the democratic republic of congo. flawed security apparatus and sources of arms, weapons and military equipments congolese security institutions are characterized by a marked lack of control and transparency over weapons, munitions and related equipment. the climate of widespread corruption and impunity make theft and diversion of weapons and ammunition very easier. such a situation results in the persistent misuse of such arms by soldiers, police and armed groups to commit and facilitate severe violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. a major weakness of the current framework for the management of weapons, munitions and related equipment in the drc is the lack of institutional controls (amnesty international report, 2015). while impunity fuels further violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, the ready availability of weapons and ammunition also contribute to such violations. this is particularly the case in eastern drc. the crisis of leadership weak political leadership and the deaths of accountable institutions have prevented the country’s resources and wealth from benefiting its people (acss, 2017). attempts to truncate democracy, to defend the territorial integrity, to reform the administration and to design appropriate economic policies requires an appropriate leadership, a leadership that can turn opportunities into successes. the free and fair elections were supposed to bring into the system a new crop of leadership with the responsibility of issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 101 of 108 driving a democratic transformational agenda for a better life for all congolese people. it is a leadership that was expected to transcend personal and ethnic interests and privileges in favour of the interest of the majority. in his republic, plato counsels that: “then among the guardians we must select those men who we think, on enquiry, have excelled their lifelong in doing passionately whatever they thought was for the city‘s interests, and in refusing decisively to do what they thought was to its harm.” it is this kind of leadership that the drc was expected to bring into office after the 2006 and 2011 elections. the consolidation of democracy and peace-building were not expected to be easy, and most thinking congolese do not expect to see the fruits of democracy overnight, but as puts it, “unless a new ideologically articulate, intellectually fit, morally perfect leadership emerges, it will not be possible to build a state that advances and protects the interest of the majority.” the leadership that emerged from sun city agreement in 2002 and which ultimately won the elections in 2006 has turned out to be not the appropriate one. poor selection of leaders has long been the source of problems in the drc. the post-2006 elections leadership has excelled in mediocrity (or poorness) and arrogance. it is the presence, for a long time, of a mediocre leadership at the summit of the state that has destroyed the state and continues to hinder efforts for change. this leadership has pursued voluntary strategies to undermine state consolidation, and in the process, it has destroyed all the social forces and institutions that are necessary for the consolidation of democracy (usid, 2018). therefore, the drc will need people who have both intelligence and moral standing. according to studies, the congolese leadership prioritizes money (the handiwork of people) over people (the handiwork of god). for them, money is the master and people are the servants. the maxim of jefferson, “equal rights to all and special privileges to none”, and the doctrine of abraham lincoln that this should be a government “of the people, by the people and for the people” are absent in the congolese leadership. the principle of hit and run is well utilized in the drc. they actively maintain dysfunctional institutions which they use to freely rob the state and the congolese people. as a result, the congolese dissatisfaction comes from the lack of effective leadership within and outside the state. most leaders have a legacy of corruption, nepotism and embezzlement of funds. the congolese leadership problem goes far beyond individual leaders. corruption, lack of honesty and laziness has infested the entire society, including institutions of learning, the heart of any transformation (cia, 2016). hence, the drc needs a visionary and morally fit leadership to deal with such challenges. the drc needs a collective leadership driven by a shared vision for the country. this is why, it is imperative for congolese to fashion for themselves a leadership that is self-aware (the ability to stand apart from issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 102 of 108 your own life and observe it), conscious (with the moral, ethical sense or inner voice which enables one to evaluate what one observes), imaginative (having the ability to envisage something entirely different from the past) and has an independent will (the power to take action to transform or change the entire society). in 2014, the country ranked 154th of the 174 countries assessed by transparency international’s corruption perceptions index due to poor leadership created by corruption (haider & rohwerder, 2015). it is also argued that corruption in the drc is fuelled by insufficient government salaries. from this, one can conclude that transformational leadership and establishing strong anti-corruption institutions are imperative for the drc to change the entire society. external factors: external involvement in the congolese domestic affairs a balance of power beyond a country’s borders determines the chances of the democratization of this country. it is, therefore, evident to acknowledge the role of external actors in either favouring or impeding the democratization of a given country. the impact of external forces may affect the results of the process of democratization. the african case in general, and the drc’s, in particular, should considerably contribute to one’s understanding on how, when, and why democratic systems have been inflicted, facilitated, obstructed, or handled with benign neglect by external actors. at the beginning of the 1990s, as local citizens consistently opted for a democratic transition, they evenly seldom decided to initiate political reforms independently. however, there was a dynamic interplay between external and local forces that determined particular results along a range from renewed authoritarianism to different degrees of liberalization and democratization in drc. the influence of western countries the colonial legacy initiated by the european scramble for africa has established a dissident african politics and continues to shape the future of africa (gordon, 2007). the indirect effects of colonialism on african political institutions like democracy still linger on. coradetti (2012) explains that africa’s main challenge to a successful transition to democracy must be seen as a side effect of colonialism. he emphasizes that colonial power left many african states with a system of authoritarian values and norms, which has weakened the public administration that would have been essential for effective democracy-building. these sequels have been spotted both under mobutu and kabila’s authoritarian leadership, whereby people had insignificant power in the ruling process of the drc (joseph, 1991). western competition in the new state was mostly over the control of katanga‘s mineral resources. during colonization, congo‘s resources were exploited for many decades by british and belgian capital. the capitalist bloc, though united in its willingness to see the congo stay under its control, was divided regarding access to the resources. there were competing interests over the control of katanga‘s mineral issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 103 of 108 resources. the us competed with belgium, france and britain. they competed fiercely for the control of congolese minerals in the early years of the country‘s independence. this competition sustained and prolonged the congolese conflict. it is not the congolese that is divided; it is the world that is divided. therefore, the post-independence instability was caused more by western attempts to control congo‘s minerals then by ethnic conflict (bti, 2014). at the end of the cold war, international financial agencies demonstrated a great impact in the early stage of the democratization of the drc. these influential donors aimed at redesigning their policy in order to restructure the ruling systems in the third world, and promote democracy. illogically, that seemed to have led to some machinations and manipulation by local political actors. several studies claims that most of the foreign interventions in the domestic political reforms of the drc have been hypocritical in nature. foreign actors pretended to promote democracy in the drc, but in the real sense, they fuel civil unrest so as to create conducive environments that open rooms and facilities for them to exploit massive natural resources of the drc. this has been seen by many western countries’ multinational corporations, mainly from the united states of america, the united kingdom, france, and belgium. the climate of hostilities created by these foreign forces had weakened the political stability and created an unbalanced structure in the good governance of the drc. this has evidently distorted the process of democratization in the drc under the leadership of mobutu sese seko and laurent-désiré kabila. hence, international and african actors have at some times been a moderating influence, and at others enabled further escalation of democratic crises in drc (acss, 2017). the impact emerging from the african great lakes region the political map that africa inherited from the berlin conference has created huge differences among various african countries in their potentials for nation-building, economic development, ethnicity, and political stability (gordon, 2007). some countries were too big and too disproportional for their, and some ethnicity which is intolerable to each other was a constraint to cohabit. this has, in the long term, led to remarkable unrest and political instability both within and around these particular countries. peace and development in the drc is closely linked to peace and development in the great lakes region and on the continent. the war has highlighted the importance of viewing the political economy of state reforms in their regional context. there is no region of the world more in need of a stable order for peace, democracy and economic growth and development, but no region in which the prerequisites for that order; economic prosperity, law-abiding governance, ethnic and regional tolerance, shared values for pacific settlement of differences, and strong inter-state institutions – are more lacking than the great lakes region. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 104 of 108 the political instability in the great lakes region of africa has negatively influenced the democratization of the drc. involvement of neighboring countries like rwanda, burundi, uganda, and angola in the drc’s internal system, have certainly weakened significant attempt to the democratization of the drc. the rwanda genocide is perhaps the genocide of the century. this calamity had had a lot of impacts on the democratization of the drc. the role of western countries and great lakes region to consolidate democracy in drc is minimal (acss, 2017). neighbouring uganda got also involved with all the needed support in terms of troops and military bases. laurent-désiré kabila’s afdl received the full backing of president museveni of uganda. even burundi, tanzania, and angola melted in it. during the reign of mobutu, angola was undergoing civil unrest characterized by a clash between the angolan governments led by president eduardo dos santos against the national union for the total independence of angola led by jonas savimbi. hence, the angolan regime found a prejudice of fuelling hostilities in the drc in order to overthrow mobutu’s regime. this external affluence deactivated and destroyed any possible path leading to the democratization of the drc (acss, 2017). globalization the success or the failure of state-building in the drc will not only be determined by internal and regional factors, but also by the nature of its integration into the world economy. attempts at statebuilding in the drc are taking place in the context of an international system that is characterized by ever-increasing globalization. the present wave (since the post-cold war period in 1991) presents the following characteristics: more significant communication revolution, a push towards market liberalization and privatization, deregulation, re-ordering of global manufacturing and service industries, a scramble for natural resources, imposition of structural adjustment programmes on developing countries, and the spread of supra-national policy-making process. these factors have an impact on state behaviour, especially weak states like drc. globalization continues to challenge african states, and there are signs that it is contributing to new forms of conflict and political instability (kabemba, 2011). some have argued that the expansion of globalization, instead of opening up opportunities for african countries that would ameliorate the crisis of the state, has simultaneously globalized ethnicity and localized citizenship, creating conditions for conflicts (acss, 2017). because of the limited capacity of most states on the continent, globalization may severely restrict the room for manoeuvre of individual states in such a way as to make the notion of a developmental state difficult to realize and achieve. it is that fact that globalization has increased the intensification and interconnectivity of flows of goods, services, capital and people between countries and regions in all parts of the world. currently, the integration of the drc into the global economy is through the extractive industries. the drc is one issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10299 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 105 of 108 of the wealthiest countries in strategic minerals. these resources are needed for the modernization and sustainability of developed countries. accordingly, the drc must respond to the competitive forces in the global market that are interested in extracting its resources. the drc continues to be a source of cheap raw materials and a market for cheap manufacturing products for developed and newly emerging countries. from leopold ii to joseph kabila, the pattern of exploitation of these resources has remained the same. the drc in the international division of labour has been kept as a provider of raw materials to developed countries. this invariably vertical integration has reinforced economic dependence and undermined political autonomy. minerals have been exploited to serve foreign interests and small congolese political elite. the congolese elite has used the country‘s mineral resources as a bargaining tool for regime security. colonial control has now been replaced by globalization, which helps to maintain and sustain a neo-patrimonial state in the drc. the drc must put in place a transparent and accountable system of resource management, and it must have an extensive and comprehensive bureaucratic system intended to collect, verify and disclose the benefit streams from its extractive industries, and to compel companies to disclose their payments to government (and government to disclose what it receives from companies). resources can only be a blessing under governance systems that are able to mediate competing claims and provide a suitable enabling environment for their profitable extraction, processing and use. conclusion the former un secretary-general, kofi annan, had stated that one of the biggest challenges currently facing africa and the un is the challenge of bringing peace and stability to the drc. since the beginning of the conflict in 1996, millions of people have been killed, unaccounted injured and millions of others have been displaced. the conflict had shattered the economy and virtually destroyed infrastructure with decades of mismanagement, authoritarian and corrupt rule. the drc is generally regarded as a bad example in terms of governance. the governance problems have an immediate impact on the humanitarian situation. this study found that the long period of dictatorship, armed hostilities of international origins, internal violence, severe corruption, crisis of election, poor control of weapons, undisciplined army and poor leadership of have brought the destruction of good governance indicators, such as voice of accountability, political stability, control of corruption, transparency and respect for human rights in drc. as 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(2019). drc in the 2018 event. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive http://www.transparency.org/tools/measurement https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13253.doc.htm https://www.un.org/press/en/2018/sc13253.doc.htm https://www.usaid.gov/democratic-republic-congo/fact-sheets/usaiddrc-fact-sheet-democracy-human-rights-and-governance http://humanrights.ee/wp-content/uploads/2012/.../mt_vahtras_tiina.pdf http://humanrights.ee/wp-content/uploads/2012/.../mt_vahtras_tiina.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/publication/317771496_democratic_republic_of_congo_the_democratization_of_militarized_politics https://www.researchgate.net/publication/317771496_democratic_republic_of_congo_the_democratization_of_militarized_politics http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#reports http://www.doingbusiness.org/rankings https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/democratic-republic-congo jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 243 of 252 political recruitment of female candidates in meeting the quota policy in the prosperous justice party (partai keadilan sejahtera) of diy province in 2019 abstract political recruitment in the prosperous justice party (partai keadilan sejahtera/pks) has fulfilled a 30% quota of female candidates, but they seldom to be elected as legislative members. political recruitment in meeting the 30% quota of female is inseparable from supply and demand sides. by using qualitative research methods, political recruitment process is analyzed of supply and demand sides, with data collection techniques by documentation and in-depth interview. the research finding showed that there were shortcomings in the supply side of the recruitment of female candidates, namely the low political experience and motivation of women to get power. this is related to the demand side, where there are still few women who have strategic positions in the party management. this cause of policy making in the party office less supportive of women to be elected. key words: political recruitment, female candidate, supply side, demand side abstrak sistem rekrutmen politik di partai keadilan sejahtera (pks) telah memenuhi kuota 30% kandidat perempuan, tetapi mereka jarang terpilih sebagai anggota legislatif. perekrutan politik untuk memenuhi kuota 30% perempuan tidak dapat dipisahkan dari sisi penawaran dan permintaan. dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, proses rekrutmen politik dianalisis dari sisi penawaran dan permintaan, dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui dokumentasi dan wawancara mendalam. temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada kekurangan dalam sisi penawaran perekrutan kandidat perempuan, yaitu pengalaman politik yang rendah dan motivasi perempuan untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan. ini terkait sisi permintaan, di mana masih sedikit perempuan yang memiliki posisi strategis dalam manajemen partai. hal ini menyebabkan pembuatan kebijakan pada partai kurang mendukung perempuan untuk dipilih. titin purwaningsih titin.p.widodo@gmail.com master of government affairs and administration universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta rubiyati department of government affairs and administration universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta history received : oct 10th, 2019 revised : nov 26th , 2019 accepted : nov 29th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: purwaningsih, t & rubiyati. 2019. political recruitment of female candidates in meeting the quota policy in the prosperous justice party (partai keadilan sejahtera) of diy province in 2019. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(3). 243-252 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:titin.p.widodo@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 244 of 252 introduction the 30% quota policy for female political representation has been implemented for several electoral periods, but it has not been achieved yet, both at the national and local levels. several policies have been carried out in reaching 30% female in the legislative institutions such as zipper system nomination policy, and also with the obligation of the political parties to adopt female administrators at national-level of party organizations. quota policies in political recuitment process of nominating female legislative members have been carried out by all parties in the election contestation. however, not all political parties succeeded in delivering female candidates were elected to the representative institutions. in the 2009 election, women's representation in the dpr was only 18%, while in the 2014 election it was 17.8%. unachieving 30% quota has also occurred in diy. women's representation in the diy dprd also declined. in the 2009 elections, there were 12 women (21%) members of the diy dprd, but declined to around 7 (12.73%) in the 2014 elections. meanwhile, at the regency /city level in diy province, there were 7 seats of female dprd members (17.50 %) in kulon progo regency dprd, 3 seats (6.67%) in bantul regency , 6 seats (13.33%) in gunungkidul regency, 12 seats (24%) in sleman regency, and 10 seats (25 %) in yogyakarta city. from a number of women elected to the provincial dprd, none of them came from the pks either in the 2009 elections or in the 2014 elections. likewise in the 2019 election, no female candidates were elected to the diy provincial dprd. however, there is only one female candidate from the pks is elected in 2019 election, namely from sleman regency, as shown in the following table: tabel 1. the list of pks dprd members in 2014 and 2019 elections no regent/city 2014 election 2019 election male female male female 1. dprd diy 6 0 7 0 2. dprd sleman 6 0 5 1 3. dprd bantul 4 0 4 0 4. dprd gunungkidul 5 0 5 0 5. dprd kulonprogo 5 0 5 0 7. dprd kota yogyakarta 3 0 5 0 source: analysis from several resources this article examines the process of political recruitment of female candidates in meeting the 30% quota in the pks of diy province in 2019. the factor of political recuitment is in terms of supply and demand side. the supply side will be analyzed from the social background (occupation, education, age, political experience and motivation), while the demand side will be analyzed from the political recruitment mechanism, recruitment patterns for female candidates and party policies. focus of this research is in political recruitment in the pks diy because of the percentage of pks female candidates in diy always exceeds 30% of quota, even by 40% in the 2019 elections. however, there is none of the female legislative candidates of pks were elected to be the member of diy provincial dprd in term of several election periods before. research questions based on the background of the problem, there are two research questions that will be analysis, namely: 1. how is the supply side in the political recruitment of female candidates of the prosperous justice party in the 2019 election in diy? 2. how is the demand side in the political recruitment of female candidates of the prosperous justice party in the 2019 election in diy? issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 245 of 252 theoretical framework quota policy of political representation aims to increase descriptive representation of minority groups (paxton, hughes, 2007, 265; pitkin 1967), icludes of women's political representation. descriptive representation is a form of representation in which the composition of the membership of representative institutions resembles to the community. therefore women's political representation is an important aspect to be implemented, considering that women are almost a half of the population, but their interests are often overlooked and marginalized. the 30% quota policy for women in politics can be understood as an effort to increase women's representation so it can more accomodated to the women interests. thus, quota policy is also an effort to strengthen gender equality (krook 2009; trip and kang 2008), especially in politics and decision making. women's quota in representative institutions has been implemented in more than 100 countries (idea 2007; krook 2009), but the reality of this quota has not been reached in most countries and has not been reflected in representative institutions (htun 2004; reymold 2005). the realization of the quota policy is dependent to the role and effort of political parties in conducting political recruitment. political party is a group of people who are united by interest or ideological equality that aims to maintain and seek power in the elections to realize alternative policies that have been prepared (surbakti, 1992: 116). therefore, one of the functions of political parties is political recruitment. political recruitment is a selection or appointment of a person or group of people to carry out a number of interests in a political or governmental system (surbakti, 1992: 118). according to rush and althoff (tangkilisan, 2003: 188) the political recruitment system is divided into two ways. first, open recruitment that is providing a fair and equal opportunities for all citizens to participate directly or compete in the selection process. second, closed recruitment, is the opportunity only for certain individuals to participate or involve in political office. generally, political recruitment aims to find and select the best people to hold political positions. therefore, selection is usually carried out by selecting the best track record and quality of the candidates. the importance of the quality of candidates in the recruitment process was put forward by almond, norris, and also jacobson and kernell. almond and verba (1989: 269-270) said that political socialization and political experience are cumulative, so the more political experience the better the quality. while jacobson and kernel stated that the quality of candidate is measured from the previous political experience, both activities in the organization, work experience as well as in party organizations. candidate quality in political recruitment must be accompanied by conformity with the needs of the political parties, so that analysis of political recruitment must be viewed from the supply and demand sides (norris, 1997; norris and lovenduski, 1993). the supply side, according to norris, includes the motivation and political capital possessed by candidates, while the demand side include the political party membership, financial support and also party leaders support. this supply and demand sides will be used to analyze how is the political recruitment of female legislative candidates in pks diy provincial. research method this paper is the result of a qualitative research approach. this research is about the political recuitment in the province of diy especially in the prosperous justice party (pks). data collection techniques are carried out by in-depth interviews and documentation. documentation were conducted from the curriculum vitae of candidates, data from the local election commission (kpud) , and the results of the previous studies. interviews were conducted with pks internal administrators regarding the curriculum vitae of candidates, political recruitment process, political experience, and factors that hinder and support women in politics. furthermore, interviews with pks female candidates regarding the recruitment process and motivation to involved in politics. the analysis was carried out descriptively, by using the triangulation method to check and recheck data for deepening the analysis. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 246 of 252 result the discussion in this section consists of two parts, which are the supply side and the demand side. d.1. supply side this supply aspect includes the history of legislative candidates, both educational background, work background, organizational experience and political experience. occupation background of legislative candidates within the social background in the recruitment theory there are four aspects. the four aspects are occupation, education, age, and marital status. the author will discuss one by one from these four aspects. table 2. list of pks candidates based on background occupation occupation male female total total % total % total % private employees 18 54.55 12 54.55 30 54.55 entrepreneurs 2 6.06 3 13.64 5 9.09 students 0 0.00 1 4.55 1 1.82 teachers 0 0.00 3 13.64 3 5.45 legislative members in province (politician) (2014-201 3 9.09 0 0.00 3 5.45 legislative members in regency (politician) (2014-2019) 9 27.27 1 4.55 10 18.18 housewifes 0 0.00 2 9.1 1 1.82 farmer 1 3.03 0 0.00 1 1.82 total 33 100.00 22.00 100.00 55 100.00 source: processed from yogyakarta provincial election commission data judging from the occupation background, the majority of candidates for the diy provincial dprd from pks occupation as private employees and entrepreneurs, both male and female. the interesting from the table is that the employment background of male candidates after being a private employee and entrepreneur is as a politician which is 36.36%, both as incumbent members of the provincial dprd and as members of the regency/city dprd. whereas for female candidates, only 1 person (4.55%) has a political background. more than 20% of female candidates are teachers and housewives. this shows that in terms of employment background, male pks candidates have better political experience than women. the occupational background of pks female candidates has more similarity with women stereotype such as teachers and housewives (22.74%). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 247 of 252 education background of the legislative candidates the educational background of pks candidates is illustrated in the following table. table 3. list of pks candidates in 2019 election based on education level education background male female total total % total % total % senior high school 8 24.24 7 31.82 15 27.27 d3 1 3.03 2 9.09 3 5.45 d4/s1 18 54.55 11 50.00 29 52.73 s2 6 18.18 2 9.09 8 14.55 total 33 100.00 22 100.00 55 100 source: data processed from kpu.go.id based on the education, the level of education of pks candidates varies greatly from the minimum requirements for high school graduates/equivalent to master degree (s-2). this table shows that the education level of male and female candidates in pks is different. the proportion of vocasional (d3) education for female candidates is higher than male candidates, while in the higher level, the proprosion of graduate and post-graduate of female candidates is lower than male. this shows that the education level of female candidates meets the requirements as candidates, but the proportion of higher level of education is lower than male candidates. the age of candidates the age of candidates is illustrated in the following table: tabel 4. daftar caleg pks berdasar usia calon age male % female % jumlah % 30 40 years 4 12.12 7 31.82 11 20.00 41 – 50 years 19 57.58 11 50.00 30 54.55 51 – 60 years 10 30.30 4 18.18 14 25.45 total 33 100 22 100 55 100 source: data processed from kpu.go.id seen in the age background, it turns out that candidates also vary. the candidates under the age of 40 years have more female than male, while those with are 87.88% male and female candidates are 68.18%. this shows that in the recruitment of pks candidates, efforts to recruit young female candidates are quite good. the positive aspect of this condition is that female candidates are cadres who have a young spirit. however, if age is associated with political maturity and political experience, this condition also shows political maturity and political experience of female candidates is lower than male. based on the tables above, pks candidates have varying levels of education, employment background and age. based on interviews with pks administrators, recruitment carried out by pks does not limit the social background of the legislative candidates, because in accordance with the applicable law, there are no restrictions on the type of employment background of education, or marital status. thus, candidates who have criteria such as the law have the same opportunity to become candidates. there is even a candidate who has an employment background as a laborer, who is recruited as a candidate because he is active in the community and is a member of the village consultative body (bpd). political experience of the candidates in the resources of the theory of demand and supply recruitment there are four aspects. these four aspects are time, finance, political experience, and support networks. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 248 of 252 table 6. list of pks candidates based on political experience political experience male % female % total % legislative members of 2014-2019 (politician) 10 30.30 1 4.55 11 20.00 have been legislative members of pks – 2014 5 15.15 7 31.82 12 21.82 have been pks party administrators 7 21.21 5 22.73 12 21.82 have no political experience yet 11 33.33 9 40.91 20 36.36 total 33 100 22 100 55 100 source: data processed form kpu.go.id overall, the majority of pks candidates have political experience of 63.64%, both as legislators in the 2014-2019 period, have been legislative candidates in the 2014 election and are administrators of political parties. then, 36.36% of pks candidates have no political experience. judging from the comparison between men and women, more men have had previous political experience as incumbents, in the amount of 30.30%, while women are only 4.55%. however, judging from the political experience in nominating, the majority of women candidates were 31.82% experienced as previous candidates than men. this is possible because the 30% quota policy requires the nomination of women, but the percentage chosen is still very small. the percentage of candidates with party management backgrounds is almost the same between men and women, but the proportion of candidates who do not have political experience is higher than women. motivation of the candidates an overview of the motivation of pks candidates in the 2019 election as follows: table 7. motivation of pks candidates in the 2019 election motivation male % female % total % worship and da'wah 6 18.18 4 18.18 10 18.18 contributing to developing country 14 42.42 7 31.82 21 38.18 does not put the motivation 13 39.39 11 50.00 24 43.64 total 33 100 22 100.00 55 100 source: data processed from kpud. based on the data in the curriculum vitae of candidates given by the legislative candidates to the election commission, the motivation of candidates is quite diverse because the contents of the motivation of the candidates are open questions. not all candidates write down their motivation in legislative candidacy. nearly 40% of male candidates did not list their motivations, and 50 female candidates did not list their motivations. the data is indeed multi interpretations, but it can be interpreted as two things, that first; including motivation perhaps considered by some people as a taboo, especially in javanese culture. this is also because the mechanism for recruiting candidates is not through the candidacy of individuals, but as not to expose personal motivation. whereas the candidates who listed their motivations, between male and female candidates were almost the same motivation, which are to worship and preach, and for others to contribute to building the country. this may have become a platform for every legislative issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 249 of 252 candidate to adjust to the party platform, namely as a da'wah party, as expressed by one of the female candidates: “..kalau di pks itu partai yang tidak hanya berpartai dalam politik ya. partai pks itu bisa dikatakan partai dakwah. kesempatan berdakwah itukan berbagai bidang. sementara saat ini memang kita itu melihat kondisi negara yang seperti ini sudah saatnya kita ikut berperan. para perempuan ikut berpartisipasi, kalau kita tidak masuk dalam politik otomatis kita nanti tidak bisa memberikan kontribusi yang kaitannya dengan undang-undang dengan peraturan. karena disitu motivasi kami adalah satu beribadah dan dakwah..” ("... pks is not only a political party, isn’t it? pks can be said to be a da'wah party. there are many ways to preach. we are seeing the condition of the country now, and this is the time for us to take part. women also participate in politics, , because if we are not involved in politics we will not be able to contribute policy making. because there are our motivation to worship and da'wah ..") thus, the level of internal competition for each individual is less felt even though it uses the most votes mechanism, because it is more motivated for the interests of the party institutionally. d.2. demand side this aspect of demand in political recruitment is seen from the mechanism of recruitment carried out by political parties, suitability of candidates with the needs of political parties and party policies in the recruitment of candidates. the stage of recruiting pks diy female candidates recruitment of candidates in pks is done through several levels, such as the selection process and the screening process. this screening process is carried out through public testing and then determined to become candidates. the process of selecting candidates is conducted at all levels of management, where party managers and cadres have the right to propose names to be nominated as candidates for the legislature. in this process, the proposed candidate can come from internal and external cadres. internal cadres are cadres who have participated in coaching and cadre, while external. those who are outside the pks who have not participated in cadre and are not yet members of the pks. thus, this screening process is open to cadres and non-cadres. the names included in the screening process are then subjected to administrative selection related to the requirements required in accordance with the provisions of the law. for candidates who are declared to pass administrative selection then enter the screening process. in this screening process, candidates are deployed to the community in carrying out activities that are needed by the community and at the same time socializing to the community. this prospective activity in the community is at the same time a form of public testing in which candidates through their activities are assessed by the party or by the community. from the results of this public test, the candidates will be appointed by the pks. policy of party since 30% of female candidates must be adopted by political parties participating in the election, all parties are required to fulfill them, including pks. pks candidates who have passed the selection process as follows: table 8 list of pks candidates per election in the 2019 general election electoral district male female total total % total % d.i y 1 4 57.14 3 42.86 7 12.73 d.i y 2 4 57.14 3 42.86 7 12.73 d.i y 3 4 66.67 2 33.33 6 10.91 d.i y 4 3 42.86 4 57.14 7 12.73 d.i y 5 6 66.67 3 33.33 9 16.36 d.i y 6 5 62.50 3 37.50 8 14.55 d.i y 7 7 63.64 4 36.36 11 20.00 total all electoral district 33 60.00 22 40.00 55 100 source: data processed from kpu.go.id. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 250 of 252 the data shows that pks has accommodated the policy of 30% of women in the process of scrutiny. the average number of female candidates is 40%, and even for diy electoral district 4 there are more than 50% female candidates. the sequences number of candidates is also an important aspect in political recruitment. even though by using the most votes, the sequence number is not too significant, but for voters who do not know their candidates, they tend to choose candidates with the number one from the party they choose. list of pks candidates based on sequences number as follows: table 9. comparison of male and female pks candidate sequences numbers in the 2019 election electoral district sequences number 1 dan 2 sequences number 3 dan 4 sequance number >4 total m % f % m % f % m % f % m % f % diy 1 2 6.06 0 0.00 1 3.03 1 4.55 1 3.03 2 9.09 4 12.12 3 13.64 diy 2 1 3.03 1 4.55 1 3.03 1 4.55 2 6.06 1 4.55 4 12.12 3 13.64 diy 3 2 6.06 0 0.00 1 3.03 1 4.55 1 3.03 1 4.55 4 12.12 2 9.09 diy 4 1 3.03 1 4.55 1 3.03 1 4.55 1 3.03 2 9.09 3 9.09 4 18.18 diy 5 2 6.06 0 0.00 1 3.03 1 4.55 3 9.09 2 9.09 6 18.18 3 13.64 diy 6 2 6.06 0 0.00 1 3.03 1 4.55 2 6.06 2 9.09 5 15.15 3 13.64 diy 7 1 3.03 1 4.55 2 6.06 0 0.00 4 12.12 3 13.64 7 21.21 4 18.18 total 11 33.33 3 13.64 8 24.24 6 27.27 14 42.42 13 59.09 33 100.00 22 100.00 source: data processed from kpud. the table above shows the difference in the sequence numbers of male and female candidates. nominally, female candidates who are placed in category number 1 and 2 are very few, which is 13.64%. none of the data from female candidates was put on number one, but in sequence number 2. this condition would result in the small number of women being elected as legislative members. likewise for sequence numbers 3 and 4, the number of female candidates is fewer than male candidates, but in sequence number> 4, there are more female candidates than men. this shows that party policy accommodates women's policies in recruiting 30% of women in the nomination process and also accommodates zipper system policies by placing one female candidate from the three candidates. however, the absence of female candidates positioned in number one shows that political parties do not trust yet women to sit in representative institutions. in party management, pks has adopted women. pks female cadres are not only active in women's particular fields but they are involved in all fields in the pks. from the results of the interview, it was pointed out that the pks included women in the fields in the party, both in the fields of politics, economic, education, and so on. judging from the management structure of pks, there were 40 people (26.5%) female administrators from 151 administrators. even though there are quite a number of women administrators, most of them are in positions related to domestic affairs such as cadres' deputy coaching, women's deputies and family resilience, family resilience and child protection, deputy capacity building for female cadres, women's study deputies, children and family, as well as several other positions related to institutional relations and economic empowerment. table 6 also shows that candidates with party management backgrounds are still small at around 22%. in the recruitment process, the low number of female candidates in party management will have implications for party policies that are less favorable to the position of female candidates and will also affect the strength of female candidates in election contestation. 2019 election results finally pks won 7 seats in the diy dprd, but none of them were women. of the seven pks candidates selected, 3 of them were candidates with sequence numbers 1 and 4 coming from sequence number 2. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103108 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 251 of 252 conclusion in the recruitment of candidates, pks has implemented a 30% quota policy, with 40% of candidates for diy province. however, there are a number of notes from the supply side of female candidates, such as: judging from the background of work, the background of female candidates as politicians is that women are still low compared to men. in terms of the education of candidates, the level of education of male and female candidates is relatively balanced. however, when viewed from age and political experience, more female candidates are young, which also shows less political experience than male candidates. motivation of individual candidates is less visible because in general they have normative motivation for da'wah as pks platform as a da'wah party. however, more female candidates do not mention their motivations, which can mean that female candidates lack motivation to be elected as legislators. from the demand side, pks has implemented zipper system in determining the sequence number of candidates, but the low number of women in party strategic positions makes party decisions less than encouraging women to be elected legislative members, in the 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http://ojs.uma.ac.id/index.php/jppuma/article/view/906 http://ojs.uma.ac.id/index.php/jppuma/article/view/906 https://www.worldcat.org/title/kebijakan-publik-yang-membumi-konsep-strategi-kasus/oclc/645916775 file:///c:/users/isma/downloads/valdini,%20melody%20ellis.%202013 layout desember 2008 terrorist group rocked this muslim majority country, started from the bali bombing (2002) followed by other consecutive bombings, such as, j.w. marriott hotel bombing (2003), the australian embassy bombing (2004), and ritz carlton hotel bombing (2009). this article attempts to examine the ways in which the government responded towards the problem. what sort of policies did the indonesian government take to respond to terrorism during the 2002—2009 period? what can be learned? this article shows that the government has effectively used a combination of policy approaches in dealing with the terrorism. it has adopted the legal approach or law-enforcement (“hard approach”) by issuing the anti-terrorism law as a legal framework and by reorganizing the police force to strengthen its counter-terrorist capability. at the same time, it also adopted an “ideological” approach (soft approach) to battle religious extremism. this sort of approach is mainly aimed at defusing and neutralizing the religious extremism of terrorist groups and preventing it from spreading into the wider community. the following section will elaborate both policy approaches adopted by the government as well as the problems related to the approaches. research methods this study uses a qualitative research method. qualitative research is characterised by its aims, which relate to understanding some aspect of social life, and its methods which (in general) generate words, rather than numbers, as data for analysis. the data used in this research are derived from official documents, direct interviews with government officials and the secondary sources (books and journals) on terrorism and counterterrorism. counter-terrorism: the law-enforcement approach first of all, the government adopted a legal or law-enforcement approach to physically fight the terrorist network. the main goal of this approach is to destroy individual terrorist cells, their ali muhammad lecturer, department of international relations, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: alim_umy@yahoo.com indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 abstract terrorism emerged as serious security problem in indonesia since a network of terrorist group rocked this country, started from the bali bombing (2002) followed by other consecutive bombings, such as, j. w. marriott hotel bombing (2003), the australian embassy bombing (2004), and the ritz carlton hotel bombing (2009). this article attempts to examine the ways in which the government responded towards the problem. what sort of policies did the indonesian government take to respond to terrorism during the 2002—2009 period? this study uses a qualitative research method. the data used in this research are derived from official documents, direct interviews with government officials and the secondary sources (books and journals) on terrorism and counterterrorism. this article shows that the government adopted the legal approach or law-enforcement (“hard approach”) by issuing the anti-terrorism law as a legal framework and by reorganizing the police force to strengthen its counter-terrorist capability. it also adopted an “ideological” approach (soft approach) to battle religious extremism. this sort of approach is mainly aimed at defusing and neutralizing the religious extremism of terrorist groups and preventing it from spreading into the wider community. this article shows that the government has used effectively both approaches in destroying problem of terrorism in indonesia. key words: indonesia, policy, terrorism, counterterrorism, legal approach, “ideological” approach. introduction terrorism emerged as serious security problem in indonesia since a network of ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 191 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 leaders, their funding and logistic pipelines as well as their immediate support network. different from the terrorism problem faced by western countries, however, the indonesian government faces “indigenous” and “home-grown” terrorists whose nationality is mostly indonesian (mbai, interview, 2009). to dent the terrorist network, the indonesian government promulgated anti-terrorism laws as the legal framework and reorganized law-enforcement agencies that implement the law. according to gus martin, the organizational profiles of the law enforcement agencies could vary from country to country, with some countries having large national police establishments and others relying more on local police. law enforcement agencies, i.e. the police force, take the lead in investigating incidents of domestic terrorism, with other agencies performing a support role to assist in resolving cases. martin also notes that the “law-enforcement” approach has achieved some success in many countries in disrupting terrorist networks and it has brought closure to criminal cases arising out of terrorist attacks (martin, 2003: 369). adopting counterterrorist law in responding to the bali bombing on 12 october 2002, the megawati government issued a number of crucial policies. the first step is the issuance of anti terrorist law, i.e. perpu (the government regulation in lieu of law, grl) no. 1/2002 concerning the eradication of criminal acts and perpu no. 2/2002 to make perpu no. 1 retroactively applicable to the bali bombings. the grl is the legal framework to dent the terrorist network responsible for the bali bombing and other subsequent attacks. both grls were overwhelmingly passed by the legislature and became law (undang-undang anti-terorisme) in the following year (2003) (juwana, 2006: 295). juwana (2006: 295-6) points out that the anti-terrorism law provides four reasons for its promulgation. first, terrorism had ‘claimed human lives intolerably and raised widespread fear among the community [and] caused loss of freedom and damage of property.’ second, terrorism had maintained extensive networks, posing a threat to national and international peace and security. third, national legislation was required to implement international conventions relating to terrorism. finally, the anti-terrorism law was a matter of urgency because existing legislation in indonesia was inadequate and failed to deal comprehensively with combating criminal acts of terrorism (juwana, 2006: 295-6). the anti-terrorism law applies to any person, including a corporation, who commits or intends to commit a criminal act of terrorism in indonesia and/or another nation that has jurisdiction and expresses an intention to prosecute that person. it also applies to criminal acts of terrorism which are committed: (a) against the citizens of indonesia outside the territory of indonesia; (b) against the state facilities of indonesia overseas, including the premises of the diplomatic officials and consuls of the republic of indonesia; (c) with violence or threats of violence to force the government of indonesia to take or not to take action; (d) to force any international organization in indonesia to take or not to take action; (e) on board a vessel sailing under the flag of indonesia or an aircraft registered under the laws of indonesia at the time when the crime is committed; (f) by any stateless person who resides in indonesia (juwana, 2006: 298). according to law no. 15/2003 (indonesia’s antiterrorism laws), basic definition of criminal act of “terrorism” is, “any person who intentionally uses violence or the threat of violence to create a widespread atmosphere of terror or fear in the general population or to create mass casualties, by forcibly taking the freedom, life or property of others or causing damage or destruction to vital strategic installations or the environment or public facilities or international facilities (law no. 15/ 2003). those who commit this kind of act of terrorism can be sentenced to death, or life imprisonment, or a minimum sentence of four years and a maximum of twenty years. those who have the intention to commit an act of terrorism can be sentenced to a maximum of life imprisonment (law no. 15/2003). juwana (2006) writes that specific acts of terrorism defined under the anti-terrorism law include a range of specific offences relating to various aspects of aviation security, explosives, firearms and ammunition, and chemical, biological, radiological and other weapons to ‘create an atmosphere of terror or fear in the general population, causing danger and destruction to vital strategic installations or the environment or public facilities or international facilities. penalties for these offences range from life imprisonment or death to incarceration for a period of between three or four years and twenty years (juwana, 2006: 298). the adoption of indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 192 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the anti-terrorism law is very important as the legal bases for the government and its security apparatus to dent terror network in indonesia. strengthening counter-terrorism agencies to implement the anti terrorist law, the government also attempts to strengthen the law-enforcement agencies. the first institution to dent terrorist network is the indonesian national police (polri). law 2/2002 on the indonesian police of january 2002 defines policing as fostering security and public order, upholding the law, and protecting, guiding and serving the people. it specifies that the police are a national force under the control of the president and spells out powers of arrest, search and seizure. (icg asia report, 2004: 10). however, polri has weaknesses in the fight against terrorism: the intelligence analysis, scientific crime investigation, and post-striking capability. therefore, the indonesian police chief (kapolri) reorganized the police force to overcome those weaknesses (bachtiar, interview, 2008). the first step is the establishment of satgas anti-terror dan bom (anti-terror and bomb task force, atb) that is directly responsible to the indonesian police chief. the atb consists of the best police personnel that have links with the foreign police (pencegahandan penanganan terorisme: 46). kapolri also set up another police unit to manage counter-terrorism efforts. this entity became the core of special detachment 88 (densus 88) which formally established in 2004. densus 88 is the mechanism by which the polri manages counterterrorism plans and policy, arranges training, and handles funding as well as deploying counter-terrorist teams throughout the country (wise, 2006:40). the second institutions are the intelligence agencies. indonesia has three major intelligence agencies, the national intelligence agency (bin, badan intelijen negara), the tni’s strategic intelligence agency (bais), and national police intelligence, plus intelligence elements in the justice ministry, finance ministry, and the anti-money laundering agency. however, the problem is that these agencies operate independently of each other and do not function as a classical “intelligence community” (ibid). there is no joint architecture to identify, prioritize and allocate collection requirements, task and manage collection systems and disciplines, or coordinate the analysis of raw information, nor is there a formal mechanism for intelligence sharing among the agencies (wise, 2006:40). that is the reason why all those intelligence agencies need to work together and coordinate their policy. the third institution is the armed forces as a supporting agency. ministry of defence officials acknowledge that tni should play a supporting role in counter-terrorism, with the lead role being played by the polri. however, senior military officials argue that the tni territorial command system, which puts a noncommissioned officer in every village in the archipelago, provides a national counter-terrorism asset that should be mobilized to acquire actionable intelligence. the police are skilled in investigating incidents after they occur, but only tni with its vast network of deployed personnel, can successfully infiltrate terrorist groups, learn their plans and prevent terror incidents before they happen (wise, 2006: 59). in indonesia’s experience, however, it is polri who plays the leading role in counter-terrorism, but reserve a supporting role for the military “in areas such as the provision of land and maritime assault teams, maritime security, aerospace security, chemical, biological and radiological decontamination, intelligence and logistical support” (wise, 2006: 59). finally, the establishment of the counter-terrorism coordinating desk (ctcd). the ctcd is important because the task is to coordinate and enhance integration in preparing and formulating the government’s policy and strategy, including intelligence activities, in combating terrorism; second, to coordinate activities in the area of investigation and prosecution, as well as other legal steps necessary to fight terrorism; third, to coordinate international cooperation for institutional and capacity building through technical, police and intelligence cooperation (wise, 2006:38). the ctcd has focused on “harmonization” explaining to police, prosecutors and judges how the new counter-terrorism law should be applied (wise, 2006:46). according to wise, those government agencies see national coordination of counter-terrorism as a zero sum game. in this view, enhancing the power of the ctcd can only diminish the clout of the departments and agencies and perhaps even interfere with their access to budgetary resources and foreign assistance (wise, ibid). that is the important of enhancing the ctcd and give it more authority so that it can coordinate various antiterrorism agencies (muladi, interview, 2009). the ctcd indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 193 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ was finally upgraded into a new agency, badan nasional penanggulangan terorisme (the national agency for counterterrorism) which has more authority to coordinate policies among counterterrorism agencies. anti-terrorism: an “ideological” approach besides adopting a law-enforcement approach, the government also complementarily adopted an “ideological” approach (“soft approach”) to contain and defuse extremist ideology (mbai, interview, 2009). an “ideological” approach, in broad terms, involves the “initiative to curb, refute or suppress the ideological factors supposed to be implicated in terrorist acts.”(hamilton-hart, 2006:1). the reason behind this approach is that countering terrorism requires not only the application of law enforcement measures against individual terrorist cells, their leaders, their funding and logistic pipelines as well as their immediate support network (ramakrishna, 2006:113). however, there is also a pressing need for the government to neutralize the ‘extremist ideology’ behind the mind of terrorist groups and to prevent it from spreading into a wider community. the government’s initial intention to include an ideological approach in the fight against terrorism was broached in president megawati’s statement after the bali bombing 2002. in responding to the dreadful events, she appealed to the mainstream muslim organizations, muhammadiyah and nahdlatul ulama to join in the war on terror by “promoting the image of islam as a peace-loving and cooperative religion.” (the jakarta post, 20 november, 2002). the government commitment to adopt an “ideological approach” increased significantly during the yudoyono administration, especially, after the bali bombing ii (2005). the president said after the bombing, ‘the government needs to give the moderate muslim leaders more room to educate… the society should not be hijacked by small radical groups” (idss,2006: 1-2). the vice president, jusuf kalla, also called on muslim leaders to work in concert with the government to discourage youth from joining terrorist groups. realizing the importance of the muslim community’s support, he invited muslim leaders and ulama to his palace to watch the video tapes containing terrorists training and the last messages of the bali suicide bombers 2005. he tried to convince the sceptic muslim leaders of the existence of religiously-motivated terrorism so that they would support the government’s policy in the fight against extremism (abimanyu, 2008: 23). the coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, widodo as, also asserts that the government is committed to fighting terrorism comprehensively and preventing the growth of radical ideology. he points out that the central part of counterterrorism policy is to neutralize radical ideology. he said, “it is not enough to fight terrorism physically but we have to fight the core of the problem, in particular the radical ideology” (www.kapanlagi.com> 30 november, 2005). neutralising extremism: police and the de-radicalization programme since the first bali bombings in october 2002, more than four hundred terrorists have been arrested and most have been brought to trial. many have been released after serving their sentences, some sixty in 2006 and 2007 alone, including some senior ajai leaders. what happens inside prison, in terms of recruiting ordinary criminals and prison guards and dissemination of extremist ideology, thus becomes critical, as does what happens after their release (jones, 2008: 75-6). to neutralize religious extremism among terrorists, the government (i.e polri) conducted what is known as the “de-radicalization” programme. the programme generally aims at converting imprisoned terrorists into moderate muslims who would also preach moderation to their colleagues (effendy, 2008). the fundamental idea behind this de-radicalization programme is that as well as detaining, punishing, preventing and deterring terrorists, the government and community should make a serious effort to reclaim them and their families for moderate mainstream society (sheridan, 2008). although de-radicalisation has become popular in counter-terrorism circles in indonesia, icg report shows, it remains poorly defined in terms of its ultimate aims or criteria for success (crisis group asia report, 2007: 11). at different times, depending on who is speaking, it can mean a process of counselling aimed at modifying interpretations of key religious texts; distancing or disengagement from specific extremist groups; or support for rehabilitation and reintegration of extremist detainees into society. it can embrace community outreach programmes to “inoculate” vulnerable groups against extremist ideology through travelling “road shows” of indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 194 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ popular islamic scholars who reject violence; innovative use of the internet and other media to counter extremist teachings; and youth activity programmes directed at young men in their late teens and early twenties who might otherwise be subject to recruitment (crisis group asia report, 2007: 12). according to icg, de-radicalisation programmes can be aimed at strengthening “moderate” institutions–an approach full of pitfalls–or addressing social and economic grievances in those areas where marginalization and discrimination have fostered extremism. most deradicalisation programmes start with prisons and are mostly conducted by the police (crisis group asia report, 2007: 12). the main aims is to cure and defuse radical and extremist thinking among terrorists prisoners so that they will live in normal life after their released from prisoners. of course, the government need support from the support of muslim leaders and scholars (ulama) as well as the wider muslim community in the implementation of this ideological approach. as a muslim majority country, the support is very crucial for the success of government policies. containing extremism: indonesian ulama council (mui) as an islamic institution, the mui represents a wide range of ulamas from the two biggest muslim organizations, i.e. nahdlatul ulama and muhammadiyah as well as other small muslim organizations, i.e. syarikat islam, perti, al-washliyah, math’laul anwar, guppi, ptdi, dmi and alittihadiyyah. in the fight against terrorism, mui has attempted to counter religious extremism among a small minority of muslims and to prevent ‘the radical mindset’ spreading into the wider muslim community. their concern about religious radicalism can be observed from the statement of the fatwa commissioner. to prevent the raising of new a generation of extremist groups, mui issued an important fatwa no. 3/2004 on “terrorism” (kumpulan fatwa-fatwa aktual, 2006: 164-5). the fatwa of the mui clearly stipulated that “terrorism is a crime against humanity and civilizations and a serious threat to state sovereignty, to world peace and security, and to the welfare of the community.” the fatwa also differentiates the meaning of ‘terrorism’ and ‘jihad.’ according to mui, terrorism is destructive (ifsad) and anarchic or chaotic (faudha); the aim is to create and/or destroy others; it has no clear goals and no limits. in contrast, ‘jihad’ is an improvement (ishlah), even if using war, the aim is only to defend islam or to defend the oppressed people. jihad follows the rules stipulated in islamic teachings. in jihad, the enemy is clear and it is not indiscriminate attacks on civilians. committing terror acts, whether the action is conducted personally or collectively, is haram in islam; but performing jihad is compulsory (kumpulan fatwa-fatwa aktual,2006: 165). the fatwa of mui clearly stipulates that “suicide bombing is prohibited in islam (haram) because it is a form of hopelessness (al-ya’su) and a form of self-destruction (ihlak an-nafs), regardless of whether it is committed in the peace zone (dar al-shulh/ dar al-salam/ dar al-da’wah) or in the war zone (dar al-harb).” efforts to seek martyrdom (amaliyah al-istisyhad) are allowed because it is part of jihad bin-nafsi which is conducted in the war zone (dar alharb) or in a war situation to create fear (irhab) and bigger damage/loss to the enemy of islam, including an action that can kill the actor himself. ‘amaliyah al-istisyhad is different from suicide (kumpulan fatwa-fatwa aktual, 2006: 166-7). some are pessimistic and question the effectiveness of the fatwa. this scepticism emerged since some fatwas issued by mui have created public controversies recently, e.g. the fatwa on religious pluralism and on the ahmadiyah sect (antara news, 2007). azyumardi azra notes critically that the fatwa will have no significant impact on a terrorist group because terrorists have been brainwashed intensively. they will not follow the fatwa because they perceive that the ulamas issuing the fatwa are considered as ulama su’ (bad ulama) (azra, 2005). before his execution, the convicted bali bomber denounced the ulama and said, “the title of ‘terrorist’ is much better than ulamas that do not care about their muslim brethren being butchered by infidels” (tempointeraktif.com, 2008). however, the scepticism missed the point since the main audience of the fatwa is the indonesian muslim community. firstly, the fatwas of mui could play a crucial role in countering radicalism and terrorism since the muslim community use them as religious references. second, if the fatwas are disseminated widely and wellsocialized into the wider muslim community, it can prevent the young muslims from joining the terrorist network or prevent them from committing suicide bombings (azra, ibid). what plays a role in the effectiveindonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 195 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ness of the fatwas is their enormous dissemination through the printed media, radio, television, and the internet (kaptein, 2004:18). more importantly, since the fatwa is a rule and norm for the indonesian muslim community in general, it can prevent them from joining or supporting the fringe, extremist groups. containing extremism: partnership with the muslim community besides the police’s de-radicalization programme focusing on imprisoned terrorists and mui’s fatwa containing extremism in the wider muslim community, the government has also forged a strategic partnership with mainstream muslim organizations. it is noteworthy that, although extremist muslims exist, they represent only a tiny minority in the world’s biggest muslim majority country. the majority of muslims remain moderate and function as the main pillar for indonesian civil society and bulwark against extremism. the head of the bnpt, ansyaad mbai, points out clearly that “one of the government approaches in the fight against extremism is through “strengthening the partnerships with religious leaders and religious organizations” (mbai, 2009: 1). this partnership with the muslim community is to emphasize moderate teachings and nonviolent resolutions to religious conflict through massive religious education campaigns. as has been elaborated, many muslim leaders initially denied the existence of the muslim radicals who were involved in terrorism. after the bali bombing 2002, the perception changed significantly. the mainstream muslim communities in indonesia are represented organizationally by two moderate muslim organizations, nahdlatul ulama and muhammadiyah, who play major role as the crucial bulwark against extremism. the two organizations play an important role in countering radicalism and openly condemning terrorism. both have also been promoting interfaith and intercivilizational dialogue, the peace movement, and international co-operation. both put forward the idea of islam as rahmahlil-alamin (“the mercy for all beings”) reflecting characteristics, such as inclusive, moderate, tolerant, straightforward, egalitarian, and prosperous. their objectives are nothing less than sustaining or empowering the justice, law enforcement, and people’s prosperity within the frame of good governance. these characteristics are the result of their understanding of historical as well as contextual islamic traditions. therefore, both organizations are crucial in countering the infiltration and the development of radical muslims in indonesia (muhammad, 2006). the support of both muslim organizations in the government’s fight against extremism is very crucial since they claim memberships of 57 million and 32 million,respectively. both organizations can create awareness through their educational, social and humanitarian networks. possessing around 14,000 schools from kindergarten to university level, they have also used the networks to enlighten and spread awareness of the dangers of terrorism and injustice (ansar, 2005). hasyim muzadi (of nahdhatululama) and syafii ma’arif (of muhammadiyah) are two muslim leaders representing the muslim voice against extremism. the two leaders have supported the indonesian government’s call to fight against extremism and terrorism by showing their willingness to mobilize their civic organizations to correct or enlighten misconceptions about islam. they are sure that their organizations could help fight the scourge by using their vast grassroots-networks to create awareness that radicalism and terrorism are the enemies of humanity and civilization. nahdhatul ulama and the muhammadiyah can take the role to correct or enlighten this misinterpretation (ibid). furthermore, both have agreed to promote a moderate form of islam and forge national unity. to prevent extremism,nahdhatul ulama and muhammadiyah, for instance, made crucial joint statements on radicalism and terrorism in the islamic new year of 1427 hijriyah (pernyataan bersama pbnu dan pp muhammadiyah, 2006). most notably, both have spoken out plainly against the more radical versions of political islam, in contrast to their previous hesitation. these two groups, theological and political rivals, have even issued a joint condemnation of terrorism after both the bali and marriott blasts. this type of commentary from islam’s mainstream leaders has emerged since the bali blast, and has gone some way to convince a sceptical public that there is a problem in their midst. the joint statements stipulated firmly that the muslim community must not use violent and terror means to achieve its goals which are inconsistent with the nature of indonesian muslims. violence and terrorism have a damaging impact on muslims themselves and are worsening the image of muslims and islam. violence and indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 196 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terrorism will only further the forces of “islamophobia” in finding a justification to stigmatize islam as ‘a cruel religion.’ the joint statements strongly call for the muslim community to understand the meaning of ‘jihad’ as efforts to fight the backwardness in education, the economy, and human resources. ‘jihad’ should be directed to fight ignorance, poverty, backwardness, and the moral degradation among the muslim community. from the joint statements it is clear that both muslim organizations are strongly against the myopic and violent interpretation of jihad and support ‘peaceful jihad’ to solve the real problems faced by the ummah (pernyataan bersama pbnu dan pp muhammadiyah, 2006). conclusion this article has demonstrated that the government take two-pronged policy to counter terrorist threat. firstly, the government adopted the legal approach by adopting anti-terrorism laws as a legal framework to fight terrorism. in responding to the bali bombing on 12 october 2002, it issued anti terrorist law, i.e., perpu (the government regulation in lieu of law, grl) no. 1/2002 concerning the eradication of criminal acts and perpu no. 2/2002 to make perpu no. 1 retroactively applicable to the bali bombings. both grls were overwhelmingly passed by the legislature and became law in the following year (2003). the government also reorganized the police force by forming the anti-terror and bomb task force and densus 88 to strengthen its capacity in denting the terrorist network. the government also issued a guideline to counterterrorism policy: kebijakandan strategi nasional pemberatasan terorisme (the national strategy and policy to eradicate terrorism) in 2006. secondly, the government also adopted an “ideological” approach to battle against the “extremist ideology.” this approach is mainly aimed at refuting and neutralizing religious extremism of terrorist groups and preventing it from spreading into the wider community. the police conducted the de-radicalization programme aiming to convert imprisoned terrorists into moderate muslims who would also preach moderation to their colleagues. the government also relies on the role of majelis ulama indonesia (mui) to speak out in the public by issuing fatwa haram towards terrorism. besides that, a government’s strategic partnership with mainstream muslim organizations, such as, muhammadiyah and nahdhatul ulama, also plays a crucial role in containing radicalism and extremism in the muslim community. indonesia’s experience shows that the combination of two-pronged policy approaches are very effective in countering terrorist threat in indonesia.* bibliography ali, mohamad (2006). “strengthening moderate islam in indonesia,” the jakarta post, 4 august. ansar, asif (2005). “muslim leaders rally to govt’s call: powerful religious chiefs say they will help fight terror,” today, friday 9 december <from www.iseas.edu.sg/viewpoint/ta9dec05.pdf>(accessed on 13 december 2008). antara news (2007), “gus dur usulkan pembubaran mui,” [gusdur proposes to disband mui]., 30 december. 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(2002). wise, william (2005), indonesia’s war on terror (usindo) _____”menko polhukam: cegah ekspolitasi ideologi radikalisme,” [prevent the exploitation of radical ideology]. <htpp//www.kapanlagi.com> wednesday, 30 november, (2005). _____”pernyataan bersama pb nahdlatul ulama dan pp muhammadiyah,” [common statement of nu and muhammadiyah]. 28 march 2006. <http://www. muhammadiyah.or.id/ index.php?option=com_content&task= view& id=149 &itemid=2> (accessed on 4 july 2008). indonesia’s way to counter terrorism 2002—2009: lesson learned / ali muhammad / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0018 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract 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february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support 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for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. the influence of communication skills toward job performance of the state civil apparatus biryanto research and development agency, the province government of riau ravaipb@yahoo.com aida vitayala s. hubeis, krishnarini matindas ma’mun sarma institute pertanian bogor aidavitayala@yahoo.com, rino@indo.net.id, mamun_sarma@yahoo.com abstract communication skills are the basic skills needed by each asn in performing its job duties. the elements of communication skills that are studied include the skills of speaking, writing, reading, listening, and using media. this study aims to: (1) describes asn communication skills; (2) analyze the factors that are related and affect the elements of asn communication skills; and (3) analyze the influence of the elements of communication skills to the achievement of asn job performance. the sample used was 380 respondents, taken using random proportional stratified sample method. this study uses quantitative approach and is strengthened by qualitative through interview result, focus group discussion, and field observation. the results show that asn communication skills are in sufficient category, with the order of the highest being the skills in using media, listening, speaking, reading, and writing. factors that have a positive and significant effect on all elements of communication skills are individual characteristics of employees and work motivation. communication skills proved to have a positive and significant impact on asn job performance, with the strongest predictor being skills in using media. keywords: communications skills, job performance, state civil apparatus jurnal studi pemerintahan 393 received : june 6th, 2018 revised: july 2th, 2018 accepted: july 26, 2018 how to cite this article is : biryanto, s , a. v., matindas, k., & sarma, m. (2018). the influence of communicatio n skills toward job performance of the state civil apparatus. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(3), 393-419 mailto:ravaipb@yahoo.com mailto:aidavitayala@yahoo.com mailto:aidavitayala@yahoo.com mailto:mamun_sarma@yahoo.com vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 394 abstrak kemampuan komunikasi adalah keterampilan dasar yang dibutuhkan oleh setiap asn dalam melaksanakan tugas pekerjaanya. unsur dalam kemampuan komunikasi yang dikuasai adalah keterampilan berbicara, menulis, membaca, mendengarkan dan menggunakan media. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk (1) mendeskripsikan kemampuan komunikasi asn; (2) menganalisis faktor-faktor yang terkait dan mempengaruhi elemen keterampilan komunikasi asn; dan (3) menganalisis pengaruh kemampuan komunikasi terhadap pencapaian kinerja pekerjaan asn. sampel yang digunakan adalah 380 responden, diambil menggunakan metode sampel acak secara proporsional. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dan diperkuat oleh kualitatif melalui hasil wawancara, focus group discussion, dan observasi lapangan. hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa keterampilan komunikasi asn berada dalam kategori cukup, dengan urutan yang paling tinggi adalah keterampilan dalam menggunakan media, mendengarkan, berbicara, membaca dan menulis. faktor faktor yang memiliki pengaruh positif dan signifikan pada semua elemen keterampilan komunikasi adalah karakteristik individu karyawan dan motivasi kerja. keterampilan komunikasi terbukti memiliki dampak positif dan signifikan terhadap kinerja pekerjaan asn, dengan prediktor terkuat adalah keterampilan dalam menggunakan media. keywords : kemampuan berkomunikasi, kinerja pegawai, aparatur sipil negara introduction state civil apparatus (asn) is an element of state apparatus that has an important role in conducting administrative and development tasks. based on law no. 81 of 2010 about public policy, public servant, and adhesive and unifying nation. the development of asn function is actually an implementation to realize bureaucratic reform aimed at creating professional bureaucracy with adaptive characteristic and holding firmly to the basic values and so code of ethics of state apparatus. adaptive characteristics as one of the requirements in realizing a professional bureaucracy is the adaptability required for each asn in carrying out its duties and functions. ashari (2010) argued that employees are required to adapt to changes that occur in the internal and external environment, so that it can perform its function effectively in dealing with the community. ability to adjust in relation to others, especially to provide a professional public service requires communication skills (downing, 2011). various study results on the institutional needs of qualified professional employees is the ability of these employees in communicating (mangkuprawira 2009). asn communication skills are not natural and can not stand alone, but are influenced by various factors. communicating effectively in a government bureaucratic organization, is a skill based on scientific knowledge. the science of communication as scientific knowledge requires a systematic process of thinking and analysis, so it is not just a natural process as a living being (littlejhon & foss, 2009). this indicates that a person's communication skills can develop, and are useful for improving the achievement of his job. according to tubs & moss (2005) communication skills needed to achieve success within an organization. ruben & stewart (2014) reinforces tubs and moss's opinion that the ability to communicate employees is one of the keys to success in the workplace. indicators of asn success in a government institution one of them is the achievement of job performance. the important role of communication skills as one of the elements of communication competence has actually been extensively studied in relation to leadership (madlock, 2008: westerman et al. 2015; sager et al., 2015), employee performance (payne, 2005; mikkelson et al., 2015) , and job satisfaction of employees within an organization (steele & plenty 2015). jurnal studi pemerintahan 395 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 396 in this study, communication skills are studied in different aspects, based on asn work tasks as state apparatus, and their impact on job performance tied to government bureaucracy. based on the background that has been described, this study aims to (1) describe the communication skills of asn employees; (2) to analyze related factors and influence the elements of asn communication skill; and (3) to analyze the effect of the elements of communication skill on the achievement of asn work performance. this study is expected to contribute to the development of communication skills for asn, especially to encourage the realization of qualified asn resources. literature review and hypothesis communication skills communication is a social interaction that can describe the extent of collective action and cooperation of the parties involved in the communication process (rickheit & stoner, 2008). the creation of good relationships and cooperation among employees, and other stakeholders is the key to the successful implementation of work tasks. communication skills as part of communication competence is required not only to build synergistic relationships and cooperation between superiors and subordinates (steele & plenty, 2015), but also to have a significant effect on performance improvement and employee commitment (mikkelson et al., 2015). the two-way communication model proposed by schramm (1971), states that everyone who communicates, simultaneously acts as an encoder (sending message) and a decoder (receiving messages). devito (2010) explains that actions that produce messages such as speaking and writing are called encoding, and the act of receiving messages such as listening and reading is called decoding. the process of encoding and decoding is an integral whole, and determine each other in the achievement of effective communication. a person who has communication skills is not only based on his ability to convey messages, but also his ability to receive and interpret messages. speaking skills to asn employees is an ability to convey messages verbally, both in interpersonal, group and public communication. writing skills are based on his ability to write and compose official scripts. according to the regulation of the ministry of state apparatus empowerment and bureaucracy reform no. 80 of 2012, the official script is written communication as a communication tool of the government about the implementation of government duties in the government agencies. reading skills are a skill in understanding and interpreting written messages from official scripts, legislation, and literature related to their work assignments. listening skills is the ability to notice, hear, understand, and remember the messages it receives in relation to work tasks. other communication skills in addition to the encoding and decoding required by the current asn are skills using media communication technology or media skills. along with the advancement of communication media technology, each asn employee is required to be able to use and optimize the communication media to facilitate and accelerate access to information, delivery and acceptance of communication messages. asn's skilled skills are able to adapt to the changes that occur in technology-based work environments. media communication can break barriers due to space and time constraints (pace & faules, 2010) that allow employees to connect with anyone and anywhere in their organizations (kennedy, 2007). jurnal studi pemerintahan 397 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 398 the media skills can also build social networks that are used to support the execution of work tasks, and the ability to cooperate more widely (christakis & flower, 2010). job performance job performance is the result of the work of individual employees who determine the results of the work of the institution as a whole. according to mangkunegara (2009) job performance is the result of work (quality, quantity, reliability, and attitude) chieved by an employee in performing tasks in accordance with the responsibilities given by the organization to him. based on government regulation no. 46 of 2011, job performance asn is based on an assessment of employee performance targets and work behavior. employee performance target is a work plan and target to be achieved by an employee, whereas work behavior is behavior, attitudes or actions of employees covering aspects of service orientation, integrity, commitment, discipline, cooperation, and leadership. one of the efforts to improve job performance of employee is through employee involvement in organizational development process. employee involvement is always associated with good communication between employees and those responsible for decision making. according to macey et al. (2009) engagement is a very powerful concept because it captures the idea of employees, works with passion, and provides a competitive advantage of available human resources. involvement occurs when employees feel safe to take action that comes from their own initiative. assessment of asn job performance is carried out in a participatory and open approach (government regulation no. 46 of 2011). participatory approaches indicate that the assessed employees are actively involved in the planning of the jurnal studi pemerintahan employee's job objectives and assessment process, while the 399 open nature is expected to increase the motivation, work productivity, and establish good relationships between the appraiser officials and the assessed employees. based on the approach and nature of the asn work performance appraisal, it is clear that employee performance achievement requires the communication role to interact, and build relationships between appraiser officials and assessed employees. hypothesis formulation based on theoretical studies, previous research results, and logical arguments, the following is the formulation of hypotheses in this study: h1: individual characteristics of employees (icoe) has a positive and significant influence on all elements of communication skills. h2: work motivation has a positive and significant influence on all elements of communication skills. h3: human resource development (hrd) has a positive and significant influence on all elements of communication skills. h4: work environment has a positive and significant influence on all elements of communication skills. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 400 h5: all elements of communication skills have a positive and significant influence on the achievement of employee performance targets (skp). h6: all elements of communication skills have a positive and significant influence on asn work behavior research method this study uses post-positivistic paradigm with quantitative approach and qualitative reinforcement. creswell (2010) suggests that the research problems studied in post positivist view are based on the need to identify the underlying factors that influence the outcome. the selected research strategy is descriptive explanatory survey method, so that later can be explained the causal relationship between the variables studied through the development of concepts and research information. the study process begins with conducting preliminary surveys to obtain data and information needed in the preparation of study instruments. the questionnaire as the main instrument in this study was valid and reliable after a questionnaire test using product moment correlation test and cronbach's alpha, on 40 asn employees who were not part of the research sample. the population in this research is all employees of asn in structural position in riau province government. the sample size is 380 people, determined based on slovin formula with a 5% error tolerance limit. the sampling technique used a randomized proportional stratified sampling method, according to asn position classification consisting of executors, supervisors, administrators, and pratama high leadership. the independent variables studied in this study consist of individual characteristics of employees (icoe), work motivation, human resource development (hrd), and work environment. the icoe variable indicator consists of six basic characteristics of asn employees, namely rank, position, employment period, training, formal education, and age. work motivation indicators use mcclelland's motivational theory that is the need for achievement, power, and affiliation. . the hrd indicator consists of asn management jurnal studi pemerintahan elements consisting of mutations, promotions, education and training, participation in committees, and job guidance. the work environment indicator consists of the physical, social, and organizational culture. the dependent variable consists of communication skills and job performance. communication skills variable have five indicators, namely skills of speaking, writing, reading, listening, and using media. asn job performance is based on government regulation no. 46 of 2011, which consists of seven indicators: employee performance targets, service orientation, integrity, commitment, discipline, cooperation, and leadership. the study instruments used to strengthen the results of the questionnaire analysis were interviews, focus group discussions, and field observations. data analysis using pearson correlation test to know the relationship between variables, and multiple regression test to know the influence of independent variable to dependent variable. ordinal data in this study is transformed into interval data for the purposes of data analysis. the software used in processing and data analysis is ms excell and spss 23. result and discussion profile of respondents characteristics of respondents based on level of rank consist of 24.2% low category (class i and ii), 62.4% medium category (class iii), and 13.4% in high category (class iv). position of respondents is proportional representing the percentage of positions in the population, ie low category (executor) of 83.9%, moderate (supervisor) of 11.1%, and high (administrators and pratama high leadership) of 5%. the employment period consists of low category (<10 years) of 34.5%, medium (10-20 years) of 42.9%, and high (> 20 years) of 22.6%. 401 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 402 characteristics of respondents based on participation in training are mostly (44.7%) in the low category (<5 certificates), 39.2% in the medium category (5-10 certificates), and 16.1% in high category (> 10 certificates ). the education level of respondents in the low category (sma) is 29.2%, the moderate category (diploma/s1) is 52.6% and the high category (s2/s3) is 18.2%. the age of respondents is mostly in the middle category (36-47 years) of 41.1%, young (≤35 years) of 29.7%, and older (48-58 years) of 29.2%. the communication skills of asn employees asn employees communication skills are the ability they have to communicate with other people related to their job duties as state apparatus. the measurement of asn employees' communication skill uses the calculation of mean score for each indicator presented in figure 1. based on the mean score of each indicator, it is known that the skills of using media are the skills most controlled by asn with mean score of 3.374 (scale: 15). this is due to the use of media technology such as computers, internet networks, and government communication media applications today, has become an integral part in the implementation of administrative tasks of government and public services. the use of communication media technology changes the way people work (pace & faules, 2010), and affects the organizational communication process. through the use of media technology, the process of coordination between employees and public service becomes more efficient and effective, because it can interact without limited space and time. the indicator of communication skills in the second sequence is listening skill with a mean score of 3.353. each asn employee works in a structured system, so the work task of an employee is a chain that is interconnected with the work of other employees. related to this listening skills become an absolute necessity needed by every employee, both in the process of vertical and horizontal communication. listening skill is an active communication activity that requires concentration and commitment, so as to interpret the message received correctly and completely (devito, 2012; mckenna, 2012). listening skills are not only required by a subordinate in receiving direction or instructions from his superiors, but also required by a leader to receive aspirations and information from his subordinates. listening skills are needed by every employee in receiving advice and input from colleagues, so they can work together well. note: mean score category: very low (1.000 to 1.800); low (1.801 2.600); sufficient (2.601-3.400); good (3.401-4.200); very good (4.201-5.000). standard deviation: speaking= .851; writing= 1.041; reading= .963; listening= .866; using media= .976. figure 1. mean score of each element of asn communication skills 403 series1; speaking; 3,232 series1; series1; using listening; media; 3,374 3,353 series1; writing; 3,026 series1; reading; 3,111 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 404 speaking skills are ranked third under listening skills with a mean score of 3.232. this data informs that employees are more familiar with listening skills than speech skills. referring to the profile of the respondents, this result can be understood because most respondents are asn with the position of executor or staff who more often accept the task than to assign duties to other employees. the higher the structural position held by an asn employee, the greater the authority in giving direction to other employees. employees who have high positions are more accustomed to communicating communication messages related to work tasks, whether during interpersonal communication, meetings, or public speaking. reading skills are the fourth communicating skills with mean score of 3.111. reading skills on asn employees require adequate knowledge of work tasks, regulations and legislation, and development policies, so as to better understand the official script. may & rizzardi (2002) mentions that the process of reading comprehension is about understanding the opinions or messages the author intends to convey intentionally. interest in reading on asn employees is more likely to be on the general knowledge and entertainment aspects that are not directly related to the execution of work tasks. reading activities are more often placed as activities to pass the time between work routines, rather than being part of the work culture. the lowest communicating skill element controlled by an asn employee is writing skills with a mean score of 3.026. according to sriussadaporn-charoenngam & jablin (1999) writing is one of the communication skills whose measurement depends on the work task and type of organization. the skills of writing asn employees with structural positions are not measured by their ability to write books or journals, but on their ability to write official scripts related to work assignments. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 405 writing of official manuscripts in governmental institutions is a form of written communication that is more administrative, and not as a requirement of promotion. the task of writing the official script is also usually regarded as a routine task that is charged to some employees only in an agency, so the skills of writing employees are not well developed, when compared with other communication skills. this is reinforced by a higher standard deviation of writing skills than other communicative skills indicators, indicating the high gap in writing skills among employees. factors that relate and affect the elements of asn communication skills based on pearson correlation test result in table 1, it is known that icoe, work motivation, hrd, and environment are positively and significantly correlated with α = 0.01 with all elements of communication skill. the icoe has a weak relationship with reading and listening skills, but is in moderation with speaking, writing, and using media skills, while work motivation is strongly related to all elements of communication skills. human resource development has a weak relationship with all the elements of communication competence, while the environment has a weak relationship with the skills of writing, reading, listening, and using media, and also has a moderate relationship with speaking skills. factors that have correlation with the elements of communication skills, then multiple regression test to determine the magnitude of influence. the results of multiple regression test in table 1, it is known that icoe significantly affect all elements of communication skills, so hypothesis 1 was accepted. this suggests that asn employees' communication skills are significantly influenced by factors within themselves. the level of education and training is an indicator of icoe that can be developed independently by employees. based on law no. 5 of 2014, asn as a profession has the obligation to manage and develop itself as part of the implementation of bureaucratic reform. 427 ** .118 ** 747 ** .656 ** 363 ** .125 * 290 ** -.045 using media r β jurnal studi pemerintah table 1 coefficient of correlation and regression of icoe, work motivation, hrd, and work environment on communication skills communication skills independent variable speaking writing reading listening 406 r β r β r β r β icoe .414 ** .175 ** .429 ** .187 * * .391 ** 12 2** .39 5** .080 * motivation .640 ** .48 3** .638 ** .503 * * .649 ** 57 9** .73 9** .685 ** hrd .345 ** .054 .333 ** .023 .320 ** 08 3 .38 8** .082 environment .427 ** .247 ** .335 ** .095 .247 ** 05 7 .34 2** .004 note: r= coefficient of correlation; β= coefficient of regression; * significant at α= .05; ** significant at α = .01; category of r value = very weak (.000-.200); weak (.201-.400); moderate (.401-.600); strong (.601 .800); and very strong (.801-1). work motivation a factor that has the highest and significant influence on all elements of communication skills compared with other independent variables, these results also indicate that the hypothesis 2 was accepted. the results of this study strengthen the opinion of barrett (2008) which states that communication affects the organizational relations and motivation of its members. mikkelson et al. (2015) in his research also found that effective communication within an organization has a positive and significant relationship with employee motivation and satisfaction. work motivation has the highest influence on listening skills (β =.663). highly motivated employees are skilled in listening. the findings are reinforced by interviews with employees with high leadership positions as follows: “a high motivated employee can be known by the way he works, he is not lazy when given the task, eager, happy to make new breakthroughs, and most importantly he would listen to the directives delivered by the leadership, so that the work he did was right and in line with expectations” hrd has a significant effect on employee skill using media. these findings can be an indication that hrd conducted by agencies has had a positive and significant impact in developing employee skills using communication media technology. in contrast to the skills of using media, the elements of other communication skills are not significantly influenced by hrd, so hypothesis 3 was not fully accepted. this provides information that hrd conducted by agencies has not been effective in developing speaking, writing, reading and listening skills. the work environment as an external factor outside of the employee has a significant influence on employee speaking skills, but it does not influence other elements of communication skills. this result proves that hypothesis 4 was not fully accepted. a good condition of social environment and organizational culture, will give employees confidence to interact more with other employees, so as to create a pleasant working environment. quratulain & khan (2015) found that interaction between individuals and the work environment is a factor that determines the occurrence of potential emotional disturbance in employees. through talking activities, employees can convey what they think directly and openly, so as to reduce the emotional burden in the implementation of work tasks. the relationship and influence of communication skills towards efforts to achieve job performance the job performance of asn employees is based on the assessment on the formulation and achievement of employee performance targets (skp), and work behavior assessed by the employee's direct superior (government regulation no. 46 of 2011). the results of performance appraisal are crucial in the career placement of asn employees. jurnal studi pemerintah 407 based on the regulation of the head of the state employment agency (bkn) no. 1 of 2013, the result of the performance appraisal is needed as the basis for consideration of decision of asn's career coaching policy covering the following areas: (a) work that is planning of quantity and quality of employee resource, and employee work design in organization; (b) the appointment and placement of employees; (c) the development of employee skills, (d) awarding; and (e) discipline enforcement. achievement of job performed by asn employees requires competence, commitment, and behavioral adaptation in accordance with the professional code of ethics. on the other hand efforts to achieve work performance in an agency can not be done alone, because of the work system that regulates the roles and duties of each employee. in that context, the effort to achieve work achievement in an organization, especially in government institution that has a structured and systematic working system, obviously requires the involvement of superiors, subordinates, colleagues, and other related parties as an integral part of the implementation of work tasks. the need for cooperation, coordination, and confirmation in the achievement of work certainly requires communication skills, so that the work carried out can be done efficiently and effectively. the following is the result of the interview related to the achievement of skp with asn with the position of pratama high leadership: “talking about the achievement of skp, we are talking about the achievement of the planned work targets. there can be no employee who is able to achieve the target work by working alone, because the work in government there is a system and authority. in essence we need to work with other employees, which can only be done when established good communication.” the level of closeness of the relationship between the elements of communication skills with job performance (skp and work behavior) needs to be proven by conducting a correlation test. jurnal studi pemerintahan 408 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 409 based on the results of pearson correlation test in table 2 note that all elements of communication skills are associated positively and significantly with work performance. skp as an element of job performance has a moderate relationship with speaking skills (r= .598), and is strongly related to writing, reading, listening, and using media skills (r= .650 to .725) at α= .01. employee work behavior has a strong relationship with all elements of communication skills (r= .626 to .755) at α= .01. table 2 coefficient of correlation and regression of communication skills towards job performance communication skills sk r job pe p β rformace work b r ehavior β speaking ,598** ,130* ,671** ,242** writing ,650** ,226** ,626** ,133** reading ,689** ,065 ,716** ,164** listening ,720** ,245** ,754** ,151** using media ,725** ,277** ,755** ,303** note: r= coefficient of correlation; β= coefficient of regression; * significant at α= .05; ** significant at α = .01; category of r value = very weak (.000-.200); weak (.201-.400); moderate (.401-.600); strong (.601-.800); and very strong (.801-1). based on the results of multiple regression tests in table 2, it is known that skills of speaking, writing, listening, and using media have a significant effect on the achievement of skp. the only communication skills that have no significant effect on the achievement of skp are reading skills (β =, 065). these results explain that not all of the elements that inflluence the achievement of skp, so the hypothesis 5 was not fully accepted. activity achievement skp on asn who has a structural position, oriented to the implementation of administrative tasks of government and development that has been arranged systematically in every agency. unlike the achievement of skp in asn with functional positions that rely more on renewal or new breakthroughs that require more reading skills. this result also can be interpreted that reading skill on asn employees has not been well developed, due to lack of work environment support and not optimal role of hrd for the development of employee reading skill (table 1). elements of communication skills that have the highest significant effect on achieving skp are using media skills (β =, 303). through the use of communication media technology, employees can prepare skp, make report work, and perform other administrative tasks quickly and easily. the most important strength of the skills of using the media actually lies in the ability to connect employees with other colleagues, so the process of communication in the implementation of work tasks can run efficiently and effectively, without being limited space and time. the importance of employee using media skills is also inseparable from the system changes and the orientation of organizational communication to government agencies, which no longer rely on traditional communications, but to switch to the use of media communication technology. listening skills occupy the second position after the skill in using media as an element of communication skill that has the most influence on the achievement of skp (β= .245). these findings reinforce the importance of listening skills in the preparation and achievement of skp. according to government regulation no. 46 of 2011, skp shall contain activities of official duties and targets to be achieved during real and measurable assessment periods, and obtain approval from direct supervisors. listening skills are necessary to receive direction and suggestions from the leadership, so that the skp whom prepare by the employee in accordance with their abilities, main tasks, and institution needs. in the next stage listening skills are needed in achieving the targets set in the skp. jurnal studi pemerintahan 410 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 411 the next communication skill elements that affect the preparation and achievement of skp are writing skills (β = .226) and speaking skills (β = .130). the result of multiple regression test shows that the skill of using media, listening, and writing, has more significant effect on the preparation and achievement of skp than the speaking and reading skill. the result of multiple regression test of communication skill element toward skp in the summary model table is known that the adjusted r square value is .640. this value indicates that the skills of speaking, writing, listening, and using media together have a significant effect of 64% on the preparation and achievement of skp conducted by asn, while the rest is influenced by other factors. in anova table, the value of f count = 135.925 with probability p (sig) = .000, because p < .01, the regression model of skill elements communicating to the skp can be used with 99% confidence level. the direction and magnitude of the significant effect of the communication skill elements on the preparation and achievement of skp are presented in figure 2. speaking writing .242 ** .133 ** .164 ** .245 ** .277 ** .130 * .226 ** .151 ** .303 ** skp r 2 = ,640; f hit= 135,925; p (sig)= ,000** work behavior r 2 = ,696; f hit= 174,187; p (sig)= ,000** using media listening reading note: * significant at α= .05; ** significant at α = .01 = significant effect on skp achievement = significant effect on work behavior figure 2. elements of communication skills that have a significant effecton job performance based on the results of multiple regression analysis in table 2 is known, that all elements of communication competence have a positive and significant impact on asn work behavior, so the hypothesis 6 was accepted. the communication skill element that has the highest significant effect on work behavior is the skill of using media (β =, 303). one of asn's work behaviors is service orientation. according to government regulation no. 46 of 2011, service orientation is the attitude and behavior of employees in providing the best service to the community, fellow employees, and other agencies. employees who have the ability to use good communication media technology, will have a positive and significant effect in providing better service. public services organized by the current government have grown by integrating physical and virtual service systems, so as to facilitate and accelerate the public services provided. according to government regulation no. 96 of 2012, the integrated service system is a virtual system that combines the service electronically that is the service performed from various related work units, located in various places where the whole is connected through information technology system. the following is the result of interviews with asn who have pratama high leadership position related about work behavior: “the principle of work behavior in government is to serve, because we are state servants and servants of society. the good or bad behavior of our work depends on how we provide fast and measurable service to the community, for that we need employees who are able to work with technology and communication media, so as to provide optimal service to the community.” jurnal studi pemerintahan 412 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 413 speaking skills ranks second as an element of communication skills that has a high influence on work behavior (β= .242). these results indicate a significant difference in influence, when compared with the influence of speech skills on the efforts of achieving skp which ranks last. in employment behavioral indicators, asn speech skills are indispensable in providing services directly to the public, and when working with all parties related to their job duties. asn speaking skills can be a very powerful capital in providing a positive image of governance, because of good speaking skills while serving the public, is a form of service that can be directly accepted and assessed by the public. asn work behavior is also significantly influenced by reading skills (β= .164) and listening (β= .151). working behavior that includes service, cooperation, leadership, integrity, discipline, and commitment requires adequate knowledge of work, so as to behave and act in accordance with the provisions of legislation. working knowledge on asn is obtained through decoding skill of reading and listening. regulatory reading skills, official scripts, or other relevant literature are indispensable for guiding employment behavior in providing governmental administration services, on the other hand listening skills are also important for understanding direction and advice in behaving as a public servant. writing skills ranks last as an element of communication skill that has a significant effect on asn work behavior (β= .133). writing skills are needed in providing information services such as the preparation of official scripts, announcements, and giving written responses to the public, either directly or through communication media. writing skills for asn can also be used to effectively submit objections and arguments to the performance appraisal results, if the assessment is not in accordance with the actual conditions. through good writing skills, asn employees can certainly act and act appropriately in communication in writing. the determinant coefficient of adjusted r square from jurnal studi pemerintahan the elements of communication skills to work behavior is, 696 414 (figure 2). this shows that the skills of speaking, writing, reading, listening, and using media, together influence the asn work behavior of 69.6%, while the rest is influenced by other causes. from the results of multiple regression test also obtained the value of f arithmetic = 174.187 with probability p (sig) =, 000, because p <, 01, then the regression model can be used to predict the magnitude of the influence of speaking skills, writing, reading, listening, and media to work behavior with 99% confidence level. conclusions asn communication skills related to the implementation of work tasks are in sufficient categories with a range of mean score between 3.026 up to 3.374 (scale 1 to 5). this shows that asn communication skills are still very necessary to be improved, and expected to be at least in the good category. based on the result of multiple regression test, it is known that work motivation is the most influential factor to all elements of communication skill. employees who have high work motivation will have a positive and significant impact on communication skills it has. other independent variables that have been shown to influence communication skills are icoe, hrd, and work environment. development of asn communication skills can be done by knowing the factors that influence it. work motivation and individual characteristics are internal factors that can be developed independently by the employees concerned. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 415 the development of employee communicating skills can also be done by optimizing the role of agencies, through the implementation of targeted hrd programs, and enhancement of a conducive working environment as external factors that are expected to have a more significant effect. the accelerated development of asn communication skills can work optimally if there is willingness and commitment from asn itself in developing communication skill, and supported by institution. communication skills proved to have a positive and significant influence on the achievement of asn employee performance. the element of communication skills which is the strongest predictor of job performance is the skill of using the media, because it has the highest influence on the achievement of skp and work behavior. employees who have the skills to use communication media and information technology will have a positive and significant impact on the achievement of their work. this is due to the implementation of asn work tasks today has been oriented to the use of technology to simplify and speed up the work. through communication skills, asn can work more efficiently and effectively to achieve and improve its job performance. references ashari et. 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(1999). an exploratory study of communication competence in thai organizations. the journal of business communications. 36(4): 382-418. steele ga, plenty d. (2015). supervisor–subordinate communication competence and job and communication satisfaction. international journal of business communication. 52(3): 294–318. tubs sl, moss s. (2005). human communication: konteks konteks komunikasi. dedi mulyana dan gembirasari, penerjemah. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. westerman cyk, reno km, heuett kb. (2015). delivering feedback: supervisors’ source credibility and communication competence. international journal of business communication. 1–21. jurnal studi pemerintahan 419 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/002194369903600404 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2329488414525450 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2329488414525450 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2329488415613338 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2329488415613338 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div 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school, quezon city, philippines4 correspondence: (ancho.iv@pnu.edu.ph) doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.111112 citation: ancho, et.al., (2020). education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 11(1). 63-78. article history: received: december 12nd, 2019 accepted: february 18th, 2020 education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches inero valbuena ancho1 genevie-abi m. calimbahin2 jaesser rivera3 janrey c. tina4 abstract: how do philippine presidents present issues on education in their presidential speeches? what are pertinent concerns in education sector that are identified and given attention during the speech? how do these issues relate to the overall approach of the address? as a qualitative study, this paper utilizes data gathered from online repositories, as transcripts of presidential speeches delivered through the state of the national address (sona) are available online. these materials include those delivered by president arroyo, president aquino, and president duterte. the narrative of president arroyo’s sona weaves economy and education. strengthening the economy through strategic management and sound policies has been instrumental in achieving quality education. it is also strongly evident how the thrust of president aquino in education is shown in his first three consecutive years of reports to the people. various changes, huge or small still matter for they made significant propulsion and advancement in the quality of education for filipinos. president duterte’s administration showcases preventive measures on crime, violence, and drugs by means of devising programs and laws for the eventual attainment of universal quality education. keywords: education, speech, state of the nation, president, public address abstrak: bagaimana presiden filipina menyampaikan masalah pendidikan dalam pidatonya? apa perhatian penting pada sektor pendidikan yang diidentifikasi dan diberikan perhatian pada pidato tersebut? bagaimana masalah ini terkait pada semua bagian? dengan studi kualitatif, makalah ini menggunakan data yang dikumpulkan dari data online, karena transkrip pidato presiden disampaikan melalui negara alamat nasional (sona) tersedia secara online. pada materi-meteri pidato ini juga ada yang disampaikan oleh presiden arroyo, presiden aquino, dan presiden duterte. narasi sona oleh presiden arroyo menjelaskan sektor ekonomi dan pendidikan. penguatan ekonomi melalui manajemen strategis dan kebijakan yang baik telah berperan penting dalam mencapai pendidikan yang berkualitas. juga sangat jelas bagaimana presiden aquino dalam mendorong sektor pendidikan ditunjukkan dalam tiga tahun pertama laporannya kepada rakyat. berbagai perubahan, besar atau kecil masih penting karena mereka membuat daya dorong yang signifikan dan kemajuan dalam kualitas pendidikan bagi orang filipina. administrasi presiden duterte menampilkan tindakan pencegahan pada kejahatan, kekerasan, dan obat-obatan dengan merancang program dan undangundang untuk pencapaian akhir kualitas pendidikan. 63 mailto:ancho.iv@pnu.edu.ph education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 64 introduction different forms of public address serve as a powerful tool in highlighting speaker-audience connection, along with determining the efficacy of communication. these addresses are delivered in the light of relating strong messages to the public about the public, and of the public. the contemporary time has witnessed great speeches and speakers that shape the history and form of public debate and opinion. as public opinion is formed after an address is delivered, speeches are considered as crucial vehicle in promoting a speaker’s advocacy. (fowler, 2012) stated that “different representations of experience” are being encoded by various discourse modes. in a country, like the philippines, engulfed by numerous political, social and cultural issues, public speeches are considered to be a springboard in advancing foundations for people to consume and digest arguments and eventually form informed and evidence-based perspectives. studies on discourses have been explored in many disciplines, including humanities, social sciences, and others (biber, connor & upton, 2007). a leader’s state of the nation address serve as an avenue to present to the citizens the country’s contemporary issues, achievements, and directions, while fulfilling identified goals for the people. it initially captures how the government has provided solutions to pressing issues while highlighting strategic directions to be taken in the next years. the way the speech is delivered is carefully crafted in the hope of effectively conveying messages to the people. most importantly, the contents are meticulously written to fit vital and critical issues in an hour-length speech. how do philippine presidents present issues on education in their presidential speeches? what are pertinent concerns in education sector that are identified and given attention during the speech? how do these issues relate to the overall approach of the address? these questions serve as a jump off point for the proponents of the study in crafting a systematic approach to this paper. (vijayakumari & manikandan, 2013) in their study consider education to be the “most important social investment as it determines the country’s quality of human resources.” education and the national state are two inseparable concepts that contribute to contemporary philippine society. how each concept is given attention provides a rationale on the daily lives of the filipino people: we live like this partly because of the attention given to education and the nation. as (bligh, kohles, & meindl, 2004) emphasize, leadership is an invitation for new and inventive research methods. literature review & research focus crafting public speeches reflects the speakers ability (kasanova, 2013). language serves as a “powerful tool in politics” (bev, 2008) and this is then presented to achieve achievement of particular goals and advantages. (jasim, 2018) in a study found out that in order to appeal to emotions, ontological metaphors are used by president trump in his speeches delivered before the american public. on the other hand, former president obama employed both ontological and orientational approaches. these strategies are seen to be utilized so the audience would be able to “understand and experience one concept in terms of another.” according to (mio, reggio, & herndier, 2017), these metaphors contribute to perceived charisma. (thompson, 2015) also noted that more words are chosen in conveying something the less power those words possess. further study by (rezaei & nourali, 2016) stated that the use of persuasive techniques in public addresses is culture based. education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 65 this inquiry affirms its significance and importance in the light of efforts to highlight the attention to education at the macro level, particularly on a national scale. the attention given to the education sector is dealt with chunks of evidence presented in presidential speeches. state of the nation addresses of philippine presidents typically confront social issues such as politics, economic growth, public welfare, among others, and it is high time to take a look at how education is viewed through the eyes of national leaders. (mio, reggio, & herndier, 2017) recognized the power of political and presidential language in strengthening the power of persuasion. on a greater scale, this paper places its importance in providing an academic discourse on education and presidential speeches, as it calls for genuine efforts to contextualize issues in education and analyse how education has been provided an avenue for discourse through public addresses. in a developing country like the philippines, opportunities for education discourse are crucial and challenging since serious social and economic issues are the typical points of discussion. arguments presented in this paper could serve as inputs in revisiting priorities presented on a national discourse. it will be an avenue to uphold commitment and advocacies related to education. careful analysis is central to promote retrospective opportunities to political leaders and education stakeholders. the logic of this paper rests upon the assumption that once issues on education are given space and attention, especially when backed up by evidence and research-based inquiries, treating problems related to education quality, facilities, infrastructure, and other would be of great priorities. findings of the study could eventually raise awareness on the plight of the philippine education system and the attention given to this sector. eventually, it provides new perspectives on the way we view education, from the perspectives of our leaders, along with contemporary pressing issues and the provision of solutions. presidential speeches are powerful vehicles in advancing a particular discourse. philippine presidents, being regarded as the most powerful personality in the country, could create venues for discourses. national leaders are capable of directing powerful and strong ideas: their speeches are considered to be a great weapon in affirming viewpoints. presidential speeches as the jump off point of this study perfectly capture how the education sector is being taken into consideration in the country. the framework of cohesion (halliday & hasan, 1976) provides an appropriate theoretical approach to this study. through careful analysis of presidential speeches, ideas associated to each point of argument is scrutinized, along with associated meanings with what is being discussed. elements of presidential speeches present cohesive features: there exists a relationship of meaning in presidential speeches and the interpretation of some elements depends on other elements identified forming cohesion. meaningful connections and interpretations occur once presidential speeches are analysed. contextualizing this framework in the current study requires careful analysis in terms of depth and width of philippine presidential speeches. how does each public address provide space for discussion on education? what particular aspects of education are mentioned? how does the attention given to education sectors can be compared to other inquiries in the context of the delivery of state of the nation addresses? these questions are answered following halliday and hasan’s cohesion framework. education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 66 research method as a qualitative research in nature, this paper utilizes data gathered from online repositories, as transcripts of presidential speeches delivered through the state of the national address are available online. these materials include those delivered by president arroyo from 2004 – 2010, president aquino from 2010 – 2016, and president duterte from 2016 to present. only the first three speeches of each president were included in the study. this limitation has been posed since current president duterte has only delivered three addresses since he assumed office. as a part of the larger study, this paper only initially intends to present the context of each president. future studies may explore to compare and contrast how each president pertained to education in their respective speeches. the concept of education has been central towards achieving the goal of this research, thus sections of speeches pertaining to education were identified from the rest of the transcripts. the following key words also served as guide in identifying significant data from the manuscripts: schools, teachers, students, education, university, and others. once identified, the context of each keywords were then analysed to establish connections and meanings. these were then used to emerge at themes and relate education to the overall speech framework. nvivo is also used in the analysis. the software was used in organizing and coding data generated from the transcripts of presidential speeches. specifically, word frequency and themes were utilized to analyse the data. through the software, prevailing themes were classified, sorted, and analysed. result and discussion this section presents the thorough analysis of speech transcripts three philippine presidents. presentation is done chronologically, starting with former president gloria arroyo (2004 – 2010), former president benigno simeon aquino (2010 – 2016), and current president rodrigo duterte (2016 – present). president arroyo: strong economy, reformed education system the former president gloria macapagal arroyo or commonly known as pgma was sworn into office on january 21, 2001, after then president joseph estrada was ousted. she ran and won as president in 2004. for the record, pgma’s longest sona was her first sona, having spent 1 hour and 6 minutes discussing her plans to provide jobs, education, housing, and food on her 2004 sona. her shortest sona was the 25-minute, 55-second speech about charter change and the tale of two philippines in 2005. pgma consistently boasted of the country’s economic growth in her sona. she often asked congress to pass revenue measures. she also consistently called for national unity and a stop to political bickering (gma news online, 2009). on her 38-minute 2004 state of the nation address in batasang pambansa complex in quezon city, she draw support from the filipino people as she highlighted the story of angelo dela cruz, an ofw saved from a death row. the theme of her 2004 sona was about “mamamayan muna” (citizen first); sacrifice, and reforms. in light of ofw angelo dela cruz’s hostage taking and release, pgma defended the pull out of rp troops from iraq: rp’s foreign policy is to defend national interest, including safety education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 67 of ofws. further analysis of three speeches delivered revealed how arroyo concentrated on the following top terms based on word frequency count: table 1. word frequency of speeches delivered by arroyo word length count weighted percentage (%) government 10 493 0.58 now 3 429 0.50 people 6 409 0.48 i/me 3 355 0.41 pgma’s emphasis on the aspect of education was really highlighted on her intended five key reform packages: (1) job creation through economic growth; (2) anti-corruption through good governance; (3) social justice and basic needs; (4) education and youth opportunity; and (5) energy independence and savings. she later connects the role of the economy, through adapting the words of the father of modern economics adam smith to the information age: “the greatest improvement in the productive powers of labor seems to have been the effects of modern education.” on her passage; “we need to start early. and we need to maintain the highest educational standards. i ask the congress to legislate an extra year of studies not by adding a fifth year of high school but by standardizing what is taught in the barangay day care centres.” this obviously implied that lengthening and standardizing the educational programs and curriculum is foreseen as an indication of strong educational foundations.” an approach was being processed towards the end of her speech that; “to expand youth opportunity, we need to focus on technical and vocational education; on strengthening english, science and technology, and love of country. towards the end of her speech she said, there is a sense in which the society where we have failed the youth in their formative years, in growing up normally and productively; that in getting a good education, one must learn the habits of honesty and citizenship and civic discipline.” the theme of her 2005 sona was ‘tale of philippines’ and charter change which took her 25 minutes and 55 seconds to deliver. pgma described the country as divided – poised for economic take off but is beset with a degenerated political system. half of the entire speech was devoted to pushing charter change. she also expressed her preference for charter change by way of constituent assembly. the following issues were also highlighted: economic growth, job education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 68 generation, tax collection, housing, health, insurance, drugs, kidnapping – all mentioned very briefly and described in general terms. though this sona of pgma was the shortest, still it tackled significant issues in education that based on her report, her administration addressed and attended for these concerns for the past years. she relatively refers to teacher trainings, pedagogies, buildings and infrastructures, and facilities, health and feeding, and pre-need educational program. she later on implied on her speech one of the ideals of filipino people to graduate from college so as to get the key and create greener pastures towards success. but with this, the implementation of e.o. 358, which creates another path for filipino learners to take technical-vocational trainings so as to address the world that experiences rapid technological changes. at the end of her speech, she solicited support and unity to the fellow countrymen, that hope and courage of every filipino people lead us to unite – “to be one people, one country, one philippines.” in her 2006 sona, 1 hour and 3 minutes was spent wherein she draws the theme “super regions”. pgma detailed her plans for the “super regions” – north luzon agribusiness quadrangle, metro luzon urban beltway, central philippines, mindanao cyber corridor. the plan includes construction of infrastructure, roads, networks, airport, and bridges among any other priorities for development. in the 2006 sona, issues highlighted were foreign policies, revenues and debt allocations, anti-crime and terrorism campaigns, better natural energy generation, red tape prohibition, investment on infrastructure, tourism, and automated election. other programs and accomplishments of the administration were ladderized educational system where students can continue to a collegiate level by which their years in taking vocational courses and job experiences will be equivalent to a level in college. there is also an emphasis on ict as a key growth sector. research funding, and development initiatives were also tackled as well as continuously increasing budget allocated for the advancement of science and technology and education. to sum it up, the following themes emerged based on the scrutiny of president arroyo’s speeches: table 2. major themes of speeches delivered by arroyo 2001 2002 2003 job creation education housing food security agriculture strong republic land reform education corruption terrorism illegal drugs public health president aquino iii: quality education through government support benigno aquino iii, also called pnoy served as philippine president of the philippines from 2010 – 2016. he was the son of corazon aquino, who served as president of the philippines from 1986 to 1992. aquino won the presidency by a wide margin in the elections held on may 10, 2010 (albert, 2018). president benigno s aquino delivered his first three state of the nation’s address at the congress of the republic of the philippines. sona 2010 garnered 32 applauses from his 36-minute speech as he was able to build a formal and easily understandable rapport by education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 69 using the national language filipino, which is very unusual among the previous presidents of the republic. apparently, the first sona of the president is highly focused on uncovering the irregularities allegedly committed by the previous administration. he claimed that some government agencies were overflowing with funds, while the whole nation suffered from a limited budget (santos, 2015). 121 out of 3,770 or an approximate 3% of the total number of words in the speech tackles about education. this implies at least a good thrust of the government in giving support to the education sector of the country. although the number seems to be slim as compared to the percentage of concerns the president put effort to express across the sona, it is important to note that quality preceded quantity over this matter. looking at the partitioning of the 121 words or the 3%, it seems to be heavy and substantial. further analysis of three speeches delivered revealed how aquino concentrated on the following top terms based on word frequency count: table 3. word frequency for speeches delivered by aquino word length count weighted percentage (%) people 6 63 0.64 government 10 58 0.59 filipino 8 43 0.44 pantawid pamilya, the philippines’ conditional cash transfer program (cct) is one of the best-targeted social safety net programs in the world, befitting the country’s poor and most vulnerable families was also given emphasis in the speech. cash transfers boost school enrolment and attendance; increase live births in safer facilities; improve prenatal and postnatal care; promote regular growth monitoring of children during critically important early ages; and enhance food security (worldbank, 2015). in order to relieve the deficiencies in the classrooms, the php 130 billion funding for classroom repairs, replacement, and construction was allotted to gain greater trust and credibility on the side of the president from of those the educational sector and also from the parents of students who are absorbing the struggles of classroom deficiencies.the most controversial and substantial thrust of the president to the entire philippine educational system is his leap towards the standardization of extending the basic education curriculum from 10 to 12 years. this huge transformation is believed to increase the quality of education among filipinos and increase the global competitiveness of the learners. k to 12 graduates will become globally competitive and are set to obtain spots in the stiff labor market. the government believes that k to 12 curriculum in the philippines will put filipino students at par with the rest of the world. truly, investing in education is the key toward reaching national growth and development. another vital inclusion in the speech talked about the the educational service contracting scheme, or esc, a program provided for by republic act 8545 (amending r.a. 6728), or the “expanded government assistance to students and teachers in private education, or gastpe. its main objective is to decongest public secondary schools by “contracting” the excess capacities of private high schools through the provision of subsidies for students who, otherwise, would have gone to the public high schools (fape, 2012). because the president is really into public-private education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 70 partnership, he strengthened support to private institution by giving extra-budget for private students to compensate the expenses in the private schools such as tuition, books, and other expenditures related to schooling. in general education-related concepts in the speech can be categorized into three key ideas. first is the conception of the president on how learning opportunities provide job for the people. second revolves around the deficit fund of education to support all the programs. third is the description to resolve of finances for the future plans for education. aquino began his second 2011 sona by highlighting his campaign to fight the power abuse mentality in the government practiced by corrupt officials. just like in his previous sona, he continued to expose corrupt practices under the arroyo administration (santos, 2015). receiving 48 applauses from his 53 minute speech in filipino, he was able to deliver the speech in a very formal, brief, and concise manner while his calmness was maintained all throughout the speech. the speech consisted 6175 words with various themes and point of purpose, while 435 talks about education. having presented the salient features of the 2011 sona, education related concerns present the support of the government towards advancement of education sector which leads to the blossoming trust and credibility to the thrust of the president to truly uplift the quality of education in the country. there are 435 education-related words in the speech are emphasizing the role of 4p’s-pantawid pamilya program of the philippines. it is more of sustaining the previous proposal in the first sona to elevate the quality of living of the filipino people. additional 1.3 million families are presumed in the list. given that the program is not new to the people, this gives more aid and hope to the recipients of the program. at the same time however, some recipients becomes dependent to the fund. featuring how the entire country should treat a teacher in the sona is something very extraordinary. this increases the morale of the teacher and proportionally elevates the description of the philippine educational system. it is timely to emphasize the quote that goes “the quality of an education system cannot exceed the quality of its teachers” (pisa, 2009). it seems that the president is trying to convince the people on the missing value, which the country has forgotten regarding the treatment to and appreciation of the teacher. the emotional and ethical appeal that the he established is a strong indication of how he values the education sector in his agendas as president. another issue discussed focused on the food for school program (fsp), basically uncovered the malversation that occurred in the system as a result of poor governance from the previous administration. food-for-school program is an intervention that is meant to address hunger among poor families. it is also meant to improve school attendance of the children of these households by providing one kilo of rice to families who suffer from severe hunger for every day that their children continue to attend school. in practical terms, the rice ration is provided to each eligible pupil after class. thus, eligible households are assured of having rice on their tables every day as long as their children go to school or the day care centers (manasan and cuenca, 2007). although it is not fully supported by facts and figures, the purpose is an evidence of persuading the people how unstable the educational system was before his term and how he is able to do something about it. aquino boasted about economic gains under his leadership. he claimed these gains were the result of government reforms that included cutting wasteful spending and making corrupt officials accountable for their acts. one of the most applauded parts of his speech was when he education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 71 referred to "responsible parenthood" as a solution to backlogs in education. (santos, 2015) he then mentioned about the public healthcare, mosquito traps and repellents for dengue, sin tax bill, unemployment rate, properly paved roads, new airports that will be created while some existing will be upgraded and crime volume. his speech created various reactions from the public, yet at the rate the population is growing, the pressure is on to keep the economies growing. other idea in keeping the economies grow is to create more jobs for the people. this will bring more people out of poverty. the cct program of the government will not be enough to increase the number of people who can spend and encourage the economy but providing permanent jobs can do that (bilaoen, 2012). two public reactions from the third sona of president aquino seem to be unsatisfied after hearing the 1 hour and 22 minute speech with accumulating 9243 words. ironically this speech received the most numbered of commendation of 120 claps as recorded by the news authorityrappler compared to the previous two eloquent. it is approximately 375% more than of the first sona and approximately 244% more compared to the second sona. consistently, the president is able to maintain calm and formal tone in the duration of the speech, which reveals his stable composure and humility. this third sona approximately has 972 words which focused on education. it emphasized accelerating drive of the president to remedy the ailing philippine education system. education still played an important role that needs to be presented and be addressed to the people hence this year’s concerns got the highest word count in the span of three terms. highlighted as the top priority by means of number in the frequency 263 in word count, it is evident that the president is proud of the accomplishments his administration is able to provide. being the apple of the president’s eye, conditional cash transfer (cct) thru 4ps-pantawid pamilya program ranks second in this year’s sona after being the most frequently discussed in the previous year, the limited decrease of focus is justifiable in a sense that people would really be dependent on it too much yet it is still undeniably commendable that his thrust toward this program is consistent. it is also important to understand here that the administration is dedicated and committed to strengthen the life-skills of the filipino people by revitalizing the role of technical vocational courses (techvoc) in the production of graduate having tesda specialista technopreneurship program that the tesda is advocating. the tesda specialista technopreneurship program (tstp) is one of the newest projects of the agency. essentially, it seeks to address the need for employment of skilled tech-voc graduates who were unsuccessful in landing jobs in the formal sector. it promotes self-employment and inspires the graduates to be involved in productive livelihood endeavors to help themselves and their communities. tstp is designed to generate livelihood enterprises to be managed by certified tech-voc graduates. the specialistas shall receive full support from tesda and the officials of the local government units were the graduates reside. an aggrupation is a cluster of related skills whose services are highly needed by households and residents, namely; building/house repair and maintenance, beauty care and wellness, appliance repair, computer hardware servicing, food and beverage services, automotive/vehicle maintenance, and small engine repair/servicing(tesda, nd). the president’s speech included education-related words that still give a valuable impact on what the government is trying to do to remedy the transgression in the educational system. it can be noted that this same issue was brought to the speech in the previous year and now it is education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 72 being presented again. the tone is serious but still calm and formal; his purpose really is to gain sympathy for his emotional appeal to the people. this can be labelled as unsubstantial that matters. it may not be that necessary to report on a formal speech but still gives a different flavor and mood to the audience. the heartfelt appreciation to teachers is one of the most gratifying features of president aquino’s sona. this gives hope, motivation, and inspiration to the players of educational interventions and implementation in the grass roots. furthermore, the following themes emerged based on the scrutiny of president arroyo’s speeches: table 4. major themes of speeches delivered by arroyo 2010 2011 2012 corruption national budget corruption justice system national budget national territory economy reproductive health sin tax president duterte: quality education to combat social ills rodrigo duterte is the 16th president of the philippines, in office since june 2016. in 2014, he gave a call for forming a federal form of government, which would reflect the aspiration of the filipino people. the following year, he was asked to run for the post of president, though he was initially he was very hesitant. he eventually agreed due to the overwhelming support that he received from the masses. in summary, analysis of three speeches delivered revealed how duterte concentrated on the following top terms based on word frequency count: table 5. word frequency for speeches delivered by duterte word length count weighted percentage (%) i/me 3 113 0.72 government 10 99 0.63 country 7 56 0.36 also, the following themes emerged based on the scrutiny of president duterte’s speeches: table 6. major themes of speeches delivered by duterte 2016 2017 2018 illegal drugs terrorism national territory tax reform federalism illegal drugs reproductive health k-12 education tax reform illegal drugs corruption contractualization federalism education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 73 in 2016, he became the president of philippines, having a landslide victory. the filipino people see in him the philippine leader, who would get the country free from crime and drugs, the two menaces that have plagued their life for long. in his state of the nation addresses (sona), conducted every last monday of july each year, president duterte gives a report on the achievements of his administration. he also gets to answer or give clarity to the questions being asked by his oppositions or critics. president duterte’s 2016 sona touched on big, transformational issues, wherein the president had to go off-text to make further elaborations on topics such as his campaign on the war on drugs and criminality, the prevailing corruption in the government and reduction of delays in doing public service, the need to give importance to universal health (sicat, 2016). he also mentioned family, church and state relations, addressed the need to alleviate people from poverty through several economic and infrastructural agendas. he also gave the go signal for the unilateral ceasefire with the communist rebels, as well as mentioning his future plans in with regards the bangsamoro basic law. other major topics included his dropping of hints with regards constitutional reform towards federalism, preservation and protection of the environment, and his dealings with china with regards the west philippine sea (prcboard.com, 2016). in terms of education, however, the president only gave two sentences (twenty-nine words) about it, comprising only 0.31% of his 9,266-word sona. he vowed to “increase spending for basic education and incorporate mandatory education about the evils of drugs.” he also mentioned that “the government will intensify and expand the education department's alternative learning system (als) programs” (prcboard.com, 2016). despite his brief mention of his educational platforms, president duterte nevertheless did not mean that he has totally neglected his duties to fulfil his plans for the country’s educational system. with regards to intensifying the alternative learning system (als), deparment of education secretary leonor briones has repeatedly accentuated the need to expand als, especially as it aims to cater students who might drop out of school because of the challenges of the k-to-12 program (geronimo, 2016). on the other hand, in keeping with his administration's onslaught on drugs, both the president and briones said that schools should go beyond lessons in textbooks when teaching about the dangers of drugs. briones specifically mentioned that teachers will need to be trained if they are to show students the real life stories of the effects of drug addiction through films, plays, and dramas. duterte’s 2017 sona has been his longest so far, lasting for 2 hours, wherein he went on using more adlibs than staying to his script. it is also trivial that he was brazen in using expletives in this sona. nevertheless he gave importance in the following major issues such as his war on drugs and criminality, wherein he said that it will be “unrelenting,” the marawi siege that was on-going that time, the necessity for martial law in mindanao, and the demand for the military to force to counter terrorism. he also gave emphasis on illegal mining, telling mining companies that they would face steep taxes if they do not spend enough on rehabilitating areas that host their operations. he once again urged government officials to give better, faster, and cleaner service to the public, holding them accountable to any failure or complaint that the public might experience with them. with regards health, the president mentioned again his on-going agenda towards forming a universal health bill, as well as lifting the two-year temporary restraining order on contraceptive implants, under the use of the rh law. he also reiterated his infrastructure plans, and stated his approval of the first batch of tax reforms, now called as the tax reform for acceleration and inclusion or train law (prcboard.com, 2017). http://prcboard.com/ education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 74 with regards to education, the president gave a paragraph of three sentences, consisting of eighty-two words. there is an increase compared to 2016, however it is still relatively low compared to other topic. nonetheless, the k-12 basic education curriculum made it to this sona as the president expressed the government's commitment to fully implement the measure enacted during his predecessor's term. president duterte also applauded the alternative learning system (als), wherein he believed that it has “widened the reach of skills training” due to the increase in the number of out-of-school children and youth who availed the program. this, together with his “sustained investments in higher education” is what he considers as the 'centerpiece' of education under his administration (geronimo, 2016). once more, these all imply that despite the scarcity of education being mentioned in his sonas, president duterte is still able to fulfil his role with regards to providing universal access to basic and higher education. when it comes to his vision of educating the filipino youth and children about the “evils of drugs,” the president declared that his administration would prioritize the rehabilitation of drug users, and that there would be mandatory education on the dangers of drug use. he then created the interagency committee on anti-illegal drugs (icad) led by the philippine drug enforcement agency (pdea). under this is the department of education’s commitment to enhancing its existing drug education program that has been currently mandated for public and private schools. as part of the process, deped reviewed the learning materials—identifying their accuracy and of the content, and the appropriateness and relevance of their context. the department also reviewed the capacity of the teachers. the bureau of curriculum development, on the other hand, has a technical working group that has designed the curriculum plan for drug preventive education. lastly, deped also implemented mandatory, random sampling drug tests on teachers and secondary school students (grade 7 to senior high school) nationwide (bondoc, 2017). president duterte in his 2018 sona took a different turn from his previous sonas since he became very straight-to-the-point and economical with his words this time. this was his shortest sona ever, which lasted less than fifty minutes. he read most of it and gave not even a single expletive. this year, he focused on the operational details of his agendas, such as his “relentless and chilling” drug war, applauding the congress for passing the ease of doing business act, the signing of the bangsamoro organic law within "48 hours," the success of the asean summit and its implication to the philippines’ linkages with neighboring countries. he also recognized soldiers and police who were involved in the marawi siege, and condemned the deaths and abuses suffered by filipino migrant workers at the hands of foreign employers, which made ofw rights to be his "foremost foreign policy concern." he reiterated the regularization of workers, including the formation of a law prohibiting all forms of contractualization after realizing that his executive order won't suffice due to some companies that still did not immediately follow suit. he gave emphasis on sustaining and preserving the environment, using boracay closure as an example. this, together with other environmental issues led him towards devising a disaster and risk reduction management department with greater power and resources. with regards the economy, he presented how the tax reform for acceleration and inclusion (train) law has contributed to different sectors in the society. lastly, due to the consultative committee’s draft on federalism, the president made mention of the impending shift to federalism and insisting that filipinos will support such a system of government. education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 75 education this time consisted only of three sentences (forty words). it may seem to be the highest compared to the past two sonas, however this is still relatively low, since this is the shortest sona. education was only mentioned when the president applauded how the train law contributed to the education sect of the country, and when he recalled the implementation of the “free tertiary education act” (philstar global, 2018). president duterte made this act into a reality during the ceremonial signing of the memorandum of agreement (moa) between the commission on higher education (ched) and the 112 state universities and colleges (sucs) and 78 local universities (lucs) to launch the implementation of republic act (ra) 10931 or the “universal access to quality tertiary education act.” this covers the tuition and fees of undergraduate students enrolled in 112 state universities and colleges (sucs), 78 local universities and colleges (lucs), and all technical vocation education and training (tvet) programs registered under the technical education and skills development authority (tesda) beginning school year 2018 to 2019. this act also provides free miscellaneous and other school fees, action programs for minorities such as the lumads, the muslims, the indigenous peoples (ip), persons with disabilities (pwd), and students from public high schools and depressed areas. lastly, this act also specifies no increase in tuition fees in the next 5 years. though not directly mentioned in his 2018 sona, president duterte, in his implementation of the “free tertiary education act,” can be seen as one who would want to further empower the youth by making quality education affordable and accessible to everyone, especially the poor (ptv news, 2018). conclusion careful analysis of available data could lead to various assumptions on the way the government addresses pressing issues in education. overall, it can be assumed that government efforts across three administration periods are visible in highlighting attention given to education. the narrative of president arroyo’s sona weaves economy and education. strengthening the economy through strategic management and sound policies has been instrumental in achieving quality education. president arroyo is consistent at looking at quality education in the quest for stable economy fuelled by the labor force. in the long run, efforts directed towards improving the economy are seen to be central in uplifting the current state of education in the country. putting it into a nutshell, it is strongly evident how the thrust of president aquino in education is shown in his three consecutive years of reports to the people. various changes huge or small still matter for they made significant propulsion and advancement in the quality of education for filipinos; thus include all of them with a significant ratio of inclusion in the national platforms and agenda. consistently, conditional cash transfer for the marginalized sector is one of the most noteworthy projects of the administration while extension of basic education curriculum in response to global standardization is the most controversial undertaking. an epoch-making shift of focus on technical vocational courses and projects is also highlighted as the president majorly considers the marketability of filipino graduates. as per frequency of word count per year, the increasing number strongly signifies deepening commitment of the administration to improve the caliber of philippine education system. nonetheless, uplifting the status of philippine educational system had been the main point of the president’s undertakings in his three sonas which he supported by concrete evidences of progression that makes it more education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 76 convincing and promising to the people. truly, investing in education is the key toward reaching national growth and development. ever since his first sona, president duterte has always believed that encouraging the youth to finish their studies will keep them away from being involved in crime and illegal drugs. although it may not seem to be his immediate priority, president rodrigo duterte’s state of the nation addresses, together with putting action to his agendas, nevertheless reflect and resonate his heart for quality education to be provided to all filipinos. although his direct and explicit mentions of education are relatively few and barely make up 1% of his speeches, this did not however mean that he has utterly neglected and failed to give importance to the education sect of the nation. “war on crime and drugs,” being the central thrust of his governance, seems to be adequately ushered in his educational platforms. one can note that he does not only prioritize formal education, but also non-formal education, also known as “alternative learning systems,” to the point that he stresses out the need for department of education’s budget to be used as well in strengthening the implementation of als nationwide. this could be a good indicator that duterte actually focuses on “education for all,” since he believes that by ushering children and the youth into either formal or non-formal education, these will grow up into responsible citizens who would not defile themselves into various crimes and illegal drug uses. president duterte’s administration showcases preventive measures on crime, violence, and drugs by means of devising programs and laws for the eventual attainment of universal quality education. it is high time for 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(2004). charting the language of leadership: a methodological investigation of president bush and the crisis of 9/11. journal of https://www.britannica.com/biography/benigno-aquino-iii https://www.britannica.com/biography/benigno-aquino-iii https://www.britannica.com/biography/benigno-aquino-iii http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/02/20/power-and-abuse-language-%09politics.html http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/02/20/power-and-abusehttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/328368364_discourse_on_the_move_using_corpus_analysis_to_describe_discourse_structure https://www.researchgate.net/publication/328368364_discourse_on_the_move_using_corpus_analysis_to_describe_discourse_structure http://meannb.blogspot.com/ http://meannb.blogspot.com/ http://meannb.blogspot.com/ https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15161413 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15161413 education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 77 applied psychology, 89(3), 562–574. bondoc, m. c. (2017, july 21). duterte’s first sona, one year later: education and rehabilitation in the war on drugs. retrieved august 16, 2018, from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/618764/duterte-s-first-sona one-year-later-education-and-rehabilitation-in-the-war-on-drugs/story/. fape. (2012). deped’s gastpe program: esc. accessed august 14, 2018 at http://www.fape.org.ph/articles/view/24 fowler, r. (2012). critical discourse. london: oxford university press geronimo, j. y. (2016, july 25). sona 2016: duterte wants mandatory education on evils of drugs. retrieved august 14, 2018, from https://www.rappler.com/nation/140887duterte sona-2016-philippines-education-evils-drugs. halliday, m. a. k., & hasan, r. (1976). cohesion in english. london: longman group jasim, s. a. (2018). an analysis of metaphor in selected political speeches. journal university of kerbala, 16 (3), 16 – 25. kasanova, p. & kocnerova, m. (2013). analysis of the idiolects of u.s. presidents. the language of george w. bush and comparison with his successor, barack obama. annual of language & politics of identity, (7), 61-76. manasan, rosario and cuenca, janet (2007). who benefits from the food-for-school program and tindahan natin program: lessons in targeting. philippine institute for development studies. accessed august 15, 2018 at http://www.dlsu.edu.ph /research/centers/aki/_pdf/philippines/foodforschoolprogram.pdf mio, j., riggio, r., & herndier, r. (2017). metaphor density in president obama’s and governor romney’s presidential acceptance speeches: implications for leadership and conveyance of vision, acta psychopathologica, 3 (3), pp. 1 – 8. philstar global (2018, july 23). full text: duterte’s 2018 sona speech. retrieved august 06, 2018 from https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2018/07/23/1836195/full-text dutertes-2018-sona-speech. pisa (2009). what makes a school successful? accessed august 15, 2018 at https://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisaproducts/48852721.pdf\ prcboard.com (2017, july 24). sona 2017 speech transcript and video. retrieved august 06, 2018 from https://www.prcboard.com/2017/07/sona-2017-speech-full-transcript and-video-president-rodrigo-duterte.html. ptv news (2018, june 13). president duterte commits to provide quality and affordable education to all. retrieved august 16, 2018 from https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/. pesaei, s. and nourali, n. (2016). language and power: the use of persuasive techniques http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/618764/duterte-s-first-sona-one-year-later-education-and-rehabilitation-in-the-war-on-drugs/story/ http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/618764/duterte-s-first-sona-one-year-later-education-and-rehabilitation-in-the-war-on-drugs/story/ http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/618764/duterte-s-first-sona-one-year-later-education-and-rehabilitation-in-the-war-on-drugs/story/ http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/news/specialreports/618764/duterte-s-first-sona-one-year-later-education-and-rehabilitation-in-the-war-on-drugs/story/ http://www.fape.org.ph/articles/view/24 http://www.fape.org.ph/articles/view/24 https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q&esrc=s&source=web&cd=2&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahukewihxrc2nbdoahubbn0kha7-de4qfjabegqiarab&url=https%3a%2f%2fwww.iosrjournals.org%2fiosr-jrme%2fpapers%2fvol-3%2520issue-1%2fb0310917.pdf%3fid%3d6762&usg=aovvaw2u-86tmspxl0bjabpj8imc https://www.rappler.com/nation/140887-duterte-%09sona-2016-philippines-education-evils-drugs https://www.rappler.com/nation/140887-duterte-%09sona-2016-philippines-education-evils-drugs http://www.rappler.com/nation/140887dutertehttps://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=2ahukewij26tunbdoahxbzsskhb8fdyoqfjaaegqibrab&url=https%3a%2f%2fwww.iasj.net%2fiasj%3ffunc%3dfulltext%26aid%3d157603&usg=aovvaw3rqcukypkot_srh-qahrkl https://web.a.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=18031757&an=126222418&h=kpevbbtsvhk%2fatv6hnouzbxrqafgbvyeda8li4z%2bwwp3p04lefro5kli2hxmq5sk6pznhkhgdmingxkensruug%3d%3d&crl=c&resultns=adminwebauth&resultlocal=errcrlnotauth&crlhashurl=login.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26profile%3dehost%26scope%3dsite%26authtype%3dcrawler%26jrnl%3d18031757%26an%3d126222418 https://web.a.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=18031757&an=126222418&h=kpevbbtsvhk%2fatv6hnouzbxrqafgbvyeda8li4z%2bwwp3p04lefro5kli2hxmq5sk6pznhkhgdmingxkensruug%3d%3d&crl=c&resultns=adminwebauth&resultlocal=errcrlnotauth&crlhashurl=login.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26profile%3dehost%26scope%3dsite%26authtype%3dcrawler%26jrnl%3d18031757%26an%3d126222418 https://web.a.ebscohost.com/abstract?direct=true&profile=ehost&scope=site&authtype=crawler&jrnl=18031757&an=126222418&h=kpevbbtsvhk%2fatv6hnouzbxrqafgbvyeda8li4z%2bwwp3p04lefro5kli2hxmq5sk6pznhkhgdmingxkensruug%3d%3d&crl=c&resultns=adminwebauth&resultlocal=errcrlnotauth&crlhashurl=login.aspx%3fdirect%3dtrue%26profile%3dehost%26scope%3dsite%26authtype%3dcrawler%26jrnl%3d18031757%26an%3d126222418 http://www.dlsu.edu.ph/research/centers/aki/_pdf/philippines/foodforschoolprogram.pdf http://www.dlsu.edu.ph/research/centers/aki/_pdf/philippines/foodforschoolprogram.pdf http://www.dlsu.edu.ph/ https://psychopathology.imedpub.com/metaphor-density-in-president-obamas-and-governor-romneys-presidential-acceptance-speeches-implications-for-leadership-and-conveya.php?aid=19267 https://psychopathology.imedpub.com/metaphor-density-in-president-obamas-and-governor-romneys-presidential-acceptance-speeches-implications-for-leadership-and-conveya.php?aid=19267 https://psychopathology.imedpub.com/metaphor-density-in-president-obamas-and-governor-romneys-presidential-acceptance-speeches-implications-for-leadership-and-conveya.php?aid=19267 https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2018/07/23/1836195/full-text-dutertes-2018-sona-speech http://www.philstar.com/headlines/2018/07/23/1836195/full-texthttps://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisaproducts/48852721.pdf http://www.oecd.org/pisa/pisaproducts/48852721.pdf/ http://prcboard.com/ https://www.prcboard.com/2017/07/sona-2017-speech-full-transcript-%09and-video-president-rodrigo-duterte.html http://www.prcboard.com/2017/07/sona-2017-speech-full-transcripthttps://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://ptvnews.ph/president-dutertehttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/309622156_language_and_power_the_use_of_persuasive_techniques_in_iran_and_us_president_speeches education and the nation state: an analysis of philippine presidential speeches jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 78 in itan and us president speeches. journal of language teaching and research, 7 (6), pp. 1203 – 1209. santos, reynaldo jr. (2015). aquino's sona speeches through the years. accessed august 14, 2018 at https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/64681-highlights aquino-state-of-the-nati on-address sicat, g. p. (2016, july 27). sona: analysis, vision, expectations, and reality. retrieved august 14, 2018, from https://www.philstar.com/business/2016/07/27/1606942/sona-analysis vision-expectations-and-reality. tesda. (n. d.) accessed august 16, 2018 at http://www.tesda3.com.ph/tesd program/tesda -specialista-technopreneurship-pr ogram/ thompson, c. (2005).the power of language. retrieved january 10, 2020, from http://experiencelife.com vijayakumari, k. & manikandan, k. (2013). school engagement of secondary school students in kerala. guru journal of behavioral and social sciences, 1 (2). worldbank (2015). philippines: cct proven to keep poor children healthy and in school – world bank. accessed august 14, 2018 at http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/09/23/philippines-cct proven-to-keep-poor-children-healthy-and-in-school https://www.researchgate.net/publication/309622156_language_and_power_the_use_of_persuasive_techniques_in_iran_and_us_president_speeches https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/64681-highlights-aquino-state-of-the-nati%20on-address https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/64681-highlightshttps://www.philstar.com/business/2016/07/27/1606942/sona-analysis-vision-expectations-and-reality https://www.philstar.com/business/2016/07/27/1606942/sona-analysishttp://www.tesda3.com.ph/tesd-program/tesda%20-specialista-technopreneurship-pr%20ogram/ http://www.tesda3.com.ph/tesdhttp://experiencelife.com/ http://experiencelife.com/ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259500673_school_engagement_of_secondary_school_students_in_kerala https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259500673_school_engagement_of_secondary_school_students_in_kerala http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/09/23/philippines-cct-proven-to-keep-poor-children-healthy-and-in-school http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/09/23/philippines-cct-proven-to-keep-poor-children-healthy-and-in-school http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/09/23/philippines-cctjurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout februari 2016 does democracy make you happy? multilevel analysis of self-rated happiness in indonesia sujarwoto department of public administration, universias brawijaya, malang, indonesia. email: sujarwoto@ub.ac.id abstract the linkage between democracy and citizen happiness in developing countries is rarely examined. this study examines the link between democracy and citizen happiness in indonesia, a new emerging democratic country in south east asia. data comes from the indonesian family life survey 2007 (n individual = 29.055; n household = 12.528; n district = 262) and the indonesian family survey east 2012 (n individual = 5.910; n household = 2.546; n district = 55). results from a three-level ordinary logit model show that democracy as measured by age of direct local democracy is not associated with citizen happiness. instead of age of direct local democracy, district community social capital and spending public services give benefit for citizen happiness. the results are robust against individual and district characteristics related to happiness. the results highlight the importance of promoting community social capital and improving district capacity in delivering public service to improve citizen happiness in indonesia. keywords: democracy, happiness, three-level ordinary logit model, indonesia introduction during the last two decades, citizen happiness has become an important development agenda in western countries, particularly rich countries across europe and north america (argyle 2001; oecd 2013). the economic crisis in europe and united states at the end of 2009 have realised that economic welfare or gdp is not the only ultimate goal of development. the government and lead○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ recieved 11 september 2015; accepted 07 september 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0021 26-49 27 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 ers in these countries have realised that citizen happiness and life satisfaction are more importance. since 2008 therefore, government and policy makers across european countries have promoted happiness as an indicator to measure national development progress. france and united kingdom for example have included happiness in their national wellbeing index. the international development organisation such as oecd has also used this indicator for measuring social and development progress in their development program (oecd 2013). studies to understand citizen happiness and its factors in western europe and united states have been widely documented. among them conclude that democracy is an important factor of citizen happiness (frey & stutzer, 2000; argyle 2003; blanchflower & oswald 2004; lane 2009). frey and stutzer (2000) found that local autonomy and direct democracy both increase citizen happiness, and they suggested that this positive effect could be attributed to two factors: local citizens’ feeling of being more closely connected to political outcomes, and the benefits of political participation. however, veenhoven (2000) found that political and private freedoms exert a positive influence on subjective wellbeing only in countries with well-established democracies. in emerging democratic countries, the linkage between democracy and subjective wellbeing or happiness is still little known. this study examines the linkage between democracy and citizen happiness in indonesia. the country is an emerging democratic country in south east asia as its authoritarian political system was radically reformed in 1999. since 1999, free and fair national, central elections of parliament and president have been introduced across the country. more than forty new political parties participated in this direct election which, coupled with new media openness, supported a burgeoning country-wide democracy (national election committee 2004). from then onwards, citizens experienced http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 28 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics increased freedom to make their voice heard through the press, over which the government has continued to relax its control. moreover, in 2001, indonesia embraced local autonomy, a move which transformed the country’s local government political system. local autonomy has given every district or local government the power to perform the key functions of state, including the provision of health, education, environmental and infrastructure services. further reforms in 2005 allowed citizens to elect their own mayor and parliament through direct local elections: by the end of 2006, more than half of all districts had conducted direct elections (the ministry of home affair 2007). all these national and political reforms may affect people’s lives and their happiness across archipelago. this study contributes to existing literature on democracy and happiness in the following ways. first, it combines insight from two strands of earlier research on contextual and individual factors of citizen happiness in developed countries (argyle 2003; blanchflower and oswald 2004; diener and biswar-diener 2008; graham 2009; lane 2009). second, by focusing on indonesian local democracy, this study provides a contrast to the far more extensive work on happiness and wellbeing that draws on data from developed countries and western country settings (especially the uk, us and western europe). third, prior studies examining the linkage between democracy and citizen happiness used either aggregate data at the individual level (see for example frey and stutzer 2002) or ignore the nested structure of data (see for example bjornskov et al. 2008). it is crucial to distinguish the individual-compositional sources of variation from the place-contextual ones in order to minimize confounding (subramanian et al. 2001). the three-level ordinary logit model used in this study is able to account for the clustering of individuals within households and districts by separating their variance in happiness from the household and district variance (rabehesketh and skrondal 2012). using this model is thus most approhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 29 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 priate for examining the effects of individual and contextual sources of happiness on citizen happiness. theoretical framework social scientists have long been interested in the study of how and why people are happy and unhappy; they do so by identifying factors associated with happiness. the findings of previous studies suggest that the factors contributing to happiness fall into two broad categories: contextual and individual. contextual sources of happiness pertain to factors at the community and state level such as democracy, social capital, better environment, good government and per capita gdp (argyle 2003; blanchflower and oswald 2004; lane 2009). individual sources of happiness pertain to the socio-demographic characteristics of individuals and their unique economic circumstances. the individual sources include gender, age, marital status, companionship, social ties, religiosity, health, employment status, education and personal or household income (argyle 2003; diener and biswar-diener 2008; graham 2009). figure 1 shows the interrelationships among contextual and individual sources of happiness. the model allows for an interaction effect between individual and contextual factors in the production of happiness. figure 1: interrelationship between individual and contextual sources of happiness http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 30 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics contextual sources of happiness have been a consistent topic of interest for sociologists, economists and political scientists. research shows democracy, social capital, better environment, good government and gdp to be good predictors of happiness. frey and stutzer (2000) found that local autonomy and direct democracy both increase happiness, and they suggested that this positive effect could be attributed to two factors: local citizens’ feeling of being more closely connected to political outcomes, and the benefits of political participation. however, veenhoven (2000) found that political and private freedoms exert a positive inf luence on subjective wellbeing only in countries with well-established democracies. rodriguez-pose and maslauskaite (2012) found that good government as measured by its capacity to deliver public services is positively associated with citizen happiness. bjornskov et al. (2008) found that the higher performance of economic and judicial institutions affects happiness in mediumand high-income countries. studies have also shown the benefit of community social capital for individual happiness (putnam 1995; bjornskov 2003). putnam (1995) explained that social capital provides a channel for the personal and social support that increases individual happiness. mookerjee and beron (2005) find that religious fractionalization is associated with reduced happiness. thao et al (2009) argue that ethnic diversity may relate with less happiness. some scholars have also found that higher gdp increases citizen happiness. corruption has a detrimental effect on happiness (bjornskov et al. 2008). di tella et al. (2003) and helliwell et al. (2013), among others, have shown that people who live in countries with higher gdps have higher levels of happiness. individual sources of happiness have been identified by most psychologists and economists. studies have found gender, age, marital status, health, companionship, religiosity, social ties, employment status, education and personal or household income to be predichttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 31 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 tors of individual happiness. women tend to be happier than men (graham 2009); one somewhat contentious explanation for this is that women tend to have lower levels of aspiration and, thus, a higher level of happiness (frey and stutzer 2002). age is positively associated with happiness, with older people likely to be happier than younger people (argyle 2001). blanchflower and oswald (2008) posited a u-shaped relationship between age and happiness, demonstrating that both younger and older people tend to be happier than middle-aged people. marital status and companionship are consistent predictors of happiness, with married individuals and individuals in a partnership likely to be happier than widowed and divorced individuals (blanchflower and oswald 2004); loneliness has the effect of decreasing happiness (lane 2001). religiosity and social ties are also sources of individual happiness. abdel-khalek (2006) found that people who are religiously devout tend to enjoy not only better mental health but also higher levels of happiness. helliwell (2006) found that social ties are one of the main factors of subjective wellbeing. physical health is a stable predictor of happiness; a healthy individual is likely to be happier than an unhealthy individual (graham 2009). employment is positively associated with happiness, with employed people likely to be happier than those who are unemployed (clark 2003); unemployment has a detrimental effect on happiness (clark and oswald 1994). prior studies also show that education may contribute to happiness by enabling individuals to better adapt to a changing environment (clark and oswald 2004). household and individual incomes are consistent predictors of happiness (lane 2003; blanchflower and oswald 2004). research method indonesian family life survey (ifls) and official statistics to examine the linkage between democracy and citizen happihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 32 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ness in indonesia, we assembled individual and district level data from various sources. in this analysis, the data possesses a multilevel structure, with individuals nested within households and districts. data on individuals and households is taken from ifls 2007 and ifls east 2011, while district data comes from indonesian village potential census (podes), indonesian population census, and official statistics. our analysis used the ifls 2007 and ifls east 2012 as the happiness question was first asked in both surveys. the sample in the surveys was restricted to respondents aged 15 years and older who gave complete information on the happiness question. the ifls 2007 sample included 29,055 individuals from 12,528 households living in 262 districts, which corresponds to approximately 99% of the ifls 2007 sample included in the happiness module. on average, there were 4-5 individuals within each household and 100 households within each district. the ifls east 2012 sample included 5,910 individuals from 2,546 households living in 55 districts, which corresponds to approximately 99% of the ifls 2012 sample included in the happiness module. on average, there were 2-3 individuals within each household and 70-100 households within each district. the ifls data was linked to a number of other surveys and official statistical datasets using district codes. first, we linked the ifls data with the local and national election database of the indonesian ministry of home affairs as the data contains information about districts that by 2007 had elected their major and local parliament through direct election. next, we linked it with the government village potential statistics (podes) 2006 and 2011. podes contains detailed information about the incidence of local conflict and violence as well as the number of community groups within districts, calculating aggregates at village and urban neighbourhood levels to measure their distribution. third, we linked the ifls with the ethnic and religious fractionalisation index measured from the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 33 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 indonesian population census 2010. fourth, we linked the ifls data to district fiscal data. collected by the ministry of finance, this dataset provides information about district spending for public services (indonesian ministry of finance 2008). we use fiscal data from 2006 and 2011 (the year prior to the ifls survey), as district development spending in the indonesian budgeting system takes at least one year to take effect. measure of democracy and citizen happiness democracy is measured by age of district direct election. it assumes that districts which have older age of local democracy have more mature democracy than district with younger age. citizen happiness is measured by self-rated happiness (veenhoven 1984). in the ifls survey, respondents were asked: “taken all together, how do you feel these days: ‘very happy’, ‘pretty happy’, ‘not too happy’ or ‘very unhappy’?” this item has been widely used and has been validated during use in previous studies (frey and stutzer 2002; krueger and schkade 2008; oswald and wu 2011). control variables control variables include contextual and individual/household factors of happiness. contextual factors include district gdp, community social capital, spending for public services, local conflicts and violence, ethnic and religious fractionalisation. following putnam (1993), we use the density of community groups active in a district to measure social capital. this provides information about, among others, kelompok pengajian and kelompok kebaktian (religious groups), karang taruna (youth groups), persatuan kematian (funeral groups), and kelompok wanita (women’s groups), all active community groups found within villages or urban neighbourhoods in indonesia. we use district spending for public services to measure district capacity to deliver public services. to address whether local http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 34 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics conflicts and violence affect happiness, we include number of local conflicts and violence in the estimation. ethnic and religious fractionalisation were measured as one minus the herfindahl index of ethnic or religious group shared, and reflected the probability that two randomly selected individuals from population belonged to different groups (alesina et al. 2003). individual and household factors of happiness are also included for control variables. individual factors of happiness were selected from prior studies. these individual factors include age, gender, per capita household expenditure, poverty status, years of schooling, employment status, marital status, health, social ties, trust, ethnicity, religiosity and social participation, loneliness, parental status, and migration. meanwhile, household factors include household expenditure, household location in an urban or in a rural area and household size. the three-level ordinary logit model a three-level ordinary logit model is used to account for individual, household and district characteristics on citizen happiness. this model is more appropriate than the use of ordinary least squared (ols) regression, which aggregates data at the individual level and ignores the nested structure of data; if ignored, this nesting of individuals within household and district units can lead to the underestimation of standard errors regarding the effect of household and district characteristics (snijders and bosker 1999). one consequence of failing to recognise hierarchical structures is that standard errors of the regression coefficient will be underestimated, leading to an overstatement of statistical significance. standard errors of the coefficient of higher-level predictors will be the most affected by ignoring the grouping as does ols estimation. three-level ordinary logit model, or multilevel, analyses combine the regression and the variance component models to account for the nested structure of the data. this model accounts for the clushttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 35 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 tering of individuals by separating individual variance in happiness from that of household and district variance in happiness. the total variance is partitioned into the variance between households and districts (ó2 µ ) and the variance within households and districts (ó2 e ). these variances capture the effects of unobserved heterogeneities, variables that are independent of the covariates in the model (rabe-hesketh et al. 2012). we carried out three-level ordinary logit models with generalised linear latent and mixed models commands (gllamms) using stata 13.0 software. rabe-hesketh et al. (2004) explained that gllamms are a class of multilevel latent variable models for (multivariate) responses of mixed type, including continuous responses, counts, duration/survival data, dichotomous, ordered and unordered categorical responses, and rankings. in this analysis, gllamm is used with an ordinal logit link as the dependent variable (self-rated happiness) is ordinal. for each of the models, the estimated coefficient, standard errors, individual, household and district variances, and log likelihood as an indicator of model fit are reported. all models were estimated using maximum likelihood estimation. findings first, we describe the district characteristics of the survey. the surveys reflect the contrast in socio economic development between western and eastern indonesia, particularly concerning gdp, spending for public services, ethnic and religious fractionalisation, social capital and age of democracy. as ifls east was collected in 2012, the age of local direct democracy in eastern indonesia is longer. levels of district gdp and spending for public services in eastern indonesia are greater than in western indonesia. community social capital in the eastern region is substantially greater than in the western region. ethnic and religious fractionalisation in eastern indonesia is higher than in western indonesia. poverty as measured by http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 36 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics percentage of households with consumption of less than 2 usd per day is fairly similar in both regions; poverty in the eastern region is slightly higher at 68%. the mean self-rated happiness score was 3.00 (sd = 3.55-3.58) for both samples, measured on a 1 (very unhappy) to 4 (very happy) scale. consistent with the ipsos 2010 and the 2012 happy planet index results, most respondents in the surveys report happy and very happy (94% for ifls 2007 and 88% for ifls east 2012). the detailed of socio-demographic variables in both samples are shown in table 1. bivariate ordered logistic regression in table 1 shows that most variables were statistically significantly associated with happiness at the 5% level. however, age of local democracy is not significantly associated with citizen happiness. ethnic fractionalisation, community social capital and spending for public services are strongly related with happiness. religious fractionalisation and gdp have a weak correlation with happiness. local conflict and violence are negatively associated with citizen happiness. only a small number of observations were missing. with the relatively small amount of missing data, it is expected that bias and efficiency loss in the estimation of the multivariate models are minimal. table 2 shows results of the three-level ordered logit model. to examine the degree of variance in citizen happiness at the individual, household, and district levels, we estimated an empty model before regressing happiness on any predictor. the empty model includes only variance components; it is not reported in the tables. it revealed that the unexplained individual variance in citizen happiness is 0.049, the unexplained household variance in happiness is 0.038, and the unexplained district variance comes to 0.007. thus, the intra-class correlation (icc) for individuals within a household is 0.124; for individuals within a district the icc is 0.101. this means that 12.5% of the variation occurs between households and 10% http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 37 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 table 1 sample characteristics and bivariate ordered logistic analysis http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 38 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics occurs between districts; ignoring this can lead to inefficient and biased estimates. across the models, democracy is not significantly associated with citizen happiness (0.020, *p >5%). the widespread local conflict and violence following democracy and decentralisation in the local level have detrimental effect on citizen well-being. the negative association of local conflicts and violence on citizen happiness is consistent in the models. the negative association between district gdp and citizen happiness indicates the paradox of economic growth in the country archipelago. this finding signals that district economic development does not go with citizen happiness. as districts across indonesia are rich with community social capital, this community social capital gives benefit for citizen well-being. individuals who live in district with richer community social capital are happier than those who live in district with poorer community social capital. instead of age of direct local democracy, the capacity of district governments in spending for public services gives benefit for citizen well-being. across the models, spending for public services is significantly associated with happiness. studies also report that higher ethnic fractionalisation across the indonesian archipelago often leads to ethnic conflicts, which have detrimental effect on citizen wellbeing (kaiser and hofman 2003; world bank 2006; baron et al. 2009). the negative association between ethnic fractionalisation and citizen happiness is shown in this study. most of the individual and contextual factors show consistent results with existing studies. being married, being healthier and richer, being educated and employed, being religious, and having social ties are source of happiness in the individual and household level in indonesia. however, happiness is beyond ethnicity and religious affiliation. the findings indicate that basic sources of citizen happiness in the country are the same regardless of ethnic and religious differences. age is positively associated with happiness. marhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 39 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 table 2: regression results of three-level ordered logit model 40 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ried individuals are happier than divorced and widowed individuals. women are happier than men are. richer household is happier than poorer household. employed and educated individuals are also happier. support and good social relationship benefit for happiness. consistent results are shown from the association of social ties, trust and social participation on happiness. in contrast, loneliness and childlessness have detrimental effect on happiness. religious individuals are happier, but religious affiliation is irrelevant. ethnicity affiliation is also irrelevant. in all models, we found being muslim and being javanese are not significantly associated with happiness. the null association of being javanese is not surprising in that little ethnic discrimination, whether de jure of de facto, has existed in modern, independent indonesia. some studies argue that chinese have been discriminated against javanese in indonesia, but considering their large wealth, they are not so much discriminated against as envied (suryadinata et al. 2003). the significant association of urban residence and happiness is only shown for eastern indonesia. the variances at the household and district levels are significant across all specifications. the estimation of these works towards ensuring the remaining estimates is robust against unobserved household and district heterogeneities. single-level studies, which ignore unobserved heterogeneities at either the household or the district level, may not be as robust. this is worth bearing in mind when comparing these results with those discussed in the current literature. discussion this paper examines the linkage between democracy and citizen happiness in indonesia. indonesia provides an interesting case not only because recent findings show the country to be one of the happiest in the world but also because relatively little research has http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 41 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 explored to examine the relationship between current local democracy development and citizen happiness in the country. the main findings show that democracy as measured by age of local democracy is not associated with citizen happiness. instead of democracy, community social capital and district capacity in delivering public services are district factors of citizen happiness. the null association of local democracy on citizen happiness may indicate ineffectiveness of local democracy in the country. ineffectiveness of local direct democracy has been noted by some studies. aspinall and mietzner (2010) note the influence of political elites, patronage and ‘money politics’ in local elections. local democracy in indonesia has also been accompanied by an increasing amount of local conflict, which has not only rendered local democracy less effective (choi 2004; nordholt and van-klinken 2005), but which is also in itself detrimental to citizen happiness (sujarwoto and tampubolon 2014). under such conditions, the widening participation of political parties and local direct elections may not guarantee effective local leadership, which can provide better local policies and services, which improve wellbeing. the pessimism of citizens on effectiveness of local democracy to bring effective local leadership was also indicated from the increasing number of non-voters in local elections since political reform from 20% in 2005 to 40% in 2013 (the ministry of home affairs 2014). although some qualitative studies report such local conflicts were also related to religious tension (suryadinata et al. 2003; klinken 2007; choi 2004), we do not find significant relation between district religious fractionalisation and citizen happiness. religious affiliation is also not significantly associated with happiness. similar finding were also shown by the studies of ferriss (2002) and sohn (2013). they find that the levels of happiness differ little among muslims, protestants, christians, catholics and jews. in our study, the effect of religion on happiness is shown in the form of indihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 42 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics vidual religiosity. we find those who do daily prayers are happier than those who do not do daily prayers. further, the positive association between religious fractionalisation and individual religiosity may signal the way individual religious freedom is expressed and associated with citizen happiness, as suggested by some scholars that the majority of indonesians harbour tolerant and friendly towards other faiths, especially in the context of the wider muslim world (pizani 2014). indonesia is a society in transition, but retains many traditional features. ethnicity still plays important roles in citizen’s daily life and therefore may influence citizen happiness (ricklefs 2001; suryadinata et al 2003). the importance of ethnicity on happiness is shown in this study. in all models, we find that citizen who live in district with higher ethnic fractionalisation are less happy than those who live in district with less ethnic fractionalisation. the negative association of ethnic fractionalisation may relate with increasing conflict and violence in high ethnic fractionalisation districts in indonesia since 1998. nordholt and van-klinken (2005) for example show that increasing conflict involving ethnic groups since the fall of the authoritarian regime in 1998 mostly occurred in districts with high ethnic fractionalisation such as maluku, kalimantan, and papua. ethnic fractionalisation in conflict districts in those islands resulted in social tension and reduced social tolerance, which may also make citizen less happy. the benefits of indigenous community social capital across indonesia archipelago such as kerjabakti (voluntary labor), arisan or binda (rotating credit association), kelompok pengajian and kelompok kebaktian (religious groups), karang taruna (youth groups), persatuan kematian (funeral groups), and kelompok wanita (women’s groups) on various aspects of citizen well-being were documented in prior studies. miller et al. (2006) for example found that these type of community social capital benefits mental health among adults in http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 43 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 indonesia. beard (2007) shows the positive role of this indigenous tradition in improving community well-being. sujarwoto and tampubolon (2013) explain some benefits of community and individual social capital for well-being, which include support from community and family members, better access to public services and amenities, and sharing knowledge and information. such channels may link the positive association of social capital and citizen happiness in indonesia. for example, the importance of family and community support in improving well-being was highlighted in the recent bps 2013 survey, which found that time spent with family and neighbours are among main factors of household happiness in indonesia (bps 2014). the association between spending for public services and citizen happiness signal that happiness in the country is increased through better capacity of district government to deliver public services. using the ifls 2007, sujarwoto and tampubolon (2014) found that fiscal decentralisation in indonesia is significantly associated with citizen happiness. bjørnskov et al. (2008) explain mechanisms by which fiscal decentralisation leads to citizen happiness. they find that it encourages local governments to provide citizens with the public goods and services that they need. it entails a shift in political decision-making from central to local government, with the implication that local government has a greater potential to tailor its policies specifically to the demands of local citizens. this improved matching of public goods and service delivery to local needs necessarily increases happiness levels of the beneficiaries. indonesians living in richer districts as indicated by higher gdp are less happy than those living in poorer districts. this negative association contrasts with previous cross-country analyses, which have shown a positive association (di tella et al. 2003; clark and senik 2011). in the literature of happiness, this phenomenon is often called the growth paradox (graham 2009). this enigma may http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 44 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics be explained by the fact that districts with higher gdp tend to experience higher levels of economic growth. recent studies on indonesian economic development indicate that despite high growth rates between 2005 and 2011, economic inequality has deepened (yusuf et al. 2014). the asian development bank (2012) and euromonitor (2012) report that indonesia has experienced the highest increases in income inequality levels in the world in the past few years (rising from a gini coefficient of 0.33 in 2005 to 0.47 in 2011); districts with the highest gdps also have the highest levels of economic inequality (world bank 2008). based on the national survey data 1993-2013, yusuf et al (2014) show the rise in inequality was predominantly visible in the period after the 1999 crisis, or era of political reform and democratisation. this increase of inequality in richer districts may explain why citizens living in richer districts are less happy. conclusion in indonesia, the quality of district administration seems to be more important for citizen wellbeing than the provision of local democracy and the freedoms it implies. this study found that citizens report being happier when their district authorities prove themselves more capable of providing better public services and promoting community social capital. providing better policies and services that can ensure adherence to basic norms of equity and fairness, as well as promoting social support and collective culture, are essential to increasing citizen happiness in the country. the importance of the role of districts in improving citizen happiness across archipelago is clearly paramount and should not be underestimated by government and policy makers. the findings have an important implication both for theory linking democracy and citizen happiness and local democracy practice in developing countries. the null association between democracy http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 45 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 and citizen happiness in indonesia is in contrast with findings in the western europe and united states which show strong relationship between democracy and happiness (frey and stutzer, 2002; lane, 2009). this contrasting findings imply that theory linking democracy and citizen happiness in developing countries may have different pathways. in the context of developing countries, local democracy will benefit for citizen happiness if political participation and freedom can be translated into better public services and more cohesive and safer community. from a policy perspective therefore, politicians and government should notice that the ultimate goal of democracy is not enlarging political participation and freedom but achieving citizen wellbeing or happiness through providing better policies and services as well as through promoting social support and collective culture. references alesina, a, devleeschauwer, a, easterly, w, kurlat, s, & wacziarg, r. (2003). fractionalization. journal of economic growth, 8, 155-194. argyle, m. (2001). the psychology of happiness. east sussex: routledge. aspinall, e. & mietzner, m. (2010). problems of democratisation in indonesia: election, institutions, and society. singapore: iseas. ballas, d. & tranmer, m. (2010). happy people or happy places? a multilevel modelling approach to the analysis of happiness and wellbeing. international regional science review, 1(1),1-33. barron, p, kaiser, k, & pradhan, m. (2009). understanding variations in local conflict: evidence and implications from indonesia, world development, 37(3), 698-713. beard, v. (2005). individual determinants of participation in community development in indonesia. environment and planning c: government and policy, 23(1), 21-39. beard, v. (2007). household contributions to community development in indonesia, world development, 35(4), 607-625. bjørnskov, c., dreher, a., & fischer, j. 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(2014). twenty years of expenditure inequality in indonesia, 1993–2013, bulletin of indonesian economic studies, 50,(2), 243– 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0021 26-49 a a history of modern indonesia ai weiwei amporn tamronglak athumthani university aulus wirotomo autonomy b badan layanan umum bambang wahyu sudarmadji bangkokthonburi universit banten beijing occupy bekasi biswar-diener blacksburg manifesto perspective brian smith bulletin of indonesian economic studies c cambridge camilo valderrama canada censorship central java charoen pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher 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licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 72 bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 saidin ernas program studi filsafat iain ambon, maluku. email: ernassaid@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract nowadays more and more out of boarding school as a primary function of islamic educational institutions and engage in practical politics. an action that causes a variety of social and political implications that ought to be observed scientifically. this paper describes an important finding that successful boarding school involvement in politics, despite the economic added-value material that benefit schools, but it has grown factual in-transactional pragmatic political behavior and at the same time reduce the legitimacy of public schools and cause resistance to the political attitudes of pesantren keywords: political of bourding school (pesantren), pragmatism -transactional, social resistant abstrak dewasa ini semakin banyak pondok pesantren yang keluar dari fungsi utamanya sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam dan melibatkan diri dalam kegiatan politik praktis. sebuah tindakan yang menimbulkan berbagai implikasi social maupun politik yang patut untuk dicermati secara ilmiah. tulisan ini berhasil mendeskripsikan temuan penting bahwa keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik, meskipun memberi nilai tambah ekonomi-material yang menguntungkan pesantren, namun secara factual pada telah menumbuhkan perilaku politik pragmatis-transaksional dan pada saat yang sama menurunkan legitimasi pesantren dan menimbulkan resistensi masyarakat terhadap sikap politik pesantren. kata kunci: politik pesantren, pragmatisme-transaksional, resisten sosial 73 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendahuluan meskipun selama ini sudah banyak peneliti yang menjadikan pesantren sebagai objek kajian, namun selalu saja tersedia perspektif tertentu yang belum bisa diungkap1. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa pesantren memiliki kekayaan khasanah pengetahuan sosial yang dapat diteliti dari berbagai aspek keilmuan. posisi pesantren yang demikian itu mempertegas sebuah hipotesa bahwa pesantren bukan hanya sebuah lembaga pendidikan islam semata, tetapi juga telah menjadi entitas politik yang berpengaruh di indonesia. atau dalam kata-kata eric hiariej dari fisip ugm, pesantren is more politics than we think. perdebatan tentang keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik selalu berada dalam tarik menarik dua kutup pendapat yang kontradiktif. yakni antara pendapat yang mengabsahkan dan menganggapnya sebagai sesuatu yang wajar, serta pendapat yang mengkritiknya dengan keras sebagai pengingkaran terhadap fungsi pesantren sebagai lembaga pendidikan, yang seharusnya selalu menjaga independensi dan posisi politik. pendapat yang pertama, mengasumsikan bahwa komunitas pesantren, bagaimanapun juga merupakan entitas yang memiliki hak dan aspirasi politik sebagaimana warga negara lainnya. hal ini didukung oleh argumentasi teologis yang membernakan pilihan politik praktis. pendapat ini semakin kukuh apalagi didukung oleh realitas semakin banyaknya pemimpin pesantren (kiai) yang terjun dalam dunia politik langsung maupun tidak. pendapat kedua mengkritik dengan keras, bahwa keterlibatan pesantren dalam dunia politik lebih banyak bahaya daripada manfaatnya (khoirudin, 2005; ix-x). hal ini mengacu pada realitas politik kekinian yang sering dianggap “kotor, maka keterlibatan pesantren dalam dunia politik bagaimanapun baik dan kokohnya landasan serta argumentasi teologisnya, akan ikut terseret kedalam dunia yang “kotor” pula. perdebatan seperti ini memang tidak akan pernah selesai, sebab masingmasing akan menunjukkan berbagai argumentasi etis maupun praksis untuk mendukung pendapatnya. di dalam tulisan ini kedua pendapat tersebut akan diletakkan sebagai dasar pijak untuk mencermati lebih jauh bagaimana praktik politik pesantren dan menganalisis implikasinya secara berimabng, baik terhadap eksistensi pesantren maupun terhadap bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 74 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ komunitasnya. untuk kepentingan analisis tulisan ini mengambil contoh praktik politik di pondok pesantren al-munawwir krapyak yogyakarta. kerangka teoritik secara historis fungsi dasar pesantren adalah sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam, namun pesantren juga memiliki pengaruh dan peran politik yang penting di tengah masyarakat tradisional (khoirudin,2005; ix-x). oleh sebab itu pesantren sering berada dalam “pusaran arus” tarikmenarik kepentingan politik, sehingga tidak sedikit pesantren yang akhirnya melibatkan diri dalam politik. tingkat intensitas dan bentuk keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik bisa bermacam-macam, baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung, sebagaimana kita saksikan pada pelaksanaan momen-momen politik yang penting, seperti pemilu legisltif (pileg), pemilu presiden (pilpres) atau pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada). studi tentang pesantren merupakan bidang yang kompleks karena menuntut analisi yang cermat dari berbagai sudut pandang. mengingat kompleksitas tersebut, maka kajian tentang keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik dan implikasi yang ditimbulkannya tidak cukup hanya menggunakan satu teori atau sudut pandang terstentu. guna mendapatkan kerangka pemahaman yang utuh maka penulis akan menggunakan tiga pendekatan teoritis sekaligus sebagai pisau analisis untuk menjelaskan masalah di atas, yakni teori tentang hubungan agama dan negara, teori tentang ekonomi politik dan teori hegemoni politik. berikut akan dijelaskan aspek-aspek signifikan dan hubungan antara ketiga teori tersebut dengan penelitian ini. dalam tulisannya tentang usaha pencarian konsep negara dalam sejarah pemikiran politik islam, din syamsuddin (1993), merumuskan empat paradigm tentang hubungan agama dan negara (politik) dalam pemikiran dalam politik islam. paradigma yang pertama, dikenal dengan paradigma integralistik yang mengajukan konsep bersatunya agama dan negara. agama dan negara tidak dapat dipisahkan (scheiding van kerk en staat) karena apa yang merupakan wilayah agama, juga otomatis merupakan wilayah politik atau negara. kedua, paradigma sekularistik yang mengajukan pemisahan antara agama dan negara. dalam konteks islam, pandangan sekularistik menolak pendasaran negara kepada islam atau paling tidak bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 75 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menolak determinasi islam akan bentuk tertentu negara. ketiga, paradigma yang mengajukan pandangan bahwa agama dan negara berhubungan secara simbiotik yaitu berhubungan timbal balik dan saling memerlukan. dalam hal ini agama memerlukan negara karena dengan negara, agama dapat berkembang. sebaliknya negara membutuhkan agama karena dengan agama, negara dapat melangkah dalam bimbingan etika dan moral. jika dikaitkan dengan sistem politik di indonesia, maka dapat dinyatakan bahwa indonesia menganut aliran ini. sebagaimana direfleksikan dari pancasila sebagai dasar negara, undang-undang dasar 1945 sebagai konstitusi negara hingga kehadiran departemen agama sebagai institusi yang mengurusi agama. dalam negara yang menganut paradigma simbiotik, hubungan agama dan negara (politik) merupakan sebuah hubungan yang saling mempengaruhi, saling mengisi bahkan juga saling mengkoptasi (bactiar efendi, 1998). maka dilihat dari sisi ini, perpolitikan di indonesia membuka ruang partisipasi bagi kelompok keagamaan termasuk komunitas pesantren untuk terlibat dalam politik. dalam konteks ini keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik praktis harus dilihat sebagai partisipasi politik yang merupakan hak dan tanggungjawab semua warga negara. keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik juga juga mesti dilihat dalam kerangka ekonomi politik. sebab dalam sistem politik liberal sebagaimana dianut di indonesia, interaksi-interaksi politik tidak dapat diidentifikasi berdasarkan pemahaman keagamaan semata, karena juga berkaitan dengan tawar menawar (bargaining) kepentingan yang bersifat ekonomi. hubungan sistematis dalam teori ekonomi politik sebagaimana digambarkan di atas dapat dilihat pada tiga kemungkinan. pertama, terdapat hubungan kausalitas antar ekonomi dan politik yang dalam hal ini sering disebut model ekonomi politik determenistic. model ini mengasusmsikan bahwa ada hubungan determenistic antara ekonomi dan politik, dimana politik menentukan aspek-aspek ekonomi dan institusi ekonomi menentukan proses-proses politik. kedua, ada hubungan timbalbalik antarekonomi dan politik yang sering disebut model ekonomi politic interaktif yang menganggap fungsi-fungsi politik dan ekonomi berbeda, namun saling mempengaruhi satu dengan yang lain. ketiga, terdapat hubungan perilaku yang berlanjut atau kontinyu (a behavioral continuity) antara ekonomi dan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 76 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politik (staniland,2005; 9). kegiatan ekonomi, seperti juga kegiatan lain dalam masyarakat tidak terlepas dari konteks politik, karena sistem politik tidak hanya menentukan power relation dalam masyarakat tetapi juga menentukan nilai-nilai atau norma-norma yang sedikit banyak akan menentukan apa dan bagaimana, berbagai kegiatan ekonomi dilaksanakan dalam masyarakat. menurut deliarnov (2005; 9), teori ekonomi politik adalah sebuah perspektif analisis ekonomi terhadap proses politik yang didalamnya terdapat kajian tentang institusi politik sebagai entitas yang bersinggungan dengan keputusan ekonomi yang berusaha mempengaruhi pengambilan keputusan dan pilihan publik, baik untuk kepentingan kelompoknya maupun untuk kepentingan masyarakat luas. di sini dibutuhkan analisis yang kritis, sebab posisi politik pesantren yang strategis, memberi peluang untuk memperoleh keuntungan ekonomi dari proses-proses politik yang dimainkannya. sementara teori hegemoni perlu juga digunakan untuk menjelaskan posisi pesantren dengan politik. sebab interaksi komunitas pesantren dengan politik dan kekuasaan sangat memungkinkan pesantren berada dalam posisi yang inferior dan terhegemoni oleh politik kekuasaan. menurut gramsci hegemoni adalah: “……the supremacy of a social group manifest itself in two ways, as “domination” and as “intelectual and moral leadership”. a social group dominates antagonistic groups, which it tends to ‘liquidate’ or to subjugate” (patria, 2003). rumusan ini menunjukkan bahwa teori hegemoni memiliki dua konsep dasar yang penting, yaitu dominasi (domination) dan kepemimpinan politik (intelectual and moral leadership). dengan kata lain hegemoni dijalankan dengan menguasai kepemimpinan politik dan memperkuat superioritas kelompok dominan. disini penguasaan dilakukan tidak dengan kekerasan, melainkan melalui bentukbentuk persetujuan masyarakat yang dikuasai. dalam konteks keterlibatan pesantren dalam poiltik, posisi pesantren dikhawatirkan selalu berada dalam posisi yang terhegemoni. sehingga pesantren hanya menjadi unsur subordinat dari politik sehingga bisa digiring pikiran, kemampuan kritis dan kemampuan-kemampuan afektifnya untuk mengabdi kepada kepentingan kekuasaan politik. kelas dominan yang direpresentasikan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 77 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oleh kekuatan politik praktis dapat melakukan penguasaan kepada pesantren dengan menggunakan agama sebagai ideologi. kekuatan politik praktis dapat merekayasa kesadaran komunitas pesantren sehingga dengan penuh kesadaran, mereka rela dan mendukung kekuasaan kelas politik yang dominan itu. metode penelitian metode dalam penelitian ini merupakan jenis penelitian case study yang melihat bias politik pesantren dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi social studi kasus pada pondok pesantren krapyak yogyakarta. metode pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini adalah inter view mendalam serta didukung oleh data sekumder terkait fokus dalam pemelitian ini. metode analisis data pada penelitian ini deskriptif analisis terhadap hasil temuan lapangan yang diperoleh berdasarkan hasil wawancara, yang kemudian di perkuat dengan data-data sekunder yang terkait dengan kajian tersebut untuk kemudian ditarik sebuah kesimpulan. hasil dan analisis 1. pesantren al-munawwir dan dusun krapyak yang sedang berubah. krapyak adalah sebuah dusun santri yang terletak pada tapal batas kota yogyakarta di utara dan kabupaten bantul di selatan, tepatnya di desa panggungharjo, kecamatan sewon, kabupaten bantul yogyakarta (rpp desa panggungharjo, 2009; 214). sebelum pondok pesantren almunawwir didirikan di krapyak, daerah ini hanya sebuah dusun kecil yang dihuni oleh mayoritas penduduk jawa yang oleh clifford geertz disebut islam abangan (1989). namun setelah pesantren menjalankan aktifitasnya, syiar islam mulai berkembang dan menjadikan masyarakat di dusun ini sebagai masyarakat religius. beberapa mahasiswa yang kuliah di uin kalijaga atau universitas gajah mada, memilih untuk tinggal di sini sambil belajar agama di pesantren al-munawwir pada pagi atau sore hari. pondok pesantren al-munawwir terletak tepat di jantung dusun krapyak dan menjadi pusat berbagai aktifitas sosial, ekonomi, politik dan keagamaan. pesantren al-munawwir didirikan oleh kh. moenawwir pada tanggal 15 nopember 1910 m2. setelah ditinggal wafat oleh pendirinya bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 78 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kh. moenawwir, pesantren krapyak mengalami kemajuan yang pesat khususnya ketika dipimpin oleh kh. ali maksum. pada masa beliau, pesantren krapyak menjadi tuan rumah muktamar nu yang ke-28. dan sebagaimana diketahui, dalam muktamar tersebut nu berhasil merumuskan secara fundamental gagasan pokok tentang depolitisasi nu yakni kembali ke khittah 1926 sebagai organisasi jam’iyah sebagaimana yang telah diputuskan pada muktamar di situbondo. pelaksanaan muktamar nu yang cukup penting ini, menunjukkan besarnya pengaruh dan eksistensi pesantren krapyak di bawah kepemimpinan kh. ali maksum di kalangan pesantren-pesantren nu lainnya. saat ini pesantren al-munawwir dipimpin oleh kh. zainal abdidin munawwir, salah seorang putra kh. m. munawwir yang merintis pesantren ini. setelah 100 tahun berkiprah dalam pengajaran keagamaan, saat ini pesantren al-munawwir telah berkembang pesat. berbagai bangunan baru terus di bangun. sementara tepat di jantung pesantren berdiri sebuah masjid yang megah dan menjadi pusat kegiatan pesantren dan warga masyarakat sekitar. seiring dengan perkembangan zaman dan proses perubahan sosial, yayasan pesantren al-munawwir telah mengembangkan berbagai lembaga pendidikan, termasuk pendidikan umum seperti smk teknik mekanika serta unit kegiatan lainnya. namun pesantren ini tetap setia pada ciri khas yang telah dibangun pendahulunya yaitu sebagai pesantren salafy yang mengembangkan ilmu-ilmu al-qur’an. sementara itu masyarakat krapyak yang selama ini hidup menyatu dengan dinamika pesantren juga semakin maju, mengikuti derap kemajuan yang terjadi di yogyakarta. masyarakat masih tetap melihat pesantren almunawwir sebagai institusi pendidikan keislaman yang penting dan dihormati, mereka mengaku masih tetap menghormati para kiai dan pengasuh pesantren. namun masyarakat tidak serta merta setuju dengan oriantasi politik yang dipilih pesantren. bila sebelumnya pilihan politik masyarakat selalu pralel dengan pilihan politik pesantren sebagaimana tercermin pada pemilu 1999 dan 2004, dimana masyarakat turut memenangkan pkb di wilayah krapyak dan berhasil memberikan hadiah 1 kursi di dprd propinsi yogyakarta untuk nyai ida zainal (istri kh. zainal abdidin munawwir). kini terjadi perubahan signifikan, mereka menganggap pilihan politik pada partai tertentu tidak mesti sama dengan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 79 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oriantasi politik pesantren al-munawwir (wawancara dengan bapak hunain, 5 oktober 2010). partai kebangkitan nasional ulama (pknu) yang didukung penuh oleh pesantren pada pemilu 2009, ternyata kalah telak oleh partai nasionalis seperti pdip, golkar dan demokrat. kemenangan pdip merupakan pukulan politik bagi komunitas pesantren krapyak karena memperlihatkan pengaruh pesantren yang makin memudar di bidang politik. 2. praktik politik pesantren; dinamika di pesantern al-munawwir pada pemilu 2009 bolland (1982) dalam the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, mengatakan bahwa ketertarikan umat islam kepada partai politik bukan saja disebabkan oleh kamampuan partai politik memperjuangkan dan membela kepentingan islam, tetapi lebih pada adanya tipologi umat islam dalam memandang hubungan politik dengan islam. terdapat tiga tipologi dalam berpolitik ketika diperhadapkan dengan islam; tipologi ideologis, tipologi kharismatik, dan tipologi rasional. dalam tipologi ideologis, umat islam memposisikan berpolitik sama dengan beragama islam. sehingga semangat pembelaan politik sama dengan semangat membela dan memiliki islam. memiliki sebuah partai politik sama dengan memilih agama islam, dan seterusnya ketaatan dalam politik sama dengan ketaatan menjalankan ajaran islam. sedangkan tipologi kharismatis mengasumsikan bahwa umat islam memilih sebuah partai politik mengikuti sikap dan perilaku sesorang yang dikagumi di sekitarnya. apa yang dikatakan dan dilakukan figur selalu menjadi rujukan masyarakat. akibat kekaguman yang berlebihan umat islam sering tidak mampu bersikap dan berpikir rasional. dalam tipologi rasional, kemampuan umat islam dalam memilih partai politik (sikap politik) benarbenar didasarkan pada pandangan rasional. memilih atau tidak memilih partai politik tertentu dilihat dari kemampuan partai politik menawarkan program yang dapat memperbaiki atau memperjuangkan nasib rakyat menurut koirudin (2005), saat ini mayoritas umat islam masih menempati posisi tipologi pertama dan kedua, ketimbang pada posisi tipologi yang ketiga. maka ketika umat islam memandang bahwa berpolitik sama dengan beragama islam, maka karakter ini akan mendorong bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 80 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ munculnya tokoh-tokoh agama sebagai tokoh politik. persoalan-persoalan umat yang bersinggungan dengan kepentingan politik tidak lagi ditangani oleh politisi profesional, tetapi diambil alih oleh kiai dan tokoh-tokoh pesantren yang merasa memiliki pengaruh dan otoritas keagamaan lebih besar atas umat yang dipimpinnya. dengan demikian keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik sesungguhnya membuktikan pandangan di atas. setiap pesantren dan kiai memiliki cara tersendiri sesuai dengan sejarah pesantren, spektrum pengaruh pesantren di tengah masyarakat, potensi peluang politik yang dimiliki serta seberapa besar tarikan politik eksternal yang mereka alami. untuk mendapatkan gambaran proses tersebut, maka pada bagian berikut akan dijelaskan tentang proses-proses politik yang melibatkan pesantren dengan mengambil penggambaran dari proses politik yang terjadi di pesantren al-munawwir krapyak yogyakarta. secara historis, pesantren al-munawwir krapyak adalah sebuah pesantren nu yang besar dan berpengaruh di yogyakarta. sejak dipimpin oleh pendirinya kh. munawwir hingga menantunya kh. ali maksum, pesantren ini benar-benar berkembang pesat dan memiliki pengaruh yang kuat. dua tokoh tersebut memiliki spektrum pengaruh yang besar dan meluas hingga ke tingkat nasional. tidak mengherankan bila apapun yang difatwakan menjadi pegangan santri dan masyarakat, termasuk dalam urusan politik. namun setelah ditingal kh ali maksum, pesantren almunawwir mulai mengalami goncangan dan fragmentasi internal dan berkembang menjadi beberapa yayasan yang terpisah pengelolaanya. yayasan pondok pesantren almunawwir krapyak yang saat ini dipimpin oleh kh. zanal abidin munawwir dan yayasan ali maksum yang dipimpin oleh kh. attabiq ali. sementara itu dalam pesantren al-munawwir sendiri terdiri dari beberapa unit pendidikan yang pengelolaannya diserahkan secara otonom kepada beberapa keluarga bani munawwir. dengan demikian aktor politik di pesantren al-munawwir, tidak bisa lagi dilekatkan pada kiai zainal munawwir semata. dinamika internal ini mengakibatkan fragmentasi sikap politik pesantren al-munawwir krapyak yang terbelah dalam menghadapi pemilu legislatif dan pemilu presiden 2009. secara garis politik pesantren almunawwir adalah pesantren nu yang ikut melahirkan partai kebangkitan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 81 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bangsa (pkb). pada pemilu 1999 dan pemilu 2004, komunitas pesantren secara penuh mendukung pkb. sehingga partai politik milik warga nu itu berhasil mengumpulkan suara yang signifikan di wilyah krapyak. namun perpecahan yang dialami pkb pada beberapa tahun lalu, mendorong sebagian tokoh di pesantren krapyak ikut menyokong pembentukan partai kebangkitan nasiaonal ulama (pknu) yang inisiasi pendiriannya dipelopori oleh komunitas kiai nu yang kecewa dengan sikap gus dur (wawancara dengan kh. zainal abidin munawwir, 7 oktober 2010). pada pemilu legislatif dan pemilu presiden 2009, sikap politik pesantren krapyak terbelah pada beberapa partai politik yang dapat digambarkan sebagai berikut. pertama, kelompok yang mendukung partai pknu yang disebut sebagai partai ulama setelah pkb dilanda perpecahan eksternal dan dianggap tidak mampu memperjuangkan visi pesantren dan ulama. pendukung pknu adalah yayasan pesantren al-munawwir yang dipimpin oleh kh. zainal abdin munawwir. bahkan nyai ida fatimah zainal (istri kiai zainal abidin munawwir yang memimpin pesantren putri) juga terlibat sebagai calon legislatif untuk dprd yogyakarta dari pknu. kedua, kelompok yang mendukung partai demokrat yang dalam hal ini dipelopori oleh yayasan ali maksum yang dipimpin oleh kh. attabiq ali. hal ini bisa dimengerti sebab kh. attabiq ali adalah mertua dari anas urbaningrum, politisi partai demokrat yang saat ini menjabat sebagai ketua umum partai demokrat. ketiga, adalah kelompok yang tidak memiliki afiliasi politik yang jelas, termasuk kelompok ini adalah kh. ahmad warsum munawwir yang memimpin pondok pesantren krapyak di blok l. hasil pemilu legisltif 2009 di desa panggungharjo untuk drpd propinsi dimenangkan oleh partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan (pdip) yang memperoleh 5220. diikuti oleh partai demokrat diposisi kedua dengan 4147 suara. partai golkar memperoleh 2263 suara dan partai kebangitan bangsa (pkb) memperoleh 1644 suara. sedangkan partai kebangkitan nasional ulama yang mencalon hj. ida fatimah, s.ag, m.si (istri kh zainal abdidin munawwir) hanya memperoleh 1295 suara. bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 82 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tabel 1. rekapitalasi jumlah suara, 56 tps di desa panggungharjo sumber: pps desa panggungharjo, 2009 bahkan di tempat pemungutan suara (tps) yang berada di lingkungan krapyak kulon atau di sekitar lingkungan pesantren al-munawwir krapyak, yakni tps 44, 45, 46, 47, 54, 55 dan 56, pknu hanya mengumpulkan 162 suara. bandingkan dengan suara partai demokrat yang berhasil mengumpulkan 300 suara atau unggul hampir 40% dari pknu.3 hasil ini selain disebabkan oleh popularit as sby juga menandakan kemenangan kelompok yayasan ali maksum yang dipimpin oleh kh. attabiq ali. sementara itu, partai kebangkitan nasional ulama (pknu) tidak memperoleh suara yang signifikan, dan nyai ida zainal gagal lolos sebagai anggota dprd propinsi yogyakarta. merespon kegagalan tersebut, komunitas pesantren krapyak lebih mengedepankan alasan yang cenderung apologitik sebagaimana dituturkan kh. zainal abidin munawwir. “….kegagalan pknu pada pemilu 2009 kemarin, karena: pertama, allah belum mengizinkan pknu untuk menang. kedua, umumnya masyarakat belum mengetahui secara utuh tentang visi dan misi politik yang diusung oleh pknu. mereka belum tahu bahwa pknu adalah partai ulama yang memperjuangkan kepentingan umat islam (wawancara dengan kh. zainal abidin munawwir,7 oktober 2010). apapun yang dikatakan oleh kh. zainal abidin munawwir, fakta ini menggambarkan bahwa sikap maupun dukungan politik pesantren pada sebuah partai politik tertentu, tidak selalu paralel dengan dukungan masyarakat yang selama ini berada dalam pengaruh pesantren. dan secara luas, legitimasi pesantren sebagai sumber moralitas politik menjadi tidak terlalu dihiraukan oleh masyarakat. hal ini misalnya dapat dicermati pada pernyataan kepala duku krapyak kulon, bapak hunain bahwa bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 83 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat saat ini tidak lagi menjadikan sikap politik kiai dan pesantren sebagai pedoman dalam memilih partai politik. sebab para kiai dinilai terlalu sibuk dengan aktifitas politiknya sendiri yang sering tidak memiliki hubungan langsung dengan kehidupan masyarakat (wawancara dengan bapak hunain, 7 oktober 2010). 3. bentuk-bentuk keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik berdasarkan uraian diatas, tampak bahwa keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik mengambil bentuk yang bermacam-macam, sesuai dengan peran yang dimainkan oleh kiai, ustadz, nyai ataupun santri. dengan demikian kita dapat membuat beberapa model keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik dengan mengamati berbagai proses keterlibatan politik pesantren yang terjadi selama ini (wawancara dengan bapak hunain, 7 oktober 2010). pertama, terlibat secara langsung sebagai praktisi dan aktor politik yang terjun sebagai pengurus dan aktifis partai politik tertentu. hal ini secara langsung melibatkan elit pesantren, yakni kiai dan keluarganya atau ustadz senior yang memiliki hubungan dengan kiai. keterlibatan secara langsung memberikan peluang politik yang lebih besar kepada elit pesantren untuk mencapai jabatan poilitik yang lebih baik. posisi ini diharapkan memberikan ruang politik untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan masyarakat dan kepentingan pesantren. karena jabatan-jabatan politik turut menentukan kebijakan dan program-program pembangunan. kasus terjun langsung dalam politik ini sebagaimana diperlihatkan oleh nyai ida zainal di pesantren al-munawwir krapyak. kedua, sebagai kekuatan pendukung partai politik tertentu dengan cara memberikan dukungan dibalik layar. pesantren menginisiasi berbagai kegitan keagamaan yang dimanfaatkan oleh partai politik untuk mensosialisasikan visi politiknya. pada banyak kasus, pesantren menggelar even-event keagamaan yang disponsori oleh kekuatan politik tertentu yang melibatkan masa umat islam dalam jumlah yang banyak. hal ini misalnya tercermin pada penyelenggaraan pertemuan kiai yang dilaksanakan di sebuah hotel berbintang di yogyakarta. kegiatan bertajuk silaturrahmi itu ternyata disponsori oleh politisi partai demokrat anas urbaningrum yang juga menantu kiai attabiq ali maksum, pimpinan yayasan ali maksum krapyak (wawancara dengan zuly qodir, 20 oktober 2010). bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 84 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ketiga, sebagai legitimasi politik yang sering dimanifestasikan dalam bentuk restu politik pada partai atau tokoh politik tertentu yang tidak berasal dari lingkungan pesantren. hal seperti ini bagi banyak praktisi politik dianggap penting. sebab dalam sistem politik indonesia yang ideologis dan tradisonal, legitimasi keagamaan merupakan sesuatu yang sangat dibutuhkan. dan citra sebagai seorang muslim yang baik, sholeh, serta dekat dengan ulama turut menentukan elektibilitas seorang praktisi politik di hadapan pemilih muslim. berkaitan dengan itu, pesantren sering menerima “order” kunjungan politisi, calon anggota legislatif, capres, atau komunitas partai politik tertentu yang sedang berkompetisi. hal ini dilakukan sebagai proyek pemolesaan citra diri sebagai seorang muslim yang baik yang dekat dengan komunitas agama atau pesantren. sebagai contoh pada pemilu presiden tahun 2004 semua calon presiden4 tercatat pernah berkunjung ke pesantren al-munawwir krapyak untuk meminta restu dan doa dari pesantren krapyak. pada kunjungan megawati yang saat itu sedang diterpa kontroversi kepemimpinan politik perempuan, justru dimanfaatkan dengan baik oleh tim suksesnya untuk membuktikan bahwa tidak semua pesantren nu menolak calon presiden perempuan. demikian halnya pada pemilu presiden 2009, meskipun hanya nyonya mufida yusuf kalla, istri dari capres jusuf kalla yang berkunjung ke krapyak, namun di televisi diperlihatkan safari politik dari capres yang berkunjung ke pesantren lainnya di pulau jawa. semuanya seakan berlomba paling cepat untuk mengunjungi pesantren. 4. memahami motif politik pesantren proses-proses politik yang terjadi di pesantren menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik didorong oleh motif politik yang beragam. motif yang dimaksud di sini adalah dorongan dan kekuatan yang berasal dari dalam pesantren, baik yang disadari maupun tidak disadari untuk mencapai tujuan tertentu. oleh sebab itu untuk menjelaskan motif keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik juga bukan sesuatu yang mudah. di sini kita memasuki ranah perdebatan yang sensitif yakni berusaha menjelaskan berbagai alasan yang mendorong pesantren terlibat dalam politik. satu hal yang sering kali tidak mau dakui oleh komunitas pesantren. dibutuhkan suatu analisis yang lebih dalam dan cermat, karena bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 85 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik dipengaruhi berbagai faktor yang saling terkait, baik yang berasal dari kondisi-kondisi internal pesantren maupun tekanan eksternal. berdasarkan data yang dikumpulkan melalui wawancara maupun observasi di pesantren krapyak yogyakarta, maka setidaknya terdapat tiga motif atau alasan mengapa pesantren terlibat dalam politik. a. doktrin teologis sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam yang mengkaji dan mengajarkan ilmu-ilmu keislaman, maka basis argumentasi politik pesantren jelas bersandar pada pemahaman keagamaan yang kuat. pemahaman tersebut disarikan dari penjelasan al-qur’an dan sunnah serta paparan ulamaulama terdahulu yang dijelaskan dalam berbagai kitab klasik (kitab kuning) yang sering dikaji di pesantren. umumnya komunitas pesantren memandang bahwa politik merupakan bagian dari pelaksaanaan ajaran islam. bernegara mempunyai koherensi dengan beragama yang direfleksikan dari pemikiran bahwa pendirian negara sesuai dengan ijma ulama adalah hukumnya fardhu kifayah. pandangan ini sejalan dengan kaidah fiqh yang menyatakan man la yatimmuh al wajib illah bihi, fahuwa wajib (jika sesuatu kewajiban tidak dapat sempurna kecuali melalui alat atau sarana, maka alat atau sarana itu hukumnya wajib). dalam logika ini bila menciptakan dan memelihara kemaslahatan adalah wajib, sedangkan alat untuk terciptanya kemaslahatan tersebut (salah satunya) adalah negara, maka hukum mendirikan negara juga wajib (fardu kifayah). dalam teori politik islam, pemahaman seperti ini lebih dikenal dengan paham akomodasionis yang memandang politik sebagai bagian dari ajaran agama yang tidak dapat dilepaspisahkan (syamsudin, 1993). konsekswensi dari berbagai pendapat tersebut di atas, dapat dikatakan bahwa mengelola negara dengan sebaik-baiknya sama hukumnya dengan mendirikan negara. karena itu, ketika negara telah didirikan tetapi hanya menimbulkan mudharat, justru akan bertentangan dengan tujuan awal dibentuknya negara dalam islam yakni membentuk masyarakat sejahtera di bawah ampunan allah swt. oleh sebab itu, seperti dituturkan kh. zainal abidin munawwir (wawancara dengan kh. zainal abidin munawwir, 6 desember 2010), berpolitik merupakan salah satu kewajiban kifayah umat islam untuk menegakkan nilai-nilai dan ajaran islam. bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 86 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b. mobilitas struktural dan kontekstualisasi pesantren politik adalah suatu praktek tentang usaha untuk meraih kekuasaan politik. sebab menguasai kekuasaan politik memberi ruang kepada kekuatan-kekuatan politik untuk merealisasikan visi, misi dan programprogram politik yang akan dilaksanakan. inilah kenyataan dalam kehidupan politik sejak demokrasi dicanangkan pertama-tama dalam bentuknya yang paling sederhana. pesantren tentu menyadari fakta ini, sehingga keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik harus diletakkan dalam konteks mobilitas struktural untuk memperjuangkan berbagai nilai, doktrin, semangat, aspirasi, dan kepentingan yang dianut oleh pesantren. keberhasilan meraih jabatan publik yang penting sebagai presiden, anggota dpr, gubernur, bupati atau walikota diyakini mampu membuka ruang partisipasi bagi pesantren untuk berbuat lebih banyak. justru bagi sebagai kiai, ungkapan sebagian kalangan bahwa pesantren hanya meneguhkan dirinya di wilayah kultural dalam sekedar melakukan kerja-kerja kemasyarakat, merupakan pernyataan yang keliru dan ahistoris dan harus dicurigai. hal ini misalnya diungkap oleh kiai miftahul akhyar, seorang kiai dari jawa timur dalam tulisannya di republika, ia menyatakan, “umat islam, khususnya nu harus pandai menyaring pernyataan yang tampak manis tetapi sebenarnya akan memberangus agar nu dan islam diluar pemerintahan dan dikuasai orang islam tetapi tidak mengerti kemauan dan kebutuhan islam. justru pernyataan agar kiai dan nu jangan terlibat politik merupakan usaha dari kelompok sekuler untuk melemahkan islam” (http:// www.republika.co.id/berita/66656/kiai_nu_tidak_akan_tinggalkan_politik. diakses 2 desember 2010). secara lebih luas keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik juga dapat dilihat sebagai upaya pesantren untuk memperluas peran dan sumberdaya yang dimiliki selama ini. sebab selama beberapa dasawarsa –dibawah tekanan orde barupesantren hanya diperlakukan sebagai lembaga kultural yang berada di luar struktur kekuasaan politik. padahal pesantren menyimpan potensi dan pengaruh politik yang besar. selama ini pesantren hanya dijadikan sebagai objek politik semata, ia sekedar alat politik bagi sebagian partai politik yang bisa digerakkan pada momentum pemilu. namun bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 87 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ setelah proses politik itu usai, pesantren dan komunitasnya sering dilupakan dari hingar bingar politik. komunitas pesantren tentu menyadari hal tersebut dan mulai melakuan konsolidasi politik secara sistematis. komunitas nu yang menguasai ribuan pesantren mendeklarasikan partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) yang menandai momentum politik baru dimana komunitas pesantren memperluas wilayah dakwah, dari ranah kultural ke ranah struktural. politik menjadi sarana baru bagi pesantren untuk unjuk peran maupun kontekstualisasi diri. fenomena ini bisa dilihat sebagai bentuk respon politik pesantren terhadap dinamika eksternal. apalagi sistem politik pasca reformasi membuka ruang politik yang lebih luas kepada pesantren untuk terlibat dalam usaha-usaha politik menyelesaikan beragam masalah kebangsaan. maka keterlibatan dalam politik, bagi sebagian komunitas pesantren adalah panggilan sejarah untuk berbuat bagi kemajuan bangsa. bila sebelumnya pesantren hanya diposisikan sebagai lembaga moral yang terkungkung di menara gading, maka tiba saatnya bagi pesantren melakukan kerja-kerja politik untuk kebaikan kehidupan berbangsa. menurut ahmad patoni (2007), usaha komunitas pesantren untuk mendirikan partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb) membuktikan bahwa pesantren mampu melihat efektifitas perjuangan moral pesantren pada level kekuasaan, hanya bisa diwujudkan melalui jalan politik. melalui partai politik, pesantren meyakini mampu melakukan manufer taktis dalam mewujudkan kebijakan publik yang memihak kepada kepentingan masyarakat. selain pertimbangan tersebut politik pesantren juga memiliki tujuan yang tidak kalah penting, yaitu memberikan benteng moralitas pada sebuah kehidupan politik yang sehat dan bermoral. sebab perilaku para politikus diyakini sudah banyak yang menyimpang dari koridor moralitaskeberaagamaan. demi mencapai tujuan dan ambisi politiknya mereka rela melakukan apapun. kehadiran pesantren diharapkan dapat memberikan sandaran dan perspektif moralitas, sehingga politik akan berjalan sesuai dengan rel kebenaran dan berdasarkan kepada landasan yang benar. selain soal mobilitas struktural dan kontekstualisasi diri yang perlu diwujudkan sesuai semangat zaman, pesantren pada dasarnya juga didesak oleh kekuatan politik eksternal untuk terlibat. fenomena ini misalnya dapat kita saksikan pada pemilu presiden 2004, dimana pdip perjuangan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 88 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang mencalonkan megawati ingin menguasasi massa pesantren dengan menduetkan ketua pdip megawati dengan ketua pbnu hasyim muzadi. pencalonan hasyim muzadi diharapkan dapat mewakili aspirasi umat islam khususnya nu sekaligus mendorong dukungan politik dari komunitas pesantren yang diakui jumlahnya sangat besar. meskipun eksperimen politik ini tidak berhasil memenangkan pemilu, namun kasus ini menunjukkan bahwa alasan keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik juga karena desakan eksternal yang kuat. apalagi bila desakan tersebut juga dibarengi dengan tawaran-tawaran ekonomi untuk kepentingan pembangunan pesantren. c. kepentingan pragmatis-ekonomi. liberalisasi dan kapitalisasi dunia pendidikan yang semakin masif di indonesia akhir-akhir ini, secara tidak terelakkan juga menimpa pesantren sebagai lembaga pendidikan tradisional yang dikelola secara swadaya oleh kiai dan masyarakat. biaya operasional pendidikan yang semakin tinggi berdampak langsung pada kondisi finansial pesantren. dengan manajemen keuangan yang sangat sederhana, pesantren harus memperhatikan kemampuan pendanaan yang dimiliki. dalam sejarah perkembangan pesantren, beberapa pesantren ‘terpaksa’ gulung tikar karena ketidakmampuan pembiayaan dalam menutupi biaya operasional pendidikan yang dijalankan. pendapatan yang diperoleh dari iuran santri dan infak donatur yang tidak tetap, merupakan persoalan yang membutuhkan solusi yang tepat (irwan abdullah, 2008;3). situasi ini sering mendorong para kiai dan pengelola pesantren untuk memikirkan cara-cara lain yang mudah dan efektif untuk memeroleh bantuan yang bisa digunakan untuk pembangunan pesantren. di beberapa tempat pengelola pesantren berhasil memperoleh bantuan keuangan secara reguler dari pemerintah daerah atau pihak kementerian agama. bahkan sebagian mendapat bantuan fisik berupa pembangunan infrastruktur pesantren. bantuan-bantuan itu biasanya tidak gratis, karena pihak pemberi bantuan menuntut hal-hal tertentu. dalam kasus di pesantren al-munawwir krapyak, tawaran untuk menerima bantuan secara reguler dari pemerintah diringi dengan permintaan untuk mengakomodasi kurikulum yang disediakan kementerian agama atau kementerian bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 89 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendidikan nasional. pesantren al-munawwir menyikapi secara kreatif dengan mendirikan pesantren baru dalam lingkungan pesantren krapyak yang mengelola pesantren ali maksum dengan basis pengetahuan moderen. sementara pesantren al-munawwir tetap bertahan sebagai pesantren salafi yang mengkhususkan diri dalam pengajaran ilmu agama (wawancara dengan silahuddin, 23 november 2009). selain menempuh cara tersebut, tidak jarang pesantren menempuh jalan pintas dengan melibatkan diri dalam politik kekuasaan yang dianggap cara yang cepat dan efektif untuk membangun jaringan donasi baru. dengan pengaruh sosial dan politik yang kuat di masyarakat, pesantren dapat melakukan bargaining politik dengan para politisi yang memerlukan dukungan politik pesantren, dari sekedar dukungan moril dan pembentukan citra hingga mobilisasi suara rakyat dalam pemilu, pilpres atau pilkada. meskipun secara terbuka pihak pengelola pesantren sering membantah melakukan bargaining politik dengan kompensasi ekonomi, namun fakta tentang bantuan yang diterima juga diakui. di pesantren almunawwir misalnya, donasi dari kelompok politik banyak diterima pada era kepemimpinan kh. ali maksum yang juga seorang politisi nu. demikian pula halnya pada kemimpinan kh. zainal abdidin munawwir saat ini, pesantren juga menerima bantuan, meskipun diakui tidak terlalu banyak. salah satu tokoh politik yang disebut banyak membantu pesantren almunawwir krapyak adalah alwi shihab. alwi shihab adalah ketua dpp partai kebangkitan bangsa periode 1999-2004 sebelum dilengserkan oleh gus dur karena dianggap membangkang. alwi shihab juga merupakan menteri luar negeri pada era gus dur dan menkokesra pada kabinet sby. dukungan elit pkb kepada pesantren krapyak dapat dimaklumi, karena pesantren al-munawwir turut merintis pembentukan partai kebangkitan bangsa. bahkan pesantren al-munawwir secara terbuka turut mengkampanyekan pkb pada pemilu 1999 dan 2004. selain memberikan bantuan secara langsung, elit pkb yang dipimpin alwi shihab juga menfasilitasi bantuan dari donatur-donatur utama di timur tengah untuk pebangunan masjid dan beberapa gedung baru yang cukup megah. pola hubungan seperti ini acap kali dibantah oleh pesantren sebagai bermotif politik. namun kemenangan partai kebangkitan bangsa pada pemilu 2004 bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 90 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di wilayah krapyak dan sekitarnya membuktikan bahwa relasi ekonomi politik seperti ini sering terjadi di pesantren. tampaknya dukungandukungan politik itu paralel dengan bantuan ekonomi yang diterima pesantren. 5. implikasi politik pesantren; dari pragmatisme politik menuju resistensi sosial. pro dan kontra yang mengiringi keterlibatan sebagian pesantren dalam politik praktis pada dasarnya merupakan wujud ekspektasi umat terhadap posisi pesantren yang sangat terhormat. sejak lama, umat islam di indonesia menempatkan pesantren sebagai sumber rujukan moralitas keagamaan. para kiai adalah panutan umat yang fatwa serta nasihatnya menjadi pegangan masyarakat dalam kehidupan. bahkan menurut zamakhsyari dhofier sebagaimana dikutip koirudin (2005; 144), peran kiai merupakan faktor determinan kebijakan sosial, dan pengambilan keputusan-keputusan penting menyangkut keberhasilan kehidupan masyarakat. dengan demikian, pesantren merupakan pilar dari bagaimana nilai-nilai moralitas dan nilai-nilai keagamaan dijalankan di tengah masyrakat. persoalan mengemuka ketika pesantren yang merupakan reverensi nilainilai keagamaan itu tertarik kedalam dunia politik praktis dengan berbagai alasan yang diyakininya. di sinilah sebagian orang menilai sebagai bentuk penyimpangan terhadap peran sosial yang selama ini dimainkan pesantren. apalagi keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik sering disertai aktifitasaktifitas partisan sesuai tuntutan kepentingan politik yang terkadang tidak sejalan dengan logika masyarakat umum. di sini, kiai dan pesantren tidak dapat mempertahankan legitimasi keaagamaanya karena masyarakat telah meragukan otoritas dan ketulusan yang dimiliki. yakni apakah pesantren sedang berbicara atas dasar kepentingan agama dan kepentingan umat atau atas dasar kepentingan partai politik atau politisi yang didukung pesantren. berbagai fenomena politik yang berkaitan dengan dukung mendukung politik di dunia pesantren, menunjukkan bahwa aktifitas poltik pesantren ternyata memiliki implikasi yang sangat luas. analisis terhadap hal ini bisa dimulai dari perdebatan doktrinal keagamaan tentang hubungan agama bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 91 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan negara di indonesia, hingga dampak-dampak material yang mungkin diperoleh oleh pesantren sehingga memperkuat kesimpulan tentang praktik prakmatis transaksional oleh pihak pesantren. dengan demikian pesantren terlibat politik bukanlah sebuah frase yang sederhana, tetapi memiliki implikasi yang luas dan mesti dianalisis secara hati-hati. a. delegitimasi peran pesantren keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik membawa implikasi terhadap eksisitensi pesantren di satu sisi dan terhadap kekuatan politik yang didukung oleh pesantren. bagi pesantren yang kiainya terlampau sibuk mengurus politik akan berkurang waktu dan perhatiannya dalam mengurus pesantren. hal ini disebabkan aktifitas politik membuat para kiai harus sering keluar untuk koordinasi, rapat dan kegiatan politik lainnya. di pesantren al-munawwirkrapyak aktfiftas politik dari nyai ida zainal selama pemilu 2009, membuat pengelolaan pesantren putri yang dipimpinnya cukup terbengkalai. hal inilah yang harus benar-benar diperhatikan oleh kiai atau pimpinan pesantren bila mereka ingin terlibat dalam politik. banyak pesantren yang mengalami penurunan kualitas karena kiai atau pimpinan pesantrennya lebih sibuk berpolitik. pesantren yang terlampau aktif dalam peran politiknya (political orianted) sangat mungkin akan ditinggal oleh santrinya. sebab orang tua santri yang kritis akan lebih memilih pesantren yang lebih menjaga independensinya terhadap politik praktis. pada titik ini, dapat disimak bahwa masyarakat yang sebelumnya sangat menghormati pesantren dan selalu mengikuti anjuran dan arahan pesantren mempunyai dasar untuk menentang legitimasi fatwa pesantren, khususnya dalam isu-isu sosial dan politik, terutama dalam kasus pemilu. dalam konteks penentangan atau penolakan ini, anjuran pesantren untuk memilih sebuah partai politik tertentu juga sering membuat umat terpecah dalam politik dukung mendukung yang tidak kondusif. perpecahan suara yang sering diiringi dengan konflik-konflik sosial, membuktikan bahwa aktifitas politik praktis yang dilakoni pesantren lebih banyak menimbulkan mudharat. sementara itu, independensi pesantren yang selama ini menjadi kekuatan utama dalam menjaga nilai-nilai dan moralitas masyarakat akan semakin sulit ditegakkan. bahkan banyak pesantren yang masuk dalam lingkaran kekuasaan politik, secara sadar tunduk pada keputusan-kepubias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 92 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tusan politik. mereka harus turut menjalankan berbagai program dan kebijakan pemerintah, meskipun hal tersebut diyakini merugikan kepentingan pesantren. eksistensi sejumlah pesantren salafi kini sedang dipertaruhkan di hadapan kebijakan pendidikan nasional yang menginginkan perlunya sejumlah penambahan kurikulum pendidikan moderen dalam kurikulum pesantren yang dianggap tradisional dan kurang prospektif. banyak pesantren secara sadar mengikuti kebijakan tersebut, tentu disertai argumentasi bahwa masyarakat juga telah berubah. sehingga penting bagi pesantren untuk bisa merespon perubahan tersebut dengan menyesuaikan kurikulum dan sistem pendidikan pesantren dengan kebutuhan masyarkat. ada pula pesantren, seperti pesantren al-munawwir krapyak yang melakukan langkah kreatif dengan menyelenggarakan unit pendidikan khusus yang mengikuti sistem pendidikan nasional. sejak lima tahun lalu yayasan pesantren krapyak mendirikan smk mekanika yang memberikan skill teknik kepada para santrinya. para santri tidak diwajibkan untuk mengikuti pendidikan di smk tersebut, hanya mereka yang ingin menambah pengetahuan saja yang menambah waktu belajar di sana. b. menguatnya politik pragmatisme-transaksional implikasi lain dari keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik juga terlihat pada perubahan sarana fisik pesantren. hal ini membenarkan penjelasan teori ekonomi politik determenistic yang memandang bahwa interaksiinteraksi politik selalu bermotif ekonomi (stanyland, 2005:9). pesantren menjadikan pengaruh dan legitimasi sosial keagamaan yang dimiliki sebagai bahan tawar menawar dengan kelompok politik (interest group). bantuanbantuan material kerapkali kali datang ke pesantren sebagai buah dari konsensus politik yang dilakukan itu. hal ini memunculkan rumor tentang politik uang yang sering diplesetkan menjadi hight cost politics. transaksi uang dengan suara dapat dilakukan dengan berbagai cara baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. transasksi langsung mengandung pengertian, transaksi yang dilakukan oleh kelompok kepentingan langsung dengan memberikan uang dengan janji suara yang akan disalurkan melalui pesantren. sedangkan transaksi tidak langsung dapat berupa benda atau apa saja yang dapat dipertukarkan dengan kepentingan kiai, maupun bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 93 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “pembangunan pesantren”. alhasil posisi politik pesantren menjadi sangat pragmatis dan transaksional. suatu praktik politik yang sangat tidak sehat dalam pembangunan demokrasi. pada pemilu 1999 dan pemilu 2004, hampir semua pesantren nu termasuk pesantren al-munawwir krapyak mendukung penuh partai kebangkitan bangsa. dukungan tersebut mendatangkan banyak bantuan material. pembangunan gedung pendidikan pesantren setinggi dua lantai yang menelan biaya miliran rupiah itu, diakui sebagian atas urungan alwi sihab, ketua pkb 1999-2004 (wawancara dengan solahudin, 20 oktober 2010). ketua pkb dan menkokesra di paroh pertama kabinet sby itu juga menfasilitasi berbagai bantuan yang berasal dari para donatur di timur tengah. disini terjadi perkawinan kepentingan, antara kelompok kepentingan (interest group) seperti partai politik dengan kepentingan pesantren sebagai kelompok sasaran (target group). adanya perkawinan kepentingan tersebut menurut koirudin (2005:105) memunculkan konsekwensi logis terjadinya pertukaran, lazimnya di pasar menggunakan uang sebagai alat transasksinya. politisasi pesantren, santri dan kiai menjadi analog terhadap “pasarisasi pesantren”. pesantren menjadi pasar layaknya tempat pertukaran antara suara, dengan uang sebagai alat tarnsasksinya. sebagai target group pesantren tidak mau lagi dibodohi interest group yang biasanya memerlukan pesantren pada momentum politik pemilu atau pilkada semata, dan setelah pemilu berakhir pesantren sering dilupakan. politik kompensasi ekonomi ini menarik untuk diamati karena di satu sisi bermanfaat untuk melanjutkan pembangunan berbagai sarana dan prasarana pesantren, yang juga berarti menciptakan sumber pendanaan alternatif bagi kepentingan keuangan pesantren. tetapi pada sisi yang lain menyeret pesantren pada pusaran politik pragmatis-transasional yang tidak sehat dan membahayakan, karena selalu mengkondisikan politik dengan uang. terjadilah apa yang disebut “kapitalisasi pesantren” dalam transakitransaksi politik dewasa ini. suatu hal yang sangat menghawatirkan, sebab akan merusak integritas moral, legitimasi dan eksisitensi pesantren itu sendiri. serta secara luas akan melemahkan posisi pesantren sebagai kekuatan civil society yang diharapkan mampu berhadapan vis a vis dengan kekuasaan. bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 94 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ c. resistensi masyarakat kepada pesantren secara tradisional masyarakat memandang pesantren sebagai sumber legitimasi moral. kiai dan pesantren adalah panutan dan pembimbing umat. sebagai sumber moral dan panutan umat pesantren diharapkan menjadi teladan dalam mempraktekkan islam ke dalam prilaku seharihari. oleh karena itu kiai dan komunitas pesantren tentu harus menjaga diri dari hal-hal yang bisa merusak kewibawaan dan integritas, semisal keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik praktis. memang tidak selamanya politik praktis sebagai “barang kotor”, akan tetapi pemahaman masyarakat umum telah menempatkan politik sebagai media persaingan perebutan kekuasaan. para kiai pesantren misalnya akan menerima imbas dari persepsi umum ini. konsekwensinya, predikat uswah hasanah pesantren tentu akan tercerabut legitimasi sosialnya. petuah, nasihat maupun fatwafatwa yang dikeluarkan oleh kiai akan dibaca dalam konteks politik. sejauh ini ada beberapa bentuk resistensi masyarakat terhadap keterlibatan politik pesantren. pertama, masyarakat menilai pesantren yang terlalu politis akan tercerabut dari fungsi-fungsinya sebagai lembaga pendidikan islam. bahkan secara mencolok sebagian orang tua yang kritis menolak memasukkan anaknya ke dalam pesantren yang terlalu terlibat politik (patoni, 2007). fenomena ini juga tampak di pesantren almunawwir krapyak yang mengalami penurunan jumlah santri secara signifikan. kedua, resistensi yang paling nyata tentu adalah pembangkangan politik yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat untuk tidak memilih partai yang didukung secara khusus oleh pesantren. hal ini tentu menarik karena kontradiktif dengan dengan temuan bolland (1982) bahwa masyarakat muslim tradisioal selalu mendukung sikap politik yang dianut oleh tokoh agama atau pesantren. mungkin fenomena pesantren dan politik yang terjadi di pesantren al-munawwir krapyak dapat membantu menjelaskan bahwa saat ini sudah terjadi pergeseran sikap politik pemilih muslim, dari tipologi ideologis dan kharismatis ke sikap politik yang lebih rasional. seiring demokratisasi dan perkembangan pendidikan, masyarakat semakin mampu membedakan sikap pesantren sebagai sikap keagamaan yang patut dicontoh, ditaati dan disuritauladani. serta sikap pesantren yang sebetulnya adalah murni politik kepentingan yang tidak berkaitan dengan bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 95 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ajaran keagamaan sehingga tidak mesti ditaati. kesimpulan kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa keterlibatan pesantren di ranah politik yang semakin marak akhir-akhir ini, secara nyata telah menimbulkan berbagai implikasi yang cukup signifikan. pertama, bahwa keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik secara nyata telah mendeligitmasi peran pesantren sebagai otoritas moral dan reverensi keagamaan. banyak pesantren yang mengalami penurunan kualitas karena kiai atau pimpinan pesantrennya lebih sibuk berpolitik. kondisi ini membuat masyarakat memandang pesantren tidak lagi objektif dalam sikap-sikap politiknya, karena cenderung menguntungkan kelompok politik tertentu sehingga terjadi delegetimasi peran pesantren. kedua, pesantren telah turut mengukuhkan politik pragmatis-transasional, karena pesantren telah menjadikan politik sebagai ajang untuk mempertukarkan dukungan politik dengan konpensasi-konpensasi materi yang diterima. bias politik yang terjadi dipesantren ini tentu akan semakin menjauhkan pesantren dari masyarakat. setidaknya hal ini mulai terasa belakangan ini, ketika masyarakat mulai menyoroti sikap politik pesantren yang dianggap hanya merusak independensi pesantren dan memecah umat kedalam politik partisan. ketiga, terjadi resistensi masyarakat atas sikap politik pesantren. hal ini secara nyata dapat disaksikan dalam sikap politik masyarakat yang seakan-akan membangkang terhadap pilihan politik pesantren. seiring demokratisasi dan perkembangan pendidikan, masyarakat semakin mampu membedakan sikap pesantren sebagai sikap keagamaan yang patut dicontoh, ditaati dan disuritauladani. serta sikap pesantren yang sebetulnya adalah murni politik kepentingan yang tidak berkaitan dengan ajaran keagamaan sehingga tidak mesti ditaati. disini terlihat bahwa pesantren perlu hati-hati dalam menentukan sikap politiknya. sebab keterlibatan politik pesantren memiliki dampak yang tidak sebanding dengan manfaat yang diperoleh. apalagi bila kesibukan politik telah melalaikan kiai maupun pengelola pesantren dari urusan pendidikan di pesantren. mungkin di masa depan pesantren perlu melakukan revitalisasi peran politik yang lebih sesuai dengan semangat zaman dan keinginan masyarakat yang sudah semakin rasional. sebab bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 96 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politik pesantren pada dasarnya bukan politik kekuasaan tetapi politik kerakyatan yang begerak pada ranah kultural. (footnotes) 1 studi tentang pesantren diantaranya adalah zamakhsyari dhovier (1980), hiroko horikoshi (1987), endang tirmizy (2004), khoirudin (2005) dan ahmad patoni (2007). namun berbagai penelitian tersebut belum menunjukkan implikasi keterlibatan pesantren dalam politik pada satu dasawarsa terakhir. 2 data tentang sejarah, perkembangan dan manajemen pendidikan di pesantren al-munawwir krapyak, diolah dari buku sejarah dan perkembangan pondok pesantren almunawwir krapyak yogyakarta (penerbit; pengurus pusat pondok pesantren almunawwir krapyak yogyakarta, cet. kedua, 2001) 3 data ini diolah dari buku rincian perolehan suara sah calon anggota dpd, dpr, dprd propinsi dan dprd kab/kota, pps desa panggungharjo. 4 calon presiden pada pemilu 2004 adalah 1). pasangan wiranto dan solahuddin wahid, 2) pasangan megawati dan hasyim muzadi, 3) pasanganamien rais dan siswono yudohusodo, 4) pasangan susilo bambang yudoyono dan jusf kalla, dan 5) pasangan hamzah has dan agum gumilar. daftar pustaka abdullah, irwan, ddk. 2008. agama, pendidikan islam dan tanggung jawab sosial pesantren, yogyakarta; sekolah pascasarjana ugm bekerjasama pustaka pelajar. anonimous. 2009. rincian perolehan suara sah calon anggota dpd, dpr, dprd prop. dprd kab dan kota, yogyakarta; pps desa panggung harjo kabupaten bantul. anonimous. 2009. rencana pembangunan pemukiman (rpp) desa panggungharjo 2009-2014 kec. sewu bantul yogyakarta. bolland, bj. 1982. the struggle of islam in modern indonesia, the hague; martinus nijhoff. efendi, bachtiar. 1996. islam dan negara, jakarta; paramadina. bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 97 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ———————————2001. teologi baru politik islam, yogyakarta: galang press deliarnov. 2003. ekonomi politik, jakarta: airlangga. departemen agama ri. 2003a. pondok pesantren dan madrasah diniah, pertumbuhan dan perkembangannya, jakarta; ditjen kelembagaan agama islam departemen agama ri. dhovier, zamakhsyari. 1990. tradisi pesantren, studi tentang pandangan hidup kiai. jakarta; lp3s geertz, clifford. 1989. abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa, jakarta. pustaka jaya. horikoshi, hiroko. 1987. kiai dan perubahan sosial, jakarta; lp3s. iqbal, muhammad. 2001. fiqh siyasah-kontekstualisasi doktrin politik islam, jakarta; graya media pratama. khoirudin. 2005. politik kiai, yogyakarta, averroes press. marsh, david dan gerry stocker (ed). 2002. theory and metods in political science, new york: palgraf, macmillan. patoni, ahmad. 2007. peran kiai pesantren dalam politik, yogyakarta; pustaka pelajar. staniland, martin. 2003. what is political economy? a study of social theory and underdevelopment, dalam deliarnov. 2005. ekonomi politik, jakarta; airlangga. steenbrink, karel a. 1994. pesantren, madrasah, sekolah, jakarta; lp3s. surbakti, ramlan. 1984. perbandingan sistem politik, surabaya; mecphiso grafika. syamsuddin, din. 1993, usaha pencarian konsep negara dalam pemikiran politik islam, jurnal ulumul qura’an no. 2 vol. iv. turmuzy, endang. 2004, kiai dan perselingkuhan kekuasaan, yogyakarta; lkis. bias politik pesantren: dari pragmatisme-transaksional hingga resistensi sosial / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0005 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113121 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp forecasting analysis :the riau islands local government role in covid-19 disaster manage ment jurnal studi pemerintahan 301 affiliation: raja ali hajimaritimeuniversity; brawijayauniversity ramadhani setiawan1 &mahadiansar2 abstract the world health organization (who) designated covid-19 as an international pandemic of disaster. the covid-19 prevention strategy requires the role of international governments, national governments, and also the local governments. the riau islands is strategic closer to the neighboring countries, which will make the government more aware of the current and future disaster management, which will enable it to face the new normal phase after covid 19. this writing focused on forecasting analysis opinion (dunn, 2018) identifying future developments. the study used for literature studies reviewed postcovid-19 happening in the riau islands (content analysis). the researcher suggests two possible scenarios, for the first scenario involving a second covid-19 wave due to a weakness in disaster management. then the second, new normal scenario will continue with applying a policy forecasting. researchers have also provided an alternative policy forecasting model with approach forecasting analysis: the potential future, plausible future, and normative future concept. this forecasting policy model is expected to be a disaster management guide by local governments inindonesia. keywords: disaster management; coronavirus; local government; the riau islands abstrak organisasi kesehatan dunia (who) menetapkan covid -19 sebagai pandemi bencana internasional. strategi pencegahan covid-19 dibutuhkan peran pemerintah baik internasional, nasional hingga ke daerah. kepulauan riau merupakan wilayah strategis yang berdekatan negara tetangga membuat pemerintah lebih tanggap dalam manajemen bencana yang harus disiapkan saat ini dan masa yang akan datang, untuk memasuki tahap new normal pasca covid-19 ditetapkan pemerintah indonesia. tulisan ini berfokus pada forecasting analysis opinion (dunn, 2018) mengidentifikasi yang terjadi di masa akan datang.penelitianini mengunakan metodestudikepustakaan meninjau kembali peristiwa pasca covid-19 di kepulauan riau (content analysis). hasil penelitian menunjukan dua kemungkinan pada scenario pertama terjadinya covid-19 gelombang kedua dikarenakan kelemahan pada manajemen bencana. kemudian scenario kedua new normal tetap berlanjut dengan menerapkan policy fore correspondence: ramadhanisetiawan@gmail.com; mahadiansar@student.ub.ac.id citation: setiawan, r., & mahadiansar. (2020). forecasting analysis/: the riau islandslocalgovernment role incovid-19 disaster management. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 11(3), 301–326. articlehistory: received: june4, 2020 accepted: october 24, 2020 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113121 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3549-7128 mailto:ramadhanisetiawan@gmail.com mailto:ramadhanisetiawan@gmail.com mailto:mahadiansar@student.ub.ac.id 302 casting. peneliti juga memberikan alternatif berupa model policy forecating dengan approach opinion forecasting analysis yaitu konsep potential future, plausible future dan normative future. model forecasting diharapkan menjadi pedoman manajemen bencana oleh pemerintah daerah di indonesia kata kunci : manajemen bencana; virus korona; pemerintah daerah, kepulauan riau introduction local organizations and communities play an important role in disaster management, and risk information supported byscientific knowledge is vital. as disaster management experience showed, various organizations including health are coordinated for actions ishiwatarietal2020. the world is struggling to manage disasters while trying to slow the spread of coronavirus disease 2019 or called covid-19. covid-19 has been identified as an infection that causes respiratory attacks and other organs where the disease was first detected in the city of wuhan, china. as is known, sars-cov-2 is not a new strain of the virus (huang et al., 2020; rothan & byrareddy, 2020; wu & mcgoogan, 2020). however, in scientific explanation a virus is able to mutate in a new genetic makeup, it simply remains of the same strain and only changes its uniform. in treatment, the who reported if pandemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (sars-cov-2) causes fatal groups of pneumonia from covid-19 with reports of extracorporeal membrane oxygenation or known as ecmo (chen et al., 2020; wang et al., 2020; wu & mcgoogan, 2020; yang & yang, 2020). in the care of a suspected covid-19 patient for ecmo recommendations of patients who qualify for respiratory distress syndrome (ards) related to covid-19 hospitals recommended by the government. however, their effectiveness will be affected by initial experience and preparedness of the health care system (maclaren et al., 2020) such treatment becomes one of the critical standards in covid-19 treatment. in the same case of infectious viruses, indonesia has been confronted withtheinfluenza pandemic virus (flu). full -scale pandemic measures have shown the capacity of indonesia and the rest of society is approaching risk management of the pan demic in a national disaster emergency response. the indonesian government chooses alternatives to formulating policies and guidelines for a pandemic outbreak in response to non-natural disasters should be developed in its treatment. the indonesian government’s work requires further reinforcement of disaster management capacity to reduce the threat of the next influenza pandemic. then the critical need for more real strategic in the formulation of policies to strengthen the preparedness of the pandemic (wignjadiputro et al., 2020:4). in dealing with covid19 as social disaster in indonesia, in the 2007 law no. 24 of disaster relief, chapter i section 1 verse 1, disasters are threat ening and disturbing the lives and livelihoods of society whether caused by human factors or non natural factors that resulting in human loss, environmental damage, loss of property, and psychological impact. in verses 2, 3, and 4, disasters are distinguished by 3 categories based on natural disasters, non natural disasters, and social disasters. natural disasters are disasters that result from natural or something caused by natural forces such as earthquakes, earth, tsunamis, volcanoes, floods, droughts, typhoons, and landslides, whereas non natural disasters are disasters that result from non-natural that include technological failure, failed modernization, epidemics, and pandemics. social disasters are disasters that result from events or series of events brought on by humans that include social conflicts between groups or between communities, and terror. according to the definition of disaster in the 2007 law no. 24 of disaster relief, chapter i sec tion 1 verse 1 and some dictionaries, disaster is an event or series of events of disorder caused by human or natural factors. the normal patterns of threatening life, disrupting society’s lives and livelihoods, thereby resulting in loss of human life, environmental damage, material loss, and psychological impact. these disturbances or disorders are usually intense, abrupt, unexpected, and unimaginably large areas of coverage. 303 304 entering new normalstages accordingtoacentralgovernment directions, the riau islands government through the covid-19 task force in 6 cities and regencies are qualified for new normal as the covid -19 green zone including tanjungpinang, anambas and natuna island. the conditions of thesix areas arerelatively controlled andtherefore worthy of new normal. but in anticipation of the spread of covid-19, tanjungpinang and bintan are not using new normal terms but the same policy applies to the activities of people who run according to health protocol (panama, 2020). the aim of this case study is for forecasting analysis by (dunn, 2018) as a strategic effort at handling covid-19, to avoid the physical harm that is experienced by the riau islands society, as well as alterna tives to accelerate the restoration of society’s social life and provide protection for those affected by covid-19. literature review disaster management before discussing disaster management, it should be noted that the definition of disaster according to ulum (2014:9-10) would be an extreme dysfunction of a society that causes extensive social and environmental costs and exceeds the capacity of the affected communities to cope with using only their own resources. therearefivekinds ofcatastrophiceffects occurred: 1. psychological impact; these include trauma, insecurity, negative thinking, depression, and stress. disasters leave people withfamilies, injuries, loss of livelihood, orassetsthat cause mental suffering. needed community training on psychosocial counseling would enable volunteers to contribute effectively during disasters. 2. theeconomicimpact of society is likelytoseekout andbuild a home that is close to its life activities often resulting in the destruction of living livelihoods and their assets. disaster resilience in their economic context depends on traditional knowledge of appropriate skills and the availability of re sources associated with specific areas and activities. 3. the social impact of the disaster that has yet to result in loss of life can also destroy the civilization of the community and their everyday life of socializing communication eventually fades because of the disaster. 4. the political impact; authority responsiveness on slow such as those would reduce the level of trust between the community andthevictims tothe disproportionate government and may assume that governments do not do the responsibility or duty in providing protection to their citizens. 5. the ecological effects of disasters often threaten biodiversity and create immense ecological losses. this results in heavy losses for forestry and agricultural participation from communities making it possible to carry out programs for ecosystem conservation. coppola (2015) defines disaster management as a practice andprofessionproliferate andimprove. suchchanges are doubtless driven by the modern needs of governments and non-governmental organizations involved in a single phenomenon. in general government policies of threats will always havea powerful influence onabroadnational organizationalframework. carter (2008:126-127) explained that such policies should be evident, including the statements of national disaster policy management, then the creation of subsequent disaster laws and national disaster plans, and some forms of policy instructions on the creation of a disaster relief organization. it is uncommon for disaster management officials to begin the creation of an organization for disaster management without any clear direction from the government. building public awareness of disaster risk is the most fundamental to equalize community percep tion to create synergy between government and public in order to achieve the goal of improving society’s resilience to disaster. danar (2020:85) theneedforeducationandscience is an important and strategic entrance to the building andforming a culture of people concerned with the subject of the transforma 305 306 tions of disaster. theeducation ofdisaster is anattempttocon veymatters of disaster, inordertodevelop knowledge, understanding, skills, and civic concern to have an awareness of imposition and adaptation in disproportionate regions and able to be actively participate to minimize of disasters and address the effects of the disaster. rijanta et al (2018:38) describing the phase of disaster management has several phases that sometimes have different terminology in various countries, in general, disaster management can be grouped into four stages of mitigation, preparedness, emergency response and recovery. each obviously has different definitions and objectives as an essential part connected to each other in the management of disaster. disaster events are uncertain because they may and may not happen. whether it is a potential adverse or harmful effect toa person’s death, an effort to cope with a disaster will need to be made. disaster management is a series of efforts involving policy enforcement, disasters at risk for disasters, disaster prevention activities, emergency response, and rehabilitation. furthermore, tamitiadini et al (2019:6) needs to be noted that the accountablecommunications system plays avital role in disaster management efforts. a region may go forth to tackle a disaster if they can tackle it independently by involving the community’s capabilities and the task force or executive body it contains. communication systems accountability in disasters can be seen from the development of the institution, dissemination of in formation, and the exchange of information obtained. forecasting dunn (2018:119) forecasting gives a prospective vision of policy results, and it expands the capacity for understanding, control, and guidance of society. forecasting based on expert assessment, historical trail, or a sophisticated economic model technically, it is susceptible to error by false or unreasonable assumptions. forecasting also has an effect that is not detected by an institutionalincentive system; and the complexity of policy problems in many areas ranging from health, welfare, education, science, technology, and the environment. forecasting focuses on the shape, function, and performance of forecastinginpolicy analysisthat highlights aset of criteriato assess the strength and limitations of various forecasting methods. forecasting also compares and distinguishes between extra politicalforecasting, theoreticalforecasting, assessment, androle in producing information on the expected results of policies. forecasting in policy analysis is a set of procedures to make information about a future society based on current and earlier information. forecasting has the basic three form principle that should beconsidered: 1. extrapolations are an estimatimates based on projections of current and historical trends in the future. projections often raise questions about the validity of conclusions based on information that results from the extrapolation of past trends tothefuture, for example, throughtimeframe analysis. projections are sometimes equipped with arguments from local orcentral authority. suchas experts making opinions about projections. 2. predictions are forecasting based on a theoretical explanation of why past trends should repeat in the future. predictions could alsobefurnished with estimates bythe authority of experts, or method authority. 3. expert forecasting is on professional experience and the authority of those who are believed to have a special ability to predict future public conditions. informal assessment is achieved through intuition, which tends to happen quickly, automatically, and easily (kahneman, 2003). 307 than dunn (2018:124) forecasting will affect society’s future on current events, which is also defined by (miller, 1977) as divided on three futures: 1. potential future; the social situation that may be happening is different from the social situation that is happening. the 308 future situation is never certain until it really happens, and hence there are so many potential futures. usually, this assumption impacts a better future. 2. plausible future; the future situation based on the assumption of relationships between the environment and society, it is expected that policymakers do not intervene in order to change the course of events. usually, these assumptions will profoundly affect the more concerned social interactions. 3. normative future; a potential and plausible future that is consistent with analysts concept needed, values, and opportunities in the future. one important aspect of thenormative future is the goal and target specification. forecasting analysis model in managing covid19 the riau islands covid-19 task force forecasting model should be done by the riau islands covid-19 task force, researchers forecasting policies is an updated forecasting analysis approach. in the first stage, the model that has the sense of an organization, the covid-19 task force as the main actor in the covid-19 disaster management, and then the second actor, society as the priority. the society if not directed by the main actor, it will be a diversionary shift in perspective to determine what should be done in the future. the riau islands covid-19 task force sets the forecasting that will be on the first scenario, covid-19 second wave, and on the secondscenarioisthenewnormalinwhichonescenariowithin the model will occur in the future. the riau island society is faced with an uncertain forecasting, if the task force organization for covid19 does not implement the opinion forecasting. the indicators projection, prediction & mitigation are not accurate on current new normal implementation, this will require decisive action on disaster management prepared today by the riau islands covid-19 task force. it is feared that riau island communities with increasing anxiety levels and are not prepared to run the first and the second scenario. chart 1. model using opinion forecasting analysis approach source : developing processed data researchers, dunn (2018) research method this writing is a qualitative research with a case study approach (creswell, 2016). moleong (2012) claims that qualitative research is methods of adoration and understanding the meaning that comes from social or humanitarian problems. yin (2018) suggests that qualitative research is a study aimed at understandingphenomena experienced bythestudy subject in thenatural state of the object. a case study in two defined approaches is viewed from a context where a phenomenon occurs and then scrutinized and from a perspective the nature of the data studied later in analysis, the case study as an indepth study of phenomena occurring in a real-world context, based on data collected from various sources and triangulated,nd then employ datacollection techniques and analyses that are determined based on theoretical propositions. researchers are also searching for some library sources such as ebook, journals, websites, organization reports, and other documents both printed and online media that are relevant to the topic under review (galvan & galvan, 2017; zed, 2014). in this study, the method used is the case study. researchers are 309 310 trying tofigureouthowto see therole of the riau island provincial government in disaster management incoping with the spread of covid-19 from 17th of march, 2019 until the 5th of june, 2020 enteringthe new normal. additionally, onthiscase researchers are pressing on the forecasting approach as described by dunn (2018:128), which is a forecasting technique trying to obtain and research opinions of the experts, often based on opinionoremotionofargument, anassumptionontheperson’s creative powers of forecasting being used as the verification of a declaration on the future. forecasting is linked together with the process of disaster management analysis. because in it analyzing an event, then the researchers, giving recommendations to the role of local government need to be evaluated in the form of predictions about what will happen in the present and thefuture. accordingto dunn, forecastingisanattempttomake factual information about future social situations based on information that exists atthe moment. result and discussion overview covid-19 in the riau islands on 17th of march, 2020, the positive patient of covid-19 in the riau islands province coincided with 4 other provinces of special capital district of jakarta province, central java, east java, and the confirmed of the riau islands province (mashabi, 2020). the strategic position of the riau islands province become one of the highest anticipation levels for the spread of covid-19 as a direct neighbor to several countries such as singapore and malaysia which the initial spread from the foreign visit was. the riau islands covid-19 task force, an organization thathandled the local covid-19 outbreak. the effort involved substantial socializing to the public about the importance of obeying the health protocol facing the spread of covid 19. through the ministry of health of the republic of indonesia, it directly decreed that the four hospitals referred to in the province of the riau islands to extend covid-19 including raja ahmad thabib hospital (tanjungpinang), muhammad sani hospital (karimun), embung fatimah hospital (batam) and bp hospital batam. the four hospitals had prepared adequatemedical equipment, resources, andcasepatterned. chart 2. cumulative graph the riau islands covid-19 task force report priod of 25th march – 13th june 2020 positive covid-19 based on total cases positive covid-19 based on patient healed positive covid-19 basedon care and quarantine positive covid-19 based on death source : https://corona.kepriprov.go.id/ explorative gaps forecasting post covid-19 management of the riau islands local government 311 chart 3. month new case covid-19 in the riau 17th march to 17th june 2020 source : processed data the extra-apolitical approach of policing has an assumption that provides a basic picture to the riau island community of fortunetelling may or may not happen in the future. forecasting the spread of covid-19 occurs based on the results of handling covid-19 not in accordance with the expectations of the riau islands local government on the decrease in the spread of covid-19 in the riau islands. in march until june 2020, there was no significant decrease in every week in the decrease of covid-19 cases in riau islands until it entered the new normal stage. in accordance with the data from the task force for the acceleration of covid -19 in the riau islands province, starting on 17th of march, 2020, there was 1 positive patient of covid-19, then the following month on 17th of april,2020 there were 44 positive people with 34 additions for a month. in the following month 17th of may 2020 there 116 people were positive for covid-19 with an additional 82 people. and on 17th of june, 2020 there were 236 people positive for covid19 with an additional 154 people, and finally the central government instructed for the new normal. in the first scenario, the worst possibility it is likely to have to anticipate the persistence, regularity, & reliability ability process (described: explorative gaps forecasting post covid-19 312 management of the riau islands local government) so that the built disaster management can be well anticipated by the riau islands covid-19 task force. in addition to the indicator, the first scenario would be worse because of the massive spread of the covid-19, as both local and federal governments already spend large amounts of both regional income and expenditure budget (apbd) and national income and expenditure budget (apbn) for disaster management covid-19 at the first wave spread. the riau islands local government continues to prepare funds to anticipate and manage the effects of covid-19 transmission. holding the coordination meeting through video conference with all the heads of regional development planning agencies in riau islands province, byfollowing the ministery of internal affairs regulation no 20 of 2020 andthe ministery of internal affairs instruction no. 1 of 2020. a budget refocusing has been conducted to accelerate the handling of covid-19 in the riau islands province with a total budget allocation of rp. 705.5 billion. chart4. future forecasting statistics covid 19 (scenario 1) source: statistical package for the social sciences version 12 based onstatisticaldata, thespread of covid 19 in thesecond wave increased significantly in july, august and september. thedescription of theresults of forecasting analysisstatistics 313 314 shows that the increase in the number of covids in the second wave will be greater than in the post covid 19 which is currently implementing new normal, this is likely to be the indiscipline of riau island residents to the health protocol. second scenario, the odds would be better for new normal to run well with the indicators potential future, plausible future & normativefuture. theintended potential future is anassumption of new normal will be usefulforthe riau island community in order to improve psychology, andthe economy after going through that difficult time. the plausible future on the public assumption that they will believe the government’s performance in dealing with covid19, then gain higher public trust and social interaction between local governments and communities. it is well established when there is an emergency action that shows good performance. the last normative future which assume, determine the needs and desires of the community in accordance with the vision and mission in continuing physical and non-physical development. the development is for the sake of the sustainability of the riau islands community. this is because the riau islands local government announced on 14th of june, 2020 through the covid-19 task force that six regencies and cities in the region were eligible to carry out new normal. furthermore, activities that take place during the new normal life of the riau islands community economy, for example, reactivate tourism activities by taking into account health protocols. forecasting analysis opinion post covid-19 management of the riau islands local govern ment in accordance with the explanation above, it means that di saster management for covid-19 has an explorative gap in the post covid-19. the central government statement about three things that changed the end of the spread of covid-19 did not match what was expected. faster or slower than pre dicted, with the number of cases decreasing or exceeding predictions. forecasting projections on policies that will be formulated after covid19 for the new normal will scale for the next 3 months, testing the rate of decline in the spread of covid-19 in the new normal period by preparing for the possibilities that will occur in the present and the future according to approximation assumption approach. in principle, highlighting the covid19 disaster management by the riau islands covid-19 task force that adhere to policy alternatives in anticipation of covid19 second wavein the first scenario of theforecasting analysis (dunn, 2008:309) explains three forecistic assumptions of its approach: persistence, regularity and reliability. persistence; maintaining phenomenon or consistent with what was observed inthe past will last in thefuture. if the power of persistence has increased at the same rate in the past, this phenomenon will increase considerably in the future. it means the spread of covid19 in the riau islands occurred in the past, and it would be possible in the future. the hypothesis is if the indiscipline andomissions were not anticipated bythe riau islands covid-19 task force under the proper conditions of new life, so the covid-19 second wave is even more dangerous because people’s perspectives already have a current assumption that new normal is part of the restoration of life in economics and social without administering health protocol. al thoughthis is only an assumption of persistence that can affect the negative on disaster management, this negative assumption can be avoided whenthe riau islands’ societies realize the current conditions are not safe from the covid-19 infectious disease. regularity; similar circumstances or the phenomenons in which the process occurs several times back in time and occurs in the future. the order in which the spread of the covid-19 will follow the same pattern and cycle for the second wave of covid-19 spread. disaster management roles needs to be enhanced by improving the organization’s work capacity and evalu 315 316 ating the covid-19 spread performance previously entered the new normal phase. the riau islands government should be ready to face the massive outbreak of covid-19 regulations for occurred in 2009, when indonesia was able to complete the conspiracy of the infectious disease (influenza) through the ministry of health of the republic of indonesia. the solution that canbe done onan orderly basis is the need for moresignificant supervision in handling the spread of covid-19 by giving sanctions (public complaints to apply open governance) that do not comply with health protocols and obey them (involving communities, traditional leaders and public figures) on community activities. validity; a reality that occurs gives the same result when repeated review in period. the phenomenon of handling covid19 spread by the riau islands covid-19 task force islands that both persistence and regulation are vital warnings of the first scenario dealing the sceong spread wave of covid-19. the confirmation of reliability as to covid-19, a second wave will undoubtedly occur if thereisnoabilitytomakean alternativeforecasting analysis on the covid-19 disaster management strategy. it means if this happens then the current application of new normal not works. it needs tobeidentifiedthenew normal useful or not because thesafety of the riau islands society is more important than putting social and economic concerns first if there is no any significant alternative. the solution is an inovation in economic development by increasing the capacity of micro, small and medium enterprises (umkm), young entrepreneurs, developing tourist destinations with the health pro tocols, sothat the economy of the riau islands community can be encouraged by the local government when the community needs funds for their daily needs. the riau islands local government weakness on disaster management of covid-19 based on presidential decree no. 9 of 2020 concerning the figure 1. structure of handling covid 19 by local governments source : ministry of home affairs of the republic of indonesia 2020 3 1 7 318 acceleration of handling covid-19 in local government envi ronments and circular letter of the ministry of home affairs number 20 year 2020 regarding the acceleration of corona virus disease 2019, the regional head acts as the head of a cluster related to the acceleration of covid-19 handling in the regions andcannot bedelegatedtoother officials in theregion. inaddition, the governorisalsoamember of thesteering committee for the national taskforce for handling covid-19 at the national level. then the head of the covid-19 handling acceleration group was led by the governor of the riau islands, mr. h. isdianto, s. sos., m.m., the daily chairperson is chaired by the riau island regional secretariat mr. h. t.s arif fadillah, s.sos., m.si., furthermore deputy chairman i by the riau islands police chief mr. irjen pol, dr. aris budiman, m.si., and deputy chairmen ii and iii, namely rear admiral tni arsyad abdullah, s.e., m.ap. currently serves as lantamal commander iv and mr. sudarwidadi, sh, mh serves as chief prosecutor of the riau islands. seeing the increasing number of covid-19 cases in the riau islands and increasingly worrying, acting governor mr. isdianto movedquicklytoformaspecialteamtohandle covid-19, which they called the command post team. the team formed based onthe riau islands governor decree dated may 26, 2020, has become one of the efforts of the riau islands provincial government in dealing with covid-19 which is increasingly worrying because it has influenced the social and economic aspects of the community. local community. obviously, the decree details some of the main tasks of the command post team in handling covid-19, namely planning, implementing, and evaluating the covid-19 handling activities that have been carried out by the task force team in batam. in addition, conduct surveillance, health protocol enforcement operations, and prevent the spread of covid-19. theteamisalsotasked with collectingand processing data, presenting information and analysis, recommending and reporting policies, carrying out public relations and information dissemination functions. provide support for planning, supply, distribution, recording, and reporting of logistics and equipment. the best way to address disaster countermeasures is with the bureaucratic and complex systems that form part of society’s hopeingeneral (kirschenbaum, 2004:265). then, asthe most important role holder, the riau islands local government should reexamine the basic concepts and legal products for future evaluations so that new normal phase can be implemented as they should be. the vulnerability of the riau islands tothe neighboring countries (singapore, malaysia) has the potential to re-spread the covid-19 second waves in a massive way that some countries already have, need a policy model offered even if the new normal concepts are implemented. the riau islands government should focus on people condition in the present, primarily saving the economic sector of greed and interpersonal social interaction. then to be emphasized, the government of the riau islandsshouldhaveconceptsintheformofpolicyforecasting models to avoid the second spread of covid-19. researchers will attempt a forecasting opinion analysis by developing the thinking of (kirschenbaum, 2004:266) inherent weaknesses in management will occur in the future. first; organizational inconsistencies and contradictions; when the determination of covid-19 positive patients in the riau islands, on 17th of march, 2020, through the riau islands health service had denied the existence of covid-19 patients, but in fact the riau islands covid-19 task force spokesperson has conducted a press conference for 1 positive patient (ikhsan, 2020). the riau islands local government already has a task force organization for covid-19, then with existing contradictions it will be difficult to maximize the role of local governments in order to fulfill the mission in context of preventing, anticipating or repreparing the human resources to face the second wave of covid-19 spread. the readiness of a local government leadership, governor has high levels of professionals to fill the limits of the riau island covid-19 task force work 319 320 ing back from the start in the management of handling the covid-19. obviously this will require an approach between the central government in funding but the public can see that this control plays both roles between professional vs. bureaucracy. second; the basic concept used by the riau islands covid19 task force depends on understanding the time of the second wave of covid-19 spread, and therefore the human resources and directed execution duty is considerable thanpreparatory to the worst scenario of either technical error or deliberate conflict that has taken place on the first covid-19 spread. technical errors and intentional conflict, where the provincial government collaborates in the management of covid-19 preventive health protocols with the state of singapore (see the riau islands public relations website about riau islands discusses covid-19 management protocols) the riau islands local gov ernment has to first establish communication with indonesian government regulation in management of covid-19 disaster management between countries. the riau islands covid-19 task force would lose boththe direction and exactly what they want to be completed, even resulting new cases if managing covid-19 through cooperation by the regional government of the riau islands local government precedes the central indonesian government. the covid-19 disaster control concept is much more dangerous to war against terrorists if the treatments is not carefully carried out. third; the riau islands covid-19 task force understanding for the acceleration of handling, the governor of the goals and targets, not all stakeholders with their perceptions in handling covid 19 and can occur at the current new normal, because the formulation and concept of disaster management that was formed did not understand the conditions. for example, theperception of the governor of the riau islands believes that in july the riau islands community is free from covid 19, in fact there is still covid-19 and the second wave of covid-19 (see hariankepri.com). even though the social assistance program is the main program by the task force for the acceleration of handling covid-19, however, public education is very worrying because the community’s insight about the covid-19 disaster can still be overcome by the government only, even though looking at the conditions occurring early in the spread of covid19, many peopledonotfollowthehealth protocol. datafrom the riau islands health office in april 2020 showedthat people without symptomatic (otg) for covid-19 continued to increase sharply (alamsyah, 2020) , the best solution needs to involve the private sector in partnership to avoid the second wave of covid-19 victims. this is very relevant because many need cooperation in ending total spread of covid-19. fourth; beyondthe covid-19 task force, certainlysomeof the communities within each regency/city have their own way of coping in their own social-based way to discontinue the spread of covid-19. the public acted actively like a campaign to create a social network that was channeled as public knowledge of how andwhatto do toact on thedisaster and topass onnew information through other technologies deemed by the public to channel a platform for socializing, breaking the spread of covid-19 by not following the policy of the riau islands through the riau islands covid-19 task force. it means that the riau islands community have better communication ability than they do to hear the local government directions, though this is affecting both sides, but the electability of public trust in local governments is declining. fifth; public pessimism toward the riau islands covid-19 task force will be realized if the second covid-19 wave is present, there is potential in viewing covid-19 deaths in the riau islands. the potential pessimistic is due to acatastrophic gap in the effectiveness of the task force, but people expect victims of the covid-19 second wave to impact their previous mortality rate. public pessimism indicates that the riau islands covid-19 task force has a bureaucratic system that prioritizes 321 322 economic andsocial risk ratherthansociety itself (health). itis abureaucratic system thatworksin handling of a disaster. target and alternative forecasting ofthe riau islands local government role in han dling new normal in the post covid-19 authorities on the new normal treatment in the riau islands is ready for the two scenarios that will occur, through the opinion forecasting analysis that will become a basis for discussion for experts and for the riau islands covid-19 task force as well, the next appointed authority will be executed as an effort to improve the quality of performance of the covid-19 task force towards disaster management. because it concerns healthfactors in the survival of thehuman soul and no more victims of the covid-19 pandemic after implementing the new normal. the insight for the implementation of new normal post covid-19 in the riau islands, in thiscase, the riau islands government may not play its own role, local governments must have more insight, such as involving the community, while maintaining the health protocol and having a new spirit. this insight is very important to eliminate the psychological, economic, ecological, political, and social impacts. where there is a real renewal so that the application of new normal can be felt directly by the people in the riau islands. assessment and knowledge are useful for understanding a problem that occurs during new normal in the long term by the riau islands covid-19 task force. looking for alternatives for the new normal to be able to innovate by conducting scientific research prepared to answer the possibility that will occur based on methods that are targeted right after covid 19, in order to prevent the first scenario namely covid-19 second wave. looking for alternatives intended based on research scientific research such as in the field of health, food security, and in the field of community empowerment. the alternative is an effort to strengthen the policy of implementing the new normal so that the disaster management prepared by the riau islands covid-19 task force for acceleration handling can gain public trust so there is no neglect. conclusion the policy forecasting model with the opinion forecasting analysis approach in order to provide an alternative and forecasting that identifies the past, present and future to strengthen disaster management implemented by the riau islands covid19 task force. explorative gaps in forecasting post-covid-19 handling by the riau islands local government are a serious warning because the bureaucratic system in the indonesian government is very slow in making decisions, especially in handling disaster management needs to be responsive in policies made by implementing agencies or task forces. the explorative gap in forecasting with the negative impacts awakens the awareness that during the period of the application of the new normal there is no guarantee that the government will run well in ac cordance with the wishes of the community. the weaknesses of the riau islands local government handling the covid-19 disaster management which has been explained that the riau islands local government has the opportunity to conduct periodic evaluations bythe task force for the acceleration of covid-19 in the riau islands to improve disaster management sothat there is no internal conflict or coordination betweenexistingstakeholders boththepublic andprivate sectors in eradicating covid-19 totally. the weaknesses that the researchers explained does not mean that the riau islands government was incapable but provided a scientific analysis of the handling of covid19 internally in the riau islands covid-19 task force. it is very important because of public expectations with implementing organizations in handling covid-19 can end soon because the whole community feels 323 324 bad impacts on their lives. targets and alternatives forecasting for therole of the riau islands local government in the management of new normal after covid19, researchers are offering about the authority, insight in handling and alternatives in the form of innovations conducting studies in various fields such as health and food security, sothat thecommunity canbeempowered tothemaximum extent possible when management disaster in the new normal period is better, then innovative policies from the local government it is expected to face the future, the need for certainty of targets and alternatives so that the lives of the people of the riau islands become better in terms of economic, social, politi cal, health and education which is the main pillar of the nation and state. acknowledgement thank the faculty of social and political sciences, raja ali haji maritime university for giving an incentive to publish scientific papers for the 2020 budget year. also, wethank the edi torial team and reviewer of the government study journal of muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta who have worked by publishing this paper perfectly. references book & journal carter, w. n. 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https://www.liputan6.com/regional/read/4264872/sudah-ada-gugus-tugas-pemprov-kepri-bentuk-tim-posko-lawan-virus-corona http://www.liputan6.com/ http://www.liputan6.com/ https://www.google.com/search?q=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&rlz=1c1yqls_enid921id921&oq=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&aqs=chrome..69i57.628j0j4&sourceid=chrome&ie=utf-8 https://www.google.com/search?q=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&rlz=1c1yqls_enid921id921&oq=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&aqs=chrome..69i57.628j0j4&sourceid=chrome&ie=utf-8 https://www.google.com/search?q=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&rlz=1c1yqls_enid921id921&oq=the%2bminister%2bof%2bhome%2baffairs%2bnumber%2b440%2f2622%2f%2bsj%2bon%2bformation&aqs=chrome..69i57.628j0j4&sourceid=chrome&ie=utf-8 layout desember 2008 study has implications to the strict policy implementation of the provisions of the 1991 local government code of the philippines, the antigraft and corrupt practices act, and other pertinent laws in order to improve the transparency, integrity and accountability of public officials not only in southern philippines but also in the entire country. keywords: governance, inter-agency corruption involvement, internal review allotment, maratabat, nepotism introduction good governance sets the normative standards of development. it fosters participation, ensures transparency, demands accountability, promotes efficiency, and upholds the rule of law in economic, political and administrative institutions and processes. it is a hallmark of political maturity but also a requisite for growth and poverty reduction, for there are irreducible minimum levels of governance needed for large-scale investment to occur and for social programs to be supported (www.neda.gov.ph). the empowerment of local officials is enshrined in the 1991 local government code. however, a lot of studies significantly point out the proliferation of corruption in the local government units after the devolution of power as mandated in the said code (amorado, 2007). corruption has been defined as the misuse or abuse of public office for private gain (klitgaard, abaroa and parris, 2000). it involves members of government and the private sector. robert klitgaard, as cited by batalla (2000), asserts that corruption comes in several forms and consists of a wide array of illicit behaviors including bribery, extortion, amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado and dr. sulpecia l. ponce msu – iligan institute of technology, iligan city, philippines; email: april27_sol@yahoo.com graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 abstract this study aims to examine the graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in southern philippines. the study is qualitative in nature making use of case study method in which an indepth analysis of primary data obtained from eight informants, four of whom are town mayors and their four incumbent municipal treasurers, is employed. the findings revealed that the mayor informants got elected through vote buying and bribery. politics and family matters intersect as informants are supported by their families during election who used guns, gold and goons to ensure election victory. the clannish nature of the community finds expression also in the selection of relatives in municipal employment and in accessing municipal resources. the most prevalent corruption practice disclosed by the informants is amassing the internal revenue allotment (ira) for personal purposes in order to recover the huge amount of money spent during election. other types of corruption practices also include falsification of documents, nepotism, bribery, kickbacks, and evasion of public bidding. these public officials also do not seem to perform official duties in their towns as they live outside of their municipalities. interagency involvement of corruption among different government agencies in the areas studied are also uncovered. moreover, the perceived negative effects of corruption are manifested in the poor delivery of the community’s basic social services in health, water supply, education, and security protection. corruption also adversely affects the construction of community infrastructure facilities and the establishment of an equitable and solid economic base. the 230 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fraud, nepotism , graft, speed money, pilferage, theft, embezzlement, falsification of records, kickbacks, influence-peddling, and campaign contribution”. according to the 1999 united nation development program (undp), corruption is anti-development because it goes against efficiency, social equity and welfare. the full development of national system of communication, transportation, trade and commerce, all of which are essential to economic development, is adversely affected because of the diversion and misdistribution of domestic and foreign public funds. the transparency international 2010 report says that the level of corruption in the philippines has worsened in the last three years, with the country being perceived as 12th most corrupt in a field of 178 nations. furthermore, 69% of those surveyed said that they believe that corruption has increased within the last three years. transparency international also estimates that 20 percent of the budget is lost to corruption annually. given a budget of 1.645 trillion for 2011, the country stands to lose p329 billion in taxpayer’s money by year’s end. the philippines is continuously viewed as having serious corruption problems in international stage. in a survey conducted by the hong kong-based consultancy firm political and economic risk consultancy in 2011, the county garnered a score of 8.9, worse than its rating of 8.25 in 2010. this ranked the philippines as third most corrupt nation in southeast asia (www.abscbnews.com, 2011) in the muslim-dominated autonomous region of muslim mindanao (armm) observations would indicate that it is saddled with an oversized, demoralized and mostly incompetent bureaucracy. people in the government services are hired for their political connections and family ties rather than their skills. since its creation, armm has received generous financial infusions from manila. it is estimated that each of armm provinces gets one billion pesos annually from the national government in the form of internal revenue allotment (ira), congressional initiative allocations and countrywide development funds (cdf). according to the commission on audit reports, armm— the poorest region in the country, with the worst social services-has little to show for this money. in addition, millions of pesos worth of funds remained unaccounted for (vitug, 1996). in terms of transparency, accountability and governance performance, armm is unsatisfactory. in the armm regional government (arg), about 82 percent of the total budgetary allocation is spent on employee salaries and benefits, making it the largest employment agency in the area. many barangay lacks barangay hall; absentee employee and even mayors seem to be the norm. the homes of municipal mayors and barangay chairs are often the de facto centers of local governance. in many municipalities, only the mayor and treasurer have knowledge of the ira, and funds which, by law, are reserved for development activities, are in fact used in any manner the mayor decides. public funds are dispensed as private funds; appointments to key positions are based mainly on kinship; and citizens expect local executives to provide free services (calavan et al., 2004) in lanao del sur, one of the provinces of the armm, graft and corruption practices are widespread. based on the commission on audit executive summary 2007 report on the province, the graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 231 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ commission found out rampant irregularities practiced by the provincial government officials. some of these are absence of public bidding in the procurement of supplies and equipments, disbursement of money is not supported by vouchers and unliquidated cash advances for travelling expenses of officials (www.coa.gov.ph, 2007) the coa report mentioned earlier only elaborated on the forms and nature of corruption and financial mismanagement of the resources of lanao del sur and armm region. however, the factors that account for these corrupt practices in the region have never been contextualized. thus this angle needs to be explored further to shed light on the reasons why corruption pervades in a maranao-dominated community and the types or forms and procedures of corruption that actually happened during the incumbency of the selected public officials in some municipalities of lanao del sur. this study is significant in examining the transparency, accountability and good governance in selected towns in lanao del sur. this study aims to identify and describe the graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in lanao del sur. particularly, this study examines the following: the socio demographic profile of the key informants, the role of kinship system in the political involvement of the informants, the informants view on corruption, the graft and corruption practices done by local government officials, the perceived effects of graft and corruption practices in their municipality, and the recommendations of the informants to lessen the corruption practices in the locality. this study highlights homans’ exchange theory which advances propositions about the nature of exchanges in people’s interaction that promotes further exchanges as well as merton’s strain theory. these two theories would explain the engagement of graft and corruption practices among the informants in the study. the fundamental propositions of george homans’ exchange theory are the following: the success propositionstates that “for all actions taken by persons, the more often a particular action of a person is rewarded, the more likely the person is to perform that action” (homans, 1974:16)”; the stimulus propositionargues that “if in the past occurrence of a particular stimulus, or set of stimuli, has been the occasion on which a person’s action has been rewarded, then the more similar the present stimuli are to the past ones, the more likely the person is to take the action, or some similar action” (homans, 1974: 23). on the other hand, the value propositionstates that “the more valuable to a person is the result of his action, the more likely he is to perform the action” (homans, 1974:25). furthermore, his deprivation-satiation proposition states that “the more often in the recent past a person has received a particular reward, the less valuable any further unit of that reward becomes for him” (homans, 1974:29). there are also two cases involved in the aggression-approval proposition. the first is the proposition a: “when a person’s action does not receive the reward he expected, or receives punishment he did not expect, he will be angry; he becomes more likely to perform aggressive behavior, and the result of such behaviour becomes more valuable to him” (homans, 1974:37). the second is proposition b: “when a person’s action receives the reward he expected, especially a greater reward than he expected, or does not receive punishment he expected, he will be pleased; he becomes more likely to perform graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 232 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ approving behaviour, and the result of such behaviour becomes more valuable” (homans, 1974:43). lastly, the rational proposition which states that, “in choosing between alternative actions, a person will choose that one for which, as perceived by him at the time, the value, v, of the result, multiplied by the probability, p , of getting the result, is greater” (homans, 1974:43). out of the six propositions being mentioned, only four were used as basis for explaining the practice of graft and corruption in the selected municipalities of lanao del sur. the following propositions are: the success proposition, stimulus proposition, value proposition, and aggression-approval proposition. figure 1.schematic diagram used in the study on the other hand, merton’s strain theory looks at deviance as the characteristics of behaviours of individuals which violate group norms (including cultural mores and moral standards). the deviance, in order to be properly labelled, must induce a negative response from the group. the second piece of this definition is actually the most important in that; without the negative reaction, the behaviour would not be considered deviant. because deviance is found naturally within society, merton believes that it was society itself which causes it. further, merton believes that when societal norms, or socially accepted goals (such as the american dream), place pressure on the individual to conform, they force the individual to either work within the structure society has produced, or instead, become members of a deviant subculture (merton, 1938). therefore the conditions governing social interactions together with the cultural norms of society (example strong familism) define the proclivity of the informants to engage in corruption as articulated by the succeeding diagram and the explanations that follow. (see figure 1) figure 1 presents the variables in the study. the socio demographic profile is linked to the following three variables: role of kinship system in politics, key informants’ view of corruption and graft and corruption practices. the role of kinship system in politics is crucial because it is the kin of the key informants who decides who will run in politics. it is very important that the family of the politicians (key informants) must be united so that there will be a great chance of winning in the election. the informants’ view on corruption is linked to his own perspective and personal experiences. graft and corruption practices are also connected with the informants because their lifestyles would be reflective of their involvement or non-involvement in the act. the role of kinship system is linked to graft and corruption practices because when the mayors win in the election, they must repay the favor they owed to their relatives. at this point also, homans’ exchange propositions are relevant specifically on graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 233 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the following: success proposition, value proposition, stimulus proposition, and aggression-approval propositions (notably, proposition b). the perceived effects of graft and corruption have impacts to the community especially in the delivery of basic social services to the people because corruption is anti-development: it adversely affects the prosperity of the community. but corruption needs a solution. some recommendations from the informants to lessen corruption practices in their respective locality are expected in order to improve local governance. research methods the study was conducted using a qualitative approach employing mainly case study and observation methods. primary information were generated from the in depth-interviews of the informants. observation method was used by the researchers to check and verify the presence of community facilities, the lifestyles of the municipal mayor and municipal treasurer informants and the actual situation of the selected municipalities. the researchers obtained data from 8 selected local government officials who assumed office since 2004 up to the present. they were selected using snowball sampling technique. the researchers ensured the observance of research ethics in the conduct of the study through informed consent, respect and protection of the identity of the informants. the data were analyzed using content/thematic analysis of the transcripts of the case study data. this is a technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages (ole holsti, 1969). the researchers thematically analyzed the data based on the key ideas drawn from the responses of the key informants. discussions and results 1. socio demographic profile of the informants the average age of the mayor informants is 52 and 49 for the municipal treasurers. among the 4 mayor informants, 3 are males and 1 is female. the same distribution is noted among the 4 treasurer informants which may indicate the emerging role of maranao muslim women in politics and key positions in public office. the mayors do not have previous work experience in the government service unlike the treasurers that are mandated by the local government code to obtain a background in financial management. election cost in lanao del sur is very expensive with an estimated average of p42.3 million per mayor candidate. this amount is mainly used for vote buying and bribing the commission of election (comelec) officials and financing supporters (the details of which are elaborated in the succeeding discussions). the mayors are allowed by law to hold office for 3 terms and each term has a duration of 3 years. on the average, the mayors in this study have served for 2 terms ( 6 years) while their municipal treasurers have been in this position for around 8 years which suggests their job capability. the mayors have a mean monthly income of p37, 187.00 and p29, 983.00 for the municipal treasurers. their salary depends on the classification of their municipalities. both the salary of municipal mayor and municipal treasurer is stipulated and fixed by law under r.a no. 6758 known as “an act prescribing a revised compensation graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 234 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and position classification system in the government and for other purposes”. the average monthly income of the mayors, which include the income of their spouses, is more than twice the mayors’ monthly salary ( p86,867.00) while their treasurers earned about half (p43,193.00). translating their income into a living standard, their monthly financial resources obtained from legitimate means could only warrant them to enjoy a modest life . however, in terms of material possessions which are visible to the public like houses and vehicles, the 4 mayors own an average of 4 luxury cars estimated to have an average cost of p7,570,000 million. one of the mayors even own 6 cars. they also typically possess 4 houses and lots. in fact, one of them has 5 houses; 1 in his own municipality and 4 in other cities. the 4 treasurers also typically own 2 expensive cars which could be valued at p3.2 million. aside from cars, they also have an average of 2 houses. these suggest that the informants live a comfortable life which could be monitored through their declaration of assets and liabilities and lifestyle check as mandated by the law on r.a. no. 6713 also known as “an act establishing a code of conduct and ethical standards for public officials and employees, to uphold the time-honored principle of public office being a public trust, granting incentives and rewards for exemplary service, enumerating prohibited acts and transactions and providing penalties for violations thereof and for other purposes”. the section eight of republic act 6713 which states that: “statements and disclosure. public officials and employees have an obligation to accomplish and submit declarations under oath of, and the public has the right to know, their assets, liabilities, net worth and financial and business interests including those of their spouses and of unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age living in their households. (a) statements of assets and liabilities and financial disclosure. all public officials and employees, except those who serve in an honorary capacity, laborers and casual or temporary workers, source: fieldwork data gathered from the informants conducted in may to july, 2012 table 1. profile of key informants graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 235 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ shall file under oath their statement of assets, liabilities and net worth and a disclosure of business interests and financial connections and those of their spouses and unmarried children under eighteen (18) years of age living in their households.” 2. role of family in corruption the 4 mayor key informants have also relatives, either by blood or marriagerelated, who are in politics. there are social and political functions of kinship in lanao del sur since politicians need a huge support of different families in order to increase their chances in winning in elections. the families expand their political alliances through marriage to someone belonging to a big family. expansion of family networks through affinal and blood ties ensure financial support from relatives during election. it is also revealed that the family has a strong influence in the informants’ decision to run for public office. it is impossible for a politician in this province to win without the support of his/her family. if there are a lot of men in the family, the opposing party cannot just simply outsmart the rival. men are needed especially during voting period when violence cannot be avoided. some people tend to control the polling precincts. men supporters of the politicians sometimes do not allow voters who do not vote for their candidates to enter the precincts, thus male power is needed to safeguard election victory. another thing to be considered upon entering the world of politics in lanao del sur is the capacity of each local candidate to put up huge amount of money. as mentioned earlier, a mayor candidate has to spend million of pesos to ensure winning, 30 to 58 million pesos or p42.3 million on the average. this money was mainly used in vote buying activities, mobilization of election supporters and even in the bribery of the election officials in the province. it has to be noted that in section 261 of the omnibus election code of the philippines, entitled “election offense”, specifically states that vote buying is strictly prohibited. “prohibited acts. the following shall be guilty of an election offense: a) vote-buying and vote-selling. (1) any person who gives, offers or promises money or anything of value, gives or promises any office or employment, franchise or grant, public or private, or makes or offers to make an expenditure, directly or indirectly, or cause an expenditure to be made to any person, association, corporation, entity, or community in order to induce anyone or the public in general to vote for or against any candidate or withhold his vote in the election, or to vote for or against any aspirant for the nomination or choice of a candidate in a convention or similar selection process of a political party. (2) any person, association, corporation, group or community who solicits or receives, directly or indirectly, any expenditure or promise of any office or employment, public or private, for any of the foregoing considerations.” the two researchers in this study who are residents in the province witnessed the rampant vote buying during elections. mayors give money in the range of p3,000 – p8,000 per voter, while a congressional candidate gives p2,000 –p3,000 pesos. it is estimated that during elections, a voter can collect p10,000 to p12,000 from the candigraft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 236 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dates. the amount spent during election by the mayor key informants is also in violation of section 13 of republic act 7166 known as “an act providing for synchronized national and local elections and for electoral reforms” which stipulates the following provisions: “authorized expenses of candidates and political parties. the agreement amount that a candidate or registered political party may spend for election campaign shall be as follows: for candidates. ten pesos (p10.00) for president and vice-president; and for other candidates three pesos (p3.00) for every voter currently registered in the constituency where he filed his certificate of candidacy: provided, that a candidate without any political party and without support from any political party may be allowed to spend five pesos (p5.00) for every such voter; and…” (r.a 7166) 3. views of corruption corruption can come in various forms. the mayors admitted that it can be in the form of amassing the ira (internal revenue allotment) to recoup the money they spent during election. this is in preparation for the next election or this could be a source of personal income. the ira, according to section 284 of the local government code of the philippines (ra 7160), is a local government’s share of revenues from the national government. it is largely based on land area and population. as further stated in section 286 of the same code, “the release of the ira shall be automatically released without need of any further action, and as the case may be, on quarterly basis within five (5) days after the end of each quarter, and which shall not be subject to any lien or holdback that may be imposed by the national government for whatever purpose”. the intended fund of the 80% ira is classified as general funds, where the salary of the municipal employees, maintenance and operating expenses (mooe), payrolls, and others are withdrawn. the 20% ira is intended for development projects as required by the same law, again as stated in section 287 of local government code. it is the task of department of interior and local government (dilg) to furnish a copy of the development plan projects. on the other hand, the treasurers view corruption as a way of stealing the ira. aside from this act, other corruption practices include bribing the comelec and commission on audit (coa) officials to facilitate anomalous transaction or using the funds of local government units ( lgus) for personal expenditures. the study also shows that there are advantages and disadvantages of corruption. the mayors view the direct benefits of corruption to their family and political career. aside from recovering their investment or the money spent during election, corruption gives prestige to the mayors including their families because it provides them with family honor, luxurious lifestyle and power. the treasurers identified the disadvantages of corruption in the promotion of community welfare. according to them, corruption retards the economic development of the community because problems of poverty, access and provision of social services, infrastructure facilities and security concerns are not given priority. why do the informants resort to corruption? the treasurers said it is because the mayors used it as a strategy for recovering election financial investment and in preparation for the next election.. the success and stimulus propositions of graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 237 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ homans’ exchange theory can be aptly seen in the actions of the mayor informants as also validated by their corresponding treasurers. election becomes an economic investment of every politician in anticipation of the reward (whether money, power, recognition, prestige) which they get though the ira. also, the treasurers added that the mayors tried all possible means to get them to power not only through vote buying but also in bribing comelec officials. merton’s strain theory is also useful to analyze the motivations of the mayors who use all possible illegitimate means to get their goals. the treasurers further stressed that corruption is the way of governance in the province of lanao del sur which is also a microcosm of corruption in the whole government bureaucracy. 4. the practice of corruption there are procedures in undertaking corruption as revealed by the treasurers. they admitted that they usually prepare manipulated/fake documents like payrolls, vouchers, and disbursements to liquidate the municipal expenses taken from the ira. the other practice is to pay fixers to process the liquidation. it is noted that the treasurers play a big role in the preparations of the papers in order for the ira to be released and in the disbursement process. they are the ones also to hand in to the mayor the extra amount left in the 80% general appropriations fund and usually the full amount of the 20% development fund. these practices are in violation of the revised penal code of the philippines, section four, article 171 which states that: “art. 171. falsification by public officer, employee or notary or ecclesiastic minister. — the penalty of prision mayor and a fine not to exceed p5,000 pesos shall be imposed upon any public officer, employee, or notary who, taking advantage of his official position, shall falsify a document by committing any of the following acts: 1. counterfeiting or imitating any handwriting, signature or rubric; 2. making any alteration or intercalation in a genuine document which changes its meaning; 3. issuing in an authenticated form a document purporting to be a copy of an original document when no such original exists, or including in such a copy a statement contrary to, or different from, that of the genuine original” the mayors admitted the existence of rampant corruption in their municipalities. this is done in the form of spending personally the ira and the budget allocated for local and national projects. the other corruption practice is done through the sharing of ira by the mayor and selected municipal officials (elected and appointed like the treasurers and municipal engineers) which is an interagency arrangement. in extreme cases, acquiring personally the release of 80% and 20% of the ira by pocketing it is also another form. getting the remaining funds of the implemented projects is also another practice. these corruption practices are in violation of the r.a 3019 also known as anti-graft and corrupt practices act which stipulates that: “sec. 3. corrupt practices of public officers. in addition to acts or omissions of public officers already penalized by existing law, the following shall constitute corrupt practices of any public officer and are hereby declared to be unlawful: (b) directly or indirectly requesting or receiving any graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 238 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gift, present, share, percentage, or benefit, for himself or for any other person, in connection with any contract or transaction between the government and any other part, wherein the public officer in his official capacity has to intervene under the law.” most of the municipal mayors practice malversation of public funds which is not only a corrupt practice but also as criminal offense as specified in article 27 of the revised penal code of the philippines and amended through r.a. it states that: “art. 217. malversation of public funds or property. — presumption of malversation. — any public officer who, by reason of the duties of his office, is accountable for public funds or property, shall appropriate the same, or shall take or misappropriate shall consent, or through abandonment or negligence, shall permit any other person to take such public funds or property, wholly or partially, or shall otherwise be guilty of the misappropriation or malversation of such funds or property” . the study also revealed that the key informants are not conducting public bidding where there are infrastructure projects to be implemented and in purchasing government supplies. treasurer informants bluntly admitted that they personally chose the private contractors to the infrastructure projects. under r.a. no. 9184 also known as “government procurement act”, public bidding is required to promote transparency in procurement process and provide equal opportunity to private contractors. the illegal practices done by the key informants fall under r.a 3019, section 3, paragraph (g) which states that: “section 3. corrupt practices of public officersin addition to acts or omissions of public officers already penalized by existing law, the following shall constitute corrupt practices of any public officer and are hereby declared to be unlawful: (g) entering, on behalf of the government, into any contract or transaction manifestly and grossly disadvantageous to the same, whether or not the public officer profited or will profit thereby.” corruption like evasion of public bidding, falsification of documents, diversion of funds were the common forms of corruption identified by klitgaard in his study (batalla, 2000) and that of cahiles et al. (2011). since the informants were not caught nor penalized in doing these illegal acts and were successful in getting money from the public treasury, they repeatedly performed this action because of the reward ( homans’ success proposition). also, because the mayors wanted to recoup their election expenses and they could not do so under legitimate channels, the only way to do that is by breaking established norms and by abuse of power (merton’s strain theory). 5. people involved in corruption graft and corruption practices of the local government officials need the participation of other officials and agencies. in practice, the usual people who are involved are the municipal treasurer for the withdrawal of the ira while the municipal planning officer and the municipal engineer are needed for the preparation of requests for project proposals. once the provincial and regional offices approved the project proposals, the possibility of getting kickbacks is already assured. inter-agency involvement is also apparent in this situation. auditors from commission on audit (coa) and of course the municipal treasurgraft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 239 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ers become accomplices in the process by seeing to it that their illegal transactions are without loopholes. these practices of bribery are punishable by law under revised penal code, “crime committed by public officers”, chapter 2, section 2, article 210 which states that: “art. 210. direct bribery. – any public officer who shall agree to perform an act constituting a crime, in connection with the performance of his official duties, in consideration of any offer, promise, gift or present received by such officer, personally or through the mediation of another, shall suffer the penalty of prison mayor in its medium and minimum periods and a fine of not less than three times the value of the gift in addition to the penalty corresponding to the crime agreed upon, if the same shall have been committed.” aside from bribery, getting kickbacks from projects, malversation of public funds, other forms of corruption in the municipalities also exist. mayors and treasurers do not hold offices in their respective municipalities. in fact, one treasurer admitted that he had not been to his office for a long time already yet he continues to collect his monthly salaries and personal shares of ira. the mayors also do not reside in their respective municipalities but live in the nearby cities of marawi, iligan or cagayan de oro as indicated by their number of houses located in several cities in mindanao. ghost employees and nepotism are also common. since the family and kin play a great role in the election campaign, nepotism is a way by which the mayors can repay the favour they owed from their relatives. debt of gratitude (utang na loob) and deep sense of pride (maratabat) are values that are strongly enshrined in the maranao culture that demand strict adherence among the informants. according to the strain theory of merton, putting pressure on the individual to conform to societal norms, or socially accepted goals place the individual to either conform within the bounds of societal structure or lead him to be in the deviant subculture (merton, 1938). therefore, the culture and structure of the social context where the informants live forced them to comply with societal expectations like repaying debts of gratitude to election supporters leading to patronage, adhering to the principles of maratabat to preserve family honor and familistic ties making way for nepotism. to merton, deviance is structurally created also because opportunities given to aspiring individuals who wish to obtain socially desirable goods are limited. therefore, the mayors who resorted to deviant acts like vote buying and bribery find deviation to culturally approved norms as the only opportunities available to them in order to get power. this process in itself justifies their inability to deliver services to their constituents who became their partners (having sold their votes to the candidates) in the deviant situations they committed. the culture of corruption that happened in these municipalities is a structurally induced condition that can be traced upon the society itself. 6. money lost to corruption this study also uncovers some estimates on the money wasted to corruption although the exact figures are not certain. in the release of ira, the mayors admitted to have received an amount ranging from 1.5 million to 3 million pesos monthly up to their term of 3 years. however, these revelations are understated because the exact amount they get from the 20% ira is not graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 240 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ given. at the earliest, the mayor who spent the least can already recover his election investment within the period of one year after induction to office. crude as this maybe, these information could provide an estimate as to the magnitude of corruption at the municipal level which illegally drains the local and national financial resources. according to the report presented by transparency and accountability network last 2011, the massive amount of money wasted to corruption was estimated to be 12 billion dollars in the period 1995 to 2000 (http://www.scribd.com/doc/tanpaper-on-corruption-and-anticorruption-in-thephilippines-march-2011). 7. effects of corruption the perceived effects of graft and corruption in the municipalities are perpetuation of nepotism, failure to deliver basic social services such as health services, safe water supply/water system and low level of education. municipal development in all forms are sluggish with the absence of employment opportunities for the rural folks. although the agricultural sector is considered good by all informants but public facilities such as roads still need improvement or still needed to be built. municipal halls are the priority projects of the mayors despite the fact that these municipalities had long been established for decades already. 8. theoretical implications the propositions of homans especially the stimulus proposition, value proposition, success proposition are supported in this study. at the personal level, the motivation (stimulus) of the mayor to run for office is high despite the financial cost it entails. however, the value attached to the position of being a mayor symbolizes power and family prestige which is the pride ( maratabat) and significant mark of the familistic and closely-knit maranao society. winning the position is a desired goal. this has to be obtained either in the legal or illegal means ( like vote buying or bribing the comelec) with the financial and social help of the family and support groups. getting back the money ( through embezzlement, if not caught) invested after winning the election is justified as an anticipated reward ( homans’ success proposition) in performing the act. thus, the cycle of corruption is the result of the endless desire to obtain a goal or a valued reward, the success of getting the reward, and the tendency to repeat the rewarded action ( as there are no reported cases of public officials in lanao del sur being sued and imprisoned for involvement in corruption) also, merton’s strain theory explains why under circumstances of lack of access or opportunity, as in the case of the mayor informant who used unapproved means to win or recoup election investment through corruption or repay the favour owed from immediate family and social circles, the person will find any possible means to obtain a desired goal. corruption, as a form of deviance, is an indication of a structurally induced behaviour because of the culturally prescribed norms demanding compliance. 9. policy and practical implications the counter corruption approach employed by the philippine government to address corruption problem is that which a.t. rafique rahman ( cited by carino, 1986) categorizes as ‘hesitantinstitutional’ which utilizes institutional means to eradicate corruption through constitutional , graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 241 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ legal, organizational ( like anti-corruption bureaus) legislative measures, and procedures (arce, 2001). however, the philippines is not deficit in the regulatory policies/laws and constitutionally independent bodies that address corruption problem in the country. sad to say, all these efforts are reduced to mere formalities since “clientelism and bureaucratic capture continue to characterize governance institutions in the country” (abad , 2010). the weak bureaucratic operations exacerbated by a blurred distinction between public and private divide creates an environment conducive to corruption. however, since public office is a public trust, the role of citizens and well-meaning/responsible leaders who have political are vital in eradicaing corruption. conclusion and recommendations graft and corruption practices are prevalent in the municipal governments studied in lanao del sur. its pervasive nature starts at the time of election where massive vote buying is considered the way things are run in the province if a candidate wants to win despite governmental regulations that make this act illegal. intensive investments of the candidates are poured during election period in anticipation of getting the same from the municipal treasury the moment they win. this would also mean resorting to violence for power. the voters, on the other hand, had already given their consent to this act as it is the time of the political cycle where they can also receive generous amount from political candidates. a big role is also performed by the family and kin of the politicians from the period of candidacy until the declaration of winners. the family provides social, political and monetary support during campaign until the election-day and even when there are post-election protests to be filed to the comelec. the clannish nature of the maranao families in lanao del sur is a social capital that is tapped by politicians because the larger and more politically and economically advantaged the family of a candidate is, the higher the probability of winning during election. however this cultural orientation also breeds patronage, clientelism, reciprocity and nepotism because the politician has to repay the favour he/she owed from kin. this is notable in the recruitment of employees in the town hall, economic priorities given to farmer relatives, among others. corruption destroys the integrity and accountability of local governance and the prospect for countryside development of the province since the ira of the municipality is now embezzled by the political leaders. the role of democratic participation of the citizens could not also be relied upon as they allowed themselves to default their privilege the moment they sold their votes. also, politics in the province is governed by guns, gold and goons, that is, the powerful and the rich are the ones who entered politics and are ready to wage violence against each other. poor civilians are indeed literally mute as they witness the struggle of power in their municipalities. the type of graft and corruption practices undertaken by the mayors and treasurers are typically seen in the studies conducted so far about corruption in the philippines. the common denominators of corruption are dishonesty and fraud which are manifested in payroll padding, falsification of documents, bribery, kickbacks, malversation of funds, abuse in the release of ira, among others. there is one notable form of graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 242 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ corruption practice that the researchers had documented. this is grave abuse of power of the treasurers and politicians leading to extreme governmental inefficiency in the province as they do not report for duty to discharge their functions and getting the ira for personal use (embezzlement). these practices blur the distinction between private and public goods. the corrupt officials are not also caught doing the act. inter-agency connections and linkages who also get shares in the amount corrupted (e.g. municipal treasures, accountants, engineers) are partners in preparing/ facilitating blemish-free liquidation documents or reports. the government should strengthen persecution of corrupt individuals and institutions through lifestyle check monitoring. in the case of lanao del sur, elective and appointive officials should be subjected to lifestyle checks before , during or after their terms to establish cases of corruption and the corresponding persecutory actions to be meted against the perpetrators.. establishing a strong partnerships between the government and civil society organizations is a remarkable ground for expanding public participation and monitoring of government transparencies. democratic partnership between the government and the public is also a laudable endeavour useful in instilling good citizenship. this collective consciousness (amorado, 2007) allows people to develop sensitivities to universal good especially with respect to electing responsible leaders during election. this partnership might abate incidence of vote buying in election hot spot areas like lanao del sur. by developing a culture of efficiency in public service, transparency in transactions and ethical reforms, cultural breeders of corruption may slowly lose its ground and influence. references abad, henedina ( 2010). social accountability practice in the philippines: a scoping study. affiliated network for social accountability east asia and the pacific. ateneo de manila university. quezon city. philippines. amorado,ronnie v. (2007) fixing society: the inside word of fixers in the philippines. research and publication office. ateneo de davao university. davao city. philippines arce, wilfredo. ( 2001). focusing on values-and behavior—based approach to counter corruption: an assessment of an integrity circles project. institute of philippine culture. ateneo de manila university. quezon city. a.t. rafique rahman in carino, ledivina ( ed.). (1986). bureaucratic corruption in asia: causes, consequences and controls. college of public administration, university of the philippines, and jmc press. quezon city. batalla, eric c. ph.d. (2000). de-institutionalizing corruption in the philippines. makati city: united nation public administration network calavan m.m. et al., (2004). the transparent accountable governance program (tag): an evaluation.n.d. commission on audit. 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(n.d). strategies against corruption. retrieved from http://www.clad.org.ve/ klig3.html. accessed on september 20,2012 klitgaard, robert, abaroa, robert, and parris, lindsey. (2000). corrupt cities. a practical guide to call and prevention. oakand, california:ics press merton, robert (1938) “sociology of deviance.” national economic development authority. (2011). philippine development plan 2011-2016: good governance and the rule of law. retrieved from http://www.neda.gov.ph/pdp/ 2011-2016/governance.pdf accessed on 3/01/12 panopio, et. al. (1994). introduction to sociology. quezon city: ken publication. republic act 3019 anti graft and corruption practices act republic act 6713 code of conduct and ethical standards for public officials and employees revised penal code of the philippines united nations development program, fighting corruption to improve governance, undp, feb. 1999. vitug, (1996) “philippine center of investigative journalism. world business (2011, march 30). philippines’ corruption score worsens (abs-cbn). quezon city, abs-cbnnews. retrieved from http:// www.abs-cbnnews.com/business/03/29/11/ philippines-corruption-score-worsens accessed on 3/30/12 graft and corruption practices among selected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines / amer husain l. laut, abdul azis g. mariano, fay elaine b. ontolan, dr. nimfa l. baracamonte, prof. christian t.n. aguado, dr. sulpecia l. ponce / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0013 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines 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research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 152 politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 fathur rahman program studi ilmu pemerintahan universitas brawijaya malang. email: fathur_rahman@ub.ac.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this study is about the politics of pro-poor budget. pro-poor budget is the budget set out in apdn related to the policy on the poor. the observed object is political education budget in the budget of the semarang city, 2009. the results of this study, suggests that the education sector budget in the 2009 budget, the semarang city, there is no statement showing the pro-poor. although the education sector budget increased to 35 percent of the entire budget. but in reality, its implementation is not up to the level of transparency and accountability are ineffective and inefficient. causes of non-affirmative education sector budget policy in the 2009 budget of semarang is a structural factor. hence, the needs of the poor should be the main target of budget allocations in the education sector in order to liberate the poor from poverty. keywords: pro poor budgeting, education sector, political budgeting. abstrak penelitian ini adalah tentang politik anggaran yang pro-kemiskinan. pro-miskin anggaran adalah anggaran yang telah ditetapkan dalam apdn terkait dengan kebijakan terhadap kaum miskin. obyek yang diamati adalah politik anggaran pendidikan di dalam anggaran kota semarang, 2009. hasil penelitian ini, menunjukkan bahwa anggaran sektor pendidikan dalam apbn 2009, kota semarang, tidak ada pernyataan yang menunjukkan kepada pro orang miskin. meskipun anggaran sektor pendidikan ditingkatkan menjadi 35 persen dari seluruh anggaran. namun pada kenyataannya, pelaksanaannya tidak maksimal dengan tingkat transparansi dan akuntabilitas tidak efektif dan tidak efisien. penyebab non-afirmatif dari kebijakan anggaran sektor pendidikan dalam apbn 2009 153 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kota semarang adalah faktor struktural. oleh kerana itu, kebutuhan orang miskin harus menjadi sasaran utama alokasi dana apbn di sektor pendidikan dalam rangka untuk membebaskan orang miskin dari kemiskinan. kata kunci: pro poor budgeting, sektor pendidikan, politik anggaran. pendahuluan setiap pemerintah daerah pada hakikatnya mencita-citakan masyarakatnya mencapai kesejahteraan. pencapaian kesejahteraan masyarakat dapat diupayakan melalui kebijakan-kebijakan yang berorientasi pada pembangunan manusia. dengan masyarakat sejahtera diharapkan tidak lagi terbelenggu dalam kondisi kemiskinan (sulistiyani, 2004: 32), kelaparan, dan kebodohan. namun semua belenggu tersebut tidak terlepas dari keberpihakan anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah (apbd) kepada masyarakat. keberpihakan apbd terhadap masyarakat bisa diwujudkan melalui fungsi alokasi, distribusi, dan stabilisasi. anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan kepada masyarakat supaya terlepas dari kemiskinan secara global merupakan hasil kesepakatan millenium development goals (mdgs). pemerintah indonesia ikut menandatangani kesepakatan tersebut. anggaran yang berpihak terhadap masyarakat supaya terlepas dari kemiskinan juga telah dijelaskan ke dalam rencana pembangunan jangka menengah nasional (rpjmn) 2004-2009 (mdgs indonesia 2007), strategi nasional penanggulangan kemiskinansnpk (wiranto, 2004), dan strategi penanggulangan kemiskinan daerah (spkd). dokumen-dokumen kebijakan pemerintah pusat dan daerah banyak mengandung visi dan prioritas penanggulangan kemiskinan. namun, yang selalu terjadi adalah kesenjangan antara kebijakan dan perencanaan di satu sisi dan penganggaran di sisi yang lain. penganggaran tidak pernah sejalan, searah dengan kebijakan dan perencanaan. penganggaran menjadi arena perang antara pengelola keuangan yang selalu berorientasi pada stabilitas ekonomi makro dengan pihak perencana dan masyarakat miskin. pengelola keuangan cenderung anti kemiskinan karena kebijakan anggaran yang populis selalu mengancam stabilitas ekonomi makro. hal ini mengingatkan pemikiran mendiang mubyarto yang berkata “bagaimana mungkin menanggulangi kemiskinan jika tidak ada keadilan dan keberpihakan? anggaran rekapitalisasi perbankan yang politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 154 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hanya dinikmati oleh segelintir orang menghabiskan anggaran sekitar rp. 600 triliun, sedangkan anggaran untuk menangulangi puluhan juta masyarakat miskin hanya dianggarkan rp. 40 triliun” (hardojo dkk, 2008; 50). kenyataan ini sungguh paradoks di mana keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin sangat rendah. hasil studi bank dunia 2006 menyatakan, bahwa desentralisasi dan pemilihan langsung kepala daerah (pilkada) memberikan kesempatan bagaimana pemimpin lokal yang demokratis untuk melancarkan inovasi pelayanan publik yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (hardojo dkk, 2008; 53). di samping itu, dengan desentralisasi telah melahirkan daerah-daerah yang maju karena kepemimpinan lokal yang bagus dalam menggulirkan kebijakan dan mereformasi anggaran daerah untuk keberpihakan kepada masyarakat miskin. begitu halnya, dewan per wakilan rakyat daerah (dprd) dan pemerintah daerah (pemda) kota semarang memiliki posisi strategis dalam menanggulangi kemiskinan. hal ini dapat diimplementasikan melalui anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah (apbd) yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin meskipun melalui diskusi dan debat tetapi prioritas keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin itu adalah solusinya. anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah (apbd) yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin merupakan anggaran baik aspek pendapatan dan pembelanjaannya memprioritaskan kepentingan-kepentingan masyarakat miskin. ada empat argumen yang mendasari keterkaitan antara apbd dengan konsep keberpihakan kepada masyarakat miskin. pertama, apbd merupakan sebuah pilihan-pilihan dari berbagai kebutuhan. apabila diteliti lebih mendalam, apbd pada dasarnya merupakan masalah pembuatan berbagai pilihan atau prioritas untuk melakukan sesuatu dan tidak melakukan sesuatu. pembuatan prioritas bukan hanya asumsi pilihanpilihan pemikiran rasional yang dihitung melalui pertimbangan ekonomis melainkan terkait tawar-menawar kekuatan mempunyai kewenangan menentukan mana yang penting dan tidak penting. semakin besar porsi yang dialokasikan untuk belanja rutin pegawai dalam apbd, maka semakin kecil alokasi untuk kepentingan masyarakat miskin. kedua, apbd merupakan instrumen untuk meningkatkan tanggung politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 155 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gugat atau akuntabilitas publik. proses pembuatan apbd yang dimulai dari musyawarah perencanaan pembangunan desa atau kelurahan (musrenbangdes/kel), maka masyarakat bisa mengawal suara masyarakat atau voice of the people terutama masyarakat rentan dari pelayanan publik apakah diakomodasi kepentingan atau tidak dalam apbd mulai dari fungsi alokasi, distribusi dan stabilisasi. selain itu, publik bisa menarik kembali bahkan bisa mengingatkan kepada pemerintah ketika kebutuhankebutuhan publik tidak termanifestasi di lapangan. ketiga, apbd menunjukkan keterbatasan sumber daya (scarcity of resources). hal ini bisa terlihat dari kondisi ketidakberdayaan publik untuk memperoleh akses dalam memenuhi kebutuhan dasarnya. karena itu, sarana-sarana pemenuhan kebutuhan-kebutuhan dasar tersebut harus disediakan oleh pemerintah melalui alokasi anggaran dalam apbd. pemerintah daerah wajib menyediakan public services terutama untuk masyarakat miskin. keempat, apbd merupakan instrumen bagi pemerintah meningkatkan kualitas hidup masyarakat. pemahaman ini berangkat dari angka-angka dalam yang tertulis dalam alokasi anggaran tersebut. angka-angka yang tertulis dalam apbd jangan sampai bersifat normatif tetapi bisa meningkatkan kualitas hidup masyarakat miskin dalam memperoleh hakhak dasarnya. hal ini pula yang dirasakan oleh 498. 700 kk yang masuk kategori miskin padahal jumlah penduduk miskin di kota semarang tahun 2008 secara keseluruhan berjumlah 1.600.000 kk. jadi, jumlah penduduk miskin di kota semarang 31,16% (kompas, 26 desember 2008). atau satu dari tiga penduduk kota semarang masuk kategori penduduk miskin. untuk kategori rumah tangga miskin (rtm) sejak tahun 2001-2004 meningkat rata-rata peningkatan 10,35%/tahun. jadi, satu dari lima rumah tangga di kota semarang masuk kategori rumah tangga miskin (rtm). pada tahun 2008 bps (pattiro, 2009) menyatakan bahwa pada 2005 jumlah penduduk miskin di kota semarang 58.700 orang (4,22%) dengan garis kemiskinan rp 162.723/kapita/bulan. angka ini naik pada tahun 2007 menjadi 77.600 orang (5,26%) dengan garis kemiskinan rp. 171.870/kapita/bulan. politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 156 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kerangka teoritik anggaran pelayanan dasar merupakan rencana keuangan yang mencerminkan pilihan dari kebijakan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pelayanan dasar masyarakat. musgrave (1959; 12-13) telah mengidentifikasi tiga fungsi anggaran. pertama, fungsi alokasi. anggaran merupakan instrumen pemerintah dalam penyediaan barang dan jasa masyarakat. dalam konteks indonesia, fungsi alokasi sering disebut “belanja publik”, karena alokasi anggaran untuk memenuhi pelayanan publik seperti kesehatan, pendidikan, perumahan. kedua, fungsi distribusi. anggaran merupakan instrumen untuk membagi sumberdaya dan pemanfaatannya kepada masyarakat secara adil. fungsi ini bertujuan untuk menanggulangi kesenjangan sosial-ekonomi. ketiga, fungsi stabilisasi. penerimaan dan pengeluaran negara tentu akan mempengaruhi agregat dan kegiatan ekonomi secara keseluruhan. anggaran menjadi instrumen untuk memelihara dan mengupayakan keseimbangan fundamental ekonomi yaitu penciptaan lapangan pekerjaan. sedangkan wildavsky (1958; 15) mempunyai pemikiran lain, bahwa anggaran bukan sekadar membuat anggaran yang lebih baik (better budget) melainkan harus melihat dimensi politik anggaran, terutama “siapa memperoleh apa” (who gets what). pembicaraan tentang “siapa memperoleh apa” itu mencakup dua fungsi saja yaitu fungsi alokasi dan distribusi. penganggaran pelayanan dasar maka anggaran dari pemerintah diperuntukkan untuk membiayai pemenuhan kebutuhan-kebutuhan pelayanan dasar masyarakat. masyarakat ditempatkan secara utuh sebagai warganegara karena semua lapisan masyarakat berhak atas kebijakan anggaran pelayanan dasar. hal ini sesuai dengan pemahaman dalam anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat atau publik (pro public budgeting), masyarakat ditempatkan secara sama, universal, normatif dalam proses penganggaran. namun, dalam anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (pro poor budgeting), masyarakat diposisikan secara diskriminasi positif, afimatif atau penegasan, targeting bahkan selektif. keberpihakan dalam anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (pro poor budgeting) bertujuan untuk melindungi dan menghormati hak-hak dasarnya. selain itu, posisi masyarakat miskin sudah terpinggirkan oleh pasar dan politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 157 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ negara selama ini. ada empat perspektif untuk memahami anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (pro poor budgeting). pertama, anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin merupakan bentuk afirmatif dalam pengarusutamaan kemiskinan (poverty mainstreaming) dalam kebijakan pembangunan. dalam konteks ini, kebijakan anggaran yang berpihak kepada masyarakat miskin harus dipandang sebagai bagian tidak terpisahkan dari sekian banyak kebijakan anggaran yang diperlukan untuk menanggulangi kemiskinan (mawardi dan sumarto, 2003). suatu anggaran dikatakan mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin apabila kebijakan anggaran diarahkan untuk mempercepat peningkatan pendapatan secara agregat, membuka akses bagi masyarakat miskin untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dasar dan kebutuhan untuk berkembang sekaligus instrumen utama untuk mengurangi ketimpangan distribusi pendapatan (hardojo dkk, 2008; 38). hal ini berarti bahwa anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin memfokuskan pada partisipasi masyarakat miskin dalam proses pembuatan kebijakan, perencanaan pembangunan, orientasi alokasi, dan penilaian dampak yang mengarusutamakan pemenuhan kebutuhan masyarakat miskin (suhirman, 2004). kedua, anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin dilihat dari pendekatan berbasis kebutuhan dasar (basic-need approach) (hardojo dkk, 2008; 38). apabila pendekatan berbasis kebutuhan berupaya mengamankan sumbersdaya tambahan untuk melayani atau mencukupi kebutuhan kelompok-kelompok marjinal, pendekatan berbasis hak menegaskan bahwa sumberdaya yang tersedia seharusnya dibagi secara adil kepada masyarakat marjinal sekaligus memperkuat posisi masyarakat marjinal untuk memperjuangkan hak-hak dasar mereka atas sumberdaya. kebutuhan dasar masyarakat miskin mencakup kebutuhan pendidikan dan kesehatan karena dua kebutuhan ini merupakan basis untuk menikmati hak-hak dasar lainnya. hal ini sesuai dengan the international convenant on economic, social dan cultures rights dimana secara resmi dinyatakan oleh pemerintah indonesia dalam undang-undang no. 11/ 2005. pemerintah daerah harus mengacu dengan standar internasional politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 158 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yaitu indeks pembangunan manusia (ipm). kemajuan pemenuhan hak pendidikan (rukmini dkk, 2006; 8, 14, 24) bisa dilihat dari tingkat melek huruf (literacy), pemenuhan wajib belajar dan lain-lain. dengan perspektif ini, masyarakat miskin harus ditempatkan secara utuh sebagai citizen yang berhak atas kebijakan afirmatif dan berhak atas anggaran bukan sekadar target penerima manfaat yang menerima amal atau bantuan sebagaimana potret di indonesia. hak-hak dasar masyarakat miskin merupakan sasaran afirmatif anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin termasuk hak-hak politik masyarakat miskin yaitu akses berpartisipasi dalam merumuskan perencanaan penganggaran sehingga substansi dan proses penganggaran berpihak kepada mereka (hardojo dkk, 2008: 39). ketiga, anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin bisa dipahami melalui perspektif pendekatan pembangunan berbasis hak (right based approach to development) (hardojo dkk, 2008: 38-39). pendekatan ini berpijak pada kerangka hubungan antara hak dan kewajiban yaitu hubungan antara individu maupun kelompok pemegang hak dan pemerintah sebagai pengemban kewajiban. hal ini bekerja menuju penguatan kapasitas pemegang hak untuk menyampaikan klaim-klaim mereka dan pengemban tugas untuk menjalankan kewajibannya. hak masyarakat meliputi ekonomi, sosial, politik dan budaya tentu mengandung rangkaian kewajiban pemerintah untuk menghormati, mempromosikan, melindungi dan memenuhinya (kapur dan duvvury, 2006). keempat, anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin mengombinasikan tiga perspektif kemiskinan yaitu struktural, gender, dan institusional (hardojo, 2008; 39-40). pandangan struktural atau kelas memperlihatkan keberpihakan secara afirmatif kepada masyarakat miskin sebagai kelas bawah yang termiskinkan oleh pembangunan dan kebijakan anggaran. karena itu, apabila pandangan struktural memunculkan pro poor budgeting, cara pandang gender mengusung gender budget atau anggaran yang responsif gender. apabila keduanya dipadukan akan menghasilkan konsep pro poor budgeting yang responsif gender yaitu anggaran secara responsif dan afirmatif berpihak kepada masyarakat miskin perempuan. politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 159 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cara pandang institusional melihat bahwa marjinalisasi masyarakat miskin dalam anggaran terjadi karena substansi dan desain kebijakan anggaran yang tidak responsif terhadap mereka. karena itu, cara pandang ini merekomendasikan perlunya reformasi kebijakan anggaran agar fungsifungsi anggaran yaitu alokasi, distribusi dan stabilisasi bersifat efisien, efektif, akuntabel, transparan dan responsif terhadap masyarakat miskin. reformasi kebijakan itu mencakup desain alokasi anggaran, mekanisme perencanaan dan penganggaran, lembaga-lembaga pengelola keuangan, mekanisme pengawasan, sistem informasi dan sebagainya. keempat, anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin identik dengan anggaran yang demokratis (hardojo, 2008: 3944). masyarakat miskin dan perempuan mempunyai suara, akses, dan kontrol terhadap anggaran mulai dari tahap perencanaan sampai dengan evaluasi (rinusu dan mastuti, 2003: 27). hasil dan analisis 1. prinsip-prinsip dalam implementasi pro poor budgeting pemerintah daerah melalui perspektif desentralisasi mengajarkan tentang prinsip membawa negara lebih dekat kepada masyarakat (world development report, 2007) yaitu mendekatkan kekuasaaan, tata pemerintahan, pelayanan publik, dan perencanaan dan penganggaran dari negara kepada masyarakat atau dari pemerintah pusat kepada pemerintah daerah. desentralisasi memungkinkan pengelolaan sumber daya kekuasaan, kebijakan, pelayanan, perencanaan, anggaran berlangsung secara demokratis di aras lokal (hardojo dkk, 2008: 43). prinsip-prinsip anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (pro poor budgeting) meliputi mengelola anggaran secara transparan, partisipatif, efektif, efisien dan adil serta mempunyai mempunyai derajat akuntabel (berek, 2006: 373). transparan merupakan konsep yang penting, karena hal ini sejalan dengan semangat dari pengembangan praktik good governance. praktik good governance juga mensyaratkan adanya ketransparanan dalam seluruh proses penyelenggaraan pemerintahan termasuk yang berkaitan dengan anggaran. pemerintah dituntut untuk terbuka dan menjamin kemudahan bagi stakeholders terhadap berbagai informasi tentang proses kebijakan, alokasi politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 160 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ anggaran untuk pelaksanaan kebijakan, dan pemantauan serta evaluasi pelaksanaan kebijakan (dwiyanto; 229). selain itu, christensen (1995; 256) mempunyai penilaian, bahwa transparansi anggaran dari tata pemerintahan mempunyai nilai strategis. hal ini karena kebijakan anggaran menunjukkan bagaimana perilaku pemerintah kabupaten atau kota dalam mengalokasikan anggaran untuk membiayai program-program masyarakat. informasi tentang tindakan pemerintah, seperti alasan yang melatarbelakangi tindakan, bentuk tindakan, waktu dan cara melakukan tindakan, harus tersedia bagi stakeholders dan masyarakat luas (dwiyanto, 229). dengan memiliki akses terhadap berbagai jenis informasi itu maka masyarakat dan stakeholders akan dapat menilai apakah pemerintah telah benar-benar mengabdi pada kepentingan masyarakat atau kepentingan pihak lain. masyarakat dan stakeholders dapat menilai sejauh mana keberpihakan pemerintah terhadap kepentingan mereka dan mengambil sikap dalam merespon kebijakan yang diambil oleh pemerintah tersebut. berkaitan dengan alokasi anggaran, masyarakat memiliki hak untuk mengakses informasi tentang jumlah anggaran yang dialokasikan untuk suatu kegiatan termasuk alasan yang melatarbelakanginya. masyarakat perlu mengetahui seberapa besar perhatian pemerintah terhadap kepentingan dan kebutuhan masyarakat. dengan memiliki akses terhadap informasi anggaran maka mereka dapat meniilai seberapa banyak uang yang dimiliki oleh pemerintah digunakan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dan kepentingan masyarakat (dwiyanto, 230). masyarakat dapat mengetahui apakah pemerintah membelanjakan uangnya untuk kepentingan masyarakat atau hanya untuk kepentingan pihak lain, seperti pengusaha dan kelompok tertentu. sedangkan prinsip partisipatif dalam anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin ketika masyarakat atau warga negara sebagai stakeholders utama terlibat dalam proses formulasi, implement asi dan evaluasi anggaran. par tisipasi dalam proses penganggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin sebagai salah satu cara untuk meyakinkan kepada masyarakat bahwa pembuatan anggaran tersebut dilahirkan dari proses demokratis. dengan demikian, maka akan diperoleh keuntungan-keuntungan (wagle, 2000: 214) yang dapat diraih oleh pemerintah dan masyarakat. pertama, politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 161 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ adanya peningkatan kualitas anggaran sebagai hasil dari proses kebijakan publik oleh pemerintah. peningkatan kualitas kebijakan gilirannya akan menguntungkan masyarakat yang menjadi sasaran kebijakan tersebut. kedua, adanya pemerintah yang kuat dalam arti peningkatan kapasitas kelembagaan akan berimplikasi terhadap peningkatan dukungan masyarakat terhadap pemerintah. bahkan menurut glicken (1999: 302) yang mengatakan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat dalam proses kebijakan publik akan memberikan keuntungan yaitu kontribusi terhadap peningkatan kompetensi para pembuat keputusan melalui pengembangan pembuatan kebijakan yang berkualitas, memberikan legitimasi yang lebih besar terhadap keputusan-keputusan yang dibuat, memberikan citra positif sebagai masyarakat yang demokratis. 2. prakondisi menuju pro poor budgeting pencapaian kesejahteraan melalui inisiasi anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin (pro poor budgeting) tidak begitu saja lancar tanpa hambatan. pengalaman empiris dan pembelajaran dari teoretis mengharuskan reformasi anggaran yang berpihak kepada masyarakat miskin. oleh karena itu, diperlukan prakondisi-prakondisi antara lain (hardojo, 2008: 55-60): pertama, keseimbangan antara komitmen elit dan partisipasi masyarakat. reformasi akan kuat dan berkelanjutan apabila didukung oleh komitmen elit dan partisipasi masyarakat. apabila ada partisipasi masyarakat tetapi tidak ada komitmen elit maka hasilnya penyerobotan oleh elit. apabila ada komitmen elit tetapi tidak ada partisispasi masyarakat, maka yang terjadi reformasi oleh elit. reformasi elitis ini membuat masyarakat pasif dan tergantung sehingga reformasinya rapuh dan tidak berkelanjutan. apabila tidak ada partisipasi masyarakat dan tidak ada komitmen elit maka yang terjadi adalah status quo. kedua, komitmen dan kebijakan politik yang progresif. sebuah bangsa memiliki komitmen dan kebijakan yang progresif tidak lain ditandai dengan adanya ide-ide dan kebijakan sosial-politik yang diusung kaum elit politiknya baik yang di pemerintahan maupun di luar pemerintah seperti yang menduduki di partai politik, parlemen dan media masa. seringkali elit politik atau elit masyarakat hanya berpikir dan bertindak politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 162 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ untuk dan atas nama kepentingan sendiri. ketiga, pola demokrasi lokal yang kondusif. dalam konteks masyarakat majemuk, arend lipjhart membagi demokrasi dua yaitu demokrasi yang memusat (kedalam) atau sentripetal dan demokrasi yang memencar (keluar) atau sentrifugal (hardojo, 2008: 59). demokrasi sentrifugal ditandai oleh kompetisi antar aktor dan antar segmen secara tajam sehingga membuat pemerintahan tidak stabil dan tidak efektif. daerah-daerah yang memiliki karakter sentrifugal-konfliktual ini pada umumnya memiliki pemerintahan yang tidak efektif dan tidak mempunyai kesempatan untuk melakukan reformasi anggaran. sedangkan demokrasi sentripetal bukanlah demokrasi yang memusat di tangan elit melainkan demokrasi yang dibangun berdasarkan konsensus bersama diantara berbagai segmen elit dan masyarakat. model demokrasi ini lebih stabil dan memungkinkan pemerintah lokal berjalan efektif termasuk dalam melancarkan reformasi anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin. keempat, desain kelembagaan yang baik dalam alokasi, distribusi dan stabilisasi. desain kelembagaan yang baik dalam hal ini terbagi dua yaitu: pertama, desain kelembagaan desentralisasi (kewenangan, perencanaan, keuangan) antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah. kedua, desain kelembagaan mekanisme akuntablitas dan transparansi sekaligus mempunyai desain responsivitas anggaran yang mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin. ketiga, desain partisipasi masyarakat dalam kebijakan anggaran daerah. kelima, masyarakat sipil yang aktif dan partisipatif. masyarakat sipil tidak lain adalah warga negara. warga negara yang sadar akan hak sosial dan hak politiknya untuk terlibat dalam menentukan dan memperbaiki kehidupan bersama. dalam masyarakat modern, pelayanan publik seperti pendidikan, kesehatan yang baik sebagian besar bergantung pada informasi pelayanan yang memadai. 3. politik anggaran pada sektor pendidikan di kota semarang pergeseran pengelolaan sektor publik dari old public management ke new public management seharusnya menghasilkan perubahan dalam penganggaran pada sektor publik. pemerintah daerah melalui semangat kewirausahaan dan skema good governance seharusnya bisa menghasilkan politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 163 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dokumen anggaran yang efisien dan memperlihatkan efektifitas kemanfaatannya untuk masyarakat miskin hal ini berbeda dalam implementasi program pendidikan gratis di kota semarang 2009 masih menimbulkan kejanggalan yaitu penentuan penerima pendidikan gratis harus menggunakan surat keterangan tidak mampu (sktm) padahal seharusnya tanpa syarat dan verifikasi yang berbelit-belit (rahman, 2010). bahkan menurut hasil penelitian pattiro ada sekolah dasar yang meminta pungutan kepada seluruh siswa untuk membeli laptop sekolah (hasil wawancara dengan manajer proyek pattiro semarang, 2010 tanggal 18 agustus 2010). namun kejadian yang ditemukan oleh pattiro tahun 2009 menunjukkan bahwa yang meminta pungutan dilakukan oleh oknum saja bukan kebijakan dari dinas pendidikan kota semarang. (hasil wawancara dengan manajer proyek pattiro semarang, 18 agustus 2010). tabel 1. anggaran sektor pendidikan di kota semarang tahun 2009 sumber: dinas pendidikan kota semarang tahun 2009. namun, setelah ditelusuri melalui public budgeting expenditure tracking systems (pbets) dan wawancara berdasarkan syarat-syarat agar anggaran mempunyai keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin maka ada beberapa penyebab terjadinya kebocoran dalam implementasi anggaran sektor pendidikan dasar terutama dalam program pendidikan gratis di kota semarang tahun 2009, yaitu: pertama, penghitungan 20% anggaran sektor pendidikan sulit karena terbentur besaran belanja bantuan di dinas pendapatan dan keuangan daerah (dpkd) dan dana pendampingan yang belum pasti. kedua, adanya usulan baru ketika selesai pembahasan panitia anggaran atau apbd telah disahkan. hal ini karena perbedaan antara tahun pelajaran dengan anggaran. ketiga, tidak adanya sdm seperti politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 164 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pegawai tata usaha (tu) sebagai pengelola anggaran terutama di sekolah dasar (sd). keempat, tidak adanya sdm sebagai perencana dan pengelola keuangan yang sangat memahami spesialisasinya di dinas pendidikan. kelima, hubungan koordinasi dan komunikasi dengan sekolah baik tingkatan sd dan smp belum optimal. (pattiro,2009) sedangkan kebocoran secara umum anggaran sektor pendidikan dari 2007 sampai 2009 masih terus terjadi dan jumlah kebocorannya selalu bertambah dari tahun ke tahun yaitu jumlah kebocoran anggaran sektor pendidikan tahun 2007 sejumlah rp. 120.831.500 (0,14%), 2008 sejumlah rp 503. 549.000 (0,56%) dan 2009 jumlah kebocorannya mencapai rp 439.899.000 (0,47%). tabel 2. perbandingan anggaran belanja sektor pendidikan dari tahun 2007-2009 sumber: local budget index-pattiro semarang tahun 2009 kesimpulan kebijakan anggaran sektor pendidikan dalam apbd kota semarang tahun anggaran 2009 tidak menunjukkan keberpihakan terhadap masyarakat miskin. hal ini terbukti dari temuan-temuan lapangan. pertama, meskipun alokasi anggaran sektor pendidikan dari apbd kota semarang tahun anggaran 2009 sebesar 35 % dari jumlah keseluruhan apbd kota semarang tahun anggaran 2009 tetapi tidak memberikan alokasi anggaran secara konkrit untuk masyarakat miskin. apalagi anggaran sektor pendidikan yang terealisasi untuk program pendidikan gratis di kota politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 165 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ semarang 2009 hanya 3,46% saja. kedua, program pendidikan gratis 2009 dalam implementasinya masih mempraktikkan partisipasi semu, tingkat akuntabilitas, dan transparansi masih tertutup, dan belum memenuhi derajat efektif dan efisien. padahal masyarakat miskin harus mendapatkan keberpihakan, penegasan atau afirmasi dari alokasi anggaran sehingga bisa memperolah hak-hak dasarnya. daftar pustaka berek, fridolin, 2006, kumpulan modul: pendidikan politik anggaran bagi warga, bigs dan yayasan tifa, jakarta. berita resmi statistik dari badan pusat statistik, no. 43/07/th. xii, 1 juli 2009. gilcken, j, 1999, effective public involvement in public decisions, dalam science communication journal, vol. 20 (3). hardojo, antonio pradjasto dkk, 2008, mendahulukan si miskin, lkis, yogyakarta. laporan bank dunia, 2006, making the new indonesia work for the poor, diterjemahkan oleh sri watarti dkk dari pusat penterjemahan universitas katholik atmajaya, diterbitkan oleh kantor bank dunia, jakarta. laporan perkembangan pencapaian mdgs indonesia 2007, penerbit kementrian negera perencanaan pembangunan nasional/badan perencanaan pembangunan nasional (bappenas) republik indonesia, jakarta. pattiro semarang, percepatan penanggulangan kemiskinan kota semarang, 10 agustus 2009. pattiro semarang, kemiskinan di kota semarang, 13 januari 2009. profil bidang kesehatan kota semarang 2007, penerbit pemerintah kota semarang. rinusu dan sri mastuti, 2003, panduan praktis mengontrol apbd, friedrich-ebert-stiftung (fes), kantor perwakilan indonesia dan civic education and budget transparency advocacy (ciba), jakarta. rukmini, mimin dkk, 2006a, editor: buni yani, pengantar memahami hak ekosob, pusat telaah dan informasi regional (pattiro) dan european initiative for democracy and human rights (eidhr) uni eropa, jakarta. politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 166 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rukmini, mimin dkk, 2006b, editor: buni yani, pemenuhan ham pendidikan dan kesehatan di daerah, pusat telaah dan informasi regional (pattiro) dan european initiative for democracy and human rights (eidhr) uni eropa, jakarta. sulistiyani, ambar teguh, 2004, kemitraan dan model-model pemberdayaan, penerbit gava media, yogyakarta. sulton mawardi dan sudarmo sumarto, lembaga penelitian smeru, 2003. tatag wiranto, lokakarya tukar pengalaman daerah dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan, denpasar, 2-4 agustus 2004. wagle, u, 2000, the policy science of democracy: the issue of methodolgy and citizen participation, policy science vol. 33. world development report 2007. politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan / fathur rahman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0008 jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan affiliation: rizal technological university mandaluyong city, philippines correspondence: (mlvnss@yahoo.com) doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.111113 citation: umali, vanessa d, (2020). state of the art review of graduate teacher education researches: relevance to the national research priorities of national higher education research agenda-ii. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 11(1). 79-101. article history: received: january 23rd, 2019 accepted: february 23rd, 2020 state of the art review of graduate teacher education researches: relevance to the national research priorities of national higher education research agenda-ii vannessa d. umali abstract: the state of the art review assesses the graduate research outputs in education produced by graduate teacher education students in selected public and private schools in the national capital region, philippines during the school year 2007-2016 based on national research priorities of national higher education research agenda-ii. to provide a means of evaluating existing programs and to validate the result of the state of the art review of graduate education outputs – an expert validation was made among the research and development directors from three (3) institutions of polytechnic university of the philippines (pup), eulogio "amang" rodriguez institute of science and technology (earist), and manuel l. quezon university (mlqu). methods are identifying, classifying, and examining the content of data and how it responds according to research priorities set by nhera-ii. the majority of research output in both master's and doctoral studies is attributed to private institutions and already responds to the call to develop research knowledge among higher learning institutions. nonetheless, the last decades have shown that the task of adopting higher standards is neither easy nor evident. as a result, the need to evaluate the research priorities has increased. higher education institutions should prompt the dynamics of social development and lead the society towards a better future (goksu, a., & goksu, g., 2015). keywords: educational policy, graduate education researches, national higher education research agenda-ii abstrak: tinjauan assessment review graduate output penelitian dalam pendidikan yang dihasilkan oleh dosen pendidikan sekolah negeri dan swasta tertentu di wilayah ibu kota, filipina tahun ajaran 2007-2016 berdasarkan prioritas penelitian nasional agenda penelitian pendidikan tinggi nasional -ii. untuk menyediakan sarana dalam evaluasi program-program yang ada dan untuk memvalidasi hasil tinjauan seni output pendidikan pascasarjana validasi ahli dibuat di antara direktur penelitian dan pengembangan dari tiga lembaga universitas politeknik filipina (pup), eulogio "amang" institut sains dan teknologi rodriguez (earist), dan universitas manuel l. quezon (mlqu). metode yang digunakan adalah identifikasi, klasifikasikan, dan analisis konten data dan bagaimana respon sesuai prioritas penelitian yang ditetapkan oleh nhera-ii. mayoritas hasil penelitian dalam studi master dan doktoral dikaitkan dengan lembaga swasta dan sudah menanggapi panggilan untuk mengembangkan pengetahuan penelitian di antara lembaga pendidikan tinggi. meskipun demikian, pada dekade terakhir telah menunjukkan bahwa tugas implementasi standar yang lebih tinggi tidak mudah atau tidak jelas. akibatnya, kebutuhan untuk mengevaluasi prioritas penelitian telah meningkat. lembaga pendidikan tinggi harus mendorong dinamika pembangunan sosial dan pembangunan masyarakat menuju masa depan yang lebih baik (goksu, a., & goksu, g., 2015) . 79 mailto:mlvnss@yahoo.com jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 80 introduction research ensures the dynamism of higher education. it supports and enhances instructions and extension activities. national progress, development, and productivity are all dependent on the quality and quantity of research outputs produced by the country's citizens. research enthusiasts are disclosing the potential use of research outputs in transforming individuals and institutional efforts and concerns. through the years, many questions asked, problems solved, and issues clarified and resolved. but how research findings are useful in altering and enriching organizational culture, processes/operations, and products/outputs remains a challenging endeavor. it challenges researchers to ensure the production of quality research output that would benefit their fields of specialization, their wellbeing, an organization/institution, and society at large. the history of teacher education institutions shows that research has been underway throughout the twentieth century, but, overall, the focus has been on curriculum development and, to a lesser extent, on learning and teaching or teaching practices of teachers. well-researched accounts of the development of teaching have been produced and important empirical work on the nature of teaching has begun to take place in the second half of the twentieth century. most teacher education work remains small-scale, qualitative and realistic. the high volume of single studies and the absence of large-scale systematic studies limit the possible cumulative and developmental effect of research on and for teaching in the united kingdom (menter, etc., 2010). the state of higher education research in the philippines, even after the establishment of the national higher education research agenda (nhera), has revealed a great need for a stronger drive from all sides. stakeholders must join together to achieve the goals of higher education research. the national higher education research agenda-ii (nhera-ii) sets out a research agenda for knowledge and technology generation. academic research and development should explore ways to tackle the most important and projected education issues required for international, national and regional higher growth. planned in 1996, it articulates the objectives of higher education research and the mechanics and concrete steps to achieve these objectives. the primary mission of any school is to promote teacher education and align it with the goals and objectives of nhera-ii. this suggests that vital research areas or themes justify teacher education research as public investment and why research needs in teacher education. these nine priority research areas in education and education management are program/curricular studies on higher education, policy-oriented studies, research on quality and standards, technology and education, model building studies, institutional development studies, manpower demand and supply studies, graduate tracer studies, and other research topics in response to emerging needs of the country. nhera-ii reiterates the general policies that will direct higher education research, outlines approaches and initiatives to improve research capability and increase research productivity in higher education institutions, and defines priority areas for research and research-related programs over the next 10 years. it is the outcome of a series of roundtable jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 81 discussions on the changing conditions of higher education in the country and the state of study in universities and colleges in the philippines. it combines the best thinking of regional experts, including institutional leaders, senior researchers, and research funders. the agenda is targeted at three main audiences, each playing a critical role in shaping philippine higher education – state policymakers, institutional leaders, and researchers. it is designed to help them understand what types of work will most contribute to national growth and the advancement of disciplines, and should, therefore, be funded. nhera is an evolving document that will be regularly checked and revised to adapt to changing times and needs of society. findings of guzman (2012) encourage the university to have a programmatic approach to the selection of research areas/topics for master's thesis and doctoral dissertations that are aligned with the research goals of both the national (now nhera ii) and rizal technological university (rtu) agendas. in this respect, the overall research agenda of the university and the research agenda of the rtu graduate school should be well-adjusted. coordinated efforts must be made between the various disciplines for students, both graduates, and undergraduates, to contribute to the overall research agenda of the university as anchored in nhera ii through their theses and dissertations. traditionally, higher education institutions (heis) have been concerned with the core values of teaching, study and community service. sobremisana (2014) claimed that present studies are focused on the notion of what the institution's research productivity measures if the institution produces a sufficient number of quality research papers as mandated by ched-nhera. it is necessary to sustain the current research performance rankings with improved research knowledge to ensure that qualified and excellent researchers will be available for more years to come. literature review & dimension of the review process it is expected that the study will identify research priorities in education giving particular emphasis on the educational policy and seek national alternatives to promote educational development in the philippines while at the same time giving broad directions for future research and development in the education sector. in more explicit terms this study will give a macro view of available research outputs on the various aspects related to education. such data is compiled and organized to serve as a useful reference for teachers, graduate students, and other professionals concerned in the education system. this review using a state-of-the-art concept aims to make an analytical assessment of completed researches on graduate teacher education outputs for the period 2007-2016. this undertaking arrived at because of the study of naig (2003) that there is a need to redirect researches to areas of relevance and significance at different levels of education. naig's study and the present investigation share a common context–graduate teacher education research. naig however, treated only the dissertation outputs of selected graduate institutions in the research's light agenda of the national higher education research agenda-i (nhera-i). jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 82 the state-of-the-art review focuses on the most up-to-date research in a particular field or on a given topic. it also summarizes existing and emerging developments in education, research goals, and standardization in a specific area of interest (laverty, 2018). figure 1. dimensions of the review process figure 1 presents the dimensions of the review process. it identifies the evaluation domains not only as to trends and patterns of the scope and directions of research and the methodologies used but also the determination of the validity of findings, conclusions, and recommendations of individual researches. the initial phase consisted of tabulating the general state of the graduate teacher education researches according to the type of school, degree requirement; and the analytical review that followed the initial phase examined the substantive relevance to national higher education research agenda-ii and its technical adequacy as to methodological considerations. the input shows the determination of the relevance and contribution to the goals of national higher research agenda ii, the review of master's theses and dissertations produced by selected public and private graduate institutions in ncr from school year 2007 2016 is included in this study. through this, assessment processes begin with an analysis of higher education institution graduate research outputs. master's theses and dissertation which were conducted by individuals and institutions, private or public, from 2007 to 2016 were the primary sources of data for this review. in the process, the framework for the classification of the graduate research produced in higher education institutions was based on the components that were identified in this investigation, namely: (1) the classification of selected graduate teacher education institutions studied, (2) the research priority areas in education based on national higher research agenda ii (3) adequate research methodologies used. the processes involved were getting information, data analysis and evaluation of the graduate education researches. figure 1presents the dimensions of the review process. it identifies the evaluation domains not only as to trends and patterns of the scope and directions of research and the methodologies used but also the determination of the validity of findings, conclusions, and recommendations of individual researches. jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 83 the initial phase consisted of tabulating the general state of the graduate teacher education researches according to the type of school, degree requirement; and the analytical review that followed the initial phase examined the substantive relevance to national higher education research agenda-ii and its technical adequacy as to methodological considerations. the input shows the determination of the relevance and contribution to the goals of national higher research agenda ii, the review of master's theses and dissertations produced by selected public and private graduate institutions in ncr from school year 2007 2016 is included in this study. through this, assessment processes begin with an analysis of higher education institution graduate research outputs. master's theses and dissertation which were conducted by individuals and institutions, private or public, from 2007 to 2016 were the primary sources of data for this review. in the process, the framework for the classification of the graduate research produced in higher education institutions was based on the components that were identified in this investigation, namely: (1) the classification of selected graduate teacher education institutions studied, (2) the research priority areas in education based on national higher research agenda ii (3) adequate research methodologies used. the processes involved were getting information, data analysis and evaluation of the graduate education researches. the output depicts the conceptual framework of the review which encourages the need to make sense of conflicts among the various perspectives and professionals. this implies an open encouragement for multi theories/concepts and multiple methods, for the development of knowledge, lies beyond available knowledge and approaches. the needs of nhera-ii by way of identification of what is missing in content and methodology and what needs to be done will give coherence, unity, and order to the work of review of testate-of-the-art of educational research in the country. the dimension of the review process identifies the evaluation domains not only as to trends and patterns of the scope and directions of research and the methodologies used nut also the determination of the validity of findings, conclusions, and recommendations of individual researches. through this process of evaluation and analysis of existing researches on the graduate education outputs, gaps in existing researches on graduate education, gaps in empirical data and issues for further studies were identified. research method population of the study are the units of analysis are the seven hundred forty-nine (749) abstracts of theses and dissertations. the review process involves two phases, and these are the initial and analytical phases. first, it involves the tabulation of the general state of the graduate teacher education researches according to a type of institution, yearly productions, and degree requirements for which investigations conducted. the analytical review that followed the initial phase examines the technical adequacy of these researches as to methodological considerations and its substantive relevance to the nhera-ii agenda. it coded schools in letters for anonymity purposes. jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 84 table 1. selected public and private schools in the national capital region schools population i. private a 64 b 10 c 29 d 129 e 77 f 69 g 47 ii. public h 85 i 143 j 96 research instrument to provide a means of evaluating existing programs and to validate the result of the state of the art review of graduate education outputs – an expert validation was made among the research and development directors from three (3) institutions of polytechnic university of the philippines (pup), eulogio "amang" rodriguez institute of science and technology (earist), and manuel l. quezon university (mlqu). a research workbook and checklist were also used to conform to the criteria used in compliance with the national higher education research agenda-ii. the validation procedure consisted of graduate teacher education researches by research priority areas, institutions, degree, and nature of school; research method used; data gathering procedure; and statistical treatment of data. the resulting data were incorporated and presented in chapter 4. data-gathering procedure of the review process on the state-of-the-art of educational research has three basic processes which are: (1) preliminary phase, (2) the review-analysis phase, and (3) reporting phase. the first phase involved abstracting or putting into abstract form the theses and dissertations, and other researches undertaken in graduate schools and research centers. this phase was among the most difficult because it involved requesting the presidents and the deans of different graduate schools and research centers to conduct the research. after being permittedidentification, classification, and collection of graduate education research outputs then take place. once the abstract was identified and classified, the second phase involved the actual review-analysis of the educational researches which involves the researchers' methodologies, findings, conclusions and recommendations that are relative to researches in terms of the type of institutions and degree requirement for which researches were conducted; its content according to nine research priorities set by national higher education research agenda ii; methodologies used in terms of its research method, data gathering instruments/techniques, and statistical treatment of data. the third phase involved the quantitative-qualitative evaluation of the researches based on the following considerations: (a) the relevance of the study vis-à-vis education and nhera-ii objectives, b. usefulness/utility of the report; and c. bridging gaps in existing knowledge (theoretical value). jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 85 treatment of data as a descriptive research using survey and trend analysis approach, frequency counts and simple percentages were utilized in the analysis and interpretation of the data. qualitative analysis of each research abstract was made in terms of the adequate methodological approaches used by the researchers, research findings, conclusions, and recommendations. methods of research used such as quantitative, qualitative, and mixed method were noted. instruments used in the studies were analyzed as to the type of questionnaires/scales, interview, focused group discussion, test, content/ documentary, checklist, observation. the statistical treatment of data used was analyzed as to the type of tools used in terms of appropriateness or validity of the application to the data gathered and to problem sought to be answered. the limitations of the present study though certain points are noteworthy, by and large, the quality of the researches cannot be fully evaluated considering the nature of the materials reviewed which are abstracts. the review is limited only to the document review of graduate researches in the field of graduate education. in classifying the abstracts, the researcher was guided by her perception of the thrust of the content of the abstracts and by the researcher's purpose. the researcher went over the research methodology to complete the review. the number of theses and dissertations included in the study under review was based on the availability of the graduate outputs provided by the research centers of each of the institutions included in the study result and discussion as a technique of descriptive research method, the study focused on the determination of the general status of the graduate teacher education researches and the state-of-the-art review based on specific criteria for both the substantive and the methodological characteristics of abstracts. categorizing various aspects of the graduate researches and then using conventional statistical procedures to determine the general pattern and trends observable across the graduate researches. the study analyses the master’s theses and doctoral dissertations in education from selected public and private graduate schools in the ncr for the school year 2007-2016 that offer master’s and doctoral programs in education for the past ten years. the researcher made use of the research priority areas set by the national higher education research agenda-ii. distribution of graduate teacher education researches by academic institution understanding the determinants of productivity can be critical for administrators of universities and research laboratories, whether public or private. capable of estimating and understanding productivity determinants can be of crucial importance for administrators of universities and research laboratories, public or private. being able to determine the expected productivity of researchers, taking into account individual characteristics, history, and institutional variables can help design policies to enhance productivity or can plan for a balance in groups to compensate for the potential existence of age, cohort or other effects. it can be relevant for policymakers in countries where most of the research systems in which financing comes from public funds, helping to design policies that enhance individual and institutional productivity. jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 86 table 2.distribution of researches by academic institution masters public private n % n % university 110 36% 169 56% college 21 7% total 110 36% 190 73% doctoral public private n % n % university 213 47% 210 47% college 26 6% total 213 47% 236 53% a higher number of education studies produced from private schools than public schools in the national capital region. out of 749 total researches included in the study, 426 or 57% came from private graduate institutions while 323 or 43% gathered from the public graduate institutions. there is more education research produced from private schools than public schools in the ncr. considering that higher education in the philippines is embarking on new ways of developing research, the implementation of academic training policies and practices must be given high priority. overall, national research training has the potential to be effective in many areas (calma, 2010). in the quest for a deeper understanding of the factors that affect research effectiveness, it is important to examine some countries based on the different characteristics of the society around the world, between the developed and the less developed worlds. much of the current work has ignored this dimension of the problem that has concentrated on the developing world. the area of expertise often needs careful attention in the studies to assess the success of researchers. many recent studies have reported significant variation in patterns of publication across regions. however, as with the comparison between countries, previous work has not examined the conditions of research competitiveness in the scientific field. nature of research the private institutions have greater research productivity both in masters and doctoral this response now to the call of developing research consciousness among higher learning institutions. it sees the poor measure of teaching quality as its critical function– because it complicates the assessment of teaching effectiveness, and there are parameters to accept. it recognizes the standard measure for asking students for their opinions in each course as insufficient. also, current debates emphasize learning as much as the teaching–what ‘value-added' a student has gained by studying. jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 87 table 3. nature of research by degree and type of school education (maed) management (mem) management (dem) (edd) education (ph.d.) the private institutions attribute to the master’s and doctoral greater research productivity and this response now to the call of developing research consciousness among higher learning institutions. out of 300 graduate education research outputs in master’s, 93 or 31% gathered from master of arts in education in public universities; while 449 graduate education research outputs in doctoral, 126 or 28.06% gathered from a doctor in educational management in a public university. distribution of researches upon the implementation of nhera-ii it is difficult to measure academic productivity for research-intensive universities and academics working in them. difficulty in assessing teaching efficiency and unaccepted parameters is the critical function of teaching quality. in each course, the standard metric for asking students for their opinions is insufficient. also, current debates emphasize learning as much as the teaching–what value-added a student has gained by studying — a little agreement on how to measure teaching or learning. research universities focus on the achievement of research: this is their core mission and the key to achieving a high global status. measuring research productivity is easier than other types of academic work, but it is also difficult to define and quantify community involvement and essential functions such as the links between universities and industry. public private degree college university college university master's n % n % n % n % total master of arts in 93 31% 21 7% 169 57% 283 master in educational 17 6% 17 total 110 37% 21 7% 169 57% 300 public private degree college university college university doctoral n % n % n % n % total doctor in educational 126 28.06% 126 doctor of education 49 10.91% 26 5.79% 95 21.15% 170 doctor of philosophy in 38 8.46% 115 25.61% 153 total 213 47.43% 26 5.79% 210 46.76% 449 jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 88 table 4.distribution of graduate teacher education researches by degree and by year upon the implementation of nhera-ii degree / year 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 n % master's ma 18 21 16 12 14 12 43 41 63 39 279 38% mem 1 2 1 1 5 2 5 17 2% doctoral dem 5 6 14 16 19 23 15 9 5 13 125 12% edd 11 24 18 20 16 21 24 15 2 13 164 22% phd 17 25 11 10 14 27 19 14 9 5 151 20% total 52 78 60 59 68 85 106 79 79 70 736 100% of 736 types of research (13 research abstracts with no dates indicated), the year with the highest number gleaned on is in 2013 with 106 or 14.40%. some years experienced significant growth in the production of graduate education research outputs, but there are also years that the program has experienced declines. the increase in the trend of graduate education researches from 2010 to 2013 is because of the implementation of some graduate school's amnesty program, which allowed graduate students who have exceeded their maximum residency period of five years to return and complete their researches without penalty. distribution researches by research priority areas still, research on a higher education curriculum requires the crossing of many frontiers: between higher education and curriculum studies, between disciplinary boundaries and between local, national and global borders. the abstracts examined are a critical reflection for improving training, rigorous theoretical investigation and for identifying, addressing and building coalitions around educational opportunities and problems. if practitioners use the institutional research knowledge, the review then must present knowledge from a unified theoretical development and draw clear, practical implications from many concept paradigms or perspectives. table 5. distribution of graduate teacher education researches by research priority areas, institutions, degree, and nature of the school (public or private) priority areas number of abstracts institutions degree nature a b c d e f g h i j master's doctoral public private 1. program / curricular studies on higher education 485 30 8 19 83 52 44 32 56 99 62 220 265 217 268 2. policy-oriented studies a. financing of higher education; cost-sharing in higher education 1 1 1 b. economics of higher education c. governance and management of higher education 63 4 3 14 8 15 13 6 19 44 19 44 jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 89 d. accreditation and other quality assurance mechanisms 29 2 7 3 1 8 8 11 18 16 13 e. rationalization of higher education 5 3 1 1 5 1 4 f. internationalization of higher education 1 1 1 1 g. access and equity measures 18 1 1 1 8 6 1 3 15 7 11 h. student financing models 3. research on quality and standards a. international rankings and global benchmarking 1 1 1 1 b. quality assurance systems c. equivalency d. redefining classifications of heis 2 2 2 2 4. technology and education 13 3 2 1 1 2 4 4 9 6 7 5. model building studies 9 2 1 1 1 2 2 3 6 4 5 6. institutional development studies 104 11 1 6 15 14 7 9 14 27 37 67 50 54 7. manpower demand and supply studies 2 1 1 2 1 1 8. graduate tracer studies 4 1 1 2 1 3 2 2 9. other research topics considered by the commission 12 3 2 3 1 2 1 2 10 4 8 total 749 60 10 29 126 80 69 47 86 146 96 300 449 318 431 the expert validation result has made a few adjustments in table 5. according to their findings, the previously 503 researches that belong to program / curricular studies on higher education 18 types of research conforms to policy-oriented studies. and on the topic of program/curricular studies on higher education, of the 485 abstracts, 265 or 55% gathered from doctoral degree; and it collected 220 or 45% from a master's degree, while; 268 or 55% from private institutions and 217 or 45% from public institutions. in effect, the research in this area makes up 1/3 of the studies on this topic on higher education. 1. program / curricular studies on higher education a curriculum or a study plan is a crucial issue in the relationship between students, teaching staff and university within higher education. but various stakeholders perceive the curriculum from their point of view (as a study program consisting of many courses) and are therefore only aware of a portion of all the important factors that construct the curriculum. these issues are therefore complex to discuss with the various stakeholders. clear and useful tools describing all curriculum building blocks and their relationships can help to stimulate all stakeholders to address educational issues with a full curriculum perspective (totté, huyghe, verhage, 2013). relatively, vibiesca’s (2013) "a phenomenological study of kalinga culture: basis for development of instructional materials," says that the majority of the older informants and participants have native names and their common languages are kalinga and ilokano. the study suggests that the storybook using kalinga language be translated into english and jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 90 filipino should also be endorsed in the curriculum of the department of education's k12 program as part of instructional materials. while roquero’s (2008) "applying grounded theory: practical guide for understanding indigenous people's concept of education" yearns of the mamanua strive for education, liberation, and preservation of culture. education for them means to preserve culture and traditions and to liberate them from any form of oppression, rejection, and discrimination which are political, socio-economic and cultural. in between this continuum are commonalities with other disciplines, felizardo’s (2009) "impact of the implementation of executive order no. 570 in basic education basis for a proposed integration of peace education in the tertiary level" suggests that a curriculum on peace education on tertiary level must be integrated to sustain and enrich knowledge on the key concepts of peace education and the promotion of peaceable school/society. 2. policy-oriented studies policy-oriented research is a study that has direct relevance to current problems in the area of education policy or practice. this consists of deliberate, systematic attempts to understand the educational process and, through comprehension, to improve its effectiveness. in this strategy, educational problems of current concern are listed as priority areas for study. it involves the search for solutions to immediate educational or social issues, the identification and resolution of the problems involved in the implementation of policy decisions, the tracking and evaluation of educational practice interventions and experimental studies to compare alternative education approaches (rana, 2012). zulieta’s (2016) "a proposed system framework for higher education institutions scholarships and financial assistant programs," says that respondent universities render varied services for both donors and scholars that paved the way for the good professional relationship between and among them. problems abound during the management of scholarships and financial assistance programs, however, solutions offered helped ease the problems. findings from the study of deen’s (2011) “four dimensions of ethical dilemmas: a grounded theory towards understanding ethical dilemmas of higher education leaders in metro manila” which was conducted in 2011 reveal that there is a gap between the espoused restorative intention and formal practices of resolving ethical dilemmas in higher education. higher education leaders are challenged to review existing student discipline practices to ensure that these are aligned with their caring and restorative goals. amor’s (2013)"perception on the status of k to 12 curriculum program in technical vocational education" reveals that k12 curriculum is a better program than the ten-year basic education; a certificate issued by tesda for the graduates of k12 will give them an edge and advantage to gain better job opportunity; the deped's collaboration with ched jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 91 to give more considerations to these working students by making schedules that are flexible so that they can attend their classes even though they are working. similarly, fernandez's (2012) "development of prototype vertical articulation using purposive sampling" study where five schools were chosen by the researcher with institutionalized filipino departments leading the call for the commission on higher education (ched) to reconsider the scrapping of filipino in the general education in college. another study by pilariza entitled, “compliance by the beneficiaries to the pantawid pamilyang pilipino program (4ps) at lupang pangako: school’s investment through a social – sensitivity program” conducted in 2014 shows that beneficiaries religiously complied with the conditionalities of the program as reflected the cct benefit given to them. they regarded the 4ps as a social development program in improving the health, nutrition, and education of children. 3. research on quality and standards on the subject of quality assurance, it can be mentioned that a national program of teaching (and research) quality assessment is in place in all observed countries. many countries use a self-assessment framework complemented by external peer review. the role of students in the evaluation procedures is relatively limited but the external examination process includes a few students and graduates in most countries. quite frequently, the financial consequences of quality assurance results are unclear. dung’s (2008) study entitled “towards a strategic direction for internationalization of vietnamese higher education institutions" reveal three major findings on both current status of and factors affecting internalization of vietnamese heis remarkably, quality assurance was the key rationale and motivation behind these heis effort towards internalization, and that their internalization was mainly inhibited by their constitutional context, particularly their lack of institutional commitment, strategic plan for internalization, and sufficient internal resources for it. the research management policies and practices in selected private higher education institutions in the philippines as assessed by mopas in the study conducted in 2008 entitled "a case study of selected sectarian institutions of higher learning in metro manila: towards the development of a framework for research management" where it establishes the current status of research management in selected private higher education institutions in the philippines as the basis for developing a framework for research management in private higher education institutions. there are strategic and operational levels of research culture creation and maintenance in higher education institutions. villenas’ (2008) “creating and maintaining a research culture in higher education institutions: the continuing journey of four heis” identifies the research agenda and priorities so that the appropriate structure and jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 92 management are set up, collaborations established, and the required research funding and infrastructure provided. at the operational level, administrative practices and policies have to be in place, supported by assembling faculty and staff who have the necessary education and training, knowledge and positive attitude toward research and research orientation. all research activities must undergo monitoring and evaluation to ensure quality and standards 4. technology and education innovation that depends on innovation and human resources drives efficiency and economic development. higher education contributes greatly to the growth of both. higher education also contributes to social stability (a society's willingness to cooperate to survive and prosper) through its contribution to societal, cultural and environmental development. fabila’s (2015) study entitled "investigating effectiveness and challenges of ict in twenty-seven district schools in bacoor: basis for enhanced ict program" reveal that effectiveness of ict integration in teaching and learning has a positive impact among the respondents that tends to improve the internal efficiency of the educational system, increase the rate of learning and prepare every individual in the world of work technology driven market place. on the quality assurance support in terms of equity and access, student services heis need to source out funds to comply with ict-related requirements and handicapped friendly facilities. 5. model building studies a model of model-centered education for philippine high school was a result of the synthesis of findings in five participant schools, which were reputed to be learner-centered. the study identified five categories of learner-center education, namely, vision-mission, learner as a focal point, school climate, roles of key players, and academic programs. veneracion’s (2007) study entitled “a model of learner-centered education for philippine high school” reveals the importance to draw policies and programs that will enhance parental and community involvement in school. the program should include continuing orientation and education of parents' learner centeredness. it may also include the involvement of parents in the design and assessment of curricular and extracurricular programs and activity. the phenomenon of hei-call center partnership in terms of condition or factors that cause the formation of the partnership; strategies for initiating and perpetuating the partnership; contextual conditions within which the partnership is couched, and the consequences or outcomes of the partnership. keitel’s (2014) "a proposed model of higher education institution-call center industry partnership" findings say that the resulting model says that it needed improvements in higher education institutions to make jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 93 them industry-responsive while addressing the national problem of the high unemployment rate of hei graduates in the philippines. 6. institutional development studies the design of research supervision also focuses on enhancing the quality of the interactions and results between researcher and student. academic growth activity is generally geared towards the growth of individual capacities and practices required for continuous improvement in learning and academic training efficiency. "leadership behavior styles of outstanding elementary school heads: basis for framework development," says that among all others that the commonly used leadership styles in managing the schools are: the democratic, the affiliative and the coaching leadership behavior styles by the principals and the coercive pacesetting, and the authoritative are the least used respectively. the six potent overarching things in institutionalizing change that was identified which is leadership, management, recognition, community involvement, ownership, and commitment were found to be integral factors for successful implementation initiatives being studied as perceived by the teachers, principals, supervisors. dela pena’s (2016) “a phenomenology of institutionalizing change” points out that in institutionalizing change, the leader has considered the implementation strategies of initiating planning, executing, monitoring, and evaluating. 7. manpower demand and supply studies higher education produces the specialized skills required for modern economies by developing technological, vocational, and discipline-specific knowledge and skills; cognitive, and information processing skills; and graduates ' social and emotional skills that prepare them for active citizenship and the work environment. menor’s (2014) "a 21st century skills strategy development program for the human resource of mondriaan aura college, subic bay freeport zone" study shows the of levels of competence in the 21st-century skills, the human resource of mondriaan aura college 'meet standard' in terms of learning and innovation skills where collaboration, sharing best practices and integrating 21st-century skills into the workplace are practiced; they 'meet standard' in information, media and technology skills, bringing many opportunities for improving classroom instruction, teaching methodologies, research works, database management of collections, organizations, storage, and distribution of data of students and instructors, and electronic communication. relatively, xu’s (2012) “a study of the college of law in the fujian university of technology in china: retro and prospect" reveal that there are fewer job opportunities for the fujian university of technology college of law graduates of 2005 to 2020 or most of their available skills are not fitted with the available job positions. communication skills are important and a big factor for them to be hired even though it is only ranked as second jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 94 in human resource skills in terms of competencies. most people recognized education as work when creating new types of learning and qualifications to prepare for newly emerging types of occupation and work tasks. the assessments of the different batches are consistent and that respondents from the years under study had the same feeling towards the courses they took at the university. 8. graduate tracer studies jobs amongst the graduates is not based only on student's qualifications and on or having a seaman parent, but also on other factors such as the skills and expertise gained from the school, previous work experience, character/attitude, the prestige of the school from which a graduate obtained his degree and strength. paderanga’s (2007) “a tracer study on the employability of the alumni of the asian institute of maritime studies (aims)” says that there is an imbalance in the number of mt and me graduates and this imbalance is being experienced by many maritime schools nowadays. the graduates did very well in the prc board examinations but need to improve their performance in topnotch positions to further improve its reputation for commitment and service quality. in determining the quality assurance of the ntc bsoa curriculum and instruction towards the three indicators: graduates' employment, examination for teacher/s result, and the civil service examination result, serrano's (2012) "quality assurance among bsoa graduates of the national teachers college (sy 2012-2013) points out that graduates have a low success in let exam due to the reason that the let exam coverage is different from the major they had in college. similarly, ocampo’s (2010) "personal and educational background of ama computer college graduates and its relationship to employment profile" shows that few graduates had training after college and enrolled in the graduate program for professional growth and promotion. the majority of the college graduates were employed as contractual in computer-related industries and companies in the local. only a few engaged in business, they preferred to work and earn a regular income at the end of each month. 9. other research topics considered by the commission in response to emerging needs of the country in addition to being the source of product and/or process innovation, higher education has a significant role to play in helping us find new approaches and adaptation to the major societal challenges, for example, environmental destruction, climate change, aging populations, epidemics of obesity, mass migration, populism, conflict, and other problems. all fields of study and science in higher education are important for societal development, from science, technology, engineering and mathematics to social sciences, humanities and arts, in de los reyes’s (2011) study entitled “a historical compendium on the artifacts, settings, and workers at the philippine postal museum as a benchmark in the educational management of a non-traditional educational institution” speaks of the historical data jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 95 from the historiographies that shows philippine postal museum’s settings are inappropriate for postal stamp artifacts and that indirect and direct conservation practices there are virtually nonexistent. historical proof from the historiographies also disclosed an organizational culture of career incompetence in philatelic cultural heritage education with no evolving career counseling interventions being employed there at once. rondaris’ (2014) “towards the development of an improve port workers training program for the philippine ports authority training center” presents the extent of implementation of the als program in the division of city schools quezon city as perceived by the als implementers and graduates across the eleven (11) key areas the program reflected evident to a ‘very great extent’ achievement of the objectives, curriculum, impact and capability building. de asis’ (2016) study on the "extent of teachers' knowledge on administrative offenses: an implication to educators' lawsuit prevention program" observes the grave aspect of administrative offenses is relating to less extent as observed from the mean of the data. an implication that respondent teachers have a chance of being prone to violations about the latter and these can be lessened if the government's efforts are made. abila’s (2012) study on the “readiness of the philippine coast guard in the establishment of the philippine coast guard academy” suggests that the future philippine coast guard academy should be under the supervision of the commission of higher education. baccay’s (2008) "activity and disengagement among retirees across three profession" proposes some lifelong learning activities that could address post-retirement problems. castor’s (2013) master’s thesis entitled “servant leadership among faculty club presidents of the manila public school teachers association”, realizes the attributes of the faculty clubs presidents of the manila public school teachers association, as they performed their leadership roles in terms of critical principles of the servanthood and the extent of their influence among the members of the organization. in mapping, the field of graduate education research outputs by priority areas in the education of national higher education research agenda-ii (nhera-ii, 2009-2018) and by the institution (2007-2016), five of the nine identified topics received less attention: quality and standards, technology and education, model building studies, manpower demand, and supply studies, and graduate tracer studies. few types of research in the master's degree and doctoral degree addressed the question of manpower demand & supply studies and graduate tracer studies. there seems to be a little indicative of guidance in the research’s choice topic and absence of the research agenda of a relevant and worthwhile topic that can contribute to theory building and shed light on practice. jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 96 while it is true that national graduate education systems may be different between countries, it makes sense to understand the many contributors to student and staff research skills development in the philippines and identify lines where similarities and differences can be observed. this is especially useful in identifying the research training needs of graduate research degree students across the region (calma, 2013). methodologies used most graduate education researches used quantitative methods for a potential cause of something and hoped to verify its effect. some have explored or validated concepts and designs with a large sample. some have wanted to capture behavioral data for task-based research that includes task completion times and success or failure scores. others have measured usability and satisfaction with standard measures. table 6. research method used method master’s doctoral n % n % quantitative 181 60% 305 69% qualitative 56 19% 71 16% mixed-method 63 21% 64 15% total 300 100% 449 100% the results on the graduate research outputs look at the general case and move toward the specific. most graduate studies used a quantitative method. one hundred eighty-one (181) or 60% used the quantitative method in a master’s degree, and (305) or 69% in doctoral degree used the quantitative approach. data gathering instruments/techniques used using questionnaires are more often than not, researcher-made poses whether these undergo the validation process since it is relevant and tailor-made to the specific problem at hand than other types of an instrument which requires validation. the research instrument determines the validity and reliability of the collected data to a large extent. in this respect, it can direct more research efforts to the development of instruments. however, the development, validation and standardization process requires expertise and funding beyond individual graduate students’ abilities. table 7.data gathering instruments/techniques used in the research instruments / techniques master’s doctoral n % n % questionnaires/scales 204 51.52% 305 53% interview 70 17.68% 108 19% focused group discussion 12 3.03% 22 4% jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 97 test 15 4% 19 3% content/ documentary 38 10% 68 12% checklist 18 5% 18 3% observation 39 10% 32 6% total 396 100.00% 572 100% related to the research design are the various data-gathering instruments. two hundred four (204) or 52% in master's degree, and 305 or 53% in doctoral degree used the questionnaires/scales. as a whole without regard for the research area, the most used instruments are the questionnaire surveys followed by interviews–this maybe because it is the fastest research tool that many can use and only a few capital investments for its results. statistical treatment of data statistics courses are available in most universities, but some see it as something to be taken, passed on, and forgotten. although the mastery of statistics is impossible, knowing the primary language can help to formulate better, more critical questions for experts and encourage deeper thinking and skepticism about findings. also, the field of education brings increasing analytical rigor to the growing numbers, figures, and data they use. table 8. distribution of statistical treatment of data treatment master’s doctoral total n % n % mean, weighted mean 258 45.03 315 54.97 573 percentage 202 48.1 218 51.9 420 frequency 161 44.72 199 55.28 360 t-test 115 44.75 142 55.25 257 anova (f-test) 43 29.55 103 70.45 146 pearson r 64 46.38 74 53.62 138 ranking 56 57.73 41 42.27 97 chi-square 29 35.8 52 64.2 81 standard deviation 43 60.56 28 39.44 71 likert scale 12 37.5 20 62.5 32 z-test 8 38.1 13 61.9 21 friedman rank test 8 47.06 9 52.94 17 spearman rank 3 33.33 6 66.67 9 within-case analysis 3 42.86 4 57.14 7 cross-case analysis 3 42.86 4 57.14 7 multivariate analysis 3 50 3 50 6 linear regression 2 40 3 60 5 slovin’s formula 2 40 3 60 5 factor analysis 1 33.33 2 66.67 3 jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 98 mann whitney test 0 0 2 100 2 kendall’s coefficient of concordance 0 0 2 100 2 point biserial correlation 0 0 2 100 2 coefficient of determination 0 0 1 100 1 variance 1 100 0 0 1 tetrachloric correlation 1 100 0 0 1 yates correction for continuity 1 100 0 0 1 fisher’s exact test 0 0 1 100 1 the various statistical tools, from the measures of central tendencies to factors analysis, show not only one type of statistics used in research but a combination of them. the most used statistical tools are simple frequency and percentage as expected as it is a prerequisite to the computation of inferential statistics, the frequent use of descriptive statistics such as frequency counts and a percentage. it can test the quality of the researches, considering the materials reviewed, which are research abstracts. however, the types of research are mostly descriptive surveys using questionnaires/checklists that suggest that researchers are inadequate in carrying out more sophisticated experimental studies that can provide more useful information to improve the educational process. it limited statistical treatment of data from measures of central tendency with little use of correlational and inferential statistics. the review identified different statistical treatments starting with mean and percentages, followed by using frequency counts. the measures of central tendencies are predominant given the research method and the fact they constitute a preliminary step towards more sophisticated analysis conclusion careful analysis of available data could lead to various assumptions on the way the government addresses pressing issues in education. overall, it can be assumed that government efforts across three administration periods are visible in highlighting attention given to education. the narrative of president arroyo’s sona weaves economy and education. strengthening the economy through strategic management and sound policies has been instrumental in achieving quality education. president arroyo is consistent at looking at quality education in the quest for stable economy fuelled by the labor force. in the long run, efforts directed towards improving the economy are seen to be central in uplifting the current state of education in the country. putting it into a nutshell, it is strongly evident how the thrust of president aquino in education is shown in his three consecutive years of reports to the people. various changes huge or small still matter for they made significant propulsion and advancement in the quality of education for filipinos; thus include all of them with a significant ratio of inclusion in the national platforms and agenda. consistently, conditional cash transfer for the marginalized sector is one of the most noteworthy projects of the administration while extension of basic education curriculum in response to global standardization is the most controversial undertaking. an epoch-making shift of focus on technical vocational courses and projects is also highlighted as the jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 99 president majorly considers the marketability of filipino graduates. as per frequency of word count per year, the increasing number strongly signifies deepening commitment of the administration to improve the caliber of philippine education system. nonetheless, uplifting the status of philippine educational system had been the main point of the president’s undertakings in his three sonas which he supported by concrete evidences of progression that makes it more convincing and promising to the people. truly, investing in education is the key toward reaching national growth and development. ever since his first sona, president duterte has always believed that encouraging the youth to finish their studies will keep them away from being involved in crime and illegal drugs. although it may not seem to be his immediate priority, president rodrigo duterte’s state of the nation addresses, together with putting action to his agendas, nevertheless reflect and resonate his heart for quality education to be provided to all filipinos. although his direct and explicit mentions of education are relatively few and barely make up 1% of his speeches, this did not however mean that he has utterly neglected and failed to give importance to the education sect of the nation. “war on crime and drugs,” being the central thrust of his governance, seems to be adequately ushered in his educational platforms. one can note that he does not only prioritize formal education, but also non-formal education, also known as “alternative learning systems,” to the point that he stresses out the need for department of education’s budget to be used as well in strengthening the implementation of als nationwide. this could be a good indicator that duterte actually focuses on “education for all,” since he believes that by ushering children and the youth into either formal or non-formal education, these will grow up into responsible citizens who would not defile themselves into various crimes and illegal drug uses. president duterte’s administration showcases preventive measures on crime, violence, and drugs by means of devising programs and laws for the eventual attainment of universal quality education. it is high time for researchers to call for an exclusive venue for education concerns in the government, particularly in speeches delivered by elected leaders. along with social and political issues, the education sector clamours for attention and solutions to pressing ills such as classroom shortage, quality education, books, teacher training, government funding, and others. sona is a crucial platform which echoes social and political issues that require immediate attention. it is imperative that education issues occupy a big chunk of this public address. references albert, melissa (2018). benigno aquino iii president of the philippines. encyclopedia britannica, inc. accessed august 31, 2018 at https://www.britannica.com/biography/benigno aquino-iii. bev, j. s., (2008). the power and abuse of language in politics. retrieved january 10, 2020, from 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(2016). language and power: the use of persuasive techniques in itan and us president speeches. journal of language teaching and research, 7 (6), pp. 1203 – 1209. santos, reynaldo jr. (2015). aquino's sona speeches through the years. accessed august 14, 2018 at https://www.rappler.com/newsbreak/iq/64681-highlights-aquino-state-of-the nati on-address sicat, g. p. (2016, july 27). sona: analysis, vision, expectations, and reality. retrieved august 14, 2018, from https://www.philstar.com/business/2016/07/27/1606942/sona analysisvision-expectations-and-reality. tesda. (n. d.) accessed august 16, 2018 at http://www.tesda3.com.ph/tesdprogram/tesda specialista-technopreneurship-pr ogram/ thompson, c. (2005).the power of language. retrieved january 10, 2020, from http://experiencelife.com vijayakumari, k. & manikandan, k. (2013). school engagement of secondary school students in kerala. guru journal of behavioral and social sciences, 1 (2). worldbank (2015). philippines: cct proven to keep poor children healthy and in school – world bank. accessed august 14, 2018 at http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press release/2015/09/23/philippines-cct-proven-to-keep-poor-children-healthy-and-in school https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://ptvnews.ph/president-duterte-commits-provide-quality-affordable-education/ https://www.researchgate.net/publication/309622156_language_and_power_the_use_of_persuasive_techniques_in_iran_and_us_president_speeches https://www.researchgate.net/publication/309622156_language_and_power_the_use_of_persuasive_techniques_in_iran_and_us_president_speeches 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http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2015/09/23/philippines-cct-proven-to-keep-poor-children-healthy-and-in-school http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/pressjurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and 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contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0298. 299-331 how does religious organizations interpret public service ethics? the case of catholic church and muhammadiyah organization yasmira paute moner universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta mindanao state university-iligan institute of technology email: yasmira_moner@yahoomail.com.ph queenie pearl v. tomaro universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: queenietomaro@gmail.com abstract virtue ethics indicating that good actions are indicative of attempts to develop processes (thinking and behaviour) that emanate from one’s character and guide one to right action (eagan, 2016). this virtues are oftentimes embedded in religious institutions, such that shari’ah (islamic law) is islamic ethics. having a virtous character according to this philosophical tradition must be possessed by public servants to build a state of just and developed society. hence, this paper is a cursory guide to look into the basic role of the chatholic church and muhammadiyah in influencing the organizational culture of the communities they are serving. the common teachings of islam and catholicism, in the context of public ethics service is one that is upholding the moral virtues of good governance, which is deontological in nature and consequential in effect keywords: public ethics, muhammadiyah, christian ethics, islamic ethics, virtous ethics jurnal studi pemerintahan 299 received: january 2, 2018 revised: may 5, 2018 accepted: may 6, 2018 for cite this article please refers to: moner, y. p., & tomaro, q. v. (2018). how does religious organizations interpret public service ethics? the case of catholic church and muhammadiyah organization. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(2), 299-331 -. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0298 mailto:yasmira_moner@yahoomail.com.ph vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 300 etika kebajikan yang menunjukkan bahwa tindakan yang baik merupakan indikasi sebagai upaya untuk mengembangkan proses (pemikiran dan perilaku) yang berasal dari karakter seseorang dan membimbing seseorang ke tindakan yang benar (eagan, 2016). kebajikan ini seringkali tertanam di lembagalembaga keagamaan, sehingga syariah (hukum islam) adalah etika islam. memiliki karakter yang berbudi luhur menurut tradisi filosofis ini harus dimiliki oleh pegawai negeri untuk membangun keadaan masyarakat yang adil dan maju. oleh karena itu, makalah ini adalah panduan sepintas untuk melihat ke dalam peran dasar gereja chatholic dan muhammadiyah dalam mempengaruhi budaya organisasi masyarakat yang mereka layani. ajaran umum islam dan katolik, dalam konteks layanan etika publik adalah salah satu yang menjunjung tinggi moral kebajikan pemerintahan yang baik, yang bersifat deontologis dan konsekuensial yang berlaku. kata kunci: etika publik, muhammadiyah, etika kristen, etika islam, etika berbudi. introduction literatures on ethics in public administration (bell, 2017; eagan, 2016; goulet, 2016; meyers, 2016; ribando, 2016; simonati, 2016; & warner, 2017) have pointed out that ethical service is a virtue, which is essential in the general well-being of the public, hence must be at the foundation of public service delivery. it is a means towards effective and efficient organizational performance and the strengthening of good governance mechanism of transparent, accountable, honest, fair and just policymaking process. meyers (2016) characterized the common ethical values of honesty, integrity, fairness and justice, which uphold the moral and social responsibility of [both government and private organizations] in the delivery of public services and increasing commitment for cooperation from the public. as a way of definition, ribando (2016: 10) wrote that ethics is etymologically derived from the greek word “ethos” which means character or custom. it generally represents a wide meaning of character, behaviour or code of conduct. basically, it can be defined as the standards of right and wrong that specify what individuals and (organizations) should do. such standards are primarily derived from principles that form the basis for behaviour, and secondly, consideration of the benefits (or harms) that come from taking action, which serves as a moral agency for persons in the decision-making process. highlighting the role of ethics in public service, goulet (2016: 18) expressed that the development of an ethical infrastructure is part of the implementation strategies among organizations, in an effort to not only increase performance, but also to address organizational challenges and mission adherence. in the case of muhammadiyah, which is a religiousbased social organization, the need to strike a balance between islamic values (union of religion and politics) on one hand, and the growing secularization of modern-nation state systems (separation of church/religion and politics) in a multicultural society like indonesia on another, is among the significant contribution of islamic ethics in societal governance. specifically, virtue ethics which is generally attributed to plato and aristotle, associates right action with a state of the soul and the intellect, indicating that good actions are indicative of attempts to develop processes (thinking and behaviour) that emanate from one’s character and guide one to right action (eagan, 2016). this virtues are oftentimes embedded in religious institutions, such that shari’ah (islamic law) is islamic ethics. having a virtous character according to this philosophical tradition must be possessed by public servants to build a state of just and developed society. hence, this paper is a cursory guide to look into the basic role of the chatholic church and muhammadiyah in influencing the organizational culture of the communities they are serving. jurnal studi pemerintahan 301 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 302 the conduct of government affairs is not a sphere that is separated from the scope of the mission of the church. the people of the government are the very people who form the church. setting aside, religious divide, the mission of the church does not discriminate and its responsibility of being a moral agency is not a mission for its believers but for the betterment of the world, the religious communities, and for the entire creation of god. pope emeritus benedict xvi stated in deus caritas est, as cited in the work of cheabu (2015) that “the church wishes to help form consciences in political life and to stimulate greater insight into the authentic requirement of justice”. aiding the formation of a morally ethical government, catholicism has provided a baseline of moral responsibility to its believers to uphold moral and professional ethics. understanding it in the context of public service and public sector management would link catholicism into public ethics, formed and influence by the values and principles of the catholic church and its universal nature. tocqueville (1988), in weigel (2001), laid down that religion was the first american political institution and so it may not wield the powers of the executive and legislative branches but it is highly involved in the process of the ‘formation of the habits of the heart and the mind, paving way for democracy to be born and to flourish’. thus, excluding the catholic church in the discourse of government affairs, public service, and discourse of ethics, is to say that the church is not an actor that forms and influence policies, agenda, and priorities, and this in its very core, is completely flawed. weigel (2001) argued that the formation of the conscience and moral values of the societies where the governments govern are greatly impacted by the conscienceformation of the catholic church based on the church’s teachings. in the same sphere as the catholic teachings, there is an emerging trend of good governance that is now becoming a framework for public sector performance that impact the expectations of how the governments should govern and forming a normative of public ethics. in the same sphere as the catholic teachings, there is an emerging trend of good governance that is now becoming a framework for public sector performance that impact the expectations of how the governments should govern and forming a normative of public ethics. good governance is not an entirely separate concept from public ethics, as in fact, it lies in the very foundation of the discourse. good governance, in politics, ‘is for promotion of the culture of life, civilization of love, empowerment and community mobilization for holistic development of public service’ (ibeogu & nkwede, 2016). thus, good governance implementation is a reorientation and re-construction of value system. it is mainly concerned of ethical governance, of the ethical framework of governing, hence it lies within the discourse of public ethics. one of the fundamental questions that should be answered when catholicism is linked to public ethics is on whether catholicism reinforces public ethics and towards what end and what means. furthermore, are the values and principles that influence the ethical standards of the catholic church compatible with the principle of good governance that is applied by the governments in a worldwide scope? these will be the core questions that the paper aims to study. before delving into an analytical lens, it is of importance that a fundamental understanding of the terms ethics, public ethics, good governance and catholicism be grounded upon. a failure to arrive into a substantive understanding may mislead every scholarly inquiry. ethics ethics is defined ‘as standards of right and wrong that aids a specification of what individuals should do’. these are shaped from principles that is the basis of behavior, from the rationality of considering the potential harms and benefits prior to undertaking the action, and from the qualities of what constitutes a “good” person (ribando, 2016). jurnal studi pemerintahan 303 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 304 furthermore, ethics are also worded to be the rules or principles that claim the authority to guide how we ought to act and how we ought to live (singer, 1994: 3–4; rose, 2016). it is an internal set of moral codes, or an individual moral compass (gallahue, 2016). in the conduct of government affairs, ethics is an essential aspect that must be upheld and observed. it is through the process of ethics that public trust is kept intact and public services are best delivered in accordance with the principles of good governance through the ethical competence of the public servants. public servants are the craftsmen behind policies. the policies that are crafted, implemented, and evaluated are subject to assessment of ethics (ribando, 2016). bell (2017) highlighted the connection argued by woodrow wilson, between the professional ethics of public servants and public trust which states that professional public service requires a possession of “moral atmosphere” and the “sanctity of public office as a public trust” (wilson, 1887: 210; bell, 2017). the ethics behind the public policies of public servants are primary concerns in this analysis. however, those policies are reflections if not entirely but primarily of the professional ethics of the public servants. professional ethics is described as ‘the behavior and decision-making of public servants’ (bell, 2017). the quality of public service is contingent upon the manner of service from the public servants. the values public servants carry reflect their effectiveness, efficiency, sense of accountability and integrity towards their work. the ethics behind the behavior of public servants reflect what public servants’ perceive as right and wrong. thus, bell (2017) argues that it is important for public servants to possess an ethical competence to identify and respond on ethical situations. it presents a systematic set of standards to be observed; standards based on law, regulations, principles, and expectations (svara, 2016). the code of ethics highlights principles and explicit guidelines that are to be observed in practice and daily operations of the organization (koven, 2016; svara, 2016). these principles identified are now commonly known as the good governance principles. however, these principles vary from contexts, political settings, political cultures, and governments. generally, these principles are crafted to cultivate ‘good governance’ in the government which entails cultivating the political leaders and public servants for the embracement and adherence of these principles. before further in-depth discussions, there are two paradigms in the discourse of ethics and this will be primarily discussed in the following section. two paradigms of ethics the first paradigm of ethics is the bureaucratic paradigm in which the focus is on individual values, respect for administrative processes and regard to the division of administration and politics (gallahue, 2016). this paradigm provides an umbrella for the values of accountability, professional competence, neutrality, integrity, consistency, and impartiality (goss, 1996; gallahue, 2016). the second paradigm, on the other hand, is the democratic paradigm which banks on the theoretical beliefs of the field of public administration in advocating the following; advancing the principles of the public, becoming innovative in solving problems and addressing issues, seeking fairness and equity, encouraging the participation of the citizens and faithfully observing the obligations of a professional (goss, 1996; gallahue, 2016). jurnal studi pemerintahan 305 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 306 gallahue (2016) argued that the shared similarity of the two paradigms is that both are built upon the observance of ethical judgments and performance of moral obligations however, gallahue (2016) furthered, the application of both paradigms differs. the bureaucratic paradigm draws from the characteristics of individuals and the universally accepted ethics as the source of guidance of how the public sector should operate. the second paradigm, the democratic paradigm is more leaning towards principles in the field of public administration may not be parallel to what the general population believes and upholds. goss (1996), as cited by gallahue (2016), revealed that the public, based on a result of a research, favors the ethics forwarded by the bureaucratic paradigm arguing that the citizens would prefer the leaders with the same values as them. thus, widely accepted values are important as it would garner the support or preference of the general public as the public are more supportive of those whose morals are compatible with them, the public (gallahue, 2016). furthermore, as there are two paradigms of the discourse of ethics, there are also two general theories, the deontological and the consequentialist. 1. deontological ethical theories mcthomas (2016) defined deontological ethics as ethics that hold the individuals duty-bound to carry out ethical duties and moral actions, and so it is a framework that forwards moral duties and obligations. the main proponent of the deontological ethics is immanuel kant and his main argument of “categorical imperative” is built upon the notion that individuals are expected to act in a manner that is consistent with universal rules of obligation that is binding and imperative (kant, 1994; mcthomas, 2016). in accordance to this argument, mcthomas (2016) further argued that an individual perceives the rightfulness of an act for as long as he or she perceives that action to be proper when it is done towards her, as according to mcthomas (2016), this is how a person determines the morality and universality of an act. the arguments of duty-based ethics come into view, as the focus of moral laws are embolden. for duty-based ethicist, the person is bind with his or her duties and this existing strapping is built upon moral laws and consideration (mcthomas, 2016). furthermore, kant (1994), in mcthomas (2016), supports this theory arguing that it is the moral strength of human’s will in fulfilling one’s duty.” kant (1994) added that the morally right actions are freely chosen by the actors in consideration with the moral obligations and duties they have at hand. the duties are varied and numerous, however the gist of the theory is simply centered upon the notion that the consequences of the actions are invaluable as compared to the intention of the actor and the nature of the action. mcthomas (2016) exemplified that the duty-based theory centers the debate not on the results emerging from the action but from the rules, and the moral laws that are observed and upheld in the making and enforcement of the action. the opposing theory of deontological theories is the theory of consequentialism. 2. consequentialism the consequentialist perspective looks into the merit, the value, and the successes of the result rather than the formulation process, the nature, and the foundation of the action or decision. as such, the importance is banked in achieving the consequence desired rather than observing moral laws and obligations, and so the outcome of the action is what is evaluated and not the action or the intention behind the action (mcthomas, 2016). jurnal studi pemerintahan 307 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 308 the machiavellian argument is best suited in this theory arguing that it is the end that matters more than the means undertaken. furthermore the rightfulness or the appropriateness of an action is evaluated from the positive outcome it will result to (mcthomas, 2016). the ethics forwarded by the catholic church is not mainly concerned on the consequences but also of the process, the objective, and the potential risks and collateral damages. same is true with the principles of good governance that is banking in the duty-based perspective under the deontological theory. the evidences behind these are the universality of the moral laws from where the good governance principles are built upon. it is deontological in the sense that ethical conduct rest in the ethical competence of individuals guided by principles and primarily shaped by the values that individuals possess. ethical values since ethics, public, corporate, or legal, are all grounded in the values and the principles such as the principles of good governance, it is essential to understand how the values and principles of the catholic church relate with good governance theory. primarily, the relationship of values and principles must first be established. values are essential topics when discussing right and wrong, especially so in public administration as there are countless conflicts and dilemmas inherent in the public sector (reed, 2016). values, as a term, is described as ‘a complex and broadbased assessment of an object or set of objects (where the objects may be concrete, psychological, socially constructed, or a combination of all three) characterized by both cognitive and emotive elements, arrived at after some deliberation, and, because a value is part of the individual’s definition of self, it is not easily changed and has the potential to elicit action’ (bozeman, 2007; reed, 2016). in the analysis of reed (2016), it can be grasped that the most important characteristics of values are the following: 1. values extend beyond objective economic determination and include a subjective emotional component. 2. values are key to a deliberative process by which alternatives can be evaluated. 3. values tend to change slowly, if at all, and therefore have a sense of endurance and consistency. 4. values are precursors to an action. from the above stated aspects of values, it can be digested that values play crucial roles in the quality of service from the public servants and the behavior observed from them. thus, it is argued that ‘at the heart of responsible public service is a shared sense of proper conduct based on underlying values that help motivate ethical behavior’ (garofalo and gueras, 2007; reed, 2016). values have direct links to the actions and the errors of actions of human beings. argyris (1994), in goulet (2016), highlighted that the errors of human beings, public servant or not, are product of their inconsistent governing values because the accordingly, the strategies of human action are mechanisms of the actualization of values. argyris (1994) further argued that repetitive actions that are not aligned to the goals require a re-examination of an error or a mismatch of values. goulet (2016) deduced the statement of argyris (1994) stating that it sought to highlight the notion that organizational failures can be rooted to the employees’ inability to align their values and actions. jurnal studi pemerintahan 309 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 310 understanding that public service requires moral agency, is understanding that the concept of morality is deeply linked and gravely influenced by religion and the full-blown implementation of good governance. hence, good governance is deeply embedded in the discourse of public ethics. ethics in public service in islamic perspective islam places the highest emphasis on ethical values in all aspects of human life. it is not just a religion but a way of life among the muslims who adhere to the islamic faith. ethical norms and moral codes are derived from the verses of the holy qur’an and the teachings of the prophet muhammad (peace be upon him). islamic teachings strongly stress the observance of ethical and moral code in human behaviour. moral principles and codes of ethics as revealed in the holy qur’an which says: ‘you are the best nation that has been raised up for mankind; you enjoin right conduct, forbid evil and believe in allah’ (verse 3:110) in addition, the last prophet and messenger of islam, the prophet (saw) also says: ‘i have been sent for the purpose of perfecting good morals’. in his article on islamic ethics as islamic law, reinhart (1983) argued that the islamic ethical system substantially differs from the so-called secular or western ethical systems as well as from the moral code advocated by other religions and societies. he contends that in the islamic scheme of things, adherence to moral code and ethical behaviour is a part of iman (faith) itself (p. 189). hence, muslims have to strive to guard their behaviour, deeds, words, thoughts, feelings and intentions as part of their moral responsibility. islam asks its believers to observe certain norms and moral codes in their family affairs; in dealings with relatives, with neighbours and friends; in their business transactions; in their social affairs, and in all spheres of private and public life. in islam, there is no separation of religion and politics, the former serves as the moral guide in the process of policymaking and the advancement of the welfare of the public good, and generally the society. as an islamic-based organization grounded to the teachings of the islamic faith, the muhammadiyah has adopted the core values of islamic ethics as the moral foundation of their organization. as the name of the organization coined from the prophet muhammad (saw), followed the moral codes and teachings (sunnah) of the prophet muhammad, they adhere to the greater responsibility of “faith by example” as every act is a worship to god (available from: www.muhammadiyah.or.id/). this socially responsibly and morally-grounded act of service to the community as a service and worship to the almighty god has gained muhammadiyah one of the largest islamic organization in the world’s most populous muslim country of indonesia. the fundamental value of muhammadiyah has always been the islamic core virtue of “enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil” since the birth of this largest islamic modernist organization not only in indonesia, but throughout the muslim world. more than being a socio-civic organization, it has come to grow as a cultural movement carrying with it the islamic tenets of moderate and modernist brand of islam, subsequently promoting “harmony in diversity” and multiculturalism in the world’s largest archipelagic state and fourth most populous muslim-majority country. muhammadiyah is known for its role in the independence movement of the republic of indonesia until the present. it was established in 1912 (1330 ah) by kyai haji ahmad dahlan (1868-1923), a preacher (khatib) of the great mosque of the sultanate of yogyakarta. jurnal studi pemerintahan 311 http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/ vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 312 muhammadiyah has shown that state and civil society can work together in a cooperative manner, where it complements in the delivery of social services such as providing educational institutions, medical institutions and offering micro-financing services in accordance to an ethically-based principle as mandated by the organization adherence to islamic ethics of social justice, generosity and compassion. currently they run more than 14,000 islamic schools, 172 high learning institutions, 600 orphanages, and 350 micro-finance institutions (cismor, 2013). the basis of the ethical social services done by muhammadiyah are grounded on the following qur’anic verses: let their arise out of you a group of people inviting to all that is good, enjoining al ma’ruf and forbidding almunkar. and it is they who are the successful (surah ali ‘imran, 3: 104) those (muslim rulers) who, if we give them power in the land, (they) enjoin iqamat-as-salat, to pay zakat and they enjoin al-ma’ruf and forbid al-munkar. and with allah rests the end of all matters (qs al-hajj: 41) and those who answer the call of their lord, and to worship none but him alone, and perform as-salat, and who conduct their affairs by mutual consultation, and who spend of what we have bestowed on them (qs as-syura: 38) as for those who strive hard in us, we will surely guide them to our paths. and verily allah is with the muhsinun (good doers) (qs al-ankabut: 69) as summarized by aminullah elhady (2017), the role of muhammadiyah in building an ethically-based community based on islamic values is noteworthy: ”muhammadiyah endeavours are implemented in the form of charity and services, program, and activities, as stipulated in its bylaws [article iii] to wit; (a) promoting belief, deepening and broadening understanding, increasing implementation, and spreading islamic teachings in all aspects of life; (b) deepening and developing the study of islamic teachings in all aspects of life to get its purity and truth; (c) increasing the spirit of worship, charity, gift, bequest, alms, and other good deeds; (d) increasing dignity, prestige, and the quality of human resource in order to have high skills and noble character; (e) advancing and renewing education and culture, developing science, technology, art, and increasing research; (f) advancing economy and entrepreneurship towards a qualified life; (g) increasing health quality and public welfare; (h) maintaining, developing, and empowering natural resources and environment for prosperity; (i) developing communication, friendship, and cooperation in all fields with people in and outside indonesia; (j) maintaining the unity of country and having an active role in national life; (k) developing and increasing quality and quantity of members as movement agent; (l) developing equipment, infrastructure, and fund source to make the movement successful; (m) trying to enforce law, justice, and truth, and increasing the defence for people; and (n) other endeavours and efforts suitable to its aims and objective’ (p. 340-1). the foundational values of muhammadiyah abovementioned, which are rooted in islamic faith is a significant factor to consider, as it can be argued, that the democratic values of transparency, accountability, integrity, effective and efficient governance set forth by the united nations development programme (2010) are embedded in islamic ethics, thus, democracy and islam are compatible, in as much as the ethical foundation of the latter has been adopted by the former. hence, islamic ethics in public service has been an exemplar in terms of making democracy works, as international organizations like the united nations, made it as an international norm and ethical standard in the governance process of the member countries, like indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan 313 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 314 according to dannhauser (2007) in shakil (2011: 851), practicing islamic ethics at work place leads towards creativity, honesty and trust. in islam, work ethic is a greater responsibility to be good and to good deed. ethical standard in islam highlights good character and behaviour as the prophet himself is sent to humanity for purpose of perfecting the best of character. this was expressed by abd allah ibn 'amr who narrated that the prophet used to say: ‘the best of you are those who have the excellent morals’ (bukhari, 61:23). more so, in the hadith narrated by abu hurairah, the messenger of allah said: ‘the most perfect of the believers in faith is the best of them in moral excellence’ (al tirmidzi, 10: 11). these teachings (hadith) of prophet muhammad (peace be upon him) has been the great source of inspiration for contemporary muslim scholars and intellectuals, particularly the founding father of muhammadiyah, muhammad darwis, later known as kh ahmad dahlan. for madjid (1985: 385), the essence of muhammadiyah lies in striking a balance between worldly community development on one hand, and spiritual development through islamic teachings, on another. every act is an act of worship. he discerned the need for muslims to adopt to the dynamism of society by making islam not just the religion of arabs, but religion of humanity. ethical teachings in the holy qur’an are moral obligations which are commanded by god to be exercised by the believers of the islamic faith. they are as follows: 1. worship only allah: and your lord has decreed that you worship none but him (17; 23) 2. be kind, humble and honourable to one’s parents (17:23) 3. be neither miserly nor wasteful in one’s expenditure, and spend not wastefully (your wealth) in the manner of a spendthrift. verily, spendthrift are brothers of the devils (17:26-27). 4. do not engage in mercy killings for fear of starvation, and kill not your children for fear of poverty (starvation). we shall provide for them as well as for you. surely, the killing of them is a grave sin (17:31) 5. do not commit adultery, and come not near to the unlawful sex. verily, it is a fahishah (grave sin) and an evil way (17:32) 6. do not kill unjustly and don’t kill anyone whose killing allah has forbidden, expect for just cause (17:33) 7. care for orphaned children and come not near to the orphan’s property expect to improve it, until he attains the age of strength (17:34) 8. fulfill promises and fulfil (every) covenant. verily! the covenant will be questioned about (17:34) jurnal studi pemerintahan 315 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 316 9. be honest and fair in one’s interactions and give full measure when you measure and weigh with a balance that is straight. that is good (advantageous) and better in the end (17:35) 10. do not walk on earth arrogantly and walk not on earth with conceit and arrogance. verily! you can neither rend nor penetrate the earth, nor can you attain a stature like the mountains in height (17:37/31:18) 11. fear allah and speak truth: o you who believe! keep your duty to allah and fear him, and speak (always) the truth (33:70). 12. remain away from intoxicants and gambling: o you who believe! intoxicants (all kind of alcoholic drinks), gambling, al-ansab and alazlam (arrows for seeking luck or decision) are an abomination of satan’s handiwork. so, avoid (strictly all) that (abomination) in order that you may be successful (5:90) 13. be good and kind towards relatives and neighbours and do good to kinsfolk (relatives), orphans, the poor, the neighbour who is near of kin, the neighbour who is a stranger, the company by your side, the wayfarer (4:36). on the basis of the foregoing, this essay argues that muhammadiyah has contributed to the universalisation of islamic values and work ethics by following islamic principles in relation to community empowerment through the adoption of islamic values by the organization since its inception in 1912; accountability to god, integrity in public service, compassion tempered with moderation, shari’ah-compliant economic activities leading to effectiveness and efficiency in the use of resources, and social justice through educational empowerment, are among the significant islamic values envisioned and applied by the muhammadiyah in serving the communities and the public at large. specifically, the islamic ethics of muhammadiyah is owing to its religious-based beginnings. this is manifested in the organizational by-laws, particularly on the section on understanding which says that: ‘guidelines for islamic life muhammadiyah citizens are a set of islamic values and norms sourced from the qur'an and sunnah to be a pattern for the behaviour of muhammadiyah citizens in living everyday life so that reflected the islamic personality towards the realization of islamic society’ (available: www.muhammadiyah.or.id/en/content-55-det-programkerja.html). understanding islamic context of indonesia as a multicultural, multi-ethnic archipelagic state is tantamount to providing a set of socio-cultural contribution particularly on the moral obligation of the members of the organization to practice islam in thought, words and deeds. in the context of public service, hawanti (2015: 126127) points out the influential role of muhammadiyah as a social movement, providing social services i.e. educational and health services with integrity. ascertaining the role of the islamic values of honesty, integrity, mutual respect and tolerance in diversity, and compassion are among the universal values which have been carried out by muhammadiyah in the service to their communities and indonesia in general. jurnal studi pemerintahan 317 http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/en/content-55-det-program-kerja.html http://www.muhammadiyah.or.id/en/content-55-det-program-kerja.html vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 318 such exemplary behaviour according to meyers (2016: 3) is one of the indicators of professional ethics, to wit; ‘promotion of the qualities of justice, courage, honour, equity, competence and compassion and the subordination of public interests against the private gains’. ethical behaviour in an organization like muhammadiyah is the result of the organization’s goal-setting behaviour. this requires moral agency, as in this case, the goal of making islam not just a religion being practiced in the confines of the privates lives of the members, but being committing to making it as a model towards delivering serviceoriented activities, i.e. building educational institutions. the islamic foundation of public service: cultural foundation of muhammadiyah work (public service) for muslims is considered as an act of worship. the qur’an says: o mankind worship your lord (allah), who created you and those who were before you so that you may acquire taqwa.., who has made the earth a resting place for you, and the sky as a canopy, and sent down water (rain) from the sky and brought forth therewith fruits as a provision for you. then do not set up rivals unto allah (in worship) while you know (that he alone has the right to be worshipped (qur'an, 2:21). honesty in public service. working is a (divine) trust and a responsibility for god. verily, allah commands that you should render back the trusts to those, to whom they are due; and that when you judge between men, you judge with justice. verily, how excellent is the teaching which he (allah) gives you! truly, allah is ever all-hearer, all-seer (qur’an 4:58) o you who believe! betray not allah and his messenger, nor betray knowingly your amanah (things entrusted to you) and know that your possessions and your children are but a trial and that surely, with allah is a mighty reward (qur’an 8:27). public service is a service to the society. help you one another in al-birr and at-taqwa, but do not help one another in sin and transgression. and have taqwa of allah. verily, allah is severe in punishment (qur’an 5:2). and public service is a righteous deed and an attainment of divine trust . generosity is public service. (charity is) for fuqara' (the poor), who in allah's cause are restricted (from travel), and cannot move about in the land (for trade or work). the one who knows them not, thinks that they are rich because of their modesty. you may know them by their mark, they do not beg of people at all. and whatever you spend in good, surely allah knows it well (qur’an 2:273). ethics in public service from the catholic church perspective the values of the catholic church are in a re-enforcing reciprocal relationship with the principles of the government. values are expressions of appreciation that are attributed to the aspects of moral good that the principles of the church foster (catholic charities usa, 2017). the fundamental values of the church are laid down in the compendium of the social doctrine of the church. the compendium of the social doctrine of the church states, “all social values are inherent in the dignity of the human person, whose authentic development they foster. essentially, these values are: truth, freedom, justice, love.” the existence of social values requires its believers to commit through moral attitudes and behaviors that uplift the fundamental values of the church. these values are universally complementing the values of the government as well as other religions, as well as the accepted values of moral beings. jurnal studi pemerintahan 319 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 320 thus, the values of the church are not only important but also influential, given that religious beliefs are main influencing factor in decisions made, policies formulated, and strategies chosen. in a perspective of public administration, values essential components in forming and shaping the behavior of public servants and ‘the weak application of values or promotion of inappropriate values can lead to reductions in these essential elements of democratic governance, as well as to ethical and decision-making dilemmas’ (maccarthaigh, 2008). hence, the values of the catholic church as a strong civil society organization (cso) are important in the discourse of ethics. the fundamental values of the catholic church are further discussed in the following sub-sections. 1. truth transparency and accountability are adhered and pursued by the church. the compendium of the social doctrine of the church states, “men and women have the specific duty to move always towards the truth, to respect it and bear responsible witness to it.” the catholic church, as a moral agency, upholds transparency in its conduct. in this light, the canon law on the catholic church requires the dioceses governed by the bishops to effectively and efficiently manage the human resources, and make available and monitor the financial resources of the church to further the mission of the catholic church in a manner that is transparent. 2. freedom the compendium of the social doctrine of the church highlighted the importance and inalienability of freedom as accordingly “it is a sign of the sublime dignity of every human.” the compendium of the social doctrine of the church (2004: 199) stated; “the value of freedom, as an expression of the singularity of each human person, is respected when every member of society is permitted to fulfill his personal vocation; to seek the truth and profess his religion, cultural, and political ideas; to pursue initiatives of an economic, social, or political nature. this must take place within a strong juridical framework, within the limits imposed by the common good and public order, and in every case, in a manner characterized by responsibility.” 3. justice the church emphasizes in its teachings the value of justice in everyday dealings and that justice is not a gift but a duty to be fulfilled. the compendium of the social doctrine of the church emphasized that the church’s social magisterium are calling upon the believers of faith to respect the classical forms of justice which are commutative, distributive, and legal justice. furthermore, it calls upon the performance of social justice as the general justice that has social, political, and economic aspects. the church view justice as more than just giving due to god what is due to god and to caesar what is due to caesar but it also describes ‘a translated behavior based on the will to recognize a person and it is also a decisive criteria of morality in the social sphere (compendium of the social doctrine of the church, 2004; 201). furthermore, in the holy scriptures, the people were reminded by the prophets that they have a responsibility to ensure that justice and mercy be lived by (leviticus 19:34). 4. love the church affirms that love is a primary values prevalent in the teachings of the church. the teachings of the former roman pontiff, pope benedict xvi is published in the book entitled, god is love. in the teachings of benedict xvi, it was emphasized that it is the christian’s program to have a heart that sees and that the love that the church of believers have go beyond the frontiers of the church as it is a universal value towards anyone in need of help, anyone needy whom people encounter. jurnal studi pemerintahan 321 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 322 the teachings of the church about love are beyond the defined love between two persons but one that is said to be ‘the highest and universal criterion of the whole social ethics’. the pivotal role of the value of love can best be realized theoretically in the teachings of jesus christ in the new testament, the beatitudes were proclaimed as the ultimate framework of how people should live, personally and communally. the beatitudes carry the two greatest commandments to every catholic believer; these commandments are commandments of love. firstly, is to love god with one’s entire being (soul, mind, heart) as stated in mark 12:31 and lastly, to love one’s neighbor like how he/she loves himself/herself stated in matthew 22:39. the framework that the beatitudes provide calls upon the believers to be ‘witnesses to the kingdom of god in its operations, policies, and action (catholic charities usa, 2007). furthermore, the compendium of the social doctrine of the church highlighted that love pave way to for freedom and justice to be born and to grow thus, love is a pivotal value. overall, there are four values that the catholic teachings are built upon and these values are moral virtues from where actions are assessed and behaviors are evaluated from. in addition to the values, the catholic church has a set of principles also published in the compendium of the social doctrine of the catholic church. as defined these principles are the heart of the catholic social teaching (compendium of the social doctrine of the catholic church, 2004). discussion tracing their common history as both abrahamic religions, islam and catholicism are two of the world’s religions adhered to by millions of people across the globe. as such, the moral values preached by both religions would lead us towards a common understanding of the social norms and ethical standards in the private sphere of the individuals, more so, in public service. below is a table showing the common values shared by both adherents of islamic and catholic faith relative to public service and administration. table 1. ethical value interpretation by muhammadiyah and catholic church jurnal studi pemerintahan 323 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 324 as shown in the matrix above, religion plays an important role in shaping the moral values of individuals, and organizations. the moral foundations of both islam and catholicism are influential social institutions in shaping organizational culture of its members. in the case of muhammadiyah, which is a religious-based social movement, it has earned reputable service institutions of sociallyresponsible and morally-grounded members following the islamic values of honesty, integrity, tolerance and compassion as a means to higher goal—that is worship through public service. indeed, the common teachings of islam and catholicism, in the context of public ethics service is one that is upholding the moral virtues of good governance, which is deontological in nature and consequential in effect. as a moral compass to guide human action, adherents of islam and catholicism are duty-bound to act in accordance to the fundamental pillars of the faith; values which are universal in nature namely, honesty, justice, integrity, compassion, mercy and love to humanity. needless to say, religion and politics are not separate in the domain of the islamic and catholic faiths, wherein the teachings of the qur’an and the bible, respectively are deemed considered by the community of believers in their public dealings and the society they live in. subsequently, the ethical virtues of doing what is right, in translating good action in public service is a cornerstone in organizational culture and human resource development, both are essential in improving public service delivery and administration. conclusion on the whole, this essay is a modest attempt to contribute to the literature of ethics in public service, in the context of muhammadiyah and catholic church as influential social institutions in shaping the organizational structure of the communities they live in. in the case of muhammadiyah, the establishment of various schools of high learning and healthcare facilities are important contributions in public service delivery, in line with ethical standards of islam and the sunnah of prophet muhammad (peace be upon him). jurnal studi pemerintahan 325 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 326 the high regard on moral service is attributed to the islamic foundation of ethical virtues of the organization as a social and cultural movement, aimed at establishing an islamic society, which respects cultural diversity, and enjoins social empowerment through education and scientific learning. references albert j. jonsen and lewis h. butler, ‘‘public ethics and policy making,’’ the hastings center report 5, no. 4 (1975): 19–31. albukhari 61:23, available from: https://sunnah.com/urn/611940, [accessed 01 december 2017]. alexis de tocqueville, democracy in america (new york: harper perennial, 1988), 287–301. aloysius. s, i., & vincent. i, n. 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"the church and politics in conflict resolution," a paper presented for discussion at the national workshop on conflict resolution on 12th march 1999, kampala, uganda. warner, lois m. 2017. ethics in public service, a. farazmand (ed.), global encyclopedia of public administration, public policy, and governance, springer international publishing ag, doi 10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3201-1. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" 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  jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 23 pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 awang darumurti jurusan ilmu pemerintahan universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: awang.darumurti@yahoo.co.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this article try to analysis strategy for reducing poverty in samigaluh municapy, kulonprogo region by using participatory poverty assessment (ppa) strategy. ppa known as strategy to reduce poverty by including poor people to find solution of their poverty problem. in other word, this strategy use bottom up method to reduce poverty. in samigaluh, poverty condition clearly seen as so many people live in near poor condition. this research use qualitative approach and data collect technic use interview and observation. from the research is gotten data that poor condition in samigaluh caused by economic aspect, uncapability, isolation condition. ppa strategy, which is including poor people in solution making, give result that we must do some activities. the activities are women empowernment, informal institution empowernment, increase education, training, and so on. keywords: strategy, reduce poverty, participatory poverty assessment abstrak tulisan ini membahas tentang strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo dengan metode participacy poverty assessment (ppa). ppa merupakan strategi pengentasan kemiskinan dengan melibatkan masyarakat miskin untuk mencari solusi atas kemiskinan yang mereka alami. dengan kata lain metode pengentasan kemiskinan ini bersifat bottom up. di kecamatan samigaluh kondisi kemiskinan tampak 24 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ jelas terlihat dengan banyaknya penduduk yang masih hidup dalam kategori keluarga pra sejahtera. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatis dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan interview dan observasi. dari hasil penelitian didapatkan data bahwa kemiskinan di sana disebabkan oleh beberapa aspek yakni aspek ekonomi, aspek kerentanan, aspek ketidakberdayaan, serta aspek keterisolasian. strategi ppa yang melibatkan rakyat miskin dalam pembuatan solusi pengentasan kemiskinan memberikan hasil bahwa untuk mengatasi kemiskinan di samigaluh maka ada beberapa langkah yang harus dilakukan, diantaranya adalah pemberdayaan perempuan, pemberdayaan institusi informal, peningkatan pendidikan, pelatihan, pelibatan masyarakat dalam pembangunan da lain sebagainya. kata kunci: strategi, pengentasan kemiskinan, participacy poverty assessment pendahuluan agar program penanggulangan kemiskinan menjadi efektif, maka suara si miskin harus dijadikan data utama dalam memutuskan program atau kebijakan. selain itu, perlu membentuk tim verifikasi yang melibatkan masyarakat lokal. mereka bertugas melihat perkembangan jumlah orang dan keluarga miskin di pemukiman tertentu (gapri, 26 maret 2008). dipilihnya kecamatan samigaluh di kabupaten kulonprogo di dasarkan atas berbagai pertimbangan diantaranya karena fakta yang dijelaskan berikut ini. fakta yang terjadi di sana adalah masih adanya ketimpangan pembangunan di kulonprogo, terutama di beberapa kecamatan yang menjadi sentral kemiskinan. tidak seperti daerah pesisir yang dinamis dengan aneka perbaikan infrastruktur dan pertumbuhan industri, pembangunan di perbukit an menoreh justru terkesan lambat. masyarakatnya nyaris kehilangan semangat untuk berjuang memperbaiki nasib dan penghidupan. metode ppa akan sangat membantu pemerintah daerah untuk mengidentifikasi siapa si miskin, apa penyebabnya, kemudian solusi untuk mengatasinya dengan berbasis informasi langsung dari rakyat miskin. dengan demikian akan terjadi sinergi antara rakyat miskin dan pemerintah daerah dalam menanggulangi kemiskinan. penelitian ini mempunyai beberapa manfaat yang akan memberikan banyak kontribusi positif bagi masyarakat dan juga pemerintah daerah setempat, diantaranya adalah: 1. data penelitian berupa siapa rakyat yang miskin di kecamatan samigaluh, penyebab mereka miskin, merupakan data akurat yang berguna untuk menentukan siapa saja dan memakai solusi apa saja untuk mengentaskan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. dengan pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 25 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ demikian pembangunan di kecamatan samigaluh akan tepat sasaran 2. solusi untuk pengentasan kemiskinan yang ditawarkan oleh peneliti memberikan kontribusi bagi stakeholder setempat dalam membuat kebijakan pengentasan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. 3. sinergi antara masyarakat dan pemerintah daerah akan tercipta, hal ini disebabkan karena metode ppa menyediakan ruang bagi rakyat untuk menyampaikan aspirasi mereka. komunikasi yang intensif antara rakyat dan pemerintah akan memudahkan kebijakan pembangunan di kecamatan samigaluh. kerangka teoritik 1. kemiskinan definisi tentang kemiskinan telah banyak diungkapkan dan menjadi bahan perdebatan. bahkan pendekatan kuantitatif untuk mendefinisikan kemiskinan telah diperdebatkan secara luas oleh beberapa peneliti yang mempunyai minat dalam masalah ini (jennings, 1994; pandji-indra, 2001). kemiskinan adalah suatu situasi atau kondisi yang dialami oleh seseorang atau kelompok orang yang tidak mampu menyelenggarakan hidupnya sampai suatu taraf yang dianggap manusiawi (parwoto, 2001). kondisi tersebut menyebabkan tidak terpenuhinya kebutuhan dasar atau asasi manusia seperti sandang, pangan, papan, afeksi, keamanan, identitas kultural, proteksi, kreasi, kebebasan, partisipasi, dan waktu luang (fernandez, 2000). tinjauan lain mengenai kemiskinan adalah garis kemiskinan (poverty line) dan ukuran kemiskinan (poverty measurement), yang merupakan indikator kuantitatif untuk menentukan individu atau kelompok masyarakat miskin. garis kemiskinan biasanya dihubungkan dengan standar hidup, yaitu jumlah uang yang dikeluarkan untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar. participatory poverty assessment mengidentifikasi bahwa kemiskinan juga ditekankan pada aspek-aspek lain seperti kerentanan, keterisolasian secara fisik dan sosial, kurangnya rasa aman dan harga diri, dan ketidakberdayaan (robb, 1999; pandji-indra, 2001). 2. participatory poverty assessment (ppa) melalui praktek ppa diharapkan suara rakyat miskin lebih kuat pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 26 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memandu terjadinya perubahan kebijakan, terutama kebijakan yang mempengaruhi lingkungan kehidupan mereka. dalam dokumen a rough to ppa, dijelaskan, sosialisasi dan perkembangan ppa mengikuti banyak dan ragam aksi promosi perubahan kebijakan yang didasarkan pada pendekatan partisipatori. ppa menyatakan pentingnya komitmen atas pentingnya pelibatan cara pandang rakyat miskin itu sendiri dalam analisis kemiskinan dan formulasi strategi penanggulangan kemiskinan (norton, 2001). dengan begitu pendekatan dan metode yang memperkuat partisipasi dan suara rakyat miskin dalam desain dan pelaksanaannya menjadi hal penting dalam pengembangan konsep dan praktek ppa. prinsip-prinsip yang mampu menegakkan hak dan martabat rakyat miskin harus ditegaskan. masalah etik juga harus diperhatikan dalam praktek ppa, terutama berkait dengan desain, pelaksanaan, pengaruh otoritas kelembagaan dan pengetahuan dalam proses pelaksanaanya (javlec, 2006) pelaksanaan ppa merupakan tahapan atau langkah penting dalam proses penyusunan strategi penanggulangan kemiskinan daerah. melalui ppa akan diidentifikasi prioritas masalah komunitas miskin. strategi mereka melangsungkan kehidupan, dan upaya untuk lepas dari kemiskinan (mc gee, 2001). atas dasar hasil ppa, kaji ulang kebijakan terhadap berbagai kebijakan yang tidak berpihak pada upaya pemenuhan hak rakyat miskin dapat dilaksanakan, dan dengan demikian formulasi strategi kebijakan yang dirumuskan akan lebih tegas dan fokus (komite penanggulangan kemiskinan, 2003). apabila satu pemerintah melalui kepemimpinan di eksekutif dan legislatif telah berkomitmen untuk membuat kebijakan sesuai dengan kebutuhan rakyat miskin, maka untuk itulah ppa akan didayagunakan. metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang mendalam tentang pentingnya pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai upaya untuk memformulasikan kebijakan penanggulangan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo. data penelitian didapat dari sumber utama yaitu masyarakat di kecamatan samigaluh yang diidentifikasikan sebagai rakyat miskin melalui metode fgd, semi structured group dan deep interview untuk pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 27 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memperoleh informasi siapa saja yang menderita kemiskinan, kesulitankesulitan yang mereka hadapi, penyebab kemiskinan, sekaligus untuk merancang solusi pengentasan kemiskinan berbasis ppa. pekerjaan analisis lebih pada upaya mengorganisasikan temuan, dan kemudian mengkonstruksikan temuan tersebut dalam bingkai obyek yang diteliti. dari analisis ini kemudian akan diperoleh kesimpulan makna yang ramah dengan obyek penelitian, dan bermanfaat bagi pembuatan rekomendasi penelitian yang bisa diterapkan di lapangan. ini juga mendukung metode ppa yang memang menempatkan rakyat/responden sebagai sumber informasi utama dengan tanpa intervensi dari peneliti. populasi penelitian adalah rakyat miskin di seluruh indonesia yang diwakili oleh rakyat miskin yang berada di kecamatan samigaluh kabupaten kulon progo. penentuan sampel dilakukan melalui purposive sampling. hasil dan analisis 1. gambaran umum kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh secara geografis kecamatan samigaluh, merupakan salah satu kecamatan paling utara di kabupaten kulonprogo, daerah istimewa yogyakarta. sebelah selatan berbatasan dengan kecamatan girimulyo dan kalibawang, sebelah timur berbatasan dengan kecamatan kalibawang, sebelah utara adalah kecamatan muntilan, kabupaten magelang, jawa tengah, sebelah barat adalah kecamatan kaligesing, kabupaten purworejo, jawa tengah. letak kecamatan samigaluh sangat strategis, karena berada di persimpangan lalu lintas perdagangan antara diy dan jawa tengah. di samping itu nantinya diharapkan mampu sebagai pusat perekonomian di wilayah kulonprogo bagian utara untuk mengimbangi bagian selatan kulonprogo yang segera akan dibangun pangkalan angkatan laut, dan bandar udara menggantikan adi sucipto. kecamatan samigaluh sendiri mempunyai 7 desa yakni desa kebonharjo, banjarsari, purwoharjo, sidoharjo, gerbosari, ngargosari, pagerharjo. sampel penelitian di tiga desa. ketiga desa tersebut adalah desa purwoharjo, desa sidoharjo dan desa gerbosari. eksplorasi dari ketiga desa ini bisa menjadi sampel bagi pengentasan kemiskinan yang terjadi di kecamatan samigaluh. data penggolongan status keluarga tertera dalam tabel berikut. pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 28 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tabel 1. data keluarga pra sejahtera, ks i, ks ii, ks iii, ks+ sumber: bps kabupaten kulonprogo, 2010 data hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat di kecamatan samigaluh memang masih banyak yang menghadapi masalah kemiskinan yang serius. faktor penyebab dan aspek-aspek yang menimbulkan kemiskinan begitu kompleks dan tidak hanya berasal dari satu atau dua aspek saja. jika dianalisa dari aspek penyebab kemiskinan, apakah aspek internal atau eksternal, maka dari hasil penelitian didapatkan data bahwa dua aspek, yakni internal dan eksternal memberi kontribusi terjadinya kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. penjelasan secara lebih mendalam dapat dilihat pada analisa berikut ini tema yang pertama, yakni tentang pemahaman masyarakat mengenai kemiskinan dapat dianalisasi bahwa kondisi masyarakat pada umumnya masih miskin, hal ini dapat dilihat dari tidak adanya lapangan pekerjaan selain bertani, buruh dan tukang kayu. keadaan daerah yang terisolasi ini juga didukung dengan tidak adanya akses informasi yang cukup. akses informasi biasanya didapat hanya dari menonton televisi karena memang hampir setiap rumah memiliki televisi dan motor, akan tetapi untuk informasi berkaitan dengan wilayah yogyakarta sendiri ini tidak ada. tema kedua tentang sebab mereka bisa miskin didapatkan analisa bahwa keadaan para pemudanya yang kurang ulet membangun desa mereka sendiri dapat menyebabkan munculnya kemiskinan kultural. dimana kondisi seperti ini akan terus berlangsung sampai pada generasi berikutnya. kondisi perumahan masyarakat juga tidak bisa dianggap layak berdasarkan standar rumah layak huni. hal ini dikarenakan pada umumnya rumah-rumah di tiga desa (gerbosari, sidoharjo dan purwoharjo) sudah terbuat dari tembok, akan tetapi lantainya masih terbuat dari tanah, juga tidak adanya ventilasi yang bagus sebagai tempat keluar masuknya udara. pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 29 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tema ketiga didapatkan hasil bahwa tingkat pendidikan rata-rata yang diperoleh masyarakat hanya sampai pada tingkat sekolah lanjuan tingkat akhir, itupun paling banyak terdapat di desa gerbosari, karena secara geografis letak desa gerbosari paling dekat dengan kecamatan dan dapat dianggap lebih maju dalam berbagai bidang dari desa-desa lainnya. sedangkan untuk desa sidoharjo dan purwoharjo tingkat pendidikan rata-ratanya hanya sampai pada tingkatan sekolah menengah pertama. tema keempat adalah kemiskinan di desa, didapatkan data bahwa isuisu yang terkait dengan kemiskinan semuanya masuk menjadi faktor yang menyebabkan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. dari isu mengenai informasi misalnya, diketahui dari interview dan observasi langsung ke desa-desa di samigaluh bahwa informasi mengenai berbagai hal yang terkait dengan kemiskinan. akses informasi sangat sulit didapatkan oleh warga di kecamatan samigaluh. aspek potensi sumber daya alam, ada beberapa komoditas yang bisa dikembangkan oleh penduduk setempat, terutama cengkeh dan vanila serta beberapa hasil hutan serta pertanian. satu kelemahan yang terjadi di samigaluh adalah diversivikasi pangan dan peningkatan nilai jual sumberdaya alam belum dikembangkan secara maksimal. kondisi infrastruktur kesehatan di kecamatan samigaluh relatif masih minim. satu lagi persoalan yang dihadapi oleh penduduk setempat adalah persoalan untuk mendapatkan asuransi kesehataan untuk masyarakat miskin. masuk pada analisa tema keenam tentang kondisi insfratruktur, layanan sosial dan tingkat keterisolasian desa, maka dari hasil penelitian didapatkan data bahwa untuk insfratruktur jalan kondisi jalan desa di kecamatan samigaluh masih banyak yang memprihatinkan. jalan masih berbatu dan belum diaspal dengan lebar jalan yang sangat sempit hanya cukup untuk sepeda motor, sehingga mobil tidak akan leluasa untuk bisa masuk ke semua area di desa-desa di kecamatan samigaluh. dari analisa hasil penelitian itu, didapatkan sebuah analisa baru mengenai aspek yang menyebabkan terjadinya kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. berdasarkan metode ppa didapatkan data bahwa aspek ekonomi, aspek kerentanan, aspek keterisolasian, aspek ketidakberdayaan adalah aspekaspek yang memberikan kontribusi terjadinya kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 30 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh dari data identifikasi kemiskinan menggunakan metode ppa didapatkan informasi bahwa aspek penyebab kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh dikarenakan empat hal, yakni aspek ekonomi, aspek kerentanan, aspek keterisolasian, dan aspek ketidakberdayaan. oleh karena itu, strategi pengentasan kemiskinan difokuskan pada penanganan kemiskinan berdasarkan empat aspek tersebut sesuai dengan persoalan yang dihadapi oleh penduduk di kecamatan itu. a. strategi pengentasan kemiskinan karena aspek ekonomi sebenarnya banyak sekali contoh program pengentasan kemiskinan yang dinilai berhasil mengurangi jumlah penduduk miskin jika dilihat dari aspek ekonomi. salah satu contoh sukses pengentasan kemiskinan yang diakui oleh dunia adalah keberhasilan china dalam menurunkan jumlah penduduk miskin secara signifikan di tahun 2010 ini. seperti apa program pemberantasan kemiskinan china? tidak ada yang terlalu istimewa karena program seperti itu juga terdapat di sejumlah negara. misalnya, china mencanangkan pemberdayaan wanita, perbaikan sarana pedesaan, pengadaan air bersih, dan pembangunan infrastruktur hingga ke pedesaan. itu semua ditemukan di banyak negara, termasuk indonesia (kompas, 21 sptember 2010). pengentasan kemikinan dalam konteks nasional tersebut dapat diadopsi ke level yang lebih bawah termasuk pengentasan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh kulon progo. program pengentasan kemiskinan di china yang dapat diadopsi di kecamatan samigaluh terkait dengan aspek ekonomi adalah masalah pemberdayaan wanita. nampak jelas dari data identifikasi kemiskinan di samigaluh, didapatkan informasi bahwa tidak ada pemberdayaan wanita yang optimal di kecamatan bagian utara di kulonprogo itu. padahal pemberdayaan perempuan merupakan salah satu strategi yang cukup efektif untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat yang pada akhirnya akan mengurangi jumlah penduduk yang miskin. fenomena yang terjadi di samigaluh menunjukkan bahwa perempuan hanya menjadi penunggu rumah yang hanya mengurus anak dan menunggu rumah. padahal jika perempuan di samigaluh dapat diberdayakan, maka potensi ekonomi yang didapatkan akan lebih besar. banyak sekali sumber daya alam yang bisa dikomoditaskan di kecamatan pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 31 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ samigaluh ini. komoditas ketela merupakan salah satu potensi yang bisa dikembangkan dan dikerjakan oleh perempuan untuk dijadikan komoditas ekonomi layak jual. berbagai sumber makanan dapat diolah dari bahan utama ketela, tentu dengan modifikasi tertentu sehingga dapat meningkatkan nilai jualnya. untuk itulah perempuan disana perlu mendapatkan pelatihan tentang bagaimana mengolah ketela menjadi bahan makanan yang bernilai jual tinggi. stakeholder yang bisa berperan dalam hal ini adalah beberapa dinas yang terkait dengan masalah pemberdayaan ekonomi. metode yang dipakai bisa memanfaatkan momentum berkumpulnya para perempuan jika mereka sedang mengadakan kegiatan rutin, diantaranya pelaksanaan kegiatan pkk. perempuan di samigaluh bisa dibagi menjadi beberapa kelompok kerja untuk mengolah bahan ketela yang banyak ditemukan disana untuk kemudian diolah menjadi makanan siap saji. jika pemberdayaan perempuan dapat dilakukan di samigaluh, maka potensi sumber daya alam disana dapat dioptimalkan untuk dijadikan komoditas ekonomi. selain melakukan pemberdayaan terhadap masyarakat di samigaluh, terutama perempuan, untuk mengangkat perekonomian di samigaluh, maka pemerintah harus melakukan pembangunan ekonomi secara merata di kulonprogo, utamanya di kecamatan ini. keberhasilan pemerintah dalam melakukan pembangunan salah satu indikatornya adalah semakin turunnya tingkat kemiskinan. dengan demikian pemerintah wajib melakukan pemberantasan kemiskinan untuk menunjukkan keseriusan meraka dalam pembangunan. selain itu program pengentasan kemiskinan juga tak mungkin berjalan tanpa adanya tata-kelola pemerintahan yang baik (good governance), sebagai dasar bagi terlaksananya pembangunan berkelanjutan di manapun, termasuk dan terutama di indonesia, yang diantaranya ditandai oleh berjalannya: sistem pemerintahan yang demokratis, transparan dan bertanggung gugat kepada publik; kebijakan ekonomi, sosial dan lingkungan yang dirancang dan dilaksanakan secara terpadu dan partisipatif; lembaga-lembaga demokratis yang tanggap (responsif) terhadap aspirasi dan kebutuhan masyarakat; peraturan hukum dan perundang-undangan yang ditaati dan dilaksanakan secara konsisten dan adil; upaya pemberantasan korupsi yang dilaksanakan secara tegas pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 32 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tanpa pandang bulu; pengakuan dan perlindungan terhadap hak-hak asasi manusia serta hak-hak dan kepentingan masyarakat adat dan kelompok masyarakat rentan. upaya serius pemerintah (terutama pemkab kulonprogo) sangat mempengaruhi berhasil atau tidaknya pembangunan ekonomi di samigaluh. jika pemkab kulon progo serius mengurangi jumlah kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh, maka paling tidak dari aspek ekonomi yang merupakan salah satu penyebab kemiskinan disana dapat dikurangi. pendapatan masyarakat akan lebih terjamin jika pembangunan ekonomi dapat dilakukan dengan baik oleh pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo. b. strategi pengentasan kemiskinan karena aspek kerentanan aspek kerentanan dapat dipahami menjadi aspek pendukung bagi kemiskinan di samigaluh mengingat secara umum masyarakat di sana tidak mempunyai kapasitas yang mencukupi untuk bisa bertahan dari goncangan ekonomi ataupun berbagai kegagalan panen akibat bencana alam. dengan pendidikan yang relatif rendah, bisa dipastikan bahwa masyarakat di kecamatan itu cenderung untuk melakukan kegiatan yang pola-polanya tiu saja, tanpa memperhatikan dan memprediksi kondisi alam. dengan kondisi inilah, maka banyak sekali kegagalan panen sumberdaya alam disana yang berakibat pada kurangnya sumber pendapatan. untuk bisa mengatasi persoalan kerentanan ini, solusi yang diberikan harus melibatkan banyak sekali pihak terkait, baik dari level atas (negara) dan masyarakat itu sendiri. salah satu solusi yang diberikan untuk mengatasi masalah kerentanan adalah peningkatan kapasitas penduduk samigaluh dengan ketrampilan yang tidak tergantung dengan alam hasilhasilnya, atau bisa juga dengan peningkatan pendidikan masyarakat setempat dengan harapan bahwa generasi yang akan datang di samigaluh tidak akan mempunyai tingkat pendidikan yang rendah. negara atau pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo perlu memiliki sistem pengembangan keterampilan yang sejak usia dini memerhatikan nutrisi, stimulasi, dan keterampilan kognitif dasar. sistem yang memastikan semua sekolah memiliki standar jelas, guru berkualitas, sumber daya memadai, pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 33 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan berorientasi pada prestasi. sistem yang membentuk keterampilan sesuai kebutuhan modern dengan menekankan pendidikan tinggi dan pelatihan di tempat kerja. sistem yang mendorong kewirausahaan dan inovasi (kompas. 2 september 2010). dengan demikian warga di samigaluh bisa bertahan jika terjadi goncangan ekonomi ataupun kegagalan panen akibat bencana alam. pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo juga perlu memperbaiki iklim investasi dengan membentuk peraturan yang lebih jelas, mempermudah jalannya usaha, serta menyediakan pendanaan untuk ukm, baik untuk investasi swasta maupun untuk masyarakat miskin. pemkab kulonprogo juga perlu menciptakan tata kelola pemerintahan yang lebih baik dan bebas korupsi. bersama mitra-mitra pembangunannya, pemerintah perlu bergerak cepat menciptakan kesempatan lebih luas, termasuk bagi anak gadis dan perempuan, karena perekonomian tidak akan maju berhasil apabila mereka didiskriminasikan. jika ini bisa diwujudkan, maka ketrampilan usaha yang telah dimiliki oleh warga samigaluh dapat bertahan terus karena telah mendapat jaminan dari pemerintah. kondisi seperti inilah yang perlu diperhatikan oleh pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo ataupun pemerintah kecamatan samigaluh untuk bisa membuat program yang tidak mengurangi luasan sumber daya yang dimiliki oleh penduduk setempat. jika dilihat dalam tabel, maka inti permasalahan kesmiskinan di samigaluh dari aspek kerentanan dapat dilihat dalam tabel berikut ini: tabel 2. peta masalah di samigaluh sumber: data primer, 2010 persoalan itulah yang sering dihadapi oleh penduduk di samigaluh akibat dari aspek kerentanan. berbagai solusi yang telah ditampilkan diatas, perlu untuk segera dilakukan oleh warga setempat dengan bantuan dari pemerintah desa dan kecamatan. pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 34 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ c. strategi pengentasan kemiskinan karena aspek keterisolasian dari aspek keterisolaisian dapat dianalisis bahwa penduduk setempat mengalami keterisoalsian fisik dan psikologis. keterisolasian fisik terutama karena insfratruktur di sana masih sangat minim. ini juga yang menjadi persoalan bagi pemerintah seperti yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya. pembangunan insfratruktur, terutama jalan, merupakan persolan yang dihadapi oleh penduduk di kecamatan samigaluh. distribusi sumberdaya ekonomi menjadi tidak lancar jika insfratruktur jalan tidak baik. demikian juga dengan relasi sosial yang kurang erat, jika untuk bertemu harus melalui jalan yang sangat buruk. untuk itulah komitmen penting dari pemerintah, terutama pemkab kulonprogo dan pemerintah kecamatan samigaluh menjadi sangat penting. komitmen keuangan adalah kata kunci yang harus diupayakan oleh stakeholder setempat jika ingin mengurangi persolaan akibat aspek keterisolasian fisik ini. apbd kabupaten kulonprogo harus mulai dirancang dengan prioritas penanganan insfratruktur bagi daerah tertinggal, terutama di samigaluh yang merupakan kecamatan dengan tingkat kemiskinan paling tinggi di kulonprogo. porsi apbd yang tidak terlalu signifikan, misalnya untuk fasilitas pejabat ataupun belanja barang sekunder bagi pemerintah dapat dikurangi alokasi anggarannya dan dialihkan kepada penanganan masalah keterisoalisan di kecamatan samigaluh. pendidikan merupakan elemen utama agar masyarakat disana bisa terlibat dalam penyusunan kebijakan pengentasan kemiskinan. sangat mungkin kondisi tidak dilibatkannya warga dalam pengambilan solusi kemiskinan dikarenakan masyarakat tidak mempunyai kemampuan yang baik untuk mencari sebuah solusi yang diakibatkan karena kemampuan warga yang kurang. kemampuan yang kurang ini sangat mungkin adalah bukti tidak baiknya pendidikan yang diterima oleh warga di sana. dengan demikian program pendidikan untuk semua mutlak untuk segera dilakukan. program yang disusun untuk mengatasi persolan keterisolaisan fisik dan psikologis ini pada akhirnya akan mengurangi persolan kemiskinan di kecamatan samigaluh. dengan adanya pembangunan jalan dan insfratruktur di samigaluh, maka kegiatan perekonomian akan berjalan pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 35 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan lebih mudah dan lancar. demikian juga dengan peningkatan pendidikan yang akan berakibat pada lebih besarnya peluang untuk mendapatkan pekerjaan bagi penduduk setempat. jika hal itu bisa dilakukan maka persolan kemiskinan dari aspek keterisolasian ini bisa diatasi. d. strategi pengentasan kemiskinan karena aspek ketidakberdayaan kebijakan pemerintah yang pro kapitalis membuat rakyat di level bawah menjadi tidak berdaya, karena setiap kebijakan yang dibuat selalu untuk dipaksakan dalam implementasinya tanpa banyak menganalisa apakah sudah tepat sasaran untuk masyarakat di daerah tersebut. disisi yang lain, masyarakat cenderung untuk tidak dilibatkan dalam setiap pengambilan keputusan terkait dengan nasib mereka. ini juga yang terjadi di samigaluh, dengan adanya fakta bahwa masyarakat disana tidak banyak dilibhatkan dalam setiap kali pembuatan keputusan di tingkat kelurahan ataupun kecamatan. ketidakberdayaan seperti inilah yang membuat rakyat tidak bisa menyuarakan aspirasi mereka terkait dengan kondisi kemiskinan yang mereka hadapi. suara rakyat miskin menjadi tidak berarti jika setiap kebijakan yang dibuat tidak melibatkan meraka dalam mencari solusi, padahal yang tahu dengan baik persoalan yang dihadapi tentu saja adalah penduduk miskin yang memang mengalami kondisi yang menyakitkan itu. karena seringkali tidak melibatkan rakyat miskin dalam setiap pengambilan keputusan, maka seringkali kebijakan yang sudah dibuat oleh pemerintah menjadi gagal. faktor lain berkaitan dengan kelemahan organisai pelaksana seperti pemerintah kecamatan dan pemerintah kelurahan atau desa. oleh karena itu, diperlukan strategi baru untuk mengentaskan kemiskinan yang menggunakan potensi sosial lokal untuk membantu orang miskin terbebas dari kemiskinannya. strategi yang dikembangkan termasuk dalam community based development dengan menggunakan potensi lokal setempat. dengan strategi ini, aspek ketidakberdayaan menjadi hilang karena praktis rakyat (miskin) dilibatkan dalam setiap langkah penyelesaian persolan kemiskinan. model strategi pengentasan kemiskinan berbasis institusi lokal yang akan diujicobakan pada tingkat kelurahan meliputi hal-hal seperti pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 36 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berikut ini: pertama, dari aspek konsep bahwa pengentasan kemiskinan berbasis institusi lokal diartikan program yang bertumpu kepada kekuatan komunitas lokal tempatan dengan mengandalkan organiasi sosial yang telah ada. tujuannya agar komunitas lokal dan tokoh masyarakat pelaku aktif pengentasan kemiskinan. orang miskin sebagai pelaku utama dan pihak lain sebagai mitra. partisipasi diperlukan mulai dari tahap persiapan, perencanaan, pelaksanaan, monitoring dan pemeliharaan. kedua, dari aspek prinsip bahwa organisasi sosial dan tokoh masyarakat harus aktif dan proaktif dalam pengentasan kemiskinan yang disusun sesuai potensi dan aspirasi masyarakat. diperlukan badan atau organisasi sosial yang bertugas mengkoordinasikan upaya pengentasan kemiskinan. diperlukan pendampingan yang menguasai tentang strategi dan teknik penanggulangan kemiskinan. program bersifat pemberdayaan komunitas. ketiga, dari aspek sasaran bahwa komunitas kelurahan dengan angka kemiskinan tinggi melalui lembaga-lembaga dan rumah tangga miskin. meningkatkan peran kelurahan yang mempunyai program anti kemiskinan berdasarkan potensi dan aspirasi lokal. di lokasi dibentuk organisasi dengan sebutan panitia penanggulangan kemiskinan kelurahan.1 kesimpulan secara umum untuk mengatasi kemikinan di samigaluh yang terjadi karena aspek ekonomi, kerentanan, keterisolasian dan ketidakberdayaan dapat dilakukan dengan berbagai solusi seperti yang telah dibahas pada bab strategi pengentasan kemiskinan. namun ada beberapa hal yang perlu dilakukan oleh pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo dan juga pemerintah kecamatan samigaluh untuk segera melakukan berbagi upaya terkait dengan strategi penanggulangan kemiskinan di sana. berbagai langkah tersebut diantaranya adalah perluasan kesempatan, pemberdayaan, peningkatan kapasitas, perlindungan sosial, penataan kemitraan. sekali lagi komitmen pemerintah kabupaten kulonprogo dan kecamatan samigaluh merupakan kata kunci penting untuk memulai semua program yang telah ditawarkan agar kondisi kemiskinan dapat diatasi. pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 37 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (footnotes) 1 diadaptasi dari makalah (anonim) program pengentasan kemiskinan di sumatra barat berbasis penguatan institusi lokal di tingkat kelurahan daftar pustaka djohar, i. 1999. analisis pertumbuhan ekonomi dan distribusi pendapatan masyarakat kotamadya batam dengan pendekatan model sistem neraca sosial ekonomi (snse), tesis magister sains. program pascasarjana, institut pertanian bogor, bogor firman, ahmad, dan linda herlinda. 2008. analisa kemiskinan dan ketimpangan pendapatan pada peternak sapi perah. fakultas peternakan universitas padjajaran, bandung haeruman, herman j.s. 1997. strategi, kebijakan dan program pembangunan masyarakat desa: kearah integrasi perekonomian kota-desa, seminar nasional pengembangan perekonomian perdesaan indonesia, jurusan ilmu-ilmu sosial ekonomi pertanian, fakultas pertanian, institut pertanian bogor, bogor javlec. 2006. “suara si miskin”. modul pelatihan ppa, yogyakarta panji, indra. 1997. an analysis towards urban poverty alleviation program in indonesia, philosophy doctor dissertation. faculty of the school policy, planning, and development. university of southern california, california. par woto.2001. makalah penanggulangan kemiskinan (unpublished), departemen permukiman dan pembangunan sarana wilayah, jakarta pattiro.2008. penanggulangan kemiskinan daerah, makalah, magelang rusli, s., h. siregar, dan y. saukat.1996. pembangunan dan fenomena kemiskinan kasus profil propinsi riau, pt. gramedia widiasarana indonesia, jakarta suparlan, parsudi.2000. kemiskinan perkotaan dan alternatif penanganannya, ditujukkan dalam seminar forum perkotaan, departemen permukiman dan prasarana wilayah, jakarta sumodiningrat, gunawan.1998. jps dan pemberdayaan, gramedia, jakarta pelembagaan participatory poverty assessment sebagai strategi pengentasan kemiskinan di samigaluh kabupaten kulonprogo / awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0003 layout desember 2008 424 competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 sungeun park department of public administration korea university, korea. email: miracle2519@hanmail.net ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract in spite of the government’s multilateral effort to control food safety, there have been constantly many shock events threatening citizens’ health. this paper points out the matter of food safety management system with a view of competition for jurisdiction over food industry among the ministry of health and welfare and the ministry for food, agriculture, forestry and fisheries and affiliated organizations. use description qualitative method in research. each ministry has separate basic positions and approaches to food industry policy: regulation and promotion.the policy image has been changed into “regulation” as public anxiety and concern for hazardous foods has grown since the end of 1990. they competeto take charge of promoting or regulating the food industry by establishing or amending laws, expanding organizations and mobilizing a coalition.coordination by policy committee, cooperation between agencies, and integration of agencies were introduced as measures to eliminate unnecessary competition for jurisdiction. keywords: competition, jurisdiction, food policy abstrak meskipun kerjasama multilateral antar pemerintah untuk mengontrol ketahanan pangan sudah dilakukan, masih saja terjadi beberapa kejadian yang mengancam kesehatan masyarakat. artikel ini memfokuskan pada kajian sistem manajemen ketahanan pangan dengan tinjauan kompetisi yuridiksi diantara kementerian pangan, pertanian, kehutanan dan perikanan dengan lembaga lembaga terkait. penelitian ini menggunakan pedekatan deskripsi kualitatif. setiap kementrian telah memisahkan dan melakukan pendekatan 425 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kebijakan industry pangan : regulasi dan promosi. kebijakan pencitraan menjadi sebuah “regulasi” untuk mengatasi permasalahan pangan yang menjadi perhatian masyarakat sejak tahun 1990. mereke berkompetisi untuk mengeluarkan regulasi tentang industry pangan dengan mengeluarkan beberapa aturan hukum. koordinasi menggunakan komite kebijakan, kerjasama diantara agen, dan integrasi agen telah diperkenalkan sebagai alat untuk mengeliminasi kompetisi yuridiksi yang tidak penting. kata kunci: kompetisi, yurisdiksi, kebijakan pangan. introduction food safety problems are directly connected to people’s lives.the government should take the responsibility to protect the health of its people from threat of food. in korea, in spite of the government’s multilateral effort to manage food safety, there have been constantly many shock events threatening citizens’ health such as ‘garbage mandu’, ‘kimchi with parasites’ eggs’, ‘snack with rat head’ and ‘melamin in snacks’. whenever these menacing events occur, there is criticism of the government’s food safety management system. why does not the food safety management system of korea work properly?what are the problems within the existing system, and how can we take care of them? this paper basically focuses on the competition causing policy confusion among organizations. and this paper aims to analyze the competition for jurisdiction over food industry policy among some related ministries and agencies, especially the ministry of health and welfare (mw), the ministry for food, agriculture, forestry and fisheries (mifaff) and affiliated organizations. to investigate the specific aspects and solutions of the competition among them in the area of food industry, this article uses qualitative research on this competition case. the first section of this articleshows review of the existing literature in the field of competition or conflictstudy. the second section identifiesthe setting triggering the competition among ministries and agencies and the aspects of the competition for jurisdiction by analyzing changes of related laws, organizations and support base. the third section elaborates effects of the competition and solutions to ease unnecessary competition. theoritical framework competition has some similaritiesto conflict in concept and reality. to distinguishing sharply between competition and conflict is a difficult competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 426 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ work and the two terms are often used synonymously or interchangeably. some scholars in this field tried to clarify the definitions of them. deutch (1973) implies that although competition produces conflict, not all instances of conflict reflect competition. fink (1968; 454) describes the difference as one of parallel striving (competition) versus mutual interference (conflict) among parties trying to reach a position. and schmidt & kochan (1972) present a behavioral conceptualization of the process of conflict by distinguishing conflict from competition. theyconsiderperception of goal incompatibility as a precondition for either conflict or competition. but two terms can be differentiated in the realm of interference, or blocking activities. when the units are striving respectively to attain incompatible goals in the process of competition, there is no interference with one another’s attainment. based on studies on conceptualization, this paper defines competition as “behavior or conditions which do not include interfere, or blocking activities when striving to reach the position which cannot be occupied simultaneously”. however, there is a need for research of competition among organizations to review the existing literatures about conflict which has a strong similarity to competition in a conceptual and phenomenal characteristic. therefore, this study examines both competition and conflict study as much as not breaking the definition as previously stated. result and analysis this study focuses on inter-organizational competition of the types classified according to the level of actors and inter-governmental organizational competition of the types classified according to the characteristics of actors. most research on competition among government departments or agenciesreflect onthe causes, aspects, and solution of the competition. the following parts would contain causes and solutions of competition among governmental organizations previous studies suggested. 1. causes of competition among governmental organizations first, overlapping jurisdiction resulting from a blurry boundary between departments is one of the main causes inducing competition among government organizations. as march & simon (1958) stated, joint decicompetition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 427 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sion making may bring about organizational conflict and some departments exercising jurisdiction over the same domain in the process of policy formation and implementation may produce conflict. the unit winning a competition for jurisdiction can expand the size, budget and manpower resource of the organization (kim & shin, 1991), and get autonomy which is essential to mobilize resources and ensure policy coherence (wilson, 1989). although a policy is a part of the domain which are recognized as the jurisdiction of other ministries by law or customary practice, a ministry exercises influence over the policy through frequently and strongly expressing its own opinion or occasionally securing various political resources (you & yun, 2006). second, policy orientation and policy priority of each department can be a cause of competition. it is natural that every department has separate political positions and views, because each of them pursues different goals and has different customers.the conflict resulting from contradictory policy orientation and priority is often generated in the environmental policy domain. when a ministry tries to work on developmental projects which may destruct environment, a clash of conflicting opinion among related ministries is inevitable.according to kim & shin (1991), a conflict over which alternative is the best one to resolve a given policy issue may occur and it is a difference in strategies rather than goals. third, various laws, guidelines, ambiguity and imperfection of procedures can also raise a competition among organizations. a policy making process in government involves too complex communications to apply right rules, and most rules are vague and fluid, and thus organizations will experience confusion in applying rules. in addition to this, the following factors may also cause a competition: one is communication disorder according to professionalization of policy issues (park, 2000; you & yun, 2006),the other is evasion of responsibility for duties which include some characteristics: troublesome work, low-benefits, a heavy responsibility. the case investigated in this paper is about competition for jurisdiction over food industry between ministry of health and welfare (mhw) and ministry for food, agriculture, forestry and fisheries (mfaff) which have separate policy orientation. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 428 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. competitive strategies of governmental organizations most empirical research on competition and conflict between governmental organizations focuses on various response strategies employed. according to ju & hong (2001), strategic response activities of governmental organizations in a conflict may vary depending on the structure of policy participation. from this study, a conflict between governmental organizations which do not involve other actors has a simple structure of policy participation. to put it concretely, each organization in a conflict tries to enact a law which gives advantages to it and goes through a legal process, and seeks to change its own organization. kim (2000) divides aspects of the inter-ministration competition in government public key infrastructureinto competition in institution, agency, and coordination function. you & yun (2006) classify strategies of the conflict on e-government policy to capture an advantageous position into expanding organizations & functions, establishing or reforming laws and winning political support. similarly, kim et al (2007) approaches to the competition in the content industry of korea from the viewpoint of laws competition, organizations competition and programs competition. in addition, through analyzing the promotional and regulatory functions for the content industry, the aspects of the competition are presented systematically and comprehensively. jeong (2003) conducted research on the policy conflict in environmental policy within the central government, and in this study various strategies employed by the ministry for agriculture and forestry and the ministry of environment are suggested. these strategies are as follows. first, “justification” means that a ministry tries to carry its position and interest to other ministries and the administrative executive. second, “acquisition of support” means that a ministry explains policy intention and a basic position and appeals cooperation and support to an assembly and parties. third, “spread of support” means that a ministry acquires broad support and interest from client groups or interest groups and press and thus enhances its positions and status. on the basis of previous studies, this paper examines the competition for jurisdiction over food industry of korea in terms of establishing or amending laws, expanding organizations, and mobilizing a coalition. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 429 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. resolutions of competition among governmental organizations kim & shin (1991) suggest negotiation between actors, committee between ministers for policy coordination, and opening conflict to the public as resolutions of conflict between governmental organizations. park (2000) approaches policy coordination of ministries of koreain the view of formal coordination mechanism. because the existing formal coordination mechanisms have trouble in coordination of similar and redundancy functions, some measures are provided to remedy shortcomings caused by existing mechanisms for coordination. concretely, introducing junior minister, reducing departments, operation a temporary coordinating committee, and evaluation for policy coordination are stated. empirical studies in specific policy domains provide more concrete and practical ways to solutions. these solutions can be divided largely into inter-agency cooperation, coordination through high level, integration of functions performed by related departments. first of all kim (2000) insists co-preparing resources, conducting personnel exchanges and sharing information as solutions of the inter-ministration competition in government public key infrastructure from the viewpoint of resources, planning, implementation, and communication raised by jennings (1994). you & yun (2006) present some solutions to deal with the conflict in e-government policy. in the case of minimizing possibility of an occurrence of the conflict, the measures of improving driving systems and re-setting role sharing are needed, and in the case of solution of conflict, vertical and horizontal coordination mechanism need to be strengthened. kim et al (2007) focuses on integration of functions carried out by related departments to control negative effects of competition in the content industry of korea. specifically, they recommend that cooperation and coordination have not worked well and a government organizational redesign of the content industry is suggested for the presidential administration to be inaugurated february, 2008. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 430 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure1. competition over jurisdiction among organizations research methods this research use literature review as method to make analysis more depth. literature review needed because of an scientific analysis need an argumentation which is include a proove answer in analysis. this research use more than literarature, so that a proove answer can be made because it is prooved by more than one scientific literarure. result and analysis 1. the change of the policy image of food industry: from “promotion” to “regulation” as the agricultural market liberalization according to uruguay round negotiations in 1994 is realized, a variety of ways to protect and cultivate domestic farmers are sought. first of all the government provided the institutional foundation aimed at improving farm income to permit farmers and fishermen to enter the food industry. it is to stabilize domestic agricultural production base against the opening and changes in market conditions and to improve income of farmers and international competitiveness of agricultural products through facilitatingthe participation of farmers in the food processing industry. specifically, this measure includes contents such as funding for the agricultural products processor, encouraging research and development of traditional foods and traditional food industry, and introducing quality certification system for traditional foods and specialties. meanwhile, after the united states’ success of recombinant dna experiments in 1973, genetic manipulations were used for competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 431 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ food production in earnest in 1990s. concerns about the hazards of a new food through genetic manipulation (gmo: genetically modified organism) began to appear in the late 1990s. the eu obligated the gmo labeling system on gm crops in 1997, while the u.s. opposed the gmo labeling system by reason of cost of growers and food companies. there are much controversy about the risks of gmo and opposing views around gmo labeling in korea which imports more agricultural products from the u.s. the ministry for agriculture amended a law supposed to implement the gmo labeling in 1993, but finding target items is so difficult as a matter of technology and the cost, and thus execution of the system had been postponed. however, as the survey result that 18 products of 22 species are containing gm crops in circulation performed by the korea consumer protection board was exposed in november 1999, the demand for gmo labeling was strongly raised. in the wake of scandal, the ‘genetically modified tofu’, the korea food and drug administration(kfda) determined the execution of the gmo labeling in late 2000 and thus consumers was able to know about whether the agricultural products they purchased are produced in accordance with genetically modified process. since 2004, as many shock events causing controversy occurred consistently, the debates on food safety were expanded. the scandals of ‘garbage mandu’ in june 2004, ‘kimchi with parasites eggs’ in november 2005, importation of cattle suspected of mad cow disease in 2008, ‘snack with rat head’ in october same year and ‘melamin in snacks’ in september same year occurred in a row, and the voices in criticism of the domestic food safety management system are raised. these circumstances developedmore actively competition for jurisdiction the ministry of health and welfare(mhw), kfda and the ministry for agriculture(ma) which have a legal system able to intervene in food safety policy. 2. strategies : law, organization and coalition a. establishing or amending laws the competition over jurisdiction of food security policy between the ma and mhw appears most clearly through the process of establishing or amending laws. in this study, key laws related to competition for juriscompetition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 432 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diction of both agencies are selected as follows: ‘agricultural and marine products processing industry promotion and quality control act’, ‘agricultural and marine products quality control act’, ‘food industry promotion act’, and ‘nutrition education act’ in the ma and ‘food sanitation act’, ‘framework act on food safety’, and ‘special act on food safety for children’in the mhw. the ma provided the institutional foundation aimed at facilitating farmers and fishermen to enter the food industry through enacting the ‘agricultural and marine products processing industry promotion and quality control act’ according to concerning the damage to the farmers and fishermen after ur negotiations. this act, the first one regulating misrepresentation of rice production, resolves the problems according to the lack of criteria for agricultural management. it made the mh manage the food made from agricultural products and is the law on which the mh is able to assert jurisdiction based. along with the well-being trend, the act amendments in 1996 set quality standards of organic agricultural production which secures safe agricultural production to prohibit abusing the title of organic agricultural products. this newly renovated legislation can be seen to make the ma secure jurisdiction over organic agricultural products, regulates farmers considered as client groups of the ma, and guarantees consumers’ right to know. the ma which obtained the right to manage the agricultural, marine food sector came to expand jurisdiction over livestock in 1997. the korea dairy and beef farmers association made the petition, ‘treatment of livestock hygiene reform bill’, which requires transfer of the livestock management control exercised by the mwh. resulting from the passage of this law, the right of the administrative supervision and manufacturing license over ham, sausages, milkand livestock products is transferred from the mhw to the ma. meanwhile, the motion for changing laws of the mwh was not active. despite the remark, the mhwestablished the‘food sanitation act’ which has great impact on competition between the ministries in october 1995. this act includes ‘food recall system’ for thorough food management protecting from increasing food safety risk factors such as water pollution, pesticide use and the distribution of imported food not determined. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 433 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in the late 1990s, as concern about the danger of gmo was proliferated, the ma established the ‘agricultural and marine products quality control act’which is able to authenticate the quality of agricultural products with certain conditions and includes the detailed provision to introduce the gmo labeling. the mhw added the provision containing the new definition of gmo and the criteria of display on gmo products to the ‘food sanitation act’. this bill states directly the authority of the kfda for gmo safety problems. the new provisions established within the same law mandate safety assessment for the gmo imported, developed, and produced and to ban the sale of products in case foods are not evaluated and are condemned as unfit to eat. beginning with the ‘garbage mandu’ scandal, a series of events that threaten food safety occurred by the end of the 2000s. public anxiety and concern for hazardous foods builds the pressure for related ministries to integrate food safety management system. at this time, various food safety measures including disclosure of food sellers’ personal information, installation of organization managing food safety, recapture of unreasonable profits, and class action lawsuit against junk food were poured out, so a significant portion of the law was changed. the ma abolished the previous law, ‘agricultural products processing industry promotion’ and newly established the ‘food industry promotion act’ in 2007. the newly established law aims to promote the food industry for farmers and supply various foods with high-quality through forging a linkage between food industry and agriculture. this law can be seen as the consequence of the efforts of the ma which tried to expand jurisdiction over food industry with a view of ‘promotion’. in addition, when importation of cattle suspected of mad cow disease caused quite a stir throughout society, the ma revised the ‘agricultural products quality management act’ which made the ma acquire the administrative authority over indicate system of origin, raising issues of inefficiency resulting from broken procedures. specifically, the kfda dedicated to manage the indicate of origin in restaurantsunder the ‘food sanitation act’, however, the ma can enable to make administrative measures according to the rules of origin through the national agricultural products quality management service(naqs), an affiliated organization. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 434 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in response revised bills related to the ‘food sanitation act’ were introduced, eventually in 2008 the ‘framework act on food safety’is established. this act aims to build a system such as a food safety policy committee to coordinate distributed functions and authority of food safety management comprehensively and create an institution to respond more swiftly to the matters of the emergence of hazardous foods. meanwhile, in this period, the second law competition results from an effort to complement the basic act established previously. in 2008 the ‘special act on food safety for children’ aims to create environment in which clean and safe foods can be sold in schools and its surrounding areas and manage more thoroughly a level of safety and nutrition of catering, and thus children can have proper eating habits and be protected from various diseases. the ma causes a reaction by establishing the ‘nutrition education act’ in 2009. this act makes a contribution to improving dietary life, development and succession of traditional dietary culture, eco-friendly dietary practices, development of agricultural food industry and thus, improving quality of people’s life. it can be seen as a symbolic response, rather than as a policy prescription. table expansion of jurisdiction by law competition b. expanding organizations the patterns of competition depending on expansion of organizations competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 435 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ can be classified into through restructuring organizations and establishing agencies. the most significant strategy for expanding organizations is foundationof the kfda. in february 1998, the mhw upgraded the food and drug safety headquarters to the kfda and tried to make the kfda play a leading role of the checking food. despite a multifaceted effort of the ma to expand jurisdiction, the foundation of the kda is the driving force to assert the administrative authority for food safety, and at that time the mhw could make a powerful voice about safety issue of gmo based on expanded organizational resources in the late 1990s. the korea health industry development institute (khidi) founded in a similar period conducts business of support for the health industry as a quasi-governmental organization. the khidi performs policy development through analyzing the impact of introduction of new institutions about food safety on related food industry by affiliated organization within the khidi. in response, the ma also founded the national agricultural products quality management service (naqs) through integrating existing related organizations. the naqs was designated as an agency with exclusive jurisdiction over agricultural and marine distribution management in 1994, and started to investigate agricultural products in 1996. it is the ma affiliated agency taking charge of enforcement such as agri-food safety survey, gmo labeling management, and food inspection. with regime change in 2008, the ma was expanded and reorganized into the ministry for food, agriculture, forestry and fisheries(mifaff) because of transfer of affairs related marine and food industry. the ministry of maritime affairs and fisheries affiliated agencies, the national fisheries research and development institute(nfrdi) and the national fisheries products quality inspection service(neis), has been changed to belong to the mifaff. a significant part in this study is incorporating the meaningful term, ‘food’, which shows the results of the extension of jurisdiction symbolically. as the size and role of the organization is expanded, the part dealing with the food safety is bigger than before in the mifaff. meanwhile, under the mhw the national institute of food and drug safety evaluation (nifds) is newly reorganized in 2009. this institute builds scientific and technological support systems including competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 436 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ research development, risk assessment and test analysis of the polices performed by kfda and performs as a think-tank of safety management while the national institute of toxicological research was abolished. c. mobilizing a coalition strategies to mobilize a coalition in competition among agencies are not essential, but are expected to play a positive role in competition. they had been seen as forming a coalition between ministries and client groups to pass the bill, and providing information or areas for communication. the strategy of mobilizing a coalition was more often used by the ma. the ma trying to expand the jurisdiction more eagerly developed the strategy of mobilizing outside support actively. in june 1996 the ma organized an association, ‘association of agricultural, fisheries food safety and quality improvement promotion’, consisting of ma, academics, media, consumer groups. in this meeting, the basic plan for safety tests of agriculture, fisheries, and livestock was determined.the plan confirmed includes measures to prevent abuse of the title, ‘organic food products’, provisions to regulate the abuse, and plans of food safety inspection of beef, chicken, and pork. as a result of effort to form a coalition and share a position, in 1997, the process of the passage of the petition, ‘treatment of livestock hygiene reform bill’, is characterized by a remarkable political coalition. the korea dairy and beef farmers association required transfer of jurisdiction over livestock from mhw to ma which is expected to form policies favorable to client groups. the bill was passed quickly, and the jurisdiction is finally moved from the mhw to ma. in addition, since the mid-2000s, legislation to manage food safety systems effectively was actively sought as many events that hazardous foods were distributed occurred. the ma especially boosted government support to parts of food manufacturing using agricultural products and food service industry and tried to promote associative network among industry, academy, research institute, and government to legalize the ‘food industry promotion act’. groups consisting of farmers also urged that the ma should supervise the food industry because the mhw focused on health and hygiene policy with a view of not “promotion” but “regulation”. competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 437 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ d. resolutions of competition for food industry the measures able to eliminate unnecessary competition for jurisdiction among ministries are classified into coordination by a policy planning committee, cooperation between agencies and integration of agencies. first, the formation of the policy planning committee which integrates and coordinates food policies comprehensivelycan be suggested. this measure keeps the existing organization sustaining as it is and thus can make a manager of the organization management avoid the resistance generated by merging organizations. the ‘food safety policy committee’ constituted in 2008 on the basis of the ‘framework act on food safety’ is a temporary body in which prime minister participates as a chair, and the minister of the mfaff, the minister of the mhw, the kfda chief and experts play a part as a member. however effects of the system are negligible because it cannot be in charge of managing the whole process from production to distribution to consumption and also impose the burden of policy coordination generated by different view of related inter-agency. in addition, ‘agriculture vision 2020’ published by the mfaff in 2010 contains a plan about establishment of the ‘national food commission’ as part of the advancement of the national food system. it is responsible for food-related affairs comprehensively as a legislative organchaired by the prime minister for all aspects of food-related policies. however it also involves problems similar to ‘food safety policy committee’ the mhw established. second, voluntary cooperation between conflicting organizations is effective way for easing competition. notably, in 2009, the business agreement (mou) between the ‘rural development administration (rda)’ and the kfda was signed to promote public health and improve efficiency of agricultural food safety management. specifically, the rda provides information related to the research and development while the kfda provides standards for evaluation of safety and effectiveness. the mou is able to give consumers confidence in food and improve efficiency of safety management. in addition to cooperation, information sharing can be a good solution to competition. typically, ‘foodnara’ website (http://www.foodnara.go.kr/) which provides food safety inforcompetition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 438 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mation is suggested as a food safety information service. in this website, various information including food commercially available, emergency alerts of food safety incidents and health knowledge for user of portal is offered. earlier, in the enforcement decree of the ‘nutrition education act’ passed in 2009, the contents about setting nutrition education system are included and thus it is essential to cooperate with the mhw responsible for food industry education. third, the measure of the merging ministries’ functions has been raised several times, however, a careful approach to using the strategy is needed as long as the interests of various ministries and organizations are combined with the way to merge. first, an attempt to establish the ‘ministry of food industry’in 2006 was made. this way is to establish integrated food safety organization which manages steps systematically from production of agricultural, marine, and livestockproducts to consumption of them while abolishing the kfda, affiliated organization of the mhw. it was dissipated as objections to putting the ministry of food industry which have to conduct a lot of executive tasks of the prime minister are raised. because the way of integration is burdened with a lot of resistance, there are advantages and disadvantages depending on which ministries focused on integrating. first, if a newly founded organization is operated focusing on the kfda under the mhw, producer protection and safety management is separated and thus effective food safety regulation can be achieved. however, compared with the mfaff, food safety infrastructure is vulnerable so the administrative costs increase and public distrust of the kfda’s management skill is still great. on the other hand, the mfaff can be proactive with a slogan, ‘farm to table’, and can take measures swiftly as soon as the problem occurs, but may not enforce strong regulations pursuing conflicting aim, ‘food industry development’, and it is not a specialized departments with food experts so it is difficult for the mfaff to manage materials for food. conclusion the jurisdiction is stable, but not absolutely constant. it can be regarded as changeable through the political dynamic among various actors inside and outside government. the competition for jurisdiction competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 439 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ can be understood well when dividing into laws, organizations, coalition. each organization uses not a single of strategy but various strategies simultaneously through a systematic arrangement of strategies. in the early competition the mhwexercised exclusive jurisdiction over food industry while the ma came to acquire partial jurisdiction over food made by agricultural and fisheries product in the process of preparing countermeasures to nurture farmers and fishermen. the policy image has been changed into “regulation” as public anxiety and concern for hazardous foods has grown since the end of 1990. between the ma and the mhw, the competition was fierce in terms of establishing or amending laws, expanding organizations and mobilizing a coalition. the competition results in confusion of food safety management system, evasion of responsibility for food safety, eventually threat to citizens’ health. coordination, cooperation and integration were introduced to remove the negative impact of competition for jurisdiction. some suggestions can be made in line with the implications from this study. first, jurisdictional competition is not limited to one between the ministries and can be in conjunction with activities of client group (interest group) and standing committee. a remarkable political linkage is formed in this study. in 1997, a client group of the ma required transfer of jurisdiction from mhw to ma which is expected to make policies favorable to them. second, the policy paradigm could be changed according to which ministry have a jurisdiction. the contents of law which each ministry established and revised can be seen in similar way, but policy orientation which each ministry has pursued appears differently. in case of the ma, although the ma enacted or enforced laws regulating the farmers and fishermen, the “promotion” of food industry could not be given up by the ma. this phenomenon has an implication in terms of integration as a resolution of competition. if the related ministries and agencies are unified focusing on the ma, the ma should not be captured by client group and be responsible for public health. third, solutions of unnecessary competition stated above involve merits and demerits and thus it is helpful to introduce three measures simultaneously. in case of food industry in korea,temporary but frequently competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 440 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ committee meeting for coordination, multilateral cooperation, and reorganization into a unified agency ultimately sought can be suggested. this research can be expected to get some comment as follows. one is that this study can be complemented through in-depth studies. much of the analysis was performed depending on news articles, websites by the limitations of data collection. the in-depth interviews with representatives of the ministry will enable to deploy vivid analysis such as atmosphere inside the actual ministries and policy officer’s emotion. another is that to understand this competition between coalition can be considered as more valid than to understand competition between a single unit. this study shows that jurisdictional competition is not limited to one between the ministries and can be in conjunction with activities of client group (interest group) and standing committee. references deutch, morton. 1973. introduction.the resolution of conflict. new heaven. yale university press. fink, clinton f. 1968. “some conceptional difficulties in the theory of social conflict”. journal of conflict resolution, 7(4). jeong, j.h. 2003. “the policy conflict within the central government and bureaucratic politics: with focus on the saemangum reclamation project”. korean association of governmental studies, 15(1). ju, j.b. & hong, s.m. 2001. “the policy conflict and coordination mechanism in the development process of water resources”. the korean association for public administration conference proceeding, kim, d.w. & yoon, k. & jung, k.h. 2007. “a study on inter-ministerial competition in the content industry of korea”. the journal of public administration, 45(4). kim, y.h. 2000. “inter-ministration competition in government public key infrastructure”. korean republic administration review, 34(3). kim, y.p & shin, w. 1991. “the mode of conflict resolution in a centralized bureaucracy : inter agency rivalry in the korean setting”. korean republic administration review, 25(1). laura chaques & anna palau. 2009. “comparing the dynamics of changing in food safety and pharmaceutical policy in spain”. journal competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 441 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of public policy, 29. march, g & simon, h.a. 1958. organizaion. new york: john wiley and sons. park, j.h. 2000. “group conflict and government: issues and alternatives; a study on interdepartmental conflict & coordination”. the korean public administration journal, 9(4). schmidt, stuart m. & thomas a. kochan. 1972. “conflict: toward conceptual clarity”. administrative science quarterly, 17. sheingate, adam d. 2006. “promotion versus precaution: the evolution of biotechnology policy in the united states”. british journal of political science, 36. wilson, james q. 1989. bureaucracy: what government agencies do and why they do it. basic books. yoo, h.l. & yun, s.o. 2006. “ the conf lict between mic and mogaha on the e-government policy”. korean policy sciences review, 10(4). internet http://www.kinds.or.kr/ http://likms.assembly.go.kr/law http://likms.assembly.go.kr/bill http://www.mifaff.go.kr http://www.naqs.go.kr http://www.mw.go.kr http://www.khidi.or.kr competition for jurisdiction over food industry in south korea / sungeun park / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0021 layout desember 2008 378 proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 zulchaidir pusat kajian dan pendidikan dan pelatihan aparatur ii lan makasar. email: king_chaidir@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this article describes about the recruitment process of bureaucracy leader in sleman region and parepare city, including several factors that influences the recruitment process.the methodology that implemented in this article is quantitative description with indepth interview and observation as the means on collecting the data. this articles found that the recruitment process of bureaucracy in sleman district has implemented “competent testing system” in appointing goverment officials with also considering the role of baperjakat, while parepare city has not implemented the testing system yet. there is also several factors that influenced the recruitment process in parepare which have been identified, which are: head of district commitments, personnels information, political interest and the role of academic institutions. keywords: recruitment, competency test, bureaucracy leader abstrak tulisan ini mendeskripsikan proses rekrutmen pejabat birokrasi di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare dan mendeskripsikan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi proses tersebut. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data sekunder melalui teknik wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dan observasi. hasil pembahasan dan analisis data diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa proses 379 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rekrutmen pejabat di kabupaten sleman sudah menerapkan sistem uji kompetensi dalam menetapkan calon pejabat dengan tetap memperhatikan peranan baperjakat (badan pertimbangan jabatan dan kepangkatan), sedangkan di kota parepare belum menerapkan uji kompetensi dalam menetapkan calon pejabat tetapi hanya berdasarkan beberapa kriteria secara umum antara lain masa kerja, golongan atau kepangkatan, pendidikan, dan riwayat jabatan. selain itu juga teridentifikasi beberapa faktor yang mempengaruhi proses rekrutmen pejabat di daerah penelitian, yaitu komitmen kepala daerah, kelengkapan data kepegawaian, kepentingan politik, dan peranan lembaga pendidikan tinggi. kata kunci : rekruitmen, uji kompetensi, pimpinan birokrasi. pendahuluan sumber daya manusia yang profesional merupakan salah satu faktor utama dalam peningkatan daya saing bangsa dengan bangsa-bangsa lain di era globalisasi dewasa ini. salah satu upaya telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah dalam peningkatan kapasitas sumber daya aparatur adalah melakukan “reformasi birokrasi” yang diyakini akan membawa pada suatu kondisi birokrasi pemerintahan sebagai pelayanan publik yang diharapkan oleh masyarakat. menteri pemberdayaan aparatur negara dan reformasi birokrasi menggambarkan kondisi aparatur negara dewasa ini sebagai berikut: “inefisiensi, inefektivitas, tidak profesional, tidak netral, tidak disiplin, tidak patuh pada aturan, rekrutmen pns (pegawai negeri sipil) tidak transparan, belum ada perubahan mind-set, kkn (kolusi, korupsi dan nepotisme) yang marak di berbagai jenjang pekerjaan, abdi masyarakat belum terbangun, pemerintahan belum akuntabel, transparan, partisipatif, dan kredibel, pelayanan publik prima belum terbangun secara luas” (menpan dan reformasi birokrasi, 2007). feisal tamin (wawancara di metro tv, 29 juni 2011) mengatakan bahwa rekruitmen pns berdasarkan politis tidak berdasarkan kompetensi menjadi salah satu penyebab rendahnya kualitas pelayanan publik. muatan politis dalam praktek pemerintahan masih sangat besar, meskipun good governance sudah lama didengungkan dalam tata kelola pemerintahan. secara konseptual good governance sudah dipahami tetapi secara implementatif belum dilaksanakan. salah satu kunci keberhasilan reformasi birokrasi adalah pada mereka yang berada pada posisi kunci pengambil keputusan di setiap level pemerintahan, baik di pusat maupun di daerah. perubahan-perubahan proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 380 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bisa terlaksana untuk kemajuan organisasi jika didukung oleh pemimpin yang memiliki tanggung jawab dan karasteristik yang sesuai dengan jabatannya. dengan demikian, salah satu hal utama dalam melaksanakan reformasi birokrasi adalah penataan suksesi kepemimpinan dimulai dengan pembinaan, pengembangan, sampai pengangkatan pegawai dalam jabatan struktural dan fungsional. pemilihan dan penetapan seorang pns untuk mengemban tugas sebagai pimpinan unit, bidang maupun satker (satuan kerja) pada saat ini sudah dilakukan oleh baperjakat (badan pertimbangan jabatan dan kepangkatan) sesuai dengan amanat peraturan pemerintah no.13/2002 tentang pengangkatan pegawai negeri sipil. pengangkatan seseorang menjadi pejabat struktural diatur dalam permendagri nomor 100 tahun 2000 tentang pengangkatan pegawai negeri sipil dalam pejabat struktural yang lebih diperjelas dalam peraturan kepala bkn no. 46/2003 tentang pedoman kompetensi jabatan pegawai negeri sipil. beragam permasalahan yang sering terjadi dalam proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di tingkat daerah antara lain direkrutnya pimpinan yang tidak sesuai antara kompetensi dengan tuntutan dan kualifikasi jabatan publik yang diembannya, kemudian direkrutnya pimpinan birokrasi karena kedekatan emosional dengan bupati atau walikota (faktor politis) atau secara garis besar perekrutan pimpinan tidak melalui prosedur resmi yang telah ditetapkan. akibat yang sering ditimbulkan adalah tidak sedikit program pembangunan yang tidak efektif mencapai tujuan dan sasaran. masih besarnya pengaruh politik dalam birokrasi dapat dilihat dari kenyataan yang terjadi di provinsi sulawesi tengah pada pilkada langsung 2006, gubernur yang juga sebagai calon gubernur (incumbent) melakukan kebijakan perombakan 15 jabatan pada beberapa jenjang eselon ii,iii dan iv lingkup pemerintah propinsi sulawesi tengah beberapa saat sebelum dilaksanakannya pemungutan suara. pasca pilkada dengan hasil kekalahan gubernur incumbent, gubernur terpilih mulai melakukan rekrutmen ulang pejabat pada beberapa tingkatan eselonisasi. pada kasus tersebut dapat dilihat masih sangat besar dampak pilkada (politik) terhadap pengembangan sumber daya aparatur daerah. fenomena lain diungkapkan oleh salah seorang narasumber pada acara uji publik tentang rancangan undang-undang kepegawaian republik proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 381 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ indonesia bahwa fungsi dan peran baperjakat di daerah belum optimal, karena belum bisa berbuat banyak dalam menentukan seseorang untuk menduduki jabatan tertentu sesuai kapabilitas yang dimilikinya (right men on the rigt place) hal ini disebabkan masih besarnya pertimbangan lain (politis) dalam rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di daerah (pkp2a ii lan makassar, 1 maret 2011). kondisi dinamis dalam rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi jika rekrutmen didasarkan pada kompetensi calon pejabat yang akan direkrut, bukan pada pertimbangan politik serta bebas dari kkn. pemerintah melalui bkn (badan kepegawaian negara) sudah mengeluarkan peraturan tentang pelaksanaan uji kompetensi calon pejabat pemerintahan di daerah, namun pada umumnya belum dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah daerah. pemerintah daerah lebih menekankan rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi melalui mekanisme yang sepenuhnya dilaksanakan oleh baperjakat dan bkd (badan kepegawaian daerah). mekanisme tersebut hanya berdasarkan pada penilaian atasan, pendidikan, riwayat jabatan dan prosesnya masih bersifat tertutup sehingga subyektivitasnya belum sepenuhnya bisa dipertanggungjawabkan oleh baperjakat. dari permasalahan tersebut, maka dirumuskan pertanyaan penelitian sebagai berikut: pertama; bagaimana proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman provinsi diy dan kota parepare provinsi sulsel? kedua, faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman provinsi diy dan kota parepare provinsi sulsel? kerangka teoritik 1. teori birokrasi weber merumuskan beberapa karasteristik birokrasi, yang meliputi: pertama, hirarki yaitu pejabat yang lebih tinggi mengkoordinir dan mengarahkan aktivitas bawahannya. dengan hirarki, organisasi yang besar dan kompleks dapat mengendalikan pegawainya agar senantiasa bekerjasama untuk mencapai tujuan yang telah ditetapkan. kedua, spesialisasi, yaitu biorkrasi menjadi efisien karena setiap pegawai mengkhususkan diri dalam bidang/kegiatan yang spesifik dalam bekerja sesuai dengan kemampuan dan keahlian yang dimilikinya. hal ini sangat proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 382 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berhubungan dengan perencanaan dan penempa-tan pegawai sesuai dengan keahlian pada jabatan atau tugas yang diembannya dalam organisasi. ketiga, pekerjaan sebagai karir, karir artinya adalah jabatan, pekerjaan, profesi dan penghidupan. biorkrat adalah pegawai karir pada pekerjaan/jabatan yang mereka pegang. birokrasi adalah pekerjaan yang stabil dan jika dalam melaksanakan tugas dilakukan tanpa penyimpangan, misalnya korupsi, maka akan sulit bagi seorang birokrat kehilangan pekerjaan itu. keempat, perekrutan berdasarkan merit artinya rekrutmen dalam pekerjaan dilakukan berdasarkan standar kelulusan bakat, pendidikan atau pengalaman. sistem merit dalam birokrasi menolak adanya sistem patronase, yaitu keadaan dimana seseorang mendapatkan pekerjaan karena bantuan patron dan mengabaikan kompetensi seseorang. kelima, aturan formal, artinya berdasarkan peraturan dalam birokrasi setiap orang diharapkan dapat memenuhi standar kinerja dan perilaku yang telah ditetapkan oleh organisasi. dalam birokrasi, segala sesuatu adalah tentang bagaimana aturan berlaku, bukan orangnya. orang atau pegawai tidak bisa diubah sebelum dilakukan perubahan kebijakan. keenam, impersonal adalah semua peraturan dalam suatu organisasi harus diterapkan secara impersonal dan sama untuk semua orang. 2. rekruitmen rekruitmen sebagai suatu proses pengumpulan calon pemegang jabatan yang sesuai dengan rencana sumber daya manusia untuk menduduki suatu jabatan tertentu dalam fungsi pemekerjaan (employee function). rekrutmen pejabat diatur dalam peraturan pemerintah no. 100/2000 tentang pengangkatan pegawai negeri sipil dalam jabatan struktural sebagaimana telah diubah dengan peraturan pemerintah no. 13/2002. meskipun sistem rekrutmen telah diatur dalam peraturan pemerintah sebagai upaya untuk menjaring pns yang kompeten, namun dalam implementasinya belum memenuhi kebutuhan yang dapat menunjang keberhasilan kinerja dan profesionalitas pns. kondisi pns demikian ini antara lain disebabkan oleh perencanaan kepegawaian saat ini belum didasarkan pada kebutuhan nyata sesuai kebutuhan organisasi (pkp2a i lan bandung. 2009; 39). simamora (1997) mengartikan rekruitmen sebagai serangkaian aktivitas mencari dan memikat pelamar kerja dengan motivasi, kemampuan, proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 383 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keahlian, dan pengetahuan yang diperlukan guna menutupi kekurangan yang diidentifikasi dalam perencanaan kepegawaian. sedangkan schermerhorn mengartikan rekrutmen sebagai proses penarikan sekelompok kandidat untuk mengisi posisi yang lowong. perekrutan yang efektif akan membawa peluang pekerjaan kepada perhatian dari orang-orang yang berkemampuan dan keterampilannya memenuhi spesifikasi pekerjaan. metode penelitian penelitian ini berlangsung pada april sampai juni 2011 berlokasi di kabupaten sleman provinsi diy dan kota parepare provinsi sulawesi selatan. kedua daerah ini dipilih sebagai lokus penelitian karena memiliki karakteristik ekonomi, sosial, dan budaya yang berbeda. selain itu informasi awal sebelum penelitian diketahui bahwa kabupaten sleman adalah salah satu kabupaten yang memiliki tata pemerintahan yang lebih baik dibanding daerah lainnya dengan asumsi bahwa terdapat beberapa perguruan tinggi terkemuka yang turut serta memberikan sumbangsih pembangunan yang cukup signifikan. sedangkan di kota parepare karakteristik yang paling khas adalah luas daerahnya relatif tidak terlalu luas yang otomatis jumlah penduduk dan sdm aparatur juga yang tidak terlalu besar. pengambilan atau pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dengan informan kunci (key informant) yang telah ditetapkan dengan kriteria utama dianggap menguasai permasalahan yang diteliti, serta melalui observasi langsung pada objek yang diteliti. metode analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode analisis data kualitatif. peraturan dan teori yang digunakan sebagai acuan dalam penelitian, sehingga ditemukan gambaran permasalahan secara utuh berikut jawaban permasalahan. dalam menggambarkan proses dan identifikasi faktor yang mempengaruhi rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di lokus penelitian, data dan informasi yang diperoleh dipetakan dengan memberikan kode data wawancara. data dikelompokkan menjadi dua macam sumber data penelitian yaitu data primer dan data sekunder. data primer diperoleh dari wawancara mendalam (indepth interview) dengan para pelaku kebijakan yang terlibat dalam proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di daerah, antara lain adalah proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 384 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ baperjakat (pimpinan/sekretaris), kepala bkd, kasubid mutasi dan perencanaan pegawai di bkd dan pejabat eselon iii dan iv yang di mutasi ataupun di promosi. sedangkan data sekunder bersumber dari berbagai peraturan perundangan yang relevan, buku, jurnal, laporan penelitian yang relevan, informasi di internet, dan sumber informasi atau pustaka lainnya (randal.s dan jackson, 1997). hasil dan analisis 1. rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di kabupaten sleman kabupaten sleman merupakan salah satu kabupaten di provinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta yang secara administratif terdiri dari 17 kecamatan, 86 desa dan 1212 dusun. wilayahnya berbatasan dengan semua kabupaten yang ada di provinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta dan juga propinsi jawa tengah. kelembagaan di kabupaten sleman terdiri dari 16 dinas, dan 10 lembaga teknis daerah (www.slemankab.go.id, diakses 23 juli 2011). pegawai golongan ruang iv di kabupaten sleman lebih banyak daripada pegawai golongan ruang iii. untuk memperoleh kader-kader pimpinan yang profesional penekanan dilakukan melalui sistem seleksi berbasis kompetensi yang dilakukan secara obyektif, akuntabel dan sesuai kebutuhan organisasi. sistem rekrutmen yang dilakukan melalui beberapa proses yaitu tahap penjaringan, seleksi awal, uji kompetensi, seleksi akhir, pengambilan keputusan dan tahap pelantikan. tahap penjaringan merupakan tahap awal dalam proses rekrutmen pejabat, yang ditandai dengan adanya usulan dari instansi dan dari database kepegawaian tentang adanya jabatan yang lowong. tahap berikutnya setelah seleksi awal adalah pemilihan nominasi oleh baperjakat dari beberapa calon yang dianggap memenuhi persyaratan kepangkatan dan jenjang karir calon pejabat yang bersangkutan. seleksi awal yang dinilai adalah data riwayat jabatan dan kepangkatan serta pendidikan lainnya yang ada pada bkd. setelah ditentukan nominasi calon pejabat oleh baperjakat maka dilakukan uji kompetensi oleh tim uji kompetensi dari baperjakat maupun dari pihak ketiga dalam hal ini perguruan tinggi di propinsi diy, uji kompetensi biasanya berbentuk tes psikologi. hasil uji kompetensi oleh tim uji kompetensi diserahkan ke baperjakat yang proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 385 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kemudian menentukan calon pejabat yang memiliki nilai tertinggi untuk kemudian diserahkan kepada bupati. setelah bupati menerima keputusan dari baperjakat maka bupati melakukan penetapan keputusan calon pejabat untuk eselon iii dan iv, khusus untuk eselon ii dikonsultasikan dengan gubernur. setelah ditetapkan oleh bupati maka dilakukan pelantikan pejabat oleh bupati yang merupakan tahap akhir proses rekrutmen. mekanisme uji kompetensi ditetapkan pada seluruh calon pejabat yang akan di promosi, selain berfungsi menilai kesiapan calon untuk menduduki jabatan yang lebih tinggi, juga berfungsi sebagai evaluasi seberapa jauh perkembangan kapasitas yang dimiliki. dalam mengembangkan kapasitas secara gradual pada jabatan dilakukan pengembangan karir secara bertahap melalui pola karir terencana yang dilakukan agar seorang pejabat memiliki pengetahuan dan wawasan yang luas sebelum mencapai pimpinan puncak. penempatan pejabat struktural di kabupaten sleman berdasarkan beberapa kriteria, yaitu kriteria normatif, kemampuan dasar, kompetensi bidang dan kriteria lainnya. kriteria normatif terdiri dari: a. berstatus pns; b. serendah-rendahnya menduduki pangkat satu tingkat di bawah jenjang pangkat yang ditentukan; c. memiliki kualifikasi dan tingkat pendidikan ditentukan (eselon ii.a, ii.b : sekurang-kurangnya berpendidikan s-1, eselon iii.a, iii.b: sekurang-kurangnya berpendidikan d-3/sarjana muda dan eselon iv.a, iv.b,v.a : sekurang-kurangnya berpendidikan slta); d. semua unsur penilaian prestasi kerja sekurang-kurangnya bernilai baik dalam 2 (dua) tahun terakhir; e. memiliki kompetensi jabatan (kompetensi dasar dan bidang/teknis) yang dibutuhkan; f. sehat jasmani dan rohani; g. faktor-faktor lain yaitu senioritas dalam kepangkatan, usia, pendidikan dan pelatihan jabatan, dan pengalaman yang dimiliki. pada kondisi keterbatasan kader, kriteria sebagaimana tersebut pada poin (c) dapat diturunkan grade-nya dengan catatan memiliki kompetensi dasar dan bidang atau teknis untuk jabatan yang akan di duduki. proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 386 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kompetensi dasar merupakan kompetensi yang sifatnya potensi diri yang harus dimiliki oleh calon pejabat struktural, meliputi kemampuan umum, aspek kepribadian, pola kerja dan kepemimpinan. aspek yang dinilai dari kemampuan umum terdiri dari daya tangkap, analisis masalah, logika berfikir, dan aspek yang terakhir adalah wawasan. sedangkan penilaian dari aspek kepribadian meliputi pengendalian emosi, motivasi, komitmen, hubungan interpersonal dan daya tahan terhadap stres. penilaian pada aspek pola kerja terdiri dari beberapa hal yaitu sistematika kerja, ketelitian, keuletan dan ketahanan kerja. pada aspek kepemimpinan yang menjadi penilaian meliputi pemahaman visi-misi, kemampuan manajerial, pengambilan keputusan dan pengembangan jejaring. calon pejabat struktural di kabupaten sleman harus memiliki potensi diri dengan kriteria sekurang-kurangnya masih dapat dikembangkan (mdd) berdasarkan kesimpulan hasil tes kompetensi oleh tim psikologi dari 3 kriteria yang ada yaitu kader potensial (kp), masih dapat dikembangkan (mdd) dan perlu dibina (pd). kompetensi bidang atau teknis adalah kemampuan yang harus dimiliki oleh calon pejabat struktural berkait dengan tugas yang akan didudukinya. selain kriteria yang telah disebutkan, terdapat kriteria lain yang menjadi acuan dalam penempatan pejabat struktural, yaitu pertama, rotasi yang dilakukan berdasarkan prinsip bahwa sekurang-kurangnya telah 2 tahun dalam jabatan terakhir dan diutamakan pns yang telah lebih 5 tahun dalam jabatan terakhir. kedua, promosi yang dilakukan berdasarkan prinsip-prinsip bahwa sekurangkurangnya telah 2 tahun dalam eselon yang pernah dan atau masih di dudukinya. untuk promosi dalam jabatan wajib dilakukan uji kompetensi melalui tes psikologi. pengisian sekretaris pada dinas atau badan dan kepala kantor dilakukan melalui proses rotasi jabatan struktural eselon iii (tidak dilakukan melalui mekanisme promosi). pengisian kasubag tata usaha pada kantor dilakukan melalui proses rotasi jabatan struktural eselon iv (tidak dilakukan melalui mekanisme promosi). sedangkan khusus untuk jabatan camat, pengkaderan dilakukan melalui jabatan sekretaris kecamatan, untuk menduduki jabatan struktural eselon ii dari jabatan camat melalui pola kepala bagian atau sekretaris terlebih dahulu. untuk menduduki jabatan eselon ii atau kepala skpd (satuan kerja perangkat daerah) dilakukan tes pemaparan visi dan misi di hadapan baperjakat. proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 387 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam mengukur kompetensi calon pejabat di kabupaten sleman dilakukan dengan metode penilaian pada kompetensi dasar dan kompetensi bidang atau teknis. penilaian kompetensi dasar dilakukan melalui tes psikologi oleh tim psikologi bkd atau kerjasama dengan tim psikologi dari ugm (universitas gadjah mada). untuk eselon ii.a, ii.b, iii.a, dan iii.b bekerjasama dengan ugm dan untuk eselon iv.a, iv.b, dan v.a bekerjasama dengan tim psikologi bkd. penilaian kompetensi bidang atau teknis dilakukan melalui penilaian portofolio terhadap kualifikasi pendidikan, riwayat pekerjaan, sertifikat diklat, seminar, lokakarya, karya tulis yang pernah disusun, keterampilan dan penilaian atasan. pada keadaan dan kondisi tertentu untuk kebutuhan informasi yang lebih akurat dilakukan melalui tes tertulis dan atau wawancara terhadap calon pimpinan birokrasi. pelaksanaan uji kompetensi menyebabkan beban kerja baperjakat lebih ringan karena hasil dari tes kompetensi yang dilakukan di bkd dan atau tim psikologi universitas dijadikan dasar oleh baperjakat dalam menentukan calon pejabat yang akan diajukan kepada bupati. independensi dan akuntabilitas baperjakat juga lebih terjamin karena peserta yang lulus adalah yang memenuhi syarat uji kompetensi setelah dijumlahkan dengan indikator penilaian yang lain. uji kompetensi dilaksanakan bekerjasama dengan beberapa perguruan tinggi yang berada pada wilayah kabupaten sleman maupun kota yogyakarta bukan hanya dengan ugm tetapi didasarkan dengan latar belakang keahlian keilmuan masing-masing universitas atau perguruan tinggi. uji kompetensi menjadi salah satu cerminan karasteristik birokrasi yang berdasarkan merit sistem sebagaimana yang diungkapkan oleh weber. 2. rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di kota parepare kota parepare merupakan kota kedua terbesar di propinsi sulawesi selatan, dan dikategorikan sebagai kota sedang. berdasarkan hasil susenas 2009, proyeksi penduduk kota parepare 2009 berjumlah 118.842 jiwa yang tersebar di 4 kecamatan dan 22 kelurahan (kota parepare dalam angka, 2009). sedangkan jumlah keseluruhan pns di kota parepare 2011 mencapai 4.720 orang. kota parepare saat ini dipimpin oleh plt (pelaksana tugas) walikota syamsu alam karena proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 388 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ walikota zain katoe terjerat kasus korupsi apbd dan telah dijatuhi vonis 1 tahun penjara dan denda 100 juta rupiah dan dinonaktifkan sebagai walikota terhitung 25 november 2010. rekruitmen seseorang menjadi pejabat (eselon ii, iii dan iv) di kota parepare melalui beberapa proses yaitu tahap pengajuan daftar jabatan yang lowong oleh bkd akibat adanya pejabat yang telah memasuki masa pensiun, pejabat yang mutasi, diberhentikan (non job), mengundurkan diri, meninggal dunia. setelah disetujui oleh walikota maka dilaksanakan proses penjaringan calon pejabat yang akan direkrut melalui bkd dengan memperhatikan beberapa persyaratan, yaitu golongan ruang, masa kerja, tingkat pendidikan, pengalaman kerja (jabatan sebelumnya) sesuai dengan syarat aturan yang ada. tahap selanjutnya setelah diperoleh beberapa calon pejabat, berkas yang berisikan biodata dan riwayat pekerjaan calon pejabat diserahkan kepada baperjakat. baperjakat kemudian melakukan rapat dan telaah terhadap calon pejabat dan menetapkan calon pejabat yang dianggap paling memenuhi persyaratan untuk menduduki jabatan yang dimaksud. dengan memperhatikan beberapa kriteria antara lain rekomendasi pimpinan langsung (jika ada), syarat kepangkatan, pendidikan (formal dan informal), pengalaman jabatan. setelah itu, hasil telaah baperjakat diserahkan kepada pembina kepegawaian di daerah (kepala daerah) untuk selanjutnya disetujui dan ditetapkan melalui surat keputusan walikota. tahap terakhir adalah pelantikan pejabat yang bersangkutan oleh walikota, khusus untuk penetapan calon pejabat eselon ii harus melalui persetujuan gubernur sebagaimana diamanatkan dalam aturan kepegawaian. proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di kota parepare sangat berbeda dengan rekrutmen di kabupaten sleman. perbedaan yang paling mencolok adalah dilaksanakannya uji kompetensi terhadap semua calon pejabat oleh tim uji kompetensi (internal bkd maupun perguruan tinggi). semua proses rekrutmen pejabat berada pada tugas dan fungsi tim baperjakat sampai kemudian ditetapkan oleh walikota. rekrutmen pejabat berdasarkan sepenuhnya pada peraturan pemerintah no. 100/ 2000 tentang pengangkatan pegawai negeri sipil dalam jabatan struktural, pasal 5 tentang persyaratan untuk dapat diangkat dalam jabatan struktural, dan pasal 6 tentang kesenioritasan dalam kepangkatan, usia, pendidikan dan pelatihan jabatan, serta akan hal pengalaman yang harus proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 389 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dimiliki. baperjakat seharusnya memegang peranan utama dalam menentukan calon pejabat yang bersangkutan. namun kenyataannya baperjakat seolah tidak memiliki kekuasaan sebagaimana fungsinya karena semua ditetapkan oleh plt.walikota. harmonisasi antara plt. walikota dengan sekretariat daerah (sekaligus sebagai ketua baperjakat) tidak berjalan dengan baik, hal ini tergambarkan sejak menjabat plt.walikota terhitung dua kali terjadi mutasi di lingkup pemerintah kota parepare yang tidak berdasarkan dari keputusan baperjakat. secara aturan kepegawaian plt. walikota telah melanggar karena selama menjadi plt. tidak boleh melakukan kebijakan yang sangat strategis termasuk promosi dan mutasi pegawai. salah seorang narasumber mengatakan bahwa: “semenjak kami mengelola kepegawaian, baru kali ini terjadi sedikit goncangan karena fungsi baperjakat yang tidak berfungsi, hanya sekedar stempel. kami mengharapkan kajian baperjakat itu didengar. kami mau kembangkan sayap supaya dapat memilih pegawai (pejabat) yang berkinerja baik tapi sekarang cuma selera”.(wawancara, 12/4/2011) kondisi ini berdampak terhadap ditempatkannya seseorang pada jabatan yang tidak sesuai dengan kompetensi atau keahliannya. seorang lulusan stpdn (sekolah tinggi pemerintahan dalam negeri) sebelumnya menjadi pejabat di lingkup sekretariat daerah di mutasi ke bagian humas rumah sakit umum daerah, kemudian seorang pejabat pendidikan sarjana teknik mesin yang jabatan sebelumnya adalah kabid kebersihan di mutasi pada dinas pemuda dan olahraga, ada juga alumni stpdn sebelumnya pada kabid perhubungan darat dinas perhubungan di mutasi menjadi kabid perencanaan dinas pekerjaan umum. 3. faktor yang mempengaruhi rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi setelah digambarkan tentang proses rekrutmen pejabat di masingmasing lokus penelitian, maka dapat teridentifikasi beberapa faktor yang mempengaruhi proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di lokus penelitian, antara lain: a. komitmen kepala daerah. kepala daerah adalah pembina kepegawaian tertinggi di daerah sehingga proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 390 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perannya sangat besar dalam menentukan arah dan tujuan aparatur di daerahnya. kepala daerah merupakan pemegang kekuasaan birokrasi tertinggi di daerah, hal ini sesuai dengan konsep birokrasi menurut weber bahwa terdapat hirarki dalam birokrasi. birokrasi di daerah dapat menjalankan fungsinya dengan baik jika kepala daerah memiliki komitmen yang tinggi dalam menegakkan peraturan yang telah ditetapkan dalam tata kelola pemerintahan daerah. komitmen bupati di kabupaten sleman dalam meningkatkan tata kelola pemerintahan sangat tinggi, bukan hanya bupati saat ini tetapi juga bupati sebelumnya. hal ini terlihat dari salah satu aspek kebijakan bupati mengenai pelaksanaan uji kompetensi dalam perekrutan calon pejabat dengan melakukan kerjasama dengan pihak ketiga yang sudah berlangsung lebih 10 tahun lalu. hal ini diungkapkan oleh salah seorang narasumber menyatakan bahwa kami sudah 10 tahun lebih bekerjasama dengan jurusan psikologi ugm dalam uji kompetensi pejabat”. (wawancara, 28/ 4/2011). kabupaten sleman setiap tahunnya menganggarkan dari apbd untuk pelaksanaan uji kompetensi calon pejabat yang menjadi salah satu cermin komitmen bupati dan segenap pemerintah termasuk legislatif dalam pengembangan sumber daya aparatur. komitmen ini berdampak pada anggaran daerah, sehingga memerlukan perencanaan efektif untuk pelaksanaan uji kompetensi yang didukung pendanaan proporsional. pada saat penelitian ini dilaksanakan sedang berlangsung uji kompetensi untuk calon kepala sekolah tingkat sltp (sekolah lanjutan tingkat pertama) di kabupaten sleman yang berjumlah puluhan orang calon kepala sekolah. sedangkan komitmen plt. walikota parepare maupun walikota dalam melaksanakan uji kompetensi dalam proses rekrutmen pejabat masih rendah. walikota belum melaksanakan uji kompetensi dalam menentukan calon pejabat, walikota sebagaimana telah dijelaskan masih menggunakan mekanisme penentuan calon pejabat melalui mekanisme baperjakat dan bkd. meskipun 5 tahun yang lalu sudah dilaksanakan uji kompetensi bekerjasama dengan universitas hasanuddin (unhas) namun tidak dilanjutkan lagi karena hasilnya juga tidak digunakan oleh walikota. hal ini sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh narasumber bahwa: proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 391 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “sudah pernah dilaksanakan uji kompetensi dengan unhas, saat itu kami betulbetul sikapi namun dalam faktanya saat ada mutasi, dua orang yang merusak tatanan karena dipaksakan. kan melanggar jika guru diberikan jabatan struktural, tapi karena kondisi politik saat itu dipaksakan akhirnya rusak, jadi sebenarnya intinya ketidakkonsistenan”. (wawancara 12/4/2011). komitmen ini sangat dipengaruhi oleh kepentingan walikota untuk meningkatkan kinerja birokrasi di daerahnya. perekrutan berdasarkan merit akan memberikan gambaran kinerja sumber daya aparatur yang sesuai kompetensi dengan tugas yang diembannya. b. kelengkapan data kepegawaian salah satu dasar dalam menentukan calon pejabat yang memenuhi syarat untuk diangkat menjadi pejabat adalah riwayat jabatan, atau fortopolio pegawai yang bersangkutan. kelengkapan data yang dibutuhkan dalam proses rekrutmen jabatan meliputi beberapa bagian antara lain golongan kepangkatan, riwayat jabatan, analisis jabatan, penilaian atasan langsung, peta jabatan, analisis jabatan, dan analisis beban kerja organisasi. kelengkapan data kepegawaian dalam melakukan proses seleksi calon pimpinan birokrasi menjadi sayrat mutlak yang harus diperhatikan oleh pemerintah daerah, khususnya bkd. kabupaten sleman telah memiliki data kepegawaian yang cukup lengkap dalam mendukung pelaksanaan rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi. kelengkapan itu dilihat dari tersedia-nya peta jabatan, analisis jabatan, analisis beban kerja organisasi, database pegawai yang lengkap sehingga sangat membantu dalam melakukan seleksi awal calon pejabat. data tersebut juga menjadi salah satu pertimbangan atau evaluasi oleh tim baperjakat disamping hasil uji kompetensi yang dilakukan. data kepegawaian di kota parepare tidak selengkap di kabupaten sleman, di kota parepare belum terdapat peta jabatan, analisis jabatan maupun analisis beban kerja sehingga menjadi kesulitan tersendiri dalam menentukan calon pejabat yang dibutuhkan oleh organisasi. menurut aturan yang ada setiap pemerintah daerah harus memiliki dokumendokumen tersebut untuk kepentingan pengembangan sumber daya aparatur di daerah. pada kenyataannya masih banyak daerah yang belum proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 392 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ melaksanakannya, termasuk kota parepare. salah seorang narasumber di kabupaten sleman mengungkapkan akan pentingnya kelengkapan dokumen kepegawaian dalam proses mutasi maupun promosi pejabat: “peta jabatan sangat berguna artinya jabatan yang kita punya database kita bisa melihat struktural di sleman itu siapa saja, kemudian di sana yang kosong apa saja yang selanjutnya bisa menjadi bahan untuk membuat pola karir pegawai”(wawancara, 28/4/2011). c. kepentingan politik intervensi politik seakan tidak bisa dilepaskan dalam kehidupan birokrasi di indonesia, keputusan politik kadangkala masih lebih dominan dibandingkan keputusan birokrasi. kepentingan politik dapat diartikan sebagai alat yang digunakan oleh penguasa untuk mengintervensi suatu kebijakan atau keputusan berdasarkan kepentingan politiknya. menurut thoha (2003), birokrasi atau pemerintah yang bukan merupakan kekuatan politik ini seharusnya dibebaskan dari pengaruh dan keterjalinan ikatan politik dengan kekuatan-kekuatan yang sewaktu-waktu bisa masuk birokrasi. intervensi politik menjadi suatu hal yang sangat sering terjadi dalam pemerintahan daerah khususnya pada masa pra dan pasca pilkada. kebijakan yang dikeluarkan seringkali tidak berdasarkan pengambilan keputusan yang seharusnya tetapi hanya berdasarkan pertimbangan politik oleh kepala daerah. pengaruh arus politik dalam tata kelola pemerintahan daerah sangat besar dalam melahirkan suatu kebijakan, kondisi ini juga sering terjadi pada proses perekrutan pemimpin birokrasi daerah. seringkali orang yang direkrut bukan berdasarkan kemampuan dan kompetensinya tetapi hanya berdasarkan kepentingan penguasa. pengaruh politik dalam birokrasi memang tidak bisa dilepaskan, tetapi harus bisa diminimalisir dengan sistem yang terencana dan terarah. kabupaten sleman juga tidak bisa lepas sepenuhnya dari pengaruh politik kekuasaan pada setiap pengambilan keputusan birokrasi. namun, dalam hal rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di kabupaten sleman pengaruh politik tidak signifikan, bahkan boleh dikatakan sangat sulit mengidentifikasinya. hal ini disebabkan karena adanya komitmen bupati melaksanakan uji kompetensi yang dilakukan dengan independen dan transparan dalam menetapkan calon pejabat yang dibutuhkan, dengan proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 393 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ demikian indikasi kepentingan bupati sangat kecil untuk ditemukan. tidak ada riak dan penolakan yang berarti oleh pejabat yang tidak terpilih jika melalui uji kompetensi karena mereka merasa belum memiliki kemampuan meskipun mereka dekat dengan bupati. sedangkan di kota parepare intervensi politik jelas terlihat dalam proses promosi maupun mutasi pejabat seperti telah dijelaskan sebelumnya pada proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi. baperjakat seolah hanya menjadi stempel buat kepentingan plt. walikota, karena hasil telaah baperjakat seringkali tidak dijalankan oleh plt. walikota. sehingga dapat dilihat dampaknya banyak pejabat yang menduduki jabatan bukan berdasarkan kompetensinya tetapi hanya kedekatan dengan plt. walikota. hal ini sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh salah seorang narasumber yang juga tim baperjakat di kota pare-pare bahwa: “disini sulit, karena orang yang memiliki kompetensi tidak dipilih, makanya saat ada yang lain bukan yang kami rekomendasikan lebih baik kita mundur saja, mungkin saja yang terpilih itu sudah politik kiri kanan dengan walikota” (wawancara 12/4/2011) kondisi tersebut bisa menjadi penyakit dalam penataan birokrasi daerah yang profesional sebagaimana tujuan dilaksanakannya reformasi birokrasi. tak bisa dipungkiri bahwa pengaruh politik adalah suatu hal yang tidak bisa dilepaskan begitu saja dalam tatanan birokrasi, namun pemerintah harus mampu meminimalisir pengaruh tersebut dengan kebijakan yang lebih baik sehingga pengaruh politik dalam rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi menjadi berkurang. d. peranan lembaga pendidikan tinggi sebagai bagian dari pembangunan masyarakat madani, perguruan tinggi memiliki peranan strategis dalam era otonomi daerah. peranan sebagai stakeholders pembangunan daerah untuk menciptakan pembangunan yang lebih efektif dan efisien. keputusan atau kebijakan pemerintah daerah menuntut adanya peran serta dari perguruan tinggi dalam berbagai bentuk antara lain tinjauan secara akademik terhadap suatu rancangan kebijakan. kemitraan antara pemerintah dengan perguruan tinggi di daerah bukan hanya sebagai pemberi masukan kepada pemerintah daerah tetapi juga proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 394 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebagai pemantau maupun pengevaluasi kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang menjadi bagian dari tri dharma perguruan tinggi. peran serta perguruan tinggi di kabupaten sleman dalam pemerintahan memberikan pengaruh positif dalam keberhasilan program pembangunan. sleman yang berbatasan langsung dengan kota yogyakarta yang terkenal dengan sebutan kota pelajar, memperoleh dampak sosial dan ekonomi tersendiri terhadap kehidupan masyarakat dan pemerintahan di sleman. bahkan beberapa universitas besar dan terkenal di indonesia berada di wilayah administratif kabupaten sleman antara lain universitas gadjah mada, universitas negeri yogyakarta, universitas islam indonesia, dan upn veteran. keberadaan perguruan tinggi tersebut tidak hanya mempengaruhi kondisi perekonomian masyarakat, tetapi juga jalannya roda pemerintahan di kabupaten sleman. perguruan tinggi dilibatkan dalam pengambilan kebijakan pemerintah dan pendampingan perguruan tinggi terhadap kegiatan atau program pemerintah daerah terlaksana sesuai latar belakang keahlian atau keilmuan pada beberapa perguruan tinggi. kemitraan tersebut menggunakan anggaran pemerintah kabupaten sleman, meskipun terdapat juga kemitraan menggunakan anggaran penelitian dan pengembangan di perguruan tinggi. pelaksanaan uji kompetensi pimpinan birokrasi di lingkup pemerintah kabupaten sleman, biaya pelaksanaan sepenuhnya bersumber dari apbd kabupaten sleman. salah seorang narasumber menyatakan bahwa: “untuk tes psikologi kami bekerjasama dengan ugm namun juga sering dengan uny, khusus untuk analisis jabatan dan analisis beban kerja kami bekerjasama intens dengan upn veteran karena mereka memang yang kami pandang memiliki kompetensi”. (wawancara 28/4/2011). hal ini menggambarkan bahwa peranan perguruan tinggi sangat membantu dalam pelaksanaan tata kelola pemerintahan di kabupaten sleman. netralitas dan independensi serta profesionalisme dari perguruan tinggi menjadi jaminan kualitas dalam pelaksanaan kerjasama dengan pemerintah daerah. kegiatan konsultasi dengan tim ahli di beberapa perguruan tinggi sering dilakukan oleh pemerintah kabupaten sleman, bahkan ada beberapa pejabat di kabupaten sleman yang menjadi tenaga proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 395 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengajar (dosen) luar biasa pada beberapa perguruan tinggi di yogyakarta. “sekretaris daerah disini juga sebagai dosen s2 di map (magister administrasi publik) ugm jadi kerjasama lebih mudah karena adanya kedekatan ini”. (wawancara 28/4/2011). kedekatan emosional antara pemerintah daerah dengan perguruan tinggi sudah terbangun sejak dulu dan terjalin dengan baik sampai saat ini. hal ini patut menjadi contoh yang baik buat kabupaten lainnya tentang mekanisme dan kemitraan antara perguruan tinggi dengan pemerintah kabupaten sleman. kondisi yang berbeda terjadi di kota parepare, belum terjalin kemitraan yang seharusnya antar pemerintah kota dengan perguruan tinggi setempat. di kota parepare belum banyak perguruan tinggi seperti di kabupaten sleman, perguruan tinggi yang populer dan terbesar adalah universitas muhammadiyah parepare (umpar). peranan umpar dalam tata kelola pemerintahan masih belum maksimal masih perlu pelibatan yang maksimal sesuai dengan kebutuhan daerah. pelibatan oleh pemerintah kota dalam kegiatan pemerintahan masih perlu ditingkatkan lagi sebagaimana yang terjadi di kabupaten sleman. banyak hal sebenarnya yang bisa dilaksanakan dengan perguruan tinggi bukan hanya sekedar pada pelaksanaan rekrutmen pimpinan, tapi lebih diperluas untuk bidang penelitian dan pengembangan keilmuan yang lebih aplikatif di masyarakat. kesimpulan dari penelitian ini dapat diperoleh kesimpulan sebagai berikut: 1. terdapat perbedaan dalam proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di lokus penelitian, yaitu proses rekrutmen pimpinan birokrasi di kabupaten sleman dilaksanakan dengan uji kompetensi terlebih dahulu sebelum diserahkan kepada baperjakat untuk selanjutnya ditetapkan oleh bupati sedangkan di kota parepare tidak melalui proses uji kompetensi, hanya melalui proses pengajuan oleh pimpinan calon pejabat yang bersangkutan kepada bkd, kemudian dinilai oleh baperjakat untuk kemudian ditetapkan oleh walikota. 2. terdapat beberapa faktor yang mempengaruhi proses rekrutmen pejabat pada lokus penelitian, antara lain: komitmen kepala daerah, proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 396 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kelengkapan data kepegawaian, kepentingan politik, peranan lembaga pendidikan tinggi. rekomendasi penelitian ini memberikan beberapa saran antara lain: 1. pemerintah pusat seyogyanya membuat peraturan yang memisahkan antara jabatan politik dengan jabatan karir. 2. pembina tertinggi kepegawaian di daerah tidak boleh diserahkan kepada kepala daerah karena birokrasi rentan dengan muatan politik. 3. pemerintah pusat sebaiknya menetapkan aturan tentang kewajiban pelaksanaan uji kompetensi dalam menetapkan calon pejabat publik. 4. meskipun sudah ada aturan tentang uji kompetensim, namun belum ada ketentuan tentang kewajiban daerah melaksanakannya. 5. pemerintah daerah seyogyanya membuat perencanaan yang komprehensif dalam pengembangan sumber daya aparatur yang terintegrasi dalam tatanan kepegawaian daerah termasuk penganggarannya. 6. pemerintah daerah sebaiknya melengkapi dokumen kepegawaian untuk dijadikan dasar dalam perencanaan dan pengembangan pegawai termasuk mutasi dan promosi. 7. pemerintah daerah sebaiknya lebih meningkatkan partisipasi stakeholders dalam pelaksanaan tata kelola pemerintahan daerah khususnya perguruan tinggi di daerah dalam proses rekrutmen terutama pada tahap uji kompetensi calon pejabat. daftar pustaka faisal tamin. 2011. wawancara di metro tv tanggal 29 juni menpan dan reformasi birokrasi. 2007. agenda strategis reformasi birokrasi menuju good governance. jakarta. menpan dan reformasi birokrasi. pkp2a ii lan makassar. 2011. “uji publik ruu kepegawaian ri”. seminar diselenggarakan atas kerjasama komite 1 dpd ri dengan pkp2a ii lan makassar di kampus pkp2a ii lan makassar tanggal 1 maret. pkp2a i lan. 2009. pengembangan model seleksi “fit and proper test” bagi pejabat publik”. bandung. pkp2a i lan proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 397 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ simamora, henri. 1997. manajemen sumber daya manusia, jakarta. schuler, randal.s dan jackson, susan.e. 1997. manajemen sumber daya manusia menghadapi abad ke-21. erlangga. jakarta. www.slemankab.go.id didownload tanggal 23 juli 2011. proses rekruitmen pimpinan birokrasi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten sleman dan kota parepare / zulchaidir zulchaidir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0019 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 98 politik keamanan jagoan madura http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 ardhie raditya program studi sosiologi fakultas ilmu sosial universitas negeri surabaya. e-mail: diditz_22@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research explains the local strongmen in madura, named blater. the power was not only obtained through mastering either economic capital or structural power but through the power can be obtained through managing people security. this research uses descriptive-qualitative method for explaining the result of this research. the result of this research shows that the democracy has been used as an opportunity to reach the power conducted by local strongman in madura. they were extremely intelligent in creating public fear as a power commodity that was used for political interest, particularly in the election of regional heads. they have established structural-functional relationships indirectly between bureaucrats and security apparatus. with courage and respect values, the blaters use people’s fears as a bridge to compose security politics in the era of democracy. keywords: blater, power, security, madura abstrak penelitian ini mengkaji tentang fenomena orang kuat lokal di madura yang bernama blater. kekuasaan tidak hanya didapatkan melalui penguasaan modal yang bersifat ekonomis maupun merebut kekuasaan struktural melalui proses politik dan demokrasi. kekuasaan dapat juga diperoleh dengan cara mengelola keamanan masyarakat. penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif untuk menjelaskan hasil analisa penelitian ini. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa demokrasi dijadikan peluang untuk meraup modal kekuasaan oleh komunitas jagoan lokal di madura (blatèr). mereka sangat piawai menciptakan rasa takut masyarakat menjadi komoditas kekuasaan untuk ditransaksikan secara politik, terutama pada saat proses pemilihan kepala daerah secara langsung. mereka lantas secara tidak langsung telah membentuk hubungan struktural fungsional antara penguasa dan aparatus keamanan legal. dengan didukung budaya keberanian dan nilai-nilai penghormatan, para blater semakin lincah bermain dengan rasa takut 99 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat dalam merangkai politik keamanan di era demokrasi. kata kunci: blatèr, kekuasaan, keamanan, madura pendahuluan kemunculan demokrasi sebagai sistem politik yang paling baik diharapkan mampu menciptakan kualitas kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara yang terbebas dari berbagai bentuk dominasi. demokrasi memberikan kesempatan dan peluang yang sebesar-besarnya bagi pemecahan persoalan aktualisasi diri manusia. menurut banyak kalangan, demokrasi dapat membebaskan masyarakat dari kemiskinan, karena mereka yang menderita dapat secara langsung menyampaikan persoalan yang terjadi di akar rumput dan kebutuhan apa yang sangat mendesak untuk segera direspon pemerintah (diamond, 2000). artinya, demokrasi mendidik masyarakat untuk memenuhi kebutuhannya sebagai manusia yang memiliki hak berbicara, berkomunikasi, berogarnisasi, serta mendapatkan pelayanan publik secara layak untuk perbaikan nasib hidupnya. demokrasi juga mendidik penguasa untuk belajar peka akan kepentingan rakyatnya agar legitimasi sosial terus terjaga. namun, demokrasi seringkali memberikan peluang yang lebih luas bagi keberlangsungan hidup komunitas para jagoan yang memanfaatkan demokrasi sebagai jargon kebebasan bertindak dan memperbaiki kesejahteraan hidup. sebagai komunitas yang rentan terhadap kekuatan aparatur hukum, seperti kepolisian, seringkali mereka menggunakan demokrasi sebagai legitimasi aktivitas ekonomi-politik mereka yang sarat kriminalitas dan kekerasan. komunitas jagoan ini tumbuh dan berkembang di masa sekarang sudah tidak lagi menjaga nilai-nilai kerakyatan. padahal, komunitas jagoan ini di sejumlah daerah memiliki asal-usul populis karena kekuatan idealismenya menjaga kehidupan rakyat dari berbagai praktek dominasi dan kesewenang-wenangan penguasa. kita sering mendengar legenda si pitung, sosok jagoan rakyat banten, yang mengorganisir rakyat setempat melawan kekejaman dan kejahatan struktural kolonial. di madura, sejarah blatèr berawal dari kepentingan resistensi rakyat terhadap kekuasaan kolonial dan penguasa lokal yang sering menimbulkan kesengsaraan dan kemiskinan di madura (rozaki, 2004). kekerasan yang telah mereka lakukan pada masa itu ditujukan untuk gerakan mempertahankan nilai kemanusiaan dari berbagai bentuk politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 100 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penyelewengan kekuasaan yang dilegitimasi secara kultural dan struktural. di era kekinian, ketika negara modern sudah terbentuk dengan berbagai perangkat hukum dan aturan yang mengikat, maka berbagai bentuk kekerasan dan kejahatan tidak layak lagi dipertahankan secara intensif oleh pihak manapun dengan berbagai kepentingan apapun. apalagi, sistem politik dan pemerintahan sudah berwujud demokratis, maka persoalan masyarakat harus dipecahkan dengan jalan dialog yang penuh responsif dan empatik. elit negara memiliki tanggungjawab moral yang lebih berat karena mereka harus memperjuangkan aspirasi masyarakat. suara rakyat adalah suara tuhan. itulah prinsip dasar demokrasi. maka, aspirasi rakyat harus didahulukan daripada aspirasi penguasa dan koloninya. dalam rangka pemenuhan distribusi keadilan dalam demokrasi, lantas kue kekuasaan yang pada awalnya tersentralistik di pusat harus terbagi ke tingkat lokal. terutama di asia tenggara yang masih kental nilai-nilai primordialisme, maka kekuasaan lantas tidak hanya dianggap semata-mata milik pusat melainkan juga milik daerah dengan alasan menyalurkan hakhak politik komunitas tradisional yang selama ini terpinggirkan di pentas nasional (trocki, 1998:8-9). pada kenyataannya, demokrasi dianggap kurang memberikan rasa aman bagi sebagian besar masyarakat. komunitas jagoan (yang kini lebih dikenal sebagai komunitas premanisme) terus melesat, bahkan kekuasaannya melebihi kekuasaan negara. aparat hukum, seperti pihak kepolisian, seringkali kewalahan menangani kekuatan komunitas jagoan. komunitas jagoan seperti bayang-bayang di setiap gerak langkah negara. mereka semakin kokoh berdiri karena terkadang kekuatan politik ikut menjaga dan menggunakan perannya (patria dan gunawan, 2000: xi). keamanan menjadi kebutuhan yang langka karena kehadiran demokrasi tidak disertai kemapanan ekonomi dan pendidikan politik. pengetahuan berdemokrasi seolah-olah hanya terhenti di tingkat elite negara dan tidak menetes ke bawah. sistem demokrasi yang memberikan peluang besar bagi rakyat untuk menyuarakan kemiskinan dan kebodohan yang menimpa mereka ternyata seringkali sekedar pepesan kosong, karena wakil-wakilnya di lembaga pemerintahan kurang sensitif dan responsif. korupsi uang negara yang banyak melibatkan petinggi pemerintahan negeri ini menjadi contoh kongkrit betapa elit negara belum sensitif dengan kepentingan rakyatnya. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 101 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mereka sepertinya lebih paham bagaimana mengurusi kepentingannya sendiri dibandingkan menangani kebutuhan dan kepentingan konstituennya. keamanan termasuk salah satu kebutuhan mendasar manusia. thomas hobbes mengatakan, bahwa manusia merupakan mahluk yang memiliki naluri barbar dan berpotensi saling memakan sesamanya. karena itulah, dalam rangka memenuhi rasa aman tersebut dibutuhkan lembaga super kuat seperti negara yang dapat mengekang instink naluriah tersebut. konsepsi negara semacan inilah yang pada akhirnya menciptakan fasisme dan otoritarian. negara fasis dan otoriter dianggap leviathan yang memiliki kekuatan militerisme untuk menciptakan kedamaian. padahal, dalam sistem politik demokratis ternyata rasa aman yang awalnya berada di tangan negara lambat laun mulai terbelah dan terfragmentasi ke komunitas masyarakat semacam komunitas jagoan. komunitas jagoan ini menganggap, bahwa merekalah yang paling tahu tentang bagaimana rasa aman masyarakat tersebut diartikulasikan. negara dianggap gagal menciptakan rasa aman karena ternyata hanya memihak pada kepentingan kelas atas. di sejumlah negara, munculnya kelompok jagoan seperti bandit dan mafia berawal dari resistensi kelas bawah terhadap eksploitasi sebuah rezim penguasa dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahannya. fenomena robin hood dan the godfather adalah fenomena akar rumput yang berorientasi perubahan sosial dengan jalan alternatif dan gerakan kultural (hobswan, 2000: 143). fenomena komunitas jagoan ini lantas menjadi menarik karena kekuatan mereka di tengah kekuasaan negara demokratis mampu “mencuri” peluang untuk terlibat dalam menentukan gerak langkah kehidupan masyarakat. berasaskan pada prinsip kebebasan beroganisasi dan otonomi politik, eksistensi mereka hampir menyamai eksistensi negara itu sendiri. maka, terciptalah struktur politik yang bersifat jejaring kebutuhan peranan (weblike structure) dalam sistem demokrasi. jejaring ini saling bersinergis dan fungsional dengan rezim pemerintahan, seperti elit negara dan elite birokrasi (migdal, 2004: 52). elit negara membutuhkan elit birokrasi dalam penentuan dan pembuatan kebijakan. tetapi, kebijakan ini kadangkala menimbulkan reaksi keras dari masyarakat. dalam sistem demokrasi, kadangkala reaksi keras masyarakat politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 102 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dapat berakibat anarkis dan kritik keras. karena itu, kekacauan ini harus diredam dengan jalan memfungsikan peran komunitas jagoan. dalam konteks ini, bagaimanakah strategi komunitas jagoan lokal dalam mempertahankan kekuasannya sehingga kebutuhan rasa aman masyarakat dapat diartikulasikan dengan mengesampingkan idealisme perjuangan atas nama rakyat yang dahulu menjadi landasan lahirnya komunitas jagoan tersebut. lokasi penelitian dalam mencari pengetahuan atas dasar rumusan masalah tersebut difokuskan pada wilayah madura. penelitian tentang komunitas jagoan madura yang dikenal dengan sebutan blatèr ini hingga kini kurang mendapatkan perhatian banyak kalangan. karena, aksesibilitas menembus ruang komunitas blatèr ini seringkali sulit ditembus karena tingkat kerawanan yang tinggi. padahal, komunitas blatèr ini perlu dipotret secara deskriptif-kualitatif sebagai bahan informasi tambahan bahwa komunitas jagoan lokal tidak hanya ada di jawa, tetapi juga ada di madura. ini sekaligus memperkuat argumentasi bahwa kebutuhan rasa aman di tingkat lokal ternyata bersifat menyeluruh di tiap daerah di indonesia, termasuk juga di madura. apalagi, budaya masyarakat madura yang sering beririsan dengan kultur kekerasan, maka kekuatan komunitas blatèr tersebut semakin memiliki kekuatan yang cukup besar. bahkan, kekuatan mereka melebihi kekuasaan aparatus keamanan legal-formal. kerangka teoritik dalam kehidupan masyarakat, kekuasaan merupakan suatu keniscayaan. sebab, kekuasaan memiliki peran penting. dengan kekuasaan, kehidupan masyarakat dapat diarahkan dan dikontrol agar kehidupan mereka berjalan sesuai harapan sosial. itulah sebabnya, banyak kalangan mengatakan bahwa kekuasaan merupakan unsur penting untuk dikaji dalam masyarakat. (soekanto, 2003:265) kekuasaan bukan entitas yang hampa makna. menurut dahl, kekuasaan bekaitan erat dengan perilaku, yakni prilaku mempengaruhi orang lain (haryanto, 2005; 4). surbakti (1992; 58) menyatakan, bahwa kekuasaan terakit dengan suatu kemampuan menggunakan sumber-sumber pengaruh yang dimiliki untuk mempengaruhi pihak lain agar berprilaku sesuai dengan yang diminta pihak yang menggunakan sumber pengaruh tadi. kekuasaan, menurut andrain (1992; 130) adalah penggunaan politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 103 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sejumlah besar sumber daya untuk memperoleh kepatuhan (tingkah laku menyesuaikan) dari orang lain. sekalipun ada perbedaan pandangan dari para tokoh itu tentang arti kekuasaan, pada dasarnya kekuasaan itu memiliki kesamaan. kekuasaan dianggap kekuatan yang berorientasi pada pembentukan tatanan sosial (pitaloka, 2005; laswell, 1984: 9) bagaimana blatèr sebagai komunitas jagoan madura memiliki, mendistribusikan sekaligus mempertahankan kekuasaannya? penelitian wiyata (2002) mengatakan, bahwa para blatèr seringkali berhadapan dengan kekuatan hukum legal karena tindakan mereka yang tidak adaptif dengan tatanan stabilitas keamanan sosial. setiap terjadi konflik dan ketegangan sosial, maka cara yang ditempuhnya bukan melalui jalur hukum, melainkan melalui jalur kekerasan atau carok. memang agak sulit memaksakan kekuaatan hukum nasional di jalur lokal ketika dihadapkan pada dimensi kultural. sebab, kekerasan atau carok yang terkadang menghilangkan jiwa dan nyawa orang lain itu muncul karena adanya suatu tindakan yang melukai harga diri mereka sebagai blatèr sekaligus orang madura. berdasarkan penelitian wiyata (2002), setidaknya ada tiga persoalan mendasar yang terkait dengan harga diri komunitas blatèr. pertama, perempuan. berdasarkan hasil laporan penelitian wiyata, bahwa aksi kekerasan seperti kasus carok kebanyakan (60,4%) terjadi karena disebabkan tindakan mengganggu istri atau tunangan orang lain. kedua, masalah ekonomi. dimensi ekonomi di sini terkait erat dengan upaya kompetisi tanah warisan dan kecemburuan akibat bisnis yang terjadi di masyarakat madura. mereka yang tergolong blatèr, tidak akan takut dan gentar untuk menggunakan cara kekerasan demi mendapatkan surplus ekonomi seperti warisan dan memenangkan kompetisi bisnis. untuk kompetisi bisnis ini, penelitian yang dilakukan rozaki (2004) juga memberikan sebuah kontribusi menarik dalam memotret kekuasaan blatèr di bangkalan. pertarungan hegemoni antara kiai dan blatèr seringkali terjadi karena perebutan lahan ekonomis seperti distribusi dana proyek pembangunan. ketiga, masalah interaksi sosial. kesalahan dalam berkomunikasi dengan orang lain di kalangan blatèr pada umumnya dapat menimbulkan sebuah kemarahan. mereka tidak memiliki tata kesopanan (andhâp-asor) dalam berinteraksi akan dianggap orang yang tidak tahu diri politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 104 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (jângghâl). di setiap daerah, komunitas para jagoan bukanlah bersifat tunggal. di antara komunitas jagoan itu selalu terjadi diferensiasi sosial. hasil penelitian suhartono (1989) menunjukkan bahwa di jawa, khususnya di jawa tengah, terjadi perbedaan kelompok jagoan. ada yang berjuang di wilayah akar rumput (populis) dan ada yang berjuang di wilayah atas (elitis). perbedaan wilayah kerja jagoan ini kemudian menyebabkan kompetisi di antara mereka. hal ini yang kemudian menciptakan identitas kelompok (group identity). identitas kelompok ini berkaitan dengan makna dari tindakan sang aktor untuk memperkuat institusi sosial berdasarkan nilai-nilai kelompok yang dianut (castel, 2000: 110). castel mencoba mengaitkan identitas ini ke dalam tiga kekuasaan. yakni, identitas yang erat dengan proses legitimasi, identitas yang memiliki nilai resistensi, dan identitas yang berhubungan perubahan kedudukan. seluk-beluk kekuasaan yang coba diraih oleh para jagoan seperti blatèr bersinggungan dengan perebutan dan pembentukan identitas ini. sebab, mereka menginginkan eksistensi. eksistensi inilah yang menjadi pembeda identitas mereka dengan masyarakat pada umumnya. dalam identitas itu ada nilai kehormatan yang harus dijaga. mereka yang kalah bersaing dengan kelompok lain akan dianggap rendah oleh masyarakat sekitar. penelitian wiyata (2000) dan rozaki (2004) tentang blatèr di madura barat (sampang dan bangkalan) mempertegas tentang hal ini. blatèr tak akan merasa kalah meski dirinya dianggap salah dan kalah. anggo’an potè tolang è tèmbâng potè mata(h) (lebih baik mati berkalang tanah daripada hidup menanggung malu) adalah ungkapan kehormatan para blatèr yang dijadikan prinsip hidup agar optimis dalam mempertahankan kekuasaanya di masyarakat. ini tidak jauh berbeda dengan hasil penelitian blok (1984) tentang jagoan dari italia, yang dikenal sebagai mafia. menurut blok, ada kehormatan kelompok yang harus dijaga oleh anggotanya. mereka yang tidak mampu menjaga kehormatan itu, akan dianggap pengkhianat dan pantas untuk disingkirkan dari komunitas mafia. kehormatan yang harus dijaga oleh kelompok mafia itu adalah kesejahteraan, persaudaraan, dan keamanan para anggota mafia. kesulitan yang diderita seorang mafia adalah kesulitan semua anggota kelompok politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 105 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mafia. karena itu, tindakan apa pun menjadi “halal” untuk dilakukan asalkan penderitaan itu dapat terselesaikan. di sinilah, letak entitas kekuasaan para jagoan tersebut berjalan dan dikukuhkan dalam rangka menjaga sebuah nilai kehormatan dan identitas kelompok mereka. hal ini yang dikatakan oleh foucault bahwa kekuasaan bukanlah suatu milik, tapi srategi. mereka yang memiliki kekuasaan dan pengetahuan dapat membangkitkan relasi kekuasaan. kekuasaan bukanlah kepemilikan tunggal di tangan satu pihak, sehingga seseorang atau sekelompok orang bisa melakukan kekuasaan sendiri terhadap orang lain (di bawahnya) secara total. kekuasaan dapat digunakan oleh siapa saja, sebagaimana layaknya sistem jaringan pipa kapiler. dengan demikian, tidak hanya satu individu yang memutar kekuasaan, karena individu-individu yang lain (kelompok individu) juga berada dalam posisi yang serentak menjalankan dan menciptakan kekuasaannya (foucault, 2002: 122) karena itulah, foucault mengatakan bahwa analisis kekuasaan seharusnya tidak sekadar memusatkan pada tingkat tujuan sadar, tapi pada esensi reproduksi, strategi, dan implementasi bentuk kekuasaan itu sendiri. perhatian mengenai persoalan ’siapa yang memiliki kekuasaan?’ dan ’apa tujuan pemegang kekuasaan?’, harus dirubah menjadi proses-proses yang membentuk subjek sebagai efek kekuasaan (sarup, 2003; 126). itu berarti, kelompok minoritas tidak sendirinya menjadi pihak yang kalah dalam relasi kuasa, karena dunia masyarakat tersusun atas sebuah keseimbangan kekuatan yang bersifat kompleks, dan kekuatan itu tidak bisa direduksi pada kekuaatan absah (legitimate force) saja. karena, kekuasaan diibaratkan permainan yang menyenangkan dan siapa saja boleh terlibat di dalamnya (latif, 2005; 39-42) kekuasaan didapatkan dan dipertahankan tidak hanya melalui kekuatan fisik dan otot semata. tetapi, juga melalui persepsi situasi (situation perception) sehingga hal itu mampu menguasai alam pikiran massa. disanalah ada sebuah proses informasi yang didistribusikan dari pihak satu ke pihak lainnya yang memiliki posisi lemah dari sudut pandang kekuasaan. dalam pemikiran foucault (2002), bahwa dia yang memiliki pengetahuan juga menguasai kehidupan. kebenaran dan keotentikan dari pengetahuan seperti ini tentu tidak bisa dibuktikan nilai kevaliditasnya. karena ada ideologi yang menopang dibaliknya. mainheim (1992) menjelaskan bahwa politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 106 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bahasa yang ada dalam arena kekuasaan adalah bahasa yang penuh kebohongan dan kepentingan, sehingga akan sangat sulit untuk dijadikan sebuah pegangan moralitas universal. menurut hobsbwan (2000), kelompok jagoan atau bandit di kebanyakan negara kerapkali menggunakan bahasa ketakutan dan menyebarkan suatu isu yang dapat membuat masyarakat berada dalam ketidakamanan. dari situasi itulah, para bandit dengan mudah mempengaruhi orang lain untuk menjadi tunduk, patuh, serta takut terhadap mereka. kehidupan blatèr tidak jauh beda dengan apa yang telah diteliti hobsbwan. rozaki misalnya mengatakan, bahwa blatèr di madura barat kerapkali mengkondisikan kehidupan warganya dalam keadaan bahaya dan penuh ketakutan. sehingga, mereka tidak berani melawan dan mengganggu kehidupan blatèr. blatèr, dalam persepsi orang madura seringkali diidentikkan dengan sekelompok kekerasan. ada banyak karakteristik yang melekat dalam diri blatèr. berdasarkan temuan lapangan, karakteristik blatèr adalah sekelompok orang yang hidupnya sangat lumrah dengan praktek kriminalitas seperti berjudi, mencuri, mengkonsumsi miras, membunuh hingga merampok. blatèr juga kerap mengatasi persoalan prinsipil (terutama terkait dengan masalah harga dirinya) melalui cara-cara kekerasan seperti carok. karena itu, tidak heran apabila senjata tajam khas madura seperti clurit dan belati menjadi benda yang selalu dibawa (disèkep) ke manapun mereka pergi. blatèr merupakan sosok yang selalu siap-siaga dalam berbagai medan. seseorang dianggap blatèr apabila mengikuti tradisi rèmo. tradisi rèmo ini adalah aktivitas perkumpulan dan pertemuan antar blatèr yang dikemas dalam bentuk arisan dalam periode tertentu yang disetiap petemuan itu disuguhkan sandur (penari), minuman keras, dan penyerahan sejumlah uang kepada tuan rumah. selain tradisi rèmo, blatèr biasanya menyukai hiburan tertentu, seperti sabung ayam (adduân ajem) dan kerapan sapi. kedua hiburan ini bukan sekedar media melepaskan lelah, melainkan sebagai ajang untuk memperkuat ke-blatèr-annya (karena ada ritual unjuk keberanian). blatèr umumnya memiliki istri lebih dari satu orang. di mata mereka, semakin banyak istri maka semakin tinggi tingkat kekuatannya (kejantanannya). karena blatèr ini dianggap pelaku kriminalitas, maka keberadaannya tersembunyi dari masyarakat luas. sekalipun demikian, bukan berarti mereka itu tidak bisa ditemukan, karena politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 107 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat sekitarnya mengetahui dengan jelas siapa saja sosok blatèr di masyarakat sekitar. hasil dan analisis 1. kondisi sosial demografis madura secara geografis, pulau madura terletak di sebelah timur laut pulau jawa dengan koordinat 7° lintang selatan dari khatulistiwa, dan antara 112° dan 114° bujur timur. panjang pulau madura kurang lebih 190 km, jarak terlebar 40 km dan luas keseluruhan 5.304 km². ketinggian madura dari permukaan laut berkisar antara 2 meter-350 meter. antara pulau jawa dan madura dipisahkan dan disekat oleh selat madura. madura memiliki 4 (empat) kabupaten. menurut letak dan wacana yang berkembang di masyarakat setempat, empat kabupaten itu diklasifikasikan menjadi madura bara’ (barat) yang terdiri dari bangkalan dan sampang, dan madura tèmor (timur) yakni, pamekasan dan sumenep. meski beda lokasi, tapi kondisi sosial-budaya masyarakat di madurat barat dan timur itu tidak jauh berbeda. ini disebabkan latar belakang historis pulau madura yang berasal dari kelompok dan keturunan yang sama seperti yang tertuang dalam legenda nenek moyang madura, raden sagoro dari kerajaan mandangkumalan (wiyata, 2002). bahkan, raja-raja yang ada di madura dahulu kala masih tergolong satu garis keturunan. hanya saja, perebutan kekuasaan yang diprovokasi oleh devide at ampera kolonial yang kemudian membuat penguasa di madura mendirikan wilayah kekuasaanya sendiri di tiap-tiap daerah (zulkarnaen 2003; fatah, 1912). dari segi luas, keempat kabupaten itu berbeda. sumenep, merupakan kabupaten terluas (baik dari segi lahan dan wilayahnya) diantara empat kabupaten lainnya yang ada di madura. luas masing-masing kabupaten di madura adalah; bangkalan 1.260 km², sampang 1.233 km², pamekasan 792 km², serta sumenep 1.989 km². total luas lahan di madura adalah 469,590 ha, dengan rincian: di kab. bangkalan 116,607ha, sampang 123,084 ha, pamekasan 77 ha dan sumenep 152,104 ha. luas lahan madura secara keseluruhan tentu relatif kecil apabila dikomparasikan dengan luas wilayah jawa timur. jika total luas lahan di madura 469,590 ha, sementara luas jawa timur adalah 4,176,032 ha. ini menunjukkan bahwa luas lahan di madura relatif lebih politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 108 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kecil dibandingkan luas lahan yang ada di jawa. (niehof, 1948: 26). madura tergolong wilayah tropis dengan memiliki dua musim, yakni penghujan (nambara’) dan kemarau (nèmor). musim penghujan, ini berlangsung mulai pertengahan bulan november hingga permulaan bulan april, dan ketika itu suhu udara berkisar pada angka 28° dengan jumlah hujan turun rata-rata 16 hari/bulan, dan curah hujan sekitar 200-300 mm. sedangkan musim kemarau, terjadi bulan mei hingga pertengahan bulan oktober, dengan suhu rata-rata 30°. kini, suhu udara biasanya sangat panas dan beberapa sungai mengering. ketika musim pancaroba, rata-rata curah hujan tak lebih 100 mm/bulan. namun, perbedaan mencolok adalah pada daerah pedalaman yang lebih tinggi, hampir selalu mengalami musim hujan selama enam bulan berturut-turut. sedangkan, daerah yang rendah, musim penghujan itu biasanya berlangsung tidak lebih dari tiga atau empat bulan lamanya (wiyata, 2002: 32-33). madura merupakan bagian dari sekian banyak daerah di jawa timur yang memiliki kondisi alam yang kurang menguntungkan bagi aktifitas pertanian (kuntowijoyo, 2002: 49). dikomparasikan dengan daerah yang ada di jawa, pulau madura tentu memiliki kondisi lahan yang terbilang tandus, kurang subur bagi tanaman pertanian pada umumnya. karena, permukaan tanahnya didominasi oleh susunan batu kapur dan endapan kapur, dengan lapisan aluvial laut di sepanjang pantai utara dan empat dataran aluvial sungai (satu di barat, dua di selatan dan satu di timur). itu artinya, di madura bagian timur (sumenep dan pamekasan), seluruh tanahnya terdiri dari bebatuan nepal dan kapur, ditambah batu alam lainnya yang sangat keras (de jonge, 1989: 6). karena itulah, tidak heran jika banyak nama desa di madura timur yang identik dengan bebatuan (bâtoh), seperti bâtoporran, bâtobhella, bâtobintang, bâtoampar, dan bâtopote. bahkan, ada jargon masyarakat madura timur yang mengindentifikasikan orang desa dengan istilah orang gunong na’nong bâto klèttak (orang yang tinggal di bukit yang di sekitarnya penuh bebatuan). sebagai kelanjutan dari pegunungan kapur di pulau jawa, tentunya kondisi tanah madura sebagaimana terdeskripsi di atas wajar adanya. induk pegunungan kapur yang membuat kondisi tanah di madura kurang subur adalah pegunungan kapur yang ada di jawa-yang terpisah sewaktu periode pasca-glasial. tepatnya di daerah rembang, sekitar bagian utara politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 109 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan selatan lembah solo, grobogan, hingga bojonegoro (subaharianto, 2004: 16). itu sebabnya pada masa kekinian selain kondisi tanah yang kurang subur, tandus, kasar, kering, juga membuat suhu udara madura terasa panas, terutama di kala musim kemarau tiba. tidak heran apabila kebanyakan orang luar madura belakangan ini yang pernah berkunjung ke pulau garam itu akan mengatakan bahwa madura sangat panas. salah satu ciri tanah yang didominasi oleh kapur itu adalah karakateristik warna tanahnya yang coklat agak kemerah-merahan karena adanya campuran pasir kuarsa dan mineral-mineral lainnya (kuntowijoyo, 2002: 26). katika endapan dan kandungan kapur di suatu pegunungan itu hanyut karena adanya perubahan alam ataupun periode glasial, maka yang dibawa adalah lempung dan napal hingga membuat tanah dibagian bawahnya berwarna kuning muda. tipe tanah tegalan seperti di madura ini, mudah digerogoti erosi oleh air selama musim penghujan dan oleh angin saat musim kemarau (leunissen, 1989: 239). sebagai gambaran, di kab. pamekasan ada sekitar 35.762 ha tanah tegalan, sementara tanah sawah irigasi 1.483 ha, sawah semi 6.275 ha, dan sawah tadah hujan 7.272 ha (bps pamekasan, 2006). ini menunjukkan bahwa tipe tanah tegal lebih dominan di madura dibandingkan tipe tanah sawah yang notabene amat subur dan cocok untuk lahan agrikultur. dominasi tanah tegalan ini kemudian berdampak pada rendahnya tingkat kesejahteraan masyarakat madura pada umummnya. menurut sejumlah kalangan peneliti bahwa 80% kemiskinan di madura disebabkan karena tipikal tanah tegalan yang berkarakter tandus. sehingga, masyarakatnya tak memungkinkan menghasilkan beragam tanaman pertanian yang prospektif (wiyata, 2002; de jonge, 1989; mansurnoor, 1990) jumlah penduduk di madura secara umum selalu mengalami peningkatan. berdasarkan data statistik tahun 2006 menunjukkan bahwa jumlah penduduk di madura sebesar 3.690.580 jiwa yang tersebar di 4 kabupaten: bangkalan 945.863 jiwa, sampang 894.046 jiwa, pamekasan 782.076 jiwa dan sumenep 1.068.595 jiwa. data ini meningkat tajam dibandingkan jumlah penduduk madura pada 2005 sebanyak 3.626.644 jiwa dan 2004 sebanyak 3.563.888 jiwa, dan 2003 sebanyak 3.491.951 jiwa. untuk selanjutnya bisa dilihat di tabel. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 110 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tabel 1. jumlah penduduk madura/kabupaten tahun 2003-2006 sumber: profil kab. bangkalan, sampang, pamekasan dan sumenep tahun 2006 berdasarkan tingkat kepadatan, madura tergolong lebih besar dibandingkan dengan jawa timur. di 2006 tingkat kepadatan (orang/km²) di jatim sebesar 768 jiwa/km². sementara di madura apabila memfokuskan pada dua kabupaten, pamekasan dan sumenep (sebagai lokasi penelitian ini) jumlahnya cukup mencolok. di kabupaten sumenep misalnya, pada tahun 2006 tingkat kepadatannya sekitar 504 jiwa/km² dan di pamekasan sekitar 918 jiwa/km². di sampang tinkat kepadatan sekitar 678 jiwa/ km² dan bangkalan sekitar 744 jiwa/km². jika dibandingkan dengan luas wilayah madura yang sebesar 5.304 km², maka tingkat kepadatan penduduk di madura itu tentu cukup tinggi. pada tahun sebelumnya, tingkat kepadatan penduduk di madura juga tidak jauh berbeda. berdasarkan hasil riset wiyata (2002) bahwa tahun 1994 kepadatan penduduk di madura tergolong lebih tinggi dibandingkan jawa timur. kondisi demografis ini yang membuat kondisi ekonomis masyarakat madura memprihatinkan. ini dikarenakan selain tipe tanah madura yang gersang dan tandus, juga karena jumlah lahan pertanian semakin minim dan anggota keluarga yang harus dihidupi semakin banyak. karena itulah, kemiskinan di madura menjadi tidak terhindarkan lagi. setiap tahun, angka kemiskinan di madura mengalami peningkatan. berdasarkan statistik bps jatim 2007, total angka kemiskinan di madura sebesar 1.370.580 jiwa. pada tahun 2004, jumlah kemiskinan di madura hanya sekitar 905.784 jiwa. ini menunjukkan adanya peningkatan angka kemiskinan sebesar 20-30% selama kurun waktu 3 tahun. kemiskinan di madura bisa dikatakan relatif besar apabila dibandingkan dengan daerah tapal kuda (daerah pedalungan: etnis madura campuran) seperti di pasuruan, jember, probolinggo, situbondo serta bondowoso. total angka kemiskinan di lima kabupaten kota tapal kuda itu pada tahun 2007 hanya sekitar 1.151.071 jiwa. sementara 2004, kemiskinan itu di lima kota politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 111 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tersebut sekitar 1.479.170 jiwa. dengan demikian, ada penuruan kemiskinan di lima kabupaten tersebut dalam kurun waktu tiga tahun terakhir, sementara di madura yang terjadi justru sebaliknya. hingga kini, aktivitas bertani dan nelayan justru masih dominan bagi masyarakat madura pada umumnya. menurut huub de jonge (1989; 35), kurang lebih sekitar 70%-80% dari jumlah penduduk madura menopang hidup perekonomiannya bergantung pada aktifitas agraris. sementara, kurang lebih seperempat (± 8%) dari angkatan kerja (di jawa timur dan madura) berprofesi sebagai nelayan. jumlah ini diperkirakan lebih besar lagi, jika masyarakat madura yang bekerja sebagai nelayan sambilan (ketika pertanian kurang memberi prospek di masa tertentu1) turut dimasukkan di dalam jumlah angkatan kerja. itulah sebabnya tidak berlebihan kiranya apabila ada yang mengatakan bahwa pertanian merupakan tulang punggung utama masyarakat madura, baik itu pada masa awal keberadaannya ataupun hingga pergantian jaman (niehof, 1985: 28). secara spesifik, petani lebih banyak jumlahnya di madura timur dibandingkan madura barat. menurut niehof menunjukkan bahwa jumlah petani dan nelayan sekitar 88,2% di pamekasan (dari total penduduknya), 78,2% di sumenep, 77,4% di sampang, 76,9% di bangkalan. padi, jagung, singkong, serta tembakau merupakan tanaman pokok pertanian di madura. pada abad ke xix, tanaman pokok itu justru menjadi komoditas andalan bagi masyarakat madura. pada tahun 1916, hasil panen padi di madura sebesar 84.065 bau (1 bau = 0,7096 hektar), jagung 342.852 bau dan singkong 35.734 bau. lima tahun kemudian (1921), padi berhasil dipanen sebesar 93.876 bau, jagung 391.314 bau, kemudian singkong 152.194 bau. tahun 1925, hasil panen padi di madura bertambah menjadi 112.665 bau, jagung 463.251 bau dan singkong 78.551 bau. dibadingkan hasil panen tanaman yang sama di jawa (secara keseluruhan), tentunya hasil panen di madura sangat jauh tertinggal. sekalipun demikian, madura memiliki andil besar dalam produksi jagung bagi daerah jawa-madura, yaitu lebih dari 50% (kuntowijoyo, 2002: 50-51). diperkirakan bahwa dari total hasil panen padi, jagung dan singkong tersebut, justru madura baratlah (sampang dan bangkalan) yang sangat politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 112 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ besar jumlah panennya dibandingkan madura timur (pamekasan dan sumenep). ini tentu beralasan, karena tipe tanah sawah lebih dominan di madura barat, sementara tipe tanah tegalan justru lebih dominan di madura timur. mungkin, karena aliran sungai yang panjang dan curah hujan terbesar ada di madura barat. sementara, hutan madura timur itu mulai sedikit, banyak ditebangi demi keperluan aktifitas kelautan. padahal, keberadaan hutan dapat memberi kontribusi besar bagi tingkat kesuburan tanah. karena tanah tegalan lebih mendominasi madura timur, maka dapat dimengerti jika tanaman tembakau banyak dihasilkan di daerah ini. ini disebabkan, karena tembakau tidak memerlukan banyak air. 2. stratifikasi sosial dan kultur masyarakat madura karakteristik masyarakat pertanian adalah terjadinya stratifikasi sosial. stratifikasi sosial ini ditandai oleh terjadinya polarisasi kedudukan, kekuasaan, hak istiwewa dan hak milik sumber daya alam (sanderson, 2003). pada masyarakat primitif, yang lebih banyak mengandalkan kehidupannya pada alam yang bebas (berburu, meramu, memancing, dll) justru yang terjadi adalah ketidaksamaan sosial (diferensiasi sosial). diferensiasi sosial, dan bukan stratifikasi sosial, hanya ditandai atas pebedaan personal (seperti jenis kelamin ataupun keberanian). tetapi, setelah masyarakat memasuki kehidupan agraris, maka yang terjadi adalah penguasaan atas lahan garapan dan pembedaan yang tegas akan batas atau garis teritorialnya. kondisi inilah lantas memunculkan berbagai kelompok yang memiliki penguasaan atas sumber daya dan posisi sosial tertentu untuk mengatur penduduk dalam teritorialnya. penduduk yang semakin padat harus dikontrol, agar kapasitas dan kuantitas tanah garapan bisa memberikan jaminan hidup dan kesejahteraan. berdasarkan perspektif lenski (dalam sanderson, 2003:160), tekanan penduduk dan kemajuan teknologi dalam aspek holtikultura pada akhirnya menyebabkan terjadinya penguasaan atas kepemilikan tanah. dalam perkembangannya, tanah yang semakin langka pada akhirnya menimbulkan egoisme atas sumber daya ekonomis di berbagai sektor. inilah yang kemudian cikal bakal stratifikasi sosial di dalam masyarakat. rumusan teori stratifikasi lenski adalah sebagai berikut : tekanan penduduk ---> kemajuan tekhnologi ---> kelangkaan tanah ---> egoisme ---> stratifikasi sosial politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 113 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dilihat dari latar belakang geografis dan demografisnya, tentu masyarakat madura tergolong masyarakat agraris. hal itu terbukti, dari dominannya mata pencaharian sebagai petani. karena itu, di dalam kehidupan masyarakat madura pun terjadi stratifikasi sosial. setidaknya, terdapat tiga lapisan sosial dalam masyarakat madura. yakni, lapisan atas, menengah dan bawah. perbedaan lapisan sosial dimasyarakat madura ini didasarkan pada dimensi kekuasaan, kekayaan, hak istimewa (bangsawan), kepintaran ataupun kultural (kharismatik, agama dan kesaktian). lapisan atas di masyarakat madura terdiri dari orang kaya (rèng soghi), penguasa (pamarènta), keturunan raja (parjâji) dan berilmu (ghuru, rèng seppo, blatèr). kelas menengah ditempati oleh pegawai negeri (ponggabhâ). sementara, lapisan bawah masyarakat madura terdiri dari orang miskin (rèng miskèn), rakyat (rèng kèni’), petani (rèng tanih), nelayan (majâng), orang bodoh (rèng bhuduh) dan pengangguran (ta’ alakoh). mereka yang berada di lapisan sosial atas memiliki pengaruh terhadap kehidupan masyarakat madura pada umumnya. rakyat madura akan lebih patuh kepada mereka. ini disebabkan adanya kultur kepatuhan dan tipe ideal kepemimpinan masyarakat madura itu sendiri. kultur inilah yang dikenal dengan istilah buppa-bhabhu’ (orang tua),ghuru (guru, kyai, orang pintar), rato (penguasa dan pemerintah). mereka yang bersikap tidak patuh, apalagi bersikap tidak sopan pada lapisan atas tersebut, maka masyarakat setempat akan menganggapnya tidak beradab (ta’ dhâpor, langka, jângghel,). nah, salah satu indikasi sikap kepatuhan dan kesopan itu tercermin pada saat menunduk (agâlènon) jika berjalan melewati mereka yang tergolong tinggi posisi sosialnya. bersikap sopan terhadap mereka yang posisi sosialnya lebih tinggi juga bagian tata nilai andhâp asor (kultur sopan-santun). andhep asor ini telah menjadi panduan berinteraksi di dalam kehidupan masyarakat madura selama ini. bahkan, tradisi ini pulalah menjadi bagian dari kerangka kehormatan dan harga diri orang madura. bukan hanya perilaku kesopanan itu yang harusnya diejawantahkan dan dipelihara, tetapi juga lisan. setidaknya ada dua hal yang berkaitan dengan budaya lisan masyarakat madura yang harus dijaga. pertama, tingkatan bahasa (dheg-ondegghâ bâsa). tingkatan bahasa ini berkaitan erat dengan pilihan bahasa yang haruslah digunakan saat berkomunikasi politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 114 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan orang lain. secara umum ada tiga tingkatan bahasa madura, yakni bahasa halus (enghi-bhunten), bahasa menengah (engghi-entèn) dan juga bahasa kasar (enje’-iyye). bahasa halus (atau kromo dalam istilah jawa) biasa digunakan ketika berhadapan dengan orang yang lebih tinggi status sosialnya seperti kyai, orang tua, pemerintah, juragan, dll. bahasa menengah biasanya digunakan saat lawan bicaranya dianggap lebih dewasa, seperti adik terhadap kakaknya, bapak terhadap menantunya, dll. bahasa menengah ini bukan menjadi petunjuk stratifikasi sosial, melainkan lebih kepada perbedaan sosial. bahasa kasar biasanya digunakan ketika lawan bicara adalah teman kita sendiri (teman sebaya) (fath, 2007; raditya, 2008). kedua, aspek kejujuran dan kesantunan. bahasa tak hanya mengandung tingkatan, tapi juga memiliki makna psikologis bagi penggunanya. bahasa yang halus bisa menusuk hati apabila dibalik kata-katanya mengandung aspek fitnah, kebohongan, serta provokasi. karena itu, penggunaan katakata yang santun dan penuh kejujuran harus diutamakan di saat berkomunikasi dengan orang lain. kadangkala makna kata bisa berbedabeda, namun perbedaan makna ini bisa ditolerir dan tidak menimbulkan ketegangan apabila diucapkan secara jujur, empatik serta tidak diikuti simbol-simbol keangkuhan. orang yang berkata terima kasih dengan sikap sopan dan diikuti tatapan mata yang wajar akan lebih dihargai, daripada diikuti dengan tatapan mata yang penuh kemarahan dan nada yang keras. karena itu, masalah lidah terkadang bisa menimbulkan konflik-kekerasan di masyarakat madura. maka tak heran jika kultur masyarakat madura memegang teguh slogan budaya mon copa la gâgghâr ka tana, ta’ bisa è jhilât polè (kata-kata yang terlanjur menyakitkan tidak mudah dihapus). masyarakat madura dikenal dengan masyarakat yang memegang teguh kultur patriakhirnya. setiap anak laki-laki di madura sudah dibiasakan untuk berani, kuat, tidak mencla-mencle dan tegas. anak laki-laki madura yang penakut dianggap tidak punya kenjantanan. istilah ketto’ pala’en (potong alat kelaminmu) dan ngangguy sampèr (memakain rok) seringkali diucapkan kepada lelaki madura yang penakut. ada semacam nilai dan norma sosial bahwa kehormatan dan harga diri lelaki madura terletak pada keberanianya (angko, bengalan). bagi masyarakat madura, anak lakilaki yang ketahuan menangis akan dimarahi orang tuanya. karena politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 115 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menangis adalah simbol dari perempuan, dan seorang laki-laki harus bersikap maskulin dan jantan. kultur kekerabatan masyarakat madura juga dikenal kuat. sesama kerabat harus rukun. saling tolong menolong. meskipun terjadi konflik diantara saudaranya, hendaknya diselesaikan secara baik-baik tanpa harus memutuskan tali kekerabatan. jika sampai terputus tali kekerabatannya, maka mereka akan dianggap orang nespa dan kasta dibudina (menderita dan menyesal karena tak punya saudara). tuntutan mempererat tali hubungan kekerabatan ini terlihat dari pribahasa madura yang berbunyi ja’ngakan tolang taretan dibi’ (jangan menjalimini saudara sendiri). hubungan pertemanan juga dapat meingkat menjadi hubungan persaudaraan, ketika diantara teman telah terjalin ikatan batin dan emosional yang kuat. sebagaimana prinsip kanca daddi taretan. hal yang diutamakan dalam pertemanan adalah kesungguhan, kejujuran, kasih sayang dan pengertian. bukanlah semata-mata kepentingan sesaat belaka. seperti yang diungkap dalam pemeo masyarakat madura: mon akanca ben ataretan je’ tong-etongan ma’le akor salanjengnga (dalam persahabatan janganlah mengedepankan kalkulasi ekonomis). 3. kriminalitas dan kuasa blatèr madura alam menyediakan segala kebutuhan mendasar manusia, alam merupakan gudang makanan bagi masyarakatnya. aktivitas kerja menjadi penggerak untuk menghasilkan kebutuhan mendasar manusia dari alam. tanpa kerja, kebutuhan manusia tidak akan terpenuhi. dalam perkembangannya terjadi perubahan yang terkadang mengubah pola hidup masyarakat. manusia primitif yang seringkali berbuat barbar dalam memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya membuat kehidupan sosial menjadi keras, penuh konf lik. nyawa dianggap sesuatu yang mudah untuk diserabut dari pemiliknya hanya demi mendapatkan sesuap nasi. maka, muncul keinginan manusia untuk mengatur kehidupan masyarakat yang awalnya bebas agar menjadi terikat di bawah struktur sosial yang penuh dengan aturan agar kehidupan manusia tidak liar dan barbar. terjadilah yang dinamakan kontrak sosial. kontrak sosial inilah yang kemudian melahirkan sebuah negara dan sistem pemerintahan. fromm (2005) mengatakan bahwa kebebasan manusia untuk memenuhi kebutuhannya politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 116 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dari alam diatur sepenuhnya oleh negara pasca kolonial. negara menjelma sebagai kekuatan “adikodrati”, menyedikan dan mendistribusikan kebutuhan masyarakatnya melalui berbagai pelayanan publik dan kebijakan ekonomi-politik. madura, pada awal sejarahnya juga mengalami kondisi masyarakat primitif. masyarakatnya masih belum berada dalam kontrol kekuasaan negara modern seperti saat ini. sejarah kedatangan penghuni pertama madura, raden sagoro menjadi buktinya. raden sagoro beserta pengikutnya bisa menikmati makanan dan tempat tinggal yang didapatkan dari alam sekitar (rifa’i, 1993). munculnya kerajaan-kerajaan dan kekuasaan kolonial belanda membuat madura semakin terkontrol secara ketat. sehingga, bermacam kebutuhan masyarakatnya dibawah kebijakan penguasa. terjadilah stratifikasi sosial dan diferensiasi pekerjaan yang berjalan hingga kehadiran negara modern seperti saat ini. lalu, muncul sebuah budaya kepatuhan terhadap penguasa (ratoh), karena penguasa ataupun pemerintah inilah yang dijadikan tumpuan harapan terciptanya kesejahteraan dan keadilan sosial (raditya, 2008). pada kenyataannya harapan akan keadilan dan kesejahteran itu tidak berjalan secara humanis. dalam konteks ini kami mencoba melacak terjadinya penderitaan dan kemiskinan secara historis2. ketika kursi kekuasaan bergeser dari voc ke pemerintah belanda awal abad 18, indonesia dan termasuk madura telah menjadi negeri jajahan yang sebenar-benarnya (riklefs, 2005: 259). sistem dualistik ekonomipolitik yang digunakan belanda dalam mengeksploitasi negeri jajahannya mulai diterapkan. yakni, sistem liberal dan sistem konservatif. sistem liberal ini bisa terlihat dari adanya sistem sewa tanah (land-rent). sistem sewa tanah ini dibawa oleh raffles pada saat menjadi gubernur jenderal di jawa (1811-1816). sewa tanah yang harus dibayar penduduk umumnya 2/5 atau 40% dari hasil tanaman pokok (biasanya padi). raffles memandang tanah adalah milik pemerintah. ia merombak struktur feodal yang menjadi corak kerajaan. baginya, penguasa pribumi cenderung korup, lalim, suka berbohong dan tak dapat dipercaya. karenanya, hasil panen rakyat dipegang langsung oleh pemerintah kolonial, bukan dikelola oleh elite pribumi seperti masa kerajaan atau feodal tempo dulu. penguasa pribumi madura pun akhirnya menjadi alat pemerintah politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 117 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ belanda untuk mengawasi pembayaran pajak setiap cacah dalam unit desa. sistem pajak in natura, kerja wajib dan pelayanan bagi penguasa pribumi yang berbentuk tradisional mulai digantikan dengan pola modernistik. pajak yang dulunya berupa hasil panen digantikan dengan uang kontan. monoteisi di pedesaan pun terjadi. rakyat menjadi pekerja bebas yang diatur oleh upah. jadi, mereka bebas menjual tenaganya kepada siapa saja. penguasa pribumi yang di sistem kekuasaan tradisional sebagai pemegang kekuasaan langsung terhadap rakyatnya, maka dalam sistem modern mereka hanya sekedar menjadi jalur perantara belanda saja. artinya, penguasa pribumi itu diangkat menjadi karyawan di pemerintahan belanda yang sifatnya legal-rasional (ambetenar) dengan gaji bulanan, (bukanlah dengan tanah). pengangkatan karyawan adminitrasi belanda itu biasanya bersifat turun-temurun dari keluarga priyayi madura. penguasa pribumi ini tentunya tidaklah hanya memperoleh gaji, tetapi juga memperoleh persenan dari para penyewa tanah dan juga memperoleh beberapa bagian dari hasil kelebihan pajak yang disetorkan. pada sistem konservatif belanda dapat tampak dari adanya penerapan sistem kerja paksa dan budi daya pertanian atau dikenal dengan cultuurstelsel. sistem yang dibawa oleh van den bosh (1830-1870) ini membenahi logika ekploitasi kaum liberalis inggris. pada sistem ini, kedudukan penguasa pribumi atau priyayi itu disakralkan lagi, namun tetap mempertahankan kedudukannya sebagai birokrasi pemerintahan kolonial. priyayi dan penguasa pribumi ini memiliki kekuasaan kembali dalam mengorganisir dan memerintahkan kepada rakyatnya guna memberikan tenaganya dalam aktifitas pertanian dengan cuma-cuma atas nama raja. sehingga, di dalam sistem cultuurstelsel ini tidak ada lagi yang namanya petani bebas, dalam arti menjual tenaga kerjanya. yang bebas hanya tanah itu sendiri, dalam arti tanah bisa disewakan kepada siapa pun yang bermodal (orang cina, eropa, dan pedagang kaya) tetapi hasil sewa ini tetap mengalir ke negara induk (belanda). semua rakyat, harus bekerja memenuhi kepentingan rajanya. rakyat diwajibkan menyerahkan hasil panen pertaniannya kepada belanda. tenaga kerja mereka dibayar dengan beberapa uang, bahkan terkadang tidak dibayar karena mereka itu dianggap memberikan pelayanan terhadap sang raja. jika pun dibayar dengan hasil panen, jumlahnya amat minim, kira 1/3nya saja. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 118 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam sistem tanam paksa, rakyat di pedesaan harus menyediakan seperlima dari tanahnya untuk tanaman eksport (kopi, tebu dan tembakau) dan seperlima waktu kerjanya guna mengurusi tanaman pertanian. rakyat dituntut memperhatikan keiinginan rajanya, pengusaha asing dan penguasa kolonial belanda. jika mengalami gagal panen, maka tak diberikan ganti rugi. penguasa pribumi pun harus mengawasi secara ketat aktifitas kerja yang dilakukan rakyatnya. sebab, pemerintah belanda tidak menginginkan tuntutan berlebihan dari rakyat yang dapat mengganggu jalannya kepentingan ekonomi belanda (kartodirjo, 1977). konsentrasi pengerukan sumber bumi negeri jajahan perlu dilakukan untuk menutupi krisis kekuangan belanda yang sebelumnya banyak dikeluarkan untuk biaya perang melawan belgia, perang padri (1815-1824), perang jawa ataupun perang diponogoro (1825-1830), perang melawan perompak di makasar, bugis dan bali. fenomena kriminalitas mulai menguak, menjadi aktifitas sosial yang kemudian mengganggu sistem perpolitikan kerajaan dan kolonial itu sendiri. pada tahun 1840-1850an setidaknya masyarakat madura dipenuhi dengan teater pembunuhan di alun-alun kota. di sumenep misalnya, dalam satu hari terjadi setidaknya 3 kali pembunuhan. institusi peradilan dan hukum setempat tidak mampu menahan laju kriminalitas tersebut. pelaku kriminalitas menganggap bahwa keadilan dan kesejahteraan sosial yang dijadikan prinsip dasar pemerintahan kerajaan dan kolonial itu pada akhirnya hanya bersifat elitis. tidak ada hukuman yang tegas kepada para penguasa yang bertindak semena-mena terhadap rakyatnya. di pamekasan pun aktifitas perompak di laut pun semakin massif. banyak pedagang kaya yang menjadi korban perampokan itu. di abad ke-19, masyarakat madura sering terihat membawa senjata tajam seperti pedang dan clurit ketika berada di ruang publik. seolah-olah mereka berada dalam kondisi ketidakamanan dan berpotensi melawan terhadap hukum yang berlaku. meskipun akhirnya pihak kolonial dan kerajaan lokal mengeluarkan peraturan untuk pelarangan membawa senjata tajam, tapi ternyata masyarakat madura menolaknya sebelum keadilan dan kesejahteraan sosial mereka bisa terpenuhi secara layak (de jonge, 2003). rakyat madura makin menderita ketika munculnya reorganisasi ekonomi dan politik yang diterapkan kolonial belanda. secara politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 119 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menyeluruh, sistem liberal ini mulai diterapkan sejak 1870. namun, sebelum 1870, sistem liberal itu telah dilakukan, tapi belum total. liberalisasi di madura menguntungkan kolonial belanda, priyayi atau penguasa madura, serta pemodal asing (cina, eropa, arab dan melayu). peraturan liberalisasi dan reorganisasi belanda di madura itu dikeluarkan di tahun 1853 untuk pamekasan, 1883 untuk sumenep dan 1885 no.2/c untuk bangkalan. perlu ditekankan bahwa peraturan ini bukanlah bertujuan meminimalisir korupsi di kalangan elite kerajaan di madura. sejarah pun mencatat bahwa abad ke-18 dulu, banyak petinggi voc di jawa yang korup. bahkan, m.c. ricklefs secara tegas mengatakan bahwa adanya aturan pihak belanda di masa tanam paksa dan liberalisasi, hanyalah menyuburkan penyelewengan keuangan dari pihak elite pribumi, pengusaha dan para pejabat belanda di daerah. adanya peraturan tertulis diatas merupakan upaya kolonial memonopoli perekonomian madura, memperluas kapitalisme dan memperlemah suatu tuntutan dan protes berlebihan dari rakyat. posisi elit madura dan barisannya hanyalah sebagai katup penyelamat belanda yang diikat oleh pemberian gaji, tunjangan, hak istimewa lainnya berupa tanah, bebas pajak dan tenaga kerja. sistem ini semakin memperkuat satu garis demarkasi antara penjajah dan rakyat kecil yang dijajah; si miskin dan si kaya; pemodal dan yang dieksploitasi; elit yang sejahtera dan rakyatnya yang sengsara. tidak ada satupun kebijakan dan langkah politik di era kolonial dan di masa kerajaan madura yang betul-betul memihak nasib rakyat kecil (teghâ dhâ’ rèng kènik). liberalisasi ekonomi membuat monetisasi di dalam kehidupan rakyat madura. pemerintah kolonial belanda mendirikan rumah pegadaian dan bank-bank di desa dan kota di madura. pada 1894-1910, ada 8 kantor gadai di madura. pada 1913, rumah gadai sebanyak 15, tersebar dari pamekasan, kamal, bangkalan, sampang dan sumenep. sementara, para orang kaya dari kalangan cina, arab dan pribumi sendiri lebih banyak bergerak sebagai rentenir. mereka biasanya bertindak sebagai perantara pajak dengan cara membayarkan 2% pajak usaha nelayan dan petani yang tidak mampu membayar. kemudian, nelayan dan petani itu membayarnya dengan hasil panen yakni sebesar 1/8, 1/10 hingga 1/12 kepada rentenir tadi. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 120 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ beban penderitaan psikologis, sosial, ekonomi serta politis itulah justru menimbulkan gerakan resistensi dari masyarakat akar rumput. rakyat merasa tidak ada keadilan dan kesejahteraan sosial, meski sekian lama telah patuh serta tunduk terhadap berbagai kepentingan elite politiknya. semakin patuh justru semakin membuat hidup mereka berada di ambang batas eksploitasi dan alienasi. maka, muncullah sosok jagoan yang merupakan representasi dari kekuaatan kaum marjinal dan rakyat kecil. sosok jagoan madura ini yang dikenal dengan blatèr. setelah masa kolonial belanda berakhir dan kemerdekaan indonesia mulai terbangun, harapan masyarakat madura akan kehidupan yang sejahtera, adil dan aman semakin besar kualitasnya. dengan terbentuknya negara otonom, tanpa ditunggangi kepentingan pihak kolonial, maka perhatian yang maksimal terhadap kehidupan yang layak bagi rakyatnya semakin besar. diharapkan ada kebijakan ekonomi-politik yang populis bagi rakyat madura. sehingga, roda perekonomian masyarakat madura yang banyak mengandalkan pada usaha pertanian menjadi lebih baik. namun, yang terjadi justru sebaliknya. masih saja ada perlakuan yang tidak pro rakyat dalam kehidupan masyarakat madura. korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme masih sering terjadi di madura. beberapa waktu lalu, ketika berada di lapangan, terdengar kabar adanya praktek korupsi dana pengentasan kemiskinan yang melibatkan elite politik dan kaum intelektual setempat. dalam rekrutmen pns pun seringkali diwarnai praktek kkn. di pamekasan misalnya terjadi kasus kkn perekrutan pns pada 2007 dan 2008. ternyata, pelakunya adalah orang birokrasi itu sendiri. banyak rakyat madura menderita karena harga tembakau selalu dipermainkan oleh pemilik pabrik yang kebanyakan orang cina. telah terjadi politisasi tembakau di daerah madura. hasil tesis imam zamroni telah menegaskan hal itu. menurutnya, politisasi tembakau itu tampak sekali dalam perda no.2/2002 tentang pengelolaan tembakau dan perda no. 3/2003 tentang pengendalian mutu dan perlindungan keaslian tembakau. dengan adanya perda ini seharusnya mampu melindungi petani tembakau dari praktek pemanipulasian harga tembakau dan konsipirasi pihak tengkulak. namun yang terjadi harga tembakau mudah dipermainkan oleh pemilik gudang dan para tengkulak. ada saja taktik gudang guna menurunkan harga tembakau itu dengan cara mengatakan politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 121 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bahwa stok tembakau di gudang masih cukup. maka, kemudian yang menjadi harapan satu-satunya adalah tengkulak yang menghubungkan antara pabrik dan petani. hanya saja yang terjadi adalah konsiprasi. para tengkulak akan merendahkan harga tembakau petani kemudian mereka akan menjualnya dengan harga mahal ke dalam pabrik. pihak pabrik akan meraup keutungan dengan jalan mengambil sampel tembakau yang menurut perda tidak boleh melebihi 1 kg. karena, pengambilan sampel itu tidak ada kompensasi kepada para petani tembakau. ironisnya, pihak birokrasi setempat dan lsm pun tidak ada yang berani menegur kesalahan pabrik dan para tengkulak, karena ternyata mereka semua telah terkoneksi dalam kepentingan ekonomis dan politis (zamroni, 2005: 72-75). kemiskinan yang terjadi di madura memiliki ekses buruk, karena memperkokoh terjadinya praktek kriminalitas. kriminalitas ini pun terjadi karena sifat bawaan manusia yang penuh kebebasan tidak terikat dengan sturktur apa pun pada masa lampau muncul kembali ketika ada ketimpangan kebutuhan ekonomi yang tidak terpenuhi secara layak karena kuatnya kekuasaan dan birokrasi pada sektor kehidupan publik di era modern (lambroso, dalam bartol & bartol, 1994). kebutuhan hidup yang semakin bertambah, tapi tidak dibarengi dengan peningkatan kesejahteraan dan penyediaan lapangan kerja yang memadai justru menjadi pemicu munculnnya patologi sosial, seperti kriminalitas. kemiskinan yang masih mendera masyarakat madura ternyata selama ini belum bisa terselesaikan secara tuntas. akar persoalannya bukan hanya karena tipikal tanah tegalan di madura yang memang tidak memberi peluang yang besar dalam produksi dan diversifikasi pertanian. melainkan juga, komitmen pemerintah dan penguasa lokal yang lebih mengutamakan kepentingannya sendiri. aspirasi rakyat madura yang banyak disuarakan para elite setempat, ternyata hanya berujung simbolis semata, sebatas kata-kata tanpa ada wujud nyatanya. kemiskinan diwacanakan dengan penuh semangat ketika proses pemilu lokal diselenggarakan (entah pilbup ataupun pilkades). namun, pada saat kandidat itu terpilih, gerakan pemberantasan kemiskinan yang pernah mereka wacanakan lantas dilupakan. rasa kekecewaan yang semakin besar terhadap prilaku elite penguasa tersebut membuat sebagian besar rakyat mengambil langkah nekad. data statistik kriminalitas yang dihimpun pihak kepolisian madura menunjukkan politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 122 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ adanya peningkatan signifikan setiap tahunnya. tabel 2. tingkat kriminalitas/polres tahun 2004-2007 sumber: data kriminalitas polwil madura. data telah diolah kembali. (*: kriminalitas yang didata oleh polwil madura adalah pencurian_dengan kekerasan ataupun tidak_, tindak pembunuhan, perjudian, narkotika, merampok, penganiayaan dan penggunaan sajam/senjata tajam) data diatas menunjukkan, bahwa angka kriminalitas di madura dari 2004-2007 semakin meningkat tajam. padahal, pada periode ini merupakan periode dimana proses demokrasi prosedural benar-benar dimulai. pada 2004, merupakan awal pemilihan presiden dan kepala daerah secara langsung. janji-janji politik yang indah tentang perbaikan nasib rakyat ketika masa-masa kampanye sudah bertebaran dimana-mana. rakyat madura memilih calon pemimpinnya tidak didasarkan pada kredibilitas sang kandidat melainkan karena intervensi dan dominasi dari komunitas blatèr setempat. sejumlah informan menjelaskan bahwa para blatèr memiliki majikan politiknya masing-masing. mereka diperintahkan mencari dukungan suara sebanyak-banyaknya agar parpol dan calon pemimpin yang menjadi majikan para blatèr tersebut mendapatkan peluang menang yang besar. di sini menunjukkan bahwa lemahnya peran pihak keamanan dalam mengatasi praktek intimidasi politik yang dilakukan para blatèr. apapun alasannya, intimidasi politik dalam demokrasi termasuk “dosa besar” karena mengingkari hak rakyat dalam menentukan pilihan politiknya. elit penguasa dan parpol (partai politik) ternyata turut mendukung penggunaan peran blatèr dalam proses demokrasi. sehingga, aparat keamanan di madura merasa segan apabila mereka hendak menangkap ataupun menghukum para blatèr yang melakukan intimidasi politik. hal ini disebabkan masih kentalnya budaya sopan-santun kepada penguasanya (ratoh). setiap pemilihan kepala daerah (dari kepala desa hingga gubernur) dan presiden, komunitas blatèr ini selalu merasa senang karena di saat politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 123 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ itulah mereka mendapatkan proyek besar. mulai dari parpol hingga para kandidat pemimpin selalu menggunakan peran blatèr untuk mencari dukungan suara dari para rakyat. blatèr biasanya mendapatkan uang lelah sekitar 5-10 juta rupiah dari para kandidat pilkada. bahkan, ada yang mendapatkan uang lebih dari 10 juta. besaran jumlah uang ini bergantung pada seberapa banyak suara yang dibutuhkan para kandidat dan seberapa rentan usaha mereka untuk mengamankan suara rakyat tersebut supaya benar-benar memilih sang kandidat. blatèr tidak pernah bekerja sendirian. mereka melakukan kerja politiknya itu secara kolektif dan terencana, termasuk siap menghadapi resiko apapun. hal ini dikarenakan mereka menghadapi dua kekuatan besar di lapangan. pertama, pihak kepolisian. pihak blatèr seringkali bekerja sama dengan sejumlah kepolisian setempat dalam melaksanakan rencana politiknya. karena tidak semua anggota kepolisian pragmatis seperti itu, maka kerjasama mereka pun terancam dari pihak kepolisian lainnya yang masih menjaga idealisme profesi mereka. pada saat pemilihan bupati pamekasan 2009 lalu, terjadi pertengkaran hebat di desa tengkik antara pihak blatèr yang bekerjasama dengan anggota kepolisian kecamatan (polsek) dan blatèr yang bekerjasama dengan anggota kepolisian wilayah (polwil). pertengakaran itu berakibat kedua pihak kepolisian itu saling tangkap-menangkap para anggota blatèr dengan alasan mengganggu ketertiban umum. padahal, akar masalah bukan persoalan keamanan. tetapi karena politik, kompetisi memobilisir suara rakyat untuk memilih kandidat bupati. blatèr yang bekerja sama dengan kepolisian kecamatan mendukung calon bupati dari partai islam, sementara itu blatèr yang bekerja sama dengan kepolisian wilayah mendukung calon bupati dari partai demokrat. mereka saling bertikai karena pihak blatèr saling berebut suara rakyat tanpa memperhatikan etika sosial. etika politik yang ideal menurut komunitas blatèr adalah pembagian suara berdasarkan status sosial di suatu rumah tangga. pihak blatèr yang satu masuk ke rumah-rumah untuk mengajak kepala rumah tangga memilih kandidat yang diusung sang blatèr. blatèr yang lain masuk ke rumah-rumah meminta anggota keluarga lain (istri dan anak yang sudah dewasa) untuk memilih kandidat yang lain. ini merupakan pembagian yang adil menurut etika politik blatèr. tapi, pihak blatèr jarang menggunakan etika politik seperti itu. karena politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 124 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memenangkan calon yang membayarnya dengan cara apapun merupakan hal yang utama bagi peningkatan ekonomis dan reputasinya. maka, anggota keluarga di rumah-rumah kemudian diintimidasi agar memilih salah satu calon pemimpin saja, tidak diperkenankan memilih yang lain. diantara mereka saling berkompetisi dengan cara kekerasan dan tidak beradab agar tujuan politik ini tercapai. resiko apapun akan mereka hadapi meskipun berhadapan dengan kekuatan aparat keamanan legal sekalipun. strategi dominasi blatèr ini semakin massif karena dibekengi aparat keamanan legal. mereka yang tidak mau mengikuti kehendak blatèr, maka harta berharganya akan dicuri. sapi dan kendaraan bermotor merupakan harta berharga bagi keberlangsungan aktivitas ekonomi masyarakat desa. harta berharga inilah yang akan dicuri blatèr supaya rakyat mengalami gangguan ekonomis dan psikologis. pihak kepolisian setempat biasanya tahu tentang seluk-beluk kasus pencurian ini. ketika masyarakat sudah merasa ketakutan, maka pihak blatèr akan menawarkan kembali keinginan politiknya. sebagai strategi pencitraan, maka kandidat lantas akan memanfaatkan situasi kekacauan tersebut untuk turun ke lapangan membawa isu-isu peningkatan keamanan di masyarakat secara serius (jika terpilih nanti). supaya terlihat komitmen, pihak keamanan dimintai bantuan supaya diturunkan dilapangan menjaga keamanan desa. harta yang telah dicuri tersebut lantas dengan cepat ditemukan dan dikembalikan kepada pemiliknya, tetapi pencurinya tidak diketahui. cukup aneh, karena sapi hasil curian ditemukan sementara pencurinya tidak berhasil ditangkap. memang beginilah strategi politik keamanan yang dilakukan komunitas blatèr agar mendulang suara rakyat yang terakumulasi secara dominan kepada kandidat tertentu. kedua, pihak penguasa (penyandang dana). bagi penguasa yang telah “membeli” tenaga dan peran blatèr dalam pentas politik tentunya tidak mau tahu bagaimana cara yang digunakan blatèr. bagi penguasa yang utama adalah kemenangan dan kesuksesa. apabila pada akhirnya mereka pun kalah, tentu akan diterima asalkan kerja blatèr sudah sangat maksimal dan tidak melakukan suatu pengkhianatan. tetapi di lapangan, ada saja blatèr yang melakukan peran ganda. di satu sisi, dia memihak pada salah satu kandidat, tetapi di sisi lain juga menerima tawaran dari kandidat lainnya. mereka tentu akan melakukan perannya mencari dukungan suara politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 125 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rakyat, tetapi tetap membutuhkan kerja sama dengan blatèr dari pihak lainnya. artinya, di lapangan mereka akan melakukan tindakan manipulasi suara rakyat agar terkesan telah melakukan perannya sebagaimana mestinya. tindakan manipulasi yang dilakukan adalah penggandaan pemilih melalui manipulasi ktp. pengelolaan data statistik di daerah yang buruk ternyata dimanfaatkan oleh blatèr untuk mendapatkan suara siluman untuk diberikan kepada kandidat yang membayarnya. tetapi, sang kandidat bukan orang yang mudah dimanipulasi. mereka juga telah menyediakan mata-mata dilapangan untuk mengawasi kerja dan peran blatèr yang disewanya. apabila terjadi penyelewengan peran, maka tidak segan-segan blatèr yang disewa penguasa untuk memata-matai itu juga mendapatkan tugas memberikan menghukum kepada para blatèr yang menyeleweng. hukuman ini seringkali berwujud kekerasan semacam carok hingga pembunuhan. konsekuensinya akan ada pemenang dan pecundang. ada yang hidup dan ada yang harus mati. mereka yang berhasil memenangkan pertarungan, akan dianggap memiliki kekuatan yang luar biasa. sementara pihak yang kalah dalam pertarungan dianggap jagoan yang amatiran (gi’ tèmittè) dan akan menjadi bahan olok-olokan sesama blatèr saat berinteraksi. bagi blatèr tidak ada yang namanya benarsalah dalam politik, karena yang ada adalah menang-kalah. meskipun salah tapi berhasil memenangkan pertarungan biasanya akan dianggap orang kuat (angko/rèng saktè)3. kesimpulan siapa yang mampu menciptakan keamanan, mereka akan mendapatkan kekuasaan. modal kekuasaan bukan sekadar memiliki jabatan dan kedudukan di suatu partai politik ataupun birokrasi dan pemerintahan. modal kekuasaan bukan pula sesuatu yang berharga secara ekonomis. bukan pula sosok orang yang memiliki garis keturunan keluarga adat yang kokoh secara budaya. modal kuasa itu ada apabila seseorang ataupun sekelompok orang mampu bertahan dalam situasi zaman apapun. cara mereka bertahan supaya mampu memiliki modal kekuasaan adalah menggunakan keberaniaan dan segala kemampuan yang ada dalam diri dan komunitasnya dalam menghadapi tantangan dan resiko apapun. foucault (1977: 145) mengatakan dengan tegas bahwa kekuasaan adalah politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 126 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ strategi dan teknik yang bisa digunakan oleh siapa saja untuk membuat orang lain terbatasi gerak hidupnya dalam arti menderita karena dominasi dan hegemoni atau justru melesat jauh menjadi kelompok resisten mendobrak berbagai bentuk dominasi dan hegemoni. orang yang tunduk bukan berarti adalah objek kekuasaan sepenuhnya. karena bagi foucault kekuasaan akan melahirkan perlawanan. ini artinya objek kekuasaan bisa sejenak menghayati kekuasaan yang menimpa dirinya, tetapi sekaligus belajar bagaimana melawan sumber kekuasaan itu sendiri. buah mangga yang dibugkus rapi oleh pemiliknya akan berpotensi hilang karena diambil orang. ini adalah salah satu contoh nyata mengapa seringkali kekuasaan cenderung melahirkan resistensi atau counter kekuasaan. dalam perjalanan sejarah, orang-orang kecil yang tidak berdaya secara struktur ekonomis dan politik mudah dihilangkan dalam jejak rekam pengetahuan. sehingga episteme sosial yang diurai dan dipublikasikan selama ini adalah episteme sosial elite dan rezim penguasa. rakyat jelata dan kelas sosial miskin adalah orang-orang pinggiran yang dinilai tidak layak dicatat dalam goresan sejarah kehidupan. namun, komunitas marjinal ini memiliki kekuatan yang mampu memecahkan kebekuan kekuasaan struktural negara. james scott (1998) dalam penelitiannya menunjukkan bahwa petani kelas bawah di asia yang seringkali menjadi objek kekuasaan pemilik modal dan tuan tanah tidak serta merta menjadi komunitas yang tidak berdaya. mereka memiliki strategi perlawanan yang tidak diduga-duga untuk mencounter kekuasaan kelas atas dan pemilik modal. para petani menanami sawah mereka dengan tanaman subsisten agar ditengah-tengah tanaman komersial di sebagian besar wilayah asia. bagi scott, senjata orang-orang pinggiran terletak pada kemampuan mereka melawan kekuasaan dengan cara berbeda, yang halus, tidak kentara tapi massif. kekuatan komunitas jagoan di madura pada dasarnya berawal dari gerakan resistensi semacam ini. mereka menolak mengikuti aturan dan kebijakan penguasa kolonial dengan jalan melakukan praktek kriminalitas sebagai praktek kekuasaan tandingan. kondisi tanah madura yang tidak memungkinkan keberlanjutan ekonomis secara intensif turut serta memperkuat gerakan perlawanan alternatif yang dilakukan para komunitas rakyat kecil. kondisi tanah tegal di madura sebenarnya mampu menjadi penopang hidup subsisten orpolitik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 127 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ang madura apabila tidak ada kebijakan ekonomi-politik kolonial yang cenderung mengeksploitasi tanah dan sumber daya manusia. kebijakan sewa tanah, tanam paksa dan liberalisasi ekonomi membuat tanah madura menjadi tidak produktif lagi karena kekuataan tanah dipaksa ditanami tanaman komersial. di sisi lain, para pekerja (petani) juga menjadi penderitaan dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai anggota keluarga dan masyarakat dalam rangka memenuhi kebutuhan hidup yang lainnya dengan strategi resiprokal (saling memberi). tenaga dan waktu mereka terkuras habis untuk memenuhi kepentingan rezim kolonial dan penguasa lokal. akibatnya, muncullah kelompok resisten yang menamakan diri mereka sebagai blatèr. dengan memegang idealisme kerakyatan, para blatèr ini sering mengganggu sistem kerja kekuasaan struktural negara dan pemerintah. keamanan sosial menjadi terganggu dengan aktifitas mereka. tujuan dari kondisi ini agar pihak penguasa sadar diri bahwa rakyat yang menderita bisa melakukan perlawanan dengan cara yang tidak didugaduga: praktek kriminalitas dan tindakan kekerasan melawan hukum dan kebijakan yang tidak adil. namun, kekuatan kelompok jagoan madura ini tidak konsisten dengan ideologi kerakyatan yang pada awalnya menjadi api gerakan perubahan. pada masa orde baru, mereka tidak berdaya dan mudah ditunggangi oleh kepentingan penguasa dan elite politik. siegel (2002; 100-110) menunjukkan hasil penelitiannya di indonesia di era orde baru bahwa kelompok jagoan seperti preman tidak lagi kelompok sosial yang otonom, karena mereka sudah menjadi hamba partai politik dan rezim orde baru untuk melancarkan kepentingan ekonomi-politik pemerintah. dalam setiap pemilu, peran mereka juga digunakan untuk mensukseskan kepentingan politik rezim orde baru. apa yang dilakukan kelompok jagoan ini bisa dimengerti karena situasi politik pada saat itu dijalankan dengan sistem fasisme dan otoriterianisme. dalam sistem otoriter dan fasisme, semua kekuatan harus tunduk dan patuh pada kekuatan tunggal yakni penguasa negara. budaya jawa yang mengenal prinsip kekuaasaan tunggal dan terpusat, dalam arti tidak bisa terbagi kepada kekuasaan lainnya, semakin memperkuat kekuasaan fasisme dan otoriterian yang dijalan rezim orde baru waktu itu (anderson, 2000 dan 2001). keamanan menjadi mustahil didapatkan selama masyarakat tidak mengikuti petunjuk politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 128 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan arahan dari penguasa mereka. melawan kebijakan dan kepentingan rezim orde baru, berarti makar dan subversif, karena itu para pelakunya harus dihukum tegas. era demokrasi yang telah menggantikan rezim orde baru tersebut diharapkan mengembalikan kekuatan masyarakat agar menjalankan kehidupannya menjadi lebih otonom. prinsip kebebasan yang menjadi jargon utama dalam demokrasi dianggap sebagai modal utama dalam menciptakan kehidupan masyarakat menjadi lebih manusiawi. namun, situasinya tidak seperti yang diharapkan. kebebasan dalam prinsip demokrasi hanya dapat dimanfaatkan secara sebaik-baiknya oleh komunitas jagoan, seperti blatèr. mereka dapat memanfaatkan kebebasan tersebut dengan jalan bekerja sama dengan para elite penguasa dan elit budaya madura. ini langkah awal yang dilakukan para komunitas blatèr agar kebebasan itu bisa digunakan seluas-luasnya oleh mereka. langkah ini dilakukan atas dasar kuatnya budaya masyarakat madura yang masih kental dengan prinsip sopan-santun (andhâp-asor) kepada mereka yang berkuasa (ratoh). karena sudah mendapatkan dukungan kekuatan penguasa ini, lantas komunitas jagoan mulai melaksanakan agenda kekuasaannya dengan cara menjalankan politik keamanan. keberanian, kenekatan, kolektifitas, dan kekuatan personal yang dimiliki mereka adalah senjata utama dalam menjalankan politik keamanan. kekuatan seperti ini tidak dimiliki oleh rakyat pada umumnya. sehingga, komunitas blatèr dengan mudah melakukan agenda politik keamanan di akar rumput. praktek kriminalitas yang sudah menjadi kebiasaan komunitas blatèr menjadi modal utama dalam menggerakkan politik keamanan. kriminalitas sangat dekat dengan rasa takut, ancaman dan kekhawatiran. karena itu, mendengar wacana kriminalitas kebanyakan orang langsung tertuju pada kekerasan, pembunuhan, perkosaan hingga pencurian yang menimbulkan korban hartabenda dan jiwa. bagi kaum blatèr, kriminalitas merupakan modal kekuasaan dalam rangka meningkatkan sekaligus mempertahankan eksistensinya di masyarakat. mereka ingin dianggap sebagai komunitas yang turut serta mengendalikan kehidupan masyarakat. mereka memanfaatkan demokrasi sebagai momentum untuk mengkonsentrasikan kekuasaanya melalui politik keamanan yang bisa ditawarkan kepada siapa saja yang ingin memenangkan pertarungan dalam pentas politik yang demokratis. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 129 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ betapa pentingnya suatu keamanan dalam era demokrasi. apabila masyarakat merasakan keamanan yang maksimal, maka mereka akan lebih rasional dan leluasa menggunakan kebebasan hak berpolitiknya. minimal, masyarakat mampu memilih kandidat pemimpin yang sesuai hati nurani dan aspirasi mereka tanpa ada intervensi dari pihak manapun. tetapi, kebebasan menggunakan hak-hak politik itu membutuhkan keberanian. berani mengkritik, berani berdialog dan berani mengontrol elite masyarakatnya. kultur masyarakat madura sebenarnya memungkinkan menjalankan demokrasi yang sebenar-benarnya karena telah didukung oleh kultur keberanian yang telah disosialisasikan sejak masa anak-anak oleh orang tuanya. yakni, anak laki-laki harus berani dan bersikap tegas (angko/bengalan). ironisnya, kultur itu harus dibatasi oleh kultur penghormatan kepada mereka yang lebih berkuasa. karena itu, masyarakat madura dihadapkan pada praktik budaya yang membatasi mereka menjadi agen pengontrol kekuasaan para elitenya. stratifikasi sosial yang ketat dan kurang fleksibel membuat nilai penghormatan terhadap elite madura semakin kuat. rasa takut ini yang kemudian dimanfaatkan komunitas blatèr di zaman yang demokratis seperti sekarang ini. dalam konsepsi masyarakat madura, dengan tunduk dan patuh pada penguasa maka otomatis pihak penguasa akan memberikan rasa aman dan melindunginya dari berbagai bentuk ancaman. namun, harapan itu tidak terwujud sebagaimana mestinya karena ternyata peran keamanan diambil oleh komunitas blatèr. bahkan, mereka lebih berkuasa dan mampu mengendalikan rasa aman daripada yang dilakukan oleh aparat keamanan legal seperti kepolisian. penyelesaian sengketa dalam perebutan suara pilkadal misalnya ternyata pihak blatèr lebih memilih menyelesaikannya dengan cara carok ataupun pembunuhan daripada masing-masing pihak yang bertikai harus pergi melaporkannya kepada pihak kepolisian. ini bukan berarti mereka kecewa dengan kinerja kepolisian, tetapi cara-cara adu kekuatan dan kekerasan seperti itu menjadi strategi akumulasi kekuasaan diantara para blatèr. itu artinya, di dalam sistem demokrasi diperlukan keberanian bertindak dan membebaskan diri dari berbagai ketakutan apapun. jika memang demokrasi bertujuan untuk memilih pemimpin ideal dan populis, maka yang paling utama dilakukan adalah bagaimana caranya menciptakan rasa politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 130 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aman di masyarakat sebelum proses demokrasi dijalankan. tentu, negara wajib hukumnya menciptakan rasa aman terhadap warganya, termasuk rasa aman dari praktek kekuasaan para jagoan madura. jika ini tidak dilakukan segera, maka demokrasi yang dijalankan saat ini adalah demokrasi untuk para jagoan saja. karena mereka yang paling tahu bagaimana menciptakan rasa aman di masyarakat tatkala proses pemilihan pemimpin (pusat dan daerah) secara langsung. (footnotes) 1 aktivitas pertanian yang penting di masyarakat madura adalah penanaman padi. penanaman padi ini pada umumnya banyak dipengaruhi oleh musim nambârâ’ (musim hujan). akan tetapi, ketika musim hujan ini terlalu berlebihan, maka membuat tanaman padi menjadi tidak subur lagi (karena kelebihan air). apalagi, volume hujan itu justru menimbulkan banjir dan menggenangi sawah penduduk. jikalau ini terjadi, maka ada beberapa alternatif yang dilakukan. yakni, meneruskan pertumbuhan padi tersebut hingga panen dan hasilnya pun dikonsumsi sendiri. kedua, menjual hasil panen padi itu dengan harga murah. atau alternatif lainnya, menanam ulang padi dengan resiko mengeluarkan tenaga dan dana ekstra di dalam hal perairan sawahnya. jika ini tidak bisa dilakukan, maka pencarain pekerjaan alternatif lain pun mereka lakukan. 2 rujukan tentang sejarah kemiskinan yang berujung pada munculnya kriminalitas di madura ini diambil dari hasil tesis ardhie raditya, 2008 (genealogi kuasa jagoan madura timur, tesis pascasarjana sosiologi ugm: sedang proses penerbitan di lkis). 3 informasi tentang praktek kuasa blatèr dalam ajang pilkadal di madura ini didapatkan dari 5 informan yang tidak bisa disebutkan nama aslinya. termasuk nama desa yang ditulis dalam hasil penelitian ini bukanlah nama sebenarnya. hal ini dilakukan karena tingkat kerawanan dan derajat keamanan sang informan dan peneliti. tapi kelima informan tersebut memiliki pengetahuan mendalam tentang topik penelitian ini. ketiga dari informan penelitian ini berstatus sebagai anggota kepolisian yang menjalankan tugasnya tanpa pakaian seragam. kedua informan lainnya adalah tokoh blatèr yang sudah tidak aktif lagi di dunia politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 131 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perblatèran, meskipun mereka tetap menjalin komunikasi dengan blatèr sebagai bentuk ikatan persodaraan dan persahabatan. penggalian data ini dilakukan pada 26 februari-3 maret 2012. waktu wawancara dilakukan pada malam hari, antara 22.00-03.00 wib. malam hari adalah waktu yang tepat untuk melakukan wawancara dengan para jagoan karena di saat itu mereka sering berkumpul bersama para blatèr untuk berbincang-bincang ataupun merencanakan sesuatu yang berharga baginya. daftar pustaka -anderson, r.o’g., benedict.2001. violence and the state in suharto’s indonesia. new york. seap, cornell university ithaca. _______ 2000. kuasa kata: jelajah budaya-budaya dan politik di indonesia. yogyakarta. mata bangsa. bartol dan bartol. 1998. physchology of crime. usa. routledge. budiardjo, miriam (ed) . 1984. aneka pemikiran tentang kuasa dan wibawa. jakarta. sinar harapan. castel, manuel. 2000. network society. usa. routledge. de jonge, huub, (ed). 1989. agama, kebudayaan, dan ekonomi : studi interdisipliner tentang masyarakat madura. jakarta. rajawali press. _______ .2003. madura dalam empat zaman. jakarta. gramedia. diamond, larry. 2000. konsolidasi demokrasi. yogyakarta. ire press. fatah, zainal . 1912. sedjarah tjaranja pemerintahan di pulau madura. surabaya.paragon press. fath, kutwa, dkk. 2007. pamek asan dalam sejarah. pamek asan. depdikbud. foucault, michel. 2002. power/knowledge (terj.). yogyakarta. bentang. _______ .1977. disipline and punish: the birth of the prison. new zeland. pinguin books. haryanto. 2005. kekuasaan elit. yogyakarta. plod dan jip. hobsbawm, eric j. 2000. bandit sosial. jakarta.teplok press. kartodirjo, sartono, dkk .1977. sejarah nasional indonesia v. jakarta. gramedia. kuntowijoyo. 2002. madura (1850-1940). yogyakarta. mata bangsa. latif, yudi. 2005. intelegensia muslim dan kuasa: genealogi intelegensia politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 132 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ muslim indonesia abad ke-20. bandung. mizan. mainheim, karl. 1992. ideologi dan utopia. yogyakarta. kanisius. mansurnoor, arifin, iik. 1990. islam in an indonesian world ulama of madura. yogyakarta. ugm press. niehof, anke. 1948. women and fertility in madura (indonesia), leiden. kitlv. pamekasan dalam angka, 2006 patria, nezar & gunawan, rudy, fx. 2000. premanisme politik. yogyakarta. isai. pitaloka, rieke diah. 2005. kekerasan negara menular ke masyarakat. yogyakarta. galang press. raditya, ardhie. 2008. genealogi kuasa jagoan madura timur. yogyakarta. pasca sarjana sosiologi ugm. ricklefs, m.c. 1981. a history of modern indonesia, (edisi pertama). yogyakarta. ugm press. rifai, ahmad, mien. 1993. lintasan sejarah madura. surabaya. yayasan lebbur legga. rozaki, abdur. 2004. manabur kharisma, menuai kuasa. yogyakarta. galang press. sanderson, stephen. 2003. makro sosiologi (sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial). jakarta. rajawali press. sarup, madan. 2003. post-strukturalism and postmodernism, (terj. yogyakarta. jendela. scott, james. 1998. senjatanya orang-orang kalah. jakarta. lp3es. siegel, t. james. 2000. penjahat gaya orde baru. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. soekanto, soerjono. 2003. sosiologi suatu pengantar. jakarta. rajawali press. subaharianto, a., dkk. 2004. tantangan industrialisasi madura. malang. bayumedia. suhartono. 1995. bandit-bandit pedesaan di jawa. yogyakarta. aditya media. surbakti, ramlan. 1992. memahami ilmu politik. jakarta. grasindo. wiyata, a. latief. 2002. carok konflik kekerasan dan harga diri orang madura. yogyakarta lkis. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 133 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ zamroni, imam. 2006. dinamika kekuasaan elite ekonomi lokal pascasoeharto di pamekasan-madura. tesis pascasarjana sosiologi ugm: tidak dipublikasikan zulkarnaen, iskandar dkk. 2003. sejarah sumenep. sumenep. dinas pariwisata dan kebudayaan. politik keamanan jagoan madura / ardhie raditya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0006 layout desember 2008 bureaucracy and public services have been amended where the performance of bureaucracy in providing services to the community became the main focus. these demands should carry implications for the reformation of bureaucratic performance, which promote optimum and maximum service for the community. however, what happened in indonesia is that the paradigm of the government apparatus itself is not yet shifted. the old paradigm that puts the government as the ruler still leaves the problem of bureaucracy in which their performance is still difficult to develop, as well as still following the old patterns and ways of working that have been institutionalized for many years called comfort zone. the changes in the structure of government organizations are only done unsystematically without prior work of feasibility study as well as is formally done only to meet the demands of the performance report. meanwhile, the behavior and work patterns have not changed much. the services that seem complicated, not transparent, and uncertain are the old pattern of the performance of the indonesian bureaucracy. as a result, the performance of regional governments still seems to be in a stagnant condition. there is no new breakthroughs considered as problem solving, not just the realization of operational and technical guidelines of the supervisor alone. in this context, leadership is a significant factor in conducting a series of government innovation. the experience of bureaucratic reformation in indonesia shows that a leader plays an important role in changing the behavior of the bureaucracy. paternalistic society needs a figure who is able to conduct an effective method towards the creation of a more effective government. that kind of leader in the community is the one who is able to understand the changing of the dynamics of the socio-political context around him/her, where bureaucracy and society at large have not understood comprehensively. this community leader must also be able to create pioneering steps, systems, and to formulate a new paradigm that is more relevant. bureaucracy and society depend on the leadership patterns, and tend not to have the initiative to change unless is based on the direction of leaders and the breakthrough change he/she has erni zuhriyati lecturer in the department of governmental science, university of muhammadiyah yogyakarta, e-mail: ernizuhriyati@yahoo.com dian eka rahmawati lecturer in the department of governmental science, university of muhammadiyah yogyakarta, s3 program student political science, university of gadjah mada, e-mail: dian_e_rahmawati@yahoo.com transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 abstract political and governmental transformation that took place after the 1998 reformation brought the necessity for the bureaucracy to make self improvement. bureaucratic performance in providing public services became the main focus. in this framework, leadership is the significant factor in performing a series of government innovation. this study aims to describe the implementation of transformational leadership to create an innovative government in yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era. the category of this study is a qualitative research. the data used is primary data that was obtained by interview, questionnaire, and observation, and secondary data obtained with the technique of data collection documentation. the results showed that herry zudianto has the criteria of transformative leadership in doing government innovation with characteristics of the four dimensions, namely idealized influence, inspirational motivation, intellectual stimulation and individualized consideration. transformational leadership by contextual style according to the demands of the contemporary socio-politics has implications for the occurrence of a change of two organizational entities, namely organizational culture and innovation in policy implementation. keywords: transformational leadership, government’s innovation, governments of yogyakarta introduction political and governmental transformation that occurred after the 1998 reformation brought the necessity for the bureaucracy to make self improvement. the paradigm of 140 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ done. in many cases of the success of the performance of local government in indonesia in the reformation era, the leader is the main factor in the success of government transformation towards a more effective, democratic, transparent and accountable government. the leadership of a regional head is a vital instrument to encourage the bureaucracy to immediately make improvement. the decentralization policy as outlined in the law no. 32 of 2004 provides ample room for the district and the municipality to manage their resources. the regions are required to provide public services to optimize and maximize the resources that they have. at this point, an innovative leader is required. there are several districts and cities that have managed to do government reformation process and received awards from the central government, including the government of the city of yogyakarta. under the leadership of herry zudianto, the government of the city of yogyakarta has taken various government innovations such as integrated one-stop service unit (uptsa), taman pintar, walikota menyapa (greeting from the mayor), and information and complaints services unit (upik). the public service innovation can cover the needs of the community and able to serve for the maximum with the resources owned by the city of yogyakarta. the leadership which could encourage the emergence of innovation governance is transformative leadership model. the borin research result in 217 states in the united states and canada indicates that transformative leadership has become one of the critical factors for the success of local government in building innovation governance (nurmandi, 2006: 141). bernard m. bass and bruce j. avolio suggested that transformational leadership has four dimensions which he called as the four i’s, which are idealized influence dimension, inspirational motivation dimension, intellectual stimulation dimension, and individualized consideration. therefore, this research aims to describe the implementation of transformational leadership to create an innovative government in yogyakarta in the era of herry zudianto using a fourdimensional perspective of transformational leadership. theoretical framework leadership is a process of giving influence in determining the organization’s goals, motivating followers’ behaviors to achieve goals, and affecting to improve the group and its culture. leadership is also a process of giving influence to the followers’ interpretations on events, organizing and activities to achieve targets, maintaining support and cooperation from people outside the group or organization (rival, 2007: 3). a leader has a strategic role in optimizing the organization by making decisions and strategic plans to achieve the organization’s goals. the power of the leader to influence the performance of members of the organization results into a central position in decision-making. policy-making also allows a leader to conduct a performance evaluation to each problem and its solution in an organization. an ideal leader is demanded to know the context and challenges of organizational change. therefore, it is necessary for a leader to have an ability to capture the socio-cultural phenomenon around him/her. as a result, the changes that should be made in the organization will soon be able to be carried out (dewi, 2014: 3) a leader must also be able to motivate the actors to work under his leadership. motivation is the desire to work to achieve a goal, in which the goal can encourage members to do the work or can lead to the onset of working mobility. the indicator of motivation is sincerity and seriousness in doing the job, responsibility for oneself, supervisor and fellow members, fortitude on honesty in work, and tenacity or concerns to failure (maryanto et al, 2004: 4). burns (1978) is credited with revolutionizing scholars and practitioner’s view of leadership. he was the first to conceptualize leadership as a social process that involves both leaders and followers interacting and working together to achieve common interest and goals. his theory clearly elevated the significance of followers and the leader-followers relationship in the ladership equation. burns defined “transforming leadership” as occuring when one or more persons engage with others in such a way that leaders and followers raise one another to higher levels of motivation and morality. the power of transforming leadership comes by recognizing the varying needs and motives of potential followers and elevating them to trancend personal selfinterest. this leadership is a moral process because leaders engage with followers base on shared motives, values, and goals. burns asserts that only followers can ultimately define their true needs. so, the followers must maintain freedom of choice between real alternatives. transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 141 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nonetheless, transforming leadership is grounded in conflict. conflict is often compelling because it galvanizes and motivates people. leaders are able to discern sign of dissatisfiction among followers and take the initiative to make connections with followers. in this transforming leadership theory, leaders play a major role in shaping the relationship with followers. bass’ research, (1985, 1996) built upon burns’s (1978), eximined the theory and called his revised theory “transformational leadership”. there is an important distinction in that, whereas burns’s theory focuses more on social reform by moral elevation of followers’s values and needs, bass’s transformational leadership focuses more on attaining practical organizational objectives. the work of bass and others also refined burns’s concept of leadership and differentiated “transactional leadership” from “transformational leadership”. transactional leadership behavior refers to activities that help clarify expactations for direct reports, help direct reports achieve desired rewards and avoid punishment, and help facilitate desire outcomes. transactional leader behaviors commonly comprise three categories: contingent reward, management by exception-active, and management of exception-passive. bass asserted that leaders demonstrating tranfomational leadership typically engage in several categories of behaviors. these behaviour typically enhance followers’ motivation and performance. transformational leaders are able to achive three things: make followers aware of the importance of task outcomes, induce followers to transcend personal interest for the sake of the team or organization, and move followers toward higher order needs. burns stated that transformational leadership model essentially emphasizes that a leader must be able to motivate his/her members to carry out their responsibilities more than they are expected, to be able to define, communicate, and articulate the organization’s vision, and his/her staffs must recognize it. transformational leaders also have the ability to unify the vision and the future of the organization along with the members, as well as increasing the needs of the members at a higher level than they need (krishnan and srinivas, 1998: 4). according to yammaniro and bass (1990) transformative leader must be able to persuade his/her members to perform their tasks exceeding their own interests for the organization’s larger interests. transformational leadership articulates its realistic vision of the future of the organization, stimulates its members intellectually, and pays attention to differences owned by its members. thus, as expressed tichy and devanna (1990), the presence transformative leaders have a transformation impact both on the organizational level or at the individual level. although numerous dimensions of transformational leadership have been theorized and researched, it is commonly accepted that transformational leaders’ behaviour comprise of four categories called the four i’s by bass and avolio: 1. the dimension of idealized influence. the first dimension is described as the leader’s behaviors that make his/her followers admire, respect and trust him/her as well. 2. the dimension of inspirational motivation. in this dimension, a transformational leader is described as a leader who can articulate a clear expectation on the performance of his/her members, demonstrates his/ her commitment towards all of the organization’s goals, and is able to inspire the team spirit within the organization by growing enthusiasm and optimism. 3. the dimension of intellectual stimulation. a transformational leader must be able to foster new ideas and provide creative solutions to problems faced by his/ her members, and motivates his/her members to look for new approaches in carrying out organizational tasks. 4. the dimension of individualized consideration. in this dimension, a transformational leader is described as a leader who will listen attentively inputs from his/ her members and specifically has willingness to pay attention to the needs of his/her members (stewart, 2006: 12). furthermore, a transformational leadership model could encourage the formation of innovation that has certain components. james p. andrew, senior partner and managing director in the office of chicago boston consulting group (bcg) suggest that there are seven components in the innovation summarized in seven roots of innovation (www.america.gov), specifically: strengthening human resources, improving payback, protecting intellectual property, being consistent, easing access innovations, promoting and developing cluster, leading by real example. transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 142 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ transactional leadership and transformational leadership constitute the most widely researched models of leadership. they have been extensively studied in many different organizational contexts and cultures. for example, corporations, militeries, goverment agencies, schools, universities (lowe, kroecek, 1996), united state, mexico, china, japan, indonesia, and germany (bass, 1997). research method this study is included in the category of qualitative research in which more data is in the form of narratives, descriptions, stories, written, and not written documentation. qualitative research seeks to understand social phenomena through a holistic picture of the object of study in a natural specific context (moleong, 2005: 6). this study seeks to understand social phenomena, the implementation of transformational leadership to create an innovative government in the city of yogyakarta in the era of herry zudianto. the type of data required is the primary data and secondary data. primary data were obtained through interviews, questionnaires and observation techniques. interviews were conducted to severalheads of local government units (skpd), the director of taman pintar, ngos, and some traders around the tourist spots. the questionnaires were distributed to 41 people of yogyakarta with accidental sampling technique while the secondary data was obtained by using the table 1 transactional leadership and transformational leadership models source: brent j goertzen, contemporery theories of leadership. transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 143 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ documentation technique. data analysis was done by qualitative data analysis technique. data analysis is the process of organizing and sorting data into patterns, categories, and basic unit of description so that a theme can be found. the analysis process will be carried out by following the interactive cycles performed since the beginning of data collection. interpretation of data is done through several stages: first, data reduction is aimed at selecting, sorting, selecting, and organizing data into patterns, categories, and specific themes. secondly, data display presents data in the form of sketches, synopsis, and a matrix. thirdly, the concluding stage is presented results and analysis first, herry zudianto believed that the change of local government perform can be built with human resources fondation. he built it by taking the fondation in mindset of work and the mindset is calledwakaf paradigm, which provides implications to the behavior of his leadership and his staff of bureaucracy. his transformative leadership carries implications for the growth of innovation in the municipality of yogyakarta. the municipal of yogyakarta received many awards from the central government and from ngos such an innovative award from government science society of indonesia, bung hatta anti-corruption award, and transparency international indonesia in 2009 as the government’s cleanest and the most committed to the eradication of corruption. a. the input of human resources the governance innovation becomes a prerequisite for the successful performance of successful governance reformation. however, the new paradigm developed by the municipality of yogyakarta is in the search of a new paradigm in carrying out its policies. the new paradigm is the paradigm of wakaf with the three pillars of the paradigm, which are the horizontal power, the government as a public servant and working as doing good deed (zuhriyati, 2011: 56-70). this paradigm is a new paradigm that has implications of a shift in perspective, the spirit and meaning in the implementation of its performance. the pillar of the horizontal power brings implications of organizational culture in which the character of bureaucracy has horizontal relationships. mayor herry zudianto develops an egalitarian culture in which he used to communicate with the elements of society, directly visiting the citizens, establishing communication with the media, the legislatives, or building a model that emphasizes the internal sharing of ideas in the government bureaucracy(interview with staff of the department of tourism and culture, government of special district of yogyakarta, january 14, 2012). the pillar of government as public servant brings the implications of changes in the interpretation of the implementation of the performance. herry zudianto, on his first day in office, told the government officials in yogyakarta that he was not a mayor but only the head of public servant. with this paradigm, a government institution became a public servant and should make an effort to serve the community as well as possible. the third pillar, working is doing a good deed. with this pillar, herry always put in his staff’s minds that the motivation to work in the city of yogyakarta is solely for worshipping allah by making the commitment of jihad that is totality, integrity, and loyalty in running their performance. with this commitment, the perspective in understanding performance will be more qualified (zuhriyati, 2011: 69). the paradigms above bring implications to the creation of two entities of innovation in the municipality of yogyakarta, namely: 1. organizational culture organizational culture is a set of behaviors system, which are then socialized in an organization. a government that is open, transparent started with the hard work and continued with the construction of a strong cooperation in team work of bureaucracy staffs to achieve a shared commitment (interview with nur pireno, the head of information and complaint service unit/upik and his staff, namely bob rinaldi, bayu wijayanto and teddy syafarillah, december 29, 2011). in the era of herry zudianto leadership, the developed organizational culture is the relation between governance structure and its horizontal apparatus. he, as much as he could, did the lobbying process so that the relationship between the executive and legislative goes well. in addition, he was accustomed to share ideas with transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 144 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ his staff and looked for an alternative to the implementation of ongoing policies, not just to implement the duties, but searched for the root of the problems of government and found solutions. 2. strengthening of human resources licensing agency is an innovative policy implementation made by the central government, which requires local government in indonesia to establish integrated service unit for local licensing. the implementation has succeeded in realizing the first root of innovation. in the licensing agency, mayor herry zudianto delegated his best personnel in the front office area through strict selection for front office is the part of the office which directly serves the public. not only had the staffs have fine physical performance, but they also astute and welltrained in giving service. a human resources delegation should be in line with the personnel’s background knowledge (interview with the head of data and information section, license office of yogyakarta municipality at 23 december 2011). to improve the human resources, most of the personnel who used to handle licensing in technical agency are transferred as licensing agency officials. the coordinator and secretary posts were handled by non-structural officials and all of them worked in the licensing agency wearing their own uniforms. with only 91 officials (68 civil servants and 23 contract workers) and 129 assistants, personnel management were conducted via: 1. internal routine meeting, every morning, after morning ceremony 2. in-house training, in the first six months, once a week, every tuesday 3. training conducted by related agencies 4. outbound 5. training for operators on sim ho, siup, tdp, research permit, and imbb applications 6. training for touch screen administrator on touch screen applications 7. training for a queue guide on queue applications 8. training for registration officials on licensing service application 9. introduction to and training for structural staff and field officers of licensing agency on the touch screen, queue, and licensing service application. 10. training for information system staff on computer mechanic and web programmer. 11. training for licensing agency officials on prime service, in cooperation with daya procurement mandiri and the asia foundation (sintap uptsa establishment document/license office in yogyakarta and its implementations). for managing the personnel, the office won 5th world’s best front office award. when we came to the office, we would experience the prime service. the office was equipped with air conditioner, well-managed landscape, well-ordered queue, and friendly staffs. it could be concluded that the service was equal to a private bank standard, which put forward customer satisfaction as its main goal (interview with drs. herman sulistio, m.si, the head of public relation and information office). b. transformative leadership dimensions of herry zudianto: a contextual leadership model based on the results of data analysis has been done, the leadership of mayor herry zudianto meets four criteria based on the theory of transformative leadership of bernard m. bass and bruce j. avolio. b.1. the dimensions of idealized influence leaders serve as outstanding role models for their followers. they display conviction, emphasize important personal values, and connect those values with organizational goals and ethical concequences of decisions (brent j goertzen, contemporery theories of leadership). this dimension describes the behavior of the leader that makes his followers admire, respect, and trust him/ her as well. based on the public perception of the city of yogyakarta, herry zudianto is a leader who has a good character, so that the staff admire, respect and trust him. he gives concrete examples of the implementation of the principles of transparency, accountability, and fairness. he is consistent with what he is saying and is committed to realize what he had said. he does not distinguish the status and class, on word and deed, and does not assume that he is the ruler, but he thinks that he is the head of a public servant who must perform public service as well as possible. he wants to open the faucet of democracy, public communication, and open dialogue with his staff transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 145 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and the community. the implicationis that public participation, which brings the effect of increasing the economic opportunities that benefit the community and the government. the success of his administration is also an example for the implementation of development in other parts of indonesia (interview with nur pireno, head of information and complaint service unit (unit pelayanan informasi dan komplain/upik) and his staff, bob rinaldi, bayu wijayanto and teddy syafarillah, december 29, 2011). herry zudianto does not like protocol and always gives an example. as a mayor he would not call himself mayor, but the chief public servant which is reflected from his daily activity. in sego segawe program (sepeda kanggo sekolah lan nyambut gawe/riding bicycle for going to school and work) for example, he used to go to his office by cycling and open various events in the city of yogyakarta by cycling. herry zudianto also committed to realizing the clean government. he gave the example of being trustworthy against what has been entrusted to him, and is not corrupt. the municipality of yogyakarta successfully received the title of unqualified opinion from finance auditor body (bpk) for four years. he also received an award from the bung hatta anti corruption award as a figure of inspiration in creating the clean government in indonesia, government agencies accountability award from the state ministry of efficient utilization of state apparatus, as well as anti-corruption research institutes, indonesia international transparency as the cleanest municipality in 2008/2009. he makes every effort to conduct an informal approach to the community beyond the way that has been done by the government. in the settlement of klithikan market, for example, he used to have dialogue with citizens, especially the sellers in klithikan market anytime and anywhere with mats or in people’s houses. this is different from the approach that had been done, because the government has been conducting a dialogue with the public in government offices (interview with the head of provincial development planning agency /bappeda yogyakarta, january 2, 2012). likewise, the public perception and ngos’ views the first dimension in transformative leadership of herry zudianto. he is a good leader, who used to perform direct inspection of the condition of the construction of the city of yogyakarta (interview with wagiyo and rosyidah, traders who had 15 years of being around the taman area, the city of yogyakarta). he is a figure that is propeople and is open to cooperation with ngos, universities, companies and other partners. the municipal government is very responsive to the problems of women and children, as well as actively provides facilities and social assistance to the ngo one of which is the institute for research and development of women and children. he also likes to build public awareness about the value of greening the environmentto initiate segosegawe movement in order to nurture the value of the public to be environmentally friendly and health-conscious, and to grow the value of simplicity. in building economic empowerment, he initiated segoroamarto movement or semangat gotong royong agawe majuning ngayogyokarto (mutual assistance in advancing yogyakarta) by having rotating dues done by the society for economic empowerment (interview with afi aryani, administrators of lsppa yogyakarta/institute for research and development of women and children, january 5, 2012). results of interviews with bureaucracy staff and ngo is strengthened by public perception tabulated as follows: table 2 leaders provide examples b.2. the dimension of inspirational motivation leaders articulate an appealing vision of the future and challenge followers’ high standards and high expectations. leaders provide encouragement, optimism, and purpose for what needs to be done (brent j goertzen, contemporery theories of leadership). these dimensions describe a leader who is able to articulate clear expectations on the performance of the staffs, to demonstrate the commitment to the whole purpose of the organization, and to inspire the team spirit within the organization through the growth of enthusiasm and optimism. herry zudianto is always eager to do his job, e.g. on his commitment in implementing rpjpd (the preparation of regional long term development plan), rpjmd (the preparation of regional medium term development plan), and apbd (regional transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 146 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ government budget) product planning that must be implemented so it does not violate the existing local regulations (interview with the head of bappeda yogyakarta, january 2, 2012). to make democratization of governance that is transparent, accountable and aspirational come true, he really puts an effort by launching walikota menyapa program (greeting from the mayor), which is a dialogue between the mayor and the public on the radio on monday and thursday. in this program society is free to say what they want, then deliver constructive criticism and suggestions for the progress of city of yogyakarta. if he is unable to answer technically, he will ask the head of related skpds to answer. feedback from the people will then be assessed and an action agenda for the skpd (interview with the head of data and information, december 23, 2011). this means that it provides motivation in implementing government interaction with the public in a way to invite the head of skpd to take an active role in answering existing problems in society. he invites his staff to always capture the aspirations, listen to public complaints, and be responsive to the conditions surrounding that is then implemented into the policy agenda. he shows his commitment and is striving to provide motivation to the staff to commit to what has been planned. he will ask the next day aboutits implementation, or if it has not realized he will ask about the obstacles. he also often performs impromptu instruction to check the readiness of his staff so that they should always be ready to answer his questions. thus, it is a motivation to always be ready to work with full of professionalism (interview with the head of education department of yogyakarta, december 29, 2011). zudianto also gives rewards for the achievements of his staff with additional rewards in the form of attendance incentives or praise and rewards for high performing employees. he is able to inspire the spirit and enthusiasm of his staff to work earnestly in serving the community (interview with the head of education department of yogyakarta, december 29, 2011). this seriousness is reflected with the working hours. he is often in the municipal office of yogyakarta exceeds the existing working hours, even gets home until late at night when the task is not yet completed. it encourages his staff to do the same. he makes a policy to reward high performing employees by creating performance allowance measured which level is measured by the merit or performance or by promoting high performing employees (interview with the head of bappeda yogyakarta, january 2, 2012). even so, he is also firm by providing a reduction in incentives for employees who commit errors or warnings and reprimands either directly or indirectly. the fulfillment of this dimension is also supported by the public perception that is reflected in the quantitative data below table 3 inspiring leaders b.3. the dimension of intellectual stimulation leaders articulate an appealing vision of the future and challenge followers’s high standards and high expectations. leaders provide encouragement, optimism, and purpose for what needs to be done (brent j goertzen, contemporery theories of leadership). this dimension describes a leader who is able to foster new ideas provide creative solutions to the problems faced by the staffs, and motivate staffs to seek new approaches in carrying out organizational tasks. essentially new ideas always come out as herry zudianto is a person who is thirsty for innovation. he appreciates the input of new ideas from his staff, listens carefully, and then follows it up with a program that is funded by apbn (interview with the head of bappeda yogyakarta, january 2, 2012). he gives a stimulus to foster new ideas to the creative staff, greets and asks for input from his staff, either directly or in writing even through social networking either bbm or facebook. although he has great ideas, he asks for input and invites his staff to exchange ideas. he will motivate them to seek new approaches to solve the problems faced by society. for example, in health issues, by providing health insurance to the poor, or with the “yes 118” program where the public will have a free medical treatment facility in 1x24 hour when there is accident occurred in the city of yogyakarta by calling to the number (interview with the head of education transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 147 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ department of yogyakarta, december 29, 2011). in improving the quality of human resources he conducted a hierarchy training and functional technical training. the recruitment of new civil servants, even now has to meet the standards of university graduates so that pns (civil servant) formation of vacancies for graduates high school is no longer exist. recruitment of civil servants is also conducted openly and has been through a credible information system (interview with the head of bappeda yogyakarta, january 2, 2012). in applying the third dimension, in terms of public perception,herry zudianto always provides a stimulus to the staff and the community with the achievement value of 56.1 percent. table 4 leaders provide stimulus b.4. dimension of individualized consideration leaders provide a supportive environment and carefully listen to followers’s needs. leaders advise, teach, coach their followers with the intetntion of advancing followers development (brent j goertzen, contemporery theories of leadership). this dimension describes a leader who will listen attentively to the staff’s inputs and specifically want to pay attention to the needs of the staff. he made a favorable policy to the communities, e.g. the establishment of taman pintar. with the establishment of the park, the vendors’ revenue increases. moreover, there is no longer thug money to the merchant as it is monitored directly by the government of yogyakarta. the vendors’ wagons are supplied by the government of yogyakarta. they are also required to save in ppay as a provision for their retirement (interview with wagiyo, merchants around taman pintar, january 3, 2012). herry zudianto also frequently checks the condition of taman pintar directly and has dialogue with the public, asking people about the needs of the community, especially the vendors in the region. every may 21 and may 22, meetings are held between vendors and government, such as village heads, subdistrict heads, and occasionally the mayor. if there are complaints from traders, it then will be followed by the government and instruct the satpol pp (the civil service police unit) as a regulator of traders on the sidewalk and police on duty to secure from the threat of thugs (interview with wagiyo, trader around taman pintar, january 3, 2012). he also listens to and appreciates the aspirations and the public andto find out their needs he even inspects directly to the public for observation (interview with rosyidah, housewives in the wirobrajan area, january 4, 2012). at the beginning of his reign, usually he and his staff go cycling on friday morning after dawn, visiting villages in the region of yogyakarta to interact and have dialogue with the public. the event, called sambung kampung (connecting the villages). in the event, the mayor and his staff, introduces his programs and budgets and checks the conditions and the results of existing development in the city of yogyakarta. he begins to pay attention to the needs of his staff (interview with the head of education department of yogyakarta, 29 december 2012). every eid day he visits the families of pasukan kuning (the yellow troopers), which is the hygiene employee to give eid gifts from his personal funding, not from the apbd (interview with staff of the office of public relations and information municipal of yogyakarta, december 30, 2011). table 5 leader pays attention to the need of the staffs and the society the data above also illustrate that the public perception of the fulfillment of the individual consideration from the mayor is reflected from their perception that herry zudianto pays attention to the needs of his staff and the community with the highest percentage of always reaching values as much as 46.3 percent. from these theories, it can be concluded that leadership of herry zudianto is not only transformational leadership andtranscendental transformational leadership which means a leadership that meets the dimension or character of transformational leadership, but it also develops transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 148 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the spirit of religious transcendence. it means that the meaning of governance performance is not only merely temporal meaning, but it also means doing good deeds or related to the implementation of human relationship with god to work as well. this is reflected in wakaf paradigm, which gives a more transcendent meaning. this can be understood because herry zudianto has the background and was born from a religious family and community, which has an islamic mass-based community organization, muhammadiyah. c. the output of innovation the output of the transormational leadership in the era of herry zudianto is the realization of innovation in government. innovation is the embodiment of a new management in the governmental process to improve management procedures that have been there before.innovations made by the municipal of yogyakarta are not in the policy planning process. it is because in the planning process, there is a development planning standardization of local government in indonesia, which is relatively the same. innovations in the municipal of yogyakarta lies in creative ways to implement the policy in order to serve the community at best and can overcome the problems that have occurred in the performance of local government officials in issues of democratization, transparency, and accountability. in this study, the researchers analyze the implementation of educational and tourism policies in yogyakarta municipality namely taman pintar, uptsa (one-roof integrated service unit) in the licensing agency, and the effort in implementing democratic, transparent, and accountable upik (unit pelayanan informasi dan komplain – information and complaint service unit) and walikota menyapa (greeting from the mayor). c.1. taman pintar taman pintar is an amusement park designed for children, which combines several arenas equipped with scientific properties; nonetheless, these properties are designed for fun learning. the existence of taman pintar has supported tourism industry both in yogyakarta municipality and yogyakarta special province. this park has sustained the image of yogyakarta municipality’s image as students’ city. furthermore, according to ita rustanti, the manager of taman pintar, there were 1,270,000 visitors in 2010. the number increased significantly compared to the previous year, which only reached 1,250,000 visitors. it shows that the number of visitors in taman pintar is the highest among other tourism destinations in yogyakarta (jogja.tribunnews.com). the establishment of this educative playground gives economic impacts on income expansion among street vendors located around shopping center. this playground has increased people’s interests in visiting it. control on the surrounding area is performed by making standardization on the vendors’ handcart, enlisting all the vendors under ppay organization, and minimizing the number of mobsters, which commonly occupied the area of taman pintar (interview with wagiyo, a vendor in taman pintar at 3 january 2012). it means that each program from the government aims to provide as many benefits as possible to the society. retribution does not mean to gain maximum local revenue; it is more of an instrument to regulate and to enhance the local revenue. there are actually other sources of local revenue, like, xt square, taman pintar, and bank jogja (interview with the head of city’s development planning board yogyakarta in 2 january 2012). cluster promotion and development conducted by the government of yogyakarta are in form of massive information supply and the use of information technology. the website of the government of yogyakarta is an effective approach to improve promotion of recent progress, in term of endorsing some of its innovative achievements. besides, each innovative unit has its own website which is quite interesting to visit since it displays up-to-date information and fascinating visual. in anticipating low income on local revenue at the time of realizing innovative unit, herry zudianto performs a series of anticipating steps in form of cooperation, especially with partner corporations in the same cluster. for example, taman pintar developed cooperation with a corporation that was willing to fill out a related content to the unit or area. each arena offered properties which are the result of cooperation with pt sari husada, tbk., pt xl axiata, pt pertamina (persero), pt astra honda motor, pt ibm indonesia, bltp, bpd diy, pt cito putra utama, ikapi yogyakarta, pplh central java section, pt astra agro lestari, aqua danone (taken from www.tamanpintar.go.id). c.2. the licensing agency of yogyakarta the licensing agency of yogyakarta is the implementransformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 149 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tation of the handbill of the minister of home affairs (mendagri) no. 503/125/puod/1997 about the establishment of the integrated service unit in local government. initially, the regional government of yogyakarta established one-roof integrated service unit (uptsa) based on governor decree no.1/2000 and started its operation on 2 january 2000. uptsa served catatan sipil (registrar documents), hinder ordonantie (ho) permit, siup, tdi, tdg, imbb, sak, sah, in gang, heavy equipment rental permit, ippt, and ipl. started from 2 january 2002, uptsa was re-established based on governor decree no.63 (2002) upon the partial delegation of authority from the economic agency and planning and building agency to uptsa for the application of hinder ordonantie permit and imbb. therefore, uptsa was transformed to licensing agency and was launched on 4 march 2002 (sintap uptsa establishment document/licensing agency of yogyakarta and its implementations). following its re-launching, uptsa provides the issuing of serves catatan sipil (registrar documents), ho, tdi, tdg, siup, tdp, imbb, sak, sah, in gang, heavy equipment rental, ippt, and ipl (replaced by research permit). the billing system is used to pay the retribution costs, which is located in the same area with uptsa. the licensing/non-licensing form can also be obtained at sub-district (kecamatan) and district (kelurahan) office under the regional government of yogyakarta. the form can also be downloaded from www.jogja.go.id. (sintap uptsa establishment document/license office of yogyakarta municipality and its implementations). the coordinator of the uptsa / license office signs a notice of incomplete ho and imbb application, their retribution payment, as well as the declaration of the ho/imbb. ho permit for small and medium disturbance around housing complex and imbb license for less than 100 m2 land, one storey/level building, and without border, in a certain village will be handled in the sub-district office (mayoral decree no. 28/2002). to increase service quality, advice planning is specially prepared for imbb. in addition, citizen charter is only implemented for birth certificate and accepted service complaints via hotline service/upik (sintap uptsa establishment document/license office of yogyakarta municipality and its implementations). the licensing agency is the pillar of democracy, transparency, and accountability. together with upik and eprocurement, this system has cut down bureaucracy chain and corruptive tendency that has been a tradition by far. this system has also limited the opportunity of face-toface meeting between the vendor and authoritative agency in supplying goods or handling projects. consequently, it reduces corruptive practices. herry zudianto tried to apply consistency in giving public service. the government’s paradigm as public servant was manifested in form of optimum service, such as, assurance and simplicity in carrying out licensing process, as well as transparent, accountable, and free from corruptive practices in carrying out licensing process. in realizing the aforementioned ideas, the license office, as a system to serve the public, was created through a careful feasibility study. the process started from a study to find out fact which shown low professionalism in giving public service in term of licensing. in the previous reign, there were facts that service given by the office was indecisive and public tended to complain on it. some other facts are as followed: 1. ineffective and inefficient licensing process since it was slow, complicated, and had no clear procedure. 2. insufficient human resources 3. no time and cost assurance 4. dispersed staffs 5. overlapped services 6. inadequate database 7. minimum use of information technology 8. high exposure to corruption, collusion, and nepotism 9. no reward and punishment 10. low public participation (sintap uptsa establishment document/license office of yogyakarta and its implementations). in 2000 – 2002, one-roof integrated service unit (uptsa) was established. after conducting an evaluation, some problems are not yet resolved, such as, unmanaged service process, system of retribution payment, and management in staff delegation. in 2003, uptsa conducted evaluation and rearrangement involving taf, ngo, dpm, polok ugm, as well as conducted license inventory, computerization by kapde, and billing payment system from bank pembangunan daerah, all under uptsa. in 2004, there were improvement processes including the availability of various downloadable forms available in www.jogja.go.id or its printed form available transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 150 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in sub-district and village office, service satisfaction index scoring by pskk ugm, complaint handling via upik in the short message hotline 2740, phone line 0812278001, and call center line (0274) 290274. in 2005, there was a staff selection that would be charged in licensing agency. this office was established in order to avoid overlap in licensing service among institutions, to have integrated licensing requirements, to perform more efficient process of license establishment, to give fixed cost in accordance with the local regulation, to provide clear procedure to avoid same forms for two or more types of licensing process, and public’s right to gain information related to service implementation (sintap uptsa establishment document/licensing agency of yogyakarta and its implementations). equipped with such optimum schemes, the licensing agency of yogyakarta municipality as the piloting office in indonesia gained international achievement as the 5th world’s best front office in public service of local government level. it mainly came from conducive infrastructures, such as, strategic and reachable location, 2000 m2 office with transparent windows, state-of-the-art it facilities in lan/internet connection, touchscreen queue line, touchscreen information board, special software to control computer usage, license information available and downloadable in www.jogja.go.id, as well as licensing application. this office had also accelerated the implementation of clean government since this office had minimized corruption and bribery. (sintap uptsa establishment document/ licensing agency of yogyakarta and its implementations). c.3. unit pengelolaan informasi dan keluhan (upik/information and complaint service unit) unit pengelolaan informasi dan keluhan (upik/ information and complaint service unit) is a means of communication which connects society and government officials. upik can be accessed via popular media, namely short message service (sms), phone, and facsimile. upik launched on 30 january 2003 as a means of communication between the mayor of yogyakarta and society. the mayor initiated an idea of creating a hotline service as a way of handling public’s complaints through sms line 08122780001 and phone line 555242. in june 2003, the government of yogyakarta, in collaboration with telkomsel, launched sms 2740 (for kartu halo and simpati users). uptsa coordinator and secretary managed this hotline. in 14 november 2003, the government of yogyakarta worked with swisscontact and pkpek in improving hotline service into upik in which the management was handled by public relation and information office. by the end of 31 january 2004, upik was a computer-based public service system which aimed to improve public participation (interview with nur pireno, the head of pik, public relation and information office of yogyakarta, and his staffs, bob rinaldi, bayu wijayanto, and teddy syafarillah, at 14 january 2012). c.4. walikota menyapa (greeting from the mayor). other than upik, the channel of communication between society and government is also developed through walikota menyapa (greeting from the mayor). it is a program where herry zudianto and the head of skpd or the staffs conducted an on-air dialogue broadcasted by 3 radios in yogyakarta, every monday and thursday. in this program, the public has the opportunity to ask and to give criticism, suggestion, complaint, as well as input that would be responded directly by herry zudianto or the head of skpd. d. dilemma in governmental innovation various innovations made by the yogyakarta have been regarded with numerous achievements compared to other local governments in indonesia. but, some problems are not yet solved. according to some informants who had previously conducted research in the government of yogyakarta, upik is still a formality, which in its implementation, public expectation cannot be fully accomplished (interview with undisclosed informants at 25 november 2011). taman pintar also faces future challenges. for instance, retribution given to some arenas is considered too expensive that makes visitors were unable to buy the entrance tickets. visitors would only come to free-ofcharge facilities. hence, such financial problem needs solution or innovation which in the future, it will not be a burden to the budget of the yogyakarta. even, the licensing agency faces similar problem. innovation that should be conducted hit a dead-end since there was no available budget. it caused the staffs were unable to allocate the limited budget (interview with an undistransformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 151 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ closed informant at 23 december 2011). problems also occur in handling umbulharjo bus station and jogja fish market where low rate of promotion made them unable to fulfill the expected target. mobsters operated almost everywhere, such as, in giwangan market, sekaten fair, and parking lots around yogyakarta. also, less coordination in maintaining city parks led to sanitation problem (interview with an undisclosed informant at 23 december 2011). however, each success will lead to both positive and negative effects. hence, those effects will become valuable inputs to the effort in improving yogyakarta. conclusion this study concludes that herry zudianto has the criteria of transformational leadership with four dimensions namely the four i’s which consist of idealized influence, inspirational motivation, intellectual stimulation, and individualized consideration. contextual leadership which is in-line with current socio-political demand has an implication to transformations in two organizational entities namely organizational culture and innovation in implementing policy. organizational culture with wakaf paradigm has egalitarian and democratic character, as well as a tendency of informal communication. in addition, innovation in the area of creativity will lead the government in implementing policies, which may have been established by the central government. references bass, b.m, 1996, a new paradigm of leadership: an inquiry into transformational leadership, alexandria va,. bass, b.m., 1997, does transactional – transformational leadership paradigm transcend organizational and national boundaries?, american psycologist. burns, j.m., 1978, leadership, new york, ny harper and row publishers. dewi, utami, 2014, karakteristik kepemimpinan politik indonesia: transaksional atau transformasional, uny, yogyakarta. dokumen pembentukan sintap (uptsa/dinas perizinan kota yogyakarta dan implementasinya . fairholm, matthew r., 2001, the themes and theory of leadership james macgregor burns and the philosophy of leadership, working paper cr01-01, center for excellence in municipal management, center for excellence in municipal management. goertzen, brent j, contemporery theories of leadership, jones and bartlett learning, llc. krishnan, venkat r. and ekkirala s. srinivas 1998, transactional and transformational leadership an examination of bass’s (1985) conceptualization in the indian context, paper presented at asia academy of management meeting, hong kong, xavier labour relations institute, jamshedpur, india. nurmandi, achmad, 2006, “inovasi organisasi publik: implementasi knowledge management mendorong inovasi”, jurnal kebijakan dan administrasi publik, magister administrasi publik universitas gadjah mada, volume 10, nomor 2. rivai, veithzal, 2007, kepemimpinan dan perilaku organisasi, pt raja grafindo persada, yogyakarta. stewart, jan 2006, transformational leadership: an evolving concept examined through the works of burns, bass, avolio, and leithwood, canadian journal of educational administration and policy, issue #54, june 26. western, simon,2008, leadership a critical text, sage publication, london. zuhriyati, erni, 2011, politik informal dalam institusionalisasi di pemerintah kota yogyakarta di era herry zudianto, fisipol ugm, tesis. www.america.gov www.tamanpintar.com transformational leadership in the city of yogyakarta during herry zudianto’s era / erni zuhriyati & dian eka rahmawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0014 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.112117 e-government institutional capacity in provincial governments of west-java and east-java yogi suwarno*1 nila kurnia wati2 abstract: this study aims to analyze the institutional capacity of provincial governments of west-java and east-java on the implementation of indonesian e-govern ment hence providing lessons learned for the government in developing e government institutions. it uses a qualitative method with a case study ap proach to explore the implementation of e-government in local governments. this research focuses on five dimensions of the action environment, public sector institutions, task networks, organizations and human resources, and the chief information officer (cio). the results showed that the action environment dimension of each region has different social and economic profiles so that the literacy level of the population in responding to e-government also varies. unlike the east java province, the west java province has specific rules and procedures as well as clear standards and planning related to e-governmentonthe second and third dimensions. yet,the west java province has not determined particular regulation on task and duty of its office of communicationand information. the aspectof thehumanresource dimensionshowsthat the professional ict group has not yet been fulfilled and there are still many positionsrelated to it are occupied by thosewhohave no it background. with regardto cios, only west javaprovincethat has specific rulesregarding cios. keywords: institutional capacity; e-government; innovation at local govern ment abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa kapasitas kelembagaan pemerintah provinsi di jawa barat dan jawa timur dalam pelaksanaan e-government di indonesia agar dapat memberikan lesson learned bagi pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan dan mengembangkan kelembagaan e-government. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus untuk mengeksplorasi secara mendalam terkait penyelenggaraan e-government di pemerintahan daerah. penelitian ini memfokuskan pada beberapa aspek dalam kapasitas kelembagaan yang meliputi dimensi lingkungan aksi, kelembagaan sektor publik, jaringan tugas, organisasi dan sumber daya manusia termasuk chief information officer (cio). hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, pada aspek dimensi lingkungan aksi setiap daerah memiliki perbedaan profil sosial, studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) 185 affiliation: 1 politeknik stia lan jakarta 2 politeknik stia lan jakarta correspondence: (yogi@stialan.ac.id) citation: suwarno, y & wati, n.k. (2020). e-government institutional capacity in provincial governments of west-java and east-java. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 11(2). 185-214 article history: received: april 13th, 2020 accepted: may 29th, 2020 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 ekonomidan politiksehingga tingkat literasi pendudukdalam merespon e-governmnet juga berbeda-beda. untuk aspek kedua dan tiga, provinsi jawa barat telah memiliki aturan dan prosedur khusus yang jelas terkait e-government, tidak seperti provinsi jawa timur. namun, provinsi jawa barat belum memiliki aturan terkait tugaspokokdan fungsi dinas komunikasi dan informatika. aspek dimensi sumber daya manusia menunjukkan bahwa kelompok ict professional masih belum terpenuhi serta masih banyak jabatan yang seharusnya diduduki oleh sdm yang memiliki kompetensi it justru diduduki oleh sdm yang tidak memiliki latar belakang it. terkait dengan cio, hanya provinsi jawa barat yang sudah memiliki aturan khusus tentang cio. kata kunci: kapasitas kelembagaan; e-government; inovasi pada pemerintah daerah introduction e-government is a communication technology-based governance system that aims to improve public services. through the implementation of e-government, the public has the opportunity to oversee the performance and quality of public services which lead to a state of good and open government in indonesia. atthegloballevel, indonesiabelongstocountrieswithhigh adaptability to e-government. this is demonstrated by the achievement of the high epi (eparticipation index) category in the e-government development index (edgi) survey in 2018 released by the un. unfortunately, at the regional level, such achievement is not yet comparable with neighboring countries performance such as malaysia, thailand and the philippines (united nations, 2018). the basis for e-government implementation in indonesia is the presidential instruction no.3 of 2003 concerning national policies and strategies for e-government development. the implementation of these instructions was consolidated by the issuance of ministerial regulation no. 41 / per / men.kominfo / 11/2007 of the 2007 general guidelines for governance ofnational information and communication technology management. furthermore, in 2018 the presidential regulation number 95 of 2018was issuedconcerning electronic-based government systems. this regulation consolidates the legal basis for the government in implementing electronic-based government systems as well as for increasing the integration and efficiency of electronic-based government systems. regulation of 186 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) the minister of administrative reform and bureaucratic reform number 5 of 2018 concerning guidelines for evaluating electronicbasedgovernment systems is a reference in evaluat ingtheimplementation of electronic-based government systems. in indonesia a key challenge seems to be more the concrete willingness of bureaucracy to open its mind for a new understanding of professionalism and to follow a reform agenda (behrens, 2012). moreover, he explained that the current organizational setting, work standards and important structural components such as the system of remuneration and incentives do not support the building of the necessary basis for a more professional, citizen centered and democratic governance (behrens, 2012). the 2015-2019 bureaucratic reform agenda document implies that e-government is still not running effectively and efficiently so that a strategy for strengthening egovernment policies that governs e-government institutions is needed (pan, 2016). the e-government institution becomes one of the important points because it is closely related to the implementation of egovernment in government, especially in the context of local government. institution is closely related totheexistence of an authorized organization and is responsible for the development and utilization of ict. however, institutional capacity has not been well developed in all local governments even though relevant regulations from the central government were made to standardize it. this can be seen from the results of the evaluationof e-government implementationthat hasbeencarriedout by the directorate general of information applications of the ministry of communication and information through the egovernment rating indonesia (pemeringkatan egovernment indonesia or pegi) activity. the pegi activities aimtoprovidea reference for the development and utilization of information and communication technology (ict) in the government environment, encourage increased use of ict and to obtain a map of conditions for the use of ict nationally. the results of the 187 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 188 evaluation of e-government implementation through pegi activities, especially in the three-year institutional dimension (20132015) show that the provincial governments received the lowest institutional dimension index compared to the three ministries and the non-ministry, as can be seen in the figure below. figure 1. pegi institutional dimension index for 2013-2015 at the ministry, non-ministry and provincial levels source: ministry of communication and information (2019) e-government has an important role in the administration of local government, because local governments are an extension of the central government and deal with the community directly, one of which is the regional government at the provincial level. the results of the pegi at the provincial level in 2015 showed that west java and east java are among the top three, behind jakarta. the following is the ranking and average value of pegi in the three selected provinces. table 1. e-government rank for selected provinces in indonesia 2015 rank province average 1 jakarta 3,39 2 west java 3,07 3 east java 3,01 source: ministry of communication and information (2019) jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) however, pegi activities have only been carried out over a period of eight years, from 2007 to 2015. yet, in 2015, the ranking datafrom pegi covers majority of institutions like 27 ministries, 21 nonministries 20 provinces. in 2018, an effort to improve the quality of government administration through the use of ict in an effective, efficient and sustainable manner, and strengthen the legal basis for the implementation of e-government evaluation was made. thus, a regulation from minister of administrative reform and bureaucratic reform of the republic of indonesia was issued. it is the regulation no 5 of 2018 concerning guidelines for evaluating electronic-based government systems. based on this rule, egovernment evaluation is no longer optional but must be carried out by all ministries, institutions and local governments. based on this regulation, e-government evaluation is no longer under the authority of the ministry of communication and information, but rather distributed among central and local institutions. thisevaluation is carriedoutthroughindependent and external evaluations. independent evaluations are carried out by internal evaluators, determined by respective institutions. whereas external evaluations are carried out by external evaluators, determined by the minister of bureaucracy reform. the ministry of communication and information emphasizes e-government through five dimensions, namely policy, institutional, infrastructure, application and planning. meanwhile the ministry of bureaucracy reform examines e-government through different dimensions (domains), namely internal policy, governance, and services. this domain is sub-divided into several aspects and indicators. institutionalization is one of the dimensions used in both evaluations. in the implementation of e-government, strengthening policies that govern e-government institutions is one of the strategies in supporting business processes in government and development. therefore, the institution becomes one of the government priorities in 2015-2019. in pegi, institution is 189 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 190 one of the dimensions which includes indicators of organizational structure, work systems and procedures, human resources, chief information officer (cio) and ict human resource development. whereas in the electronic-based government systems (spbe) evaluation, institutional is the third aspect consisting of the electronic-based government systems (spbe) steering team of government agencies and integrated business process innovations. this shows that, e-government institutions not only contain indicators in the form of rules and organizational structure but also include human resources. prior research of e-government institutional capacity carried out by moon, m. j and norris, d. f. they explore the effects of managerial innovation on city government in e-government adoption. oneof which shows how the adoption of city government is determined by government capacity and institutional characteristics such as city size and type of government and examines the relationship between egovernment and its outcome with one focus being how e-government outcomes associated with government capacity and institutional characteristics. the resultsshowthatcitysize is themost interesting determinant in city e-government adoption and different levels of egovernment adoption can produce different results (moon & norris, 2005). other research related to the topic was carried out by tolbert, et all. they examined the ranking of american countries in the areas of fast-growing policy, e-government, and countries with the most sophisticated and comprehensive policies over five years. theresultsshowthatinstitutionalcapacity is importantforcontinuous innovation. they also found a relationship of reinvention in the state government and it institutions that showed a more general orientation towards government reform and modernization (tolbert et al., 2008). other researchcarriedout by schuppan. he examined the different institutional and cultural contexts when implementing e-government in sub-saharan africa. theresults showedthat africa’s institutional conditions require more preparation and time to implement egovernment jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) compared to developed countries. the argument that e-government projects in africa have generally failed is naive since it is based on administrative experience from industrialized countries. the development of e-government cooperation needs to be focused on capacity building. therefore e-government pilot projects must be used to build relevant management competencies beyond the application of a simple it system (schuppan, 2009). while prior research on egovernment in indonesia carried out by (wibowo et al., 2014). they examined the growth of e-government in the local level especially at city level. they found that thecity government’s commitment for continuing theeasy service development to the community is a key to the implementation of e-government in the scope of city government. based on the institutional aspect, the researchers want to know further the institutional capacity of local government egovernment especially in the provinces of west java and east java based on the research question i.e. how is the e-government institutional capacity of thetwoprovinces in relation to the aforementioned five dimensions. the purpose of the research is to analyze, describe and compare e-government institutional capacity in both provinces. this research is expected to contribute in the development of e-government institutional capacity among local governments. literature review e-government is an approach for more effective and efficient governance. the e-government transformation and rationality in the public sector is through the use of information and communication technology (ict) that is able to connect all stakeholders in making transactions. it can increase the public services’ reach and quality, and improve government efficiency, accountability and transparency. in accordance with the objectives of e-government, namely to improve the quality of public services effectively and efficiently through the use of information technology (it) in the administration of government 191 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 192 (schware & deane, 2003). the e-government objectives are explained in presidential instruction no. 3 of 2003 concerning national policies and strategies for e-government development. there are four types of relationship that developed in the implementation of e-government, including (1) government to citizens / government to customer (g2c) where interaction between government and citizens/customers takes place to implement andbuild itportfolios, (2) government to business (g2b) where both parties connect to each other in relation to business affairs utilizing it, (3) government to government (g2g) where government institutions from all layers collaborate and work together based on an integrated database, and lastly (4) government to employees (g2e) where relations between the two is established to improve the performance and welfare of employees working in a number of governments as community services (indrajit, 2002). institutional capacity is the ability of aninstitution to achieve its stated goals. it encompasses three things, first the task function which the institution must have the ability to do, second theresources (human, technical andfinancial) andthe other is structures owned (bhagavan, m. r. and virgin, 2004). the institutional capacity hasthree points, namely theenabling environment, the organizational level and individual level. the enabling environment is the broad social system (rules, laws, policies, power relations and social norms) within which people and organizations functions. the organizational level refers to the internal structure, policies and procedures that determine an organization’s effectiveness. whereas the individual level are the skills, experience and knowledge that allow each person to per form (undp, 2009). there are five dimensions of institutional capacity namely (1) action-environment dimensions that refers to the stability of the social, economic and political conditions of a country where the public sector carries out its activities, (2) public sector institutional context, that refers to the overall rules and proce jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) dures governing organizations and employees throughout the country, (3) thetask network dimensions that arerelated to an organization’s ability to unite other organizations in carrying out certain tasks. (4) the organizational dimension that refers to the structure, processes, organizational resources and management style adopted by members of the organization, and (5) human resources which are related to the ability of organizations to recruit, utilize, train and retain employees, especially those who are managerially, professionally and technically capable (hilderbrand & grindle, 1997). unfortunately, some local governments in indonesia have to deal with a number of obstacles in implementing e-government such as human resources, budgetusedandinfrastructure(wulandari&tirtariandi el anshori, 2012). e-government institutional capacity can also be interpreted as institution modernization that facilitates innovation (tolbert et al., 2008). therefore e-government institutional capacity can be defined as the ability of the institution to achieve e-government goals through the dimensions of the action environment, the institutional context of the public sector, the dimension of the task network, the dimension of the organization, and the dimension of resources. research method this research used a qualitative method with a case study approach. qualitative methods were used to understand deeply about research questions and explore answers for later conclusions (cresswel, 2013). whereas the case study approach was taken with consideration that it would be easier to explore in depth the chosen research theme (sugiyono, 2014), namely the institutional capacity of local government e-government. this researchutilizedprimary andsecondary datatosupport the research. the secondary data was obtained through interview, observation and document review. individuals in charge of egovernment in each province were selected to beinterviewed, 193 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 194 as they are the most knowledgeable persons in respective office. the interviews were conducted during april 2019 in bandung and surabaya. in addition, to make research more relevant, re searchers limit the study by determining the focus of research determined based on indicators that affect institutional capacity referring tofivedimensions (hilderbrand&grindle, 1997). results and discussion results action-environment dimensions the results show that each province has different social and economic conditions. in order to see social condition as one aspect of the institutional dimensions of government indicators, thesocialconditionstakeninthisstudyarethenumber of populations, the level of community education, and the level of pov erty. it alsocomparesthenumber of civilservants andadministrative areas of government in each province, to find out how their capacity to provide services to the community. the results showed that population in east java is comparably smaller to those in west java, as can be seen in the table below. table 2. comparison of population density in west java and east java provinces item west java east java population 48.037.830 39.292.972 population density per km2 1.358 822 source: (bps, 2018a) and (bps, 2018b) table 3. comparison the level of community education in west java and east java provinces item west java east java no schooling 4.195.137 1.874.050 primary school 10.018.939 7.996.844 junior high school 8.139.625 6.615.302 senior high school 9.718.825 7.495.293 diploma i/ii/iii/academy/university 3.280.665 2.430.787 source: (bps, 2018a) and (bps, 2018b) jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) in addition, the results of the study show that the province with the most people completing their education was west java province. in fact, the number of people in west java who completed their education at the diploma i/ii/iii/academy/university level is approximately one million more than east java province, as can be seen in the table 3. with regard to poverty levels, the results of the study showed that in 2017 the province of east java had the highest number of poor people compared east javaprovinces, as eseeninthe table 4. table 4 comparison of the poor population in west java and east java in 2015-2017 year west java province number of population east java province number of population 2015 4.485.650 9,57 4.775.970 12,28 2016 4.168.110 8,77 4.638.530 11,85 2017 3.774.410 7,83 4.405.300 11,20 source: (bps, 2018a) the social conditions also seen through comparing the number of civil servants and administrative areas of government in each province to find out their capacity to provide services to thecommunity. theresultsshowthat east javahasthehigher capacity to provide service to the community than west java, because the number of civil servants and administrative areas is east java higher than west java, even though the number of populations in east java is lower than west java as can be seen in the table below. table 5comparison of capacity to provide services to the community in w est java and east java in 2 01 5 20 1 7 195 province number of civil servants administrative areas population west java 331.327 6.590 48.037.830 east java 414.314 9.167 39.292.972 source: (bps, 2018a) and (bps, 2018b) vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 196 in terms of economic conditions, each province’s achievement was measured by gross regional domestic product (grdp). the provincial grdp illustrates the ability of a region tocreateaddedvalue at agiventime. grdppresentsthecomposition of value-added data broken down by source of economic activity (sectoral), that is, all components of gross value added that can be created by economic sectors for their various production activities and according to their user components, namely the use of these added values. within a period of three years, namely 2015-2017, the grdp based on current prices and constant prices in the provinces of west java and east java has increased every year, where east java province is better than west java province as can be seen in the table below. table 6 comparison of gross regional domestic product (grdp) in west java and east java in 2015 2017 west java east java years current market prices constant market prices current market prices constant market prices 2015 1.524.974,83 1.207.232,34 1.691.477,06 1.331.376,10 2016 1.652.757,82 1.275.527,64 1.857.597,7 1.405.561,0 2017 1.786.092,38 1.342.953,38 2.019.199,7 1.482.147,6 source: (bps, 2018a) and (bps, 2018b) differences in social and economic conditions as above affect the level of population literacy in an area so that this also affects the level of community response to the implementation of e-government. it is supported by the results of an interview conducted with one of the informants, dian istanti, s. sos., m.ap asthe head of the governance section of the e-government field of communication and information office of west java province who revealed that: “community literacy greatly influences their response to the development of e-government. in this case we provide several programs for the community such as digital service cars, usually we visit schools or villages to promote digital literacy, and we also talk about healthy internet to jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) pupils. there is a section within our organization that handles this, namely public information and communication “(interview, 10 april 2019). public sector institutional context in terms of public sector institutional context, west java province already has specific rules and procedures governing the governance of egovernment development while east java province hasn’t. the existing policy in east java province are still too broad in many ways, namely the governor of east java regulation no. 48 of 2015 challenge electronic system and transaction governance in the regional government of east java province. there is no specific policy that regulates the it director in east java province. in addition, the government of east java province also does not have regulations related to data centers, but data centers already exist in east java province and are managed by the office of communication and information. the comparison of specific rules between west java province and east java province in relationto e-governmentcanbeseenin the table 7. table 7. the comparison of specific rules between west java province and east java province relating e government 197 no item west java province east java province 1 ict governance  governor regulation 86/2018 concerning electronic government-based government system governance  governor regulation 87/2018 concerning command center governance  governor regulation 48/2015 concerning electronic system and transaction in provincial government of east java 2 it steering policy  governor decree no. 049/kep.1305 disko minfo/2018 concerning govern ment chief information officer of west java province government  governor decree concerning it steering committee vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 198 source:adapted from communicationand information officeof west java provinceandeast java province theresult of thisstudy alsoshowsthedocument of the electronic government-based government system of the west java no item west java province east java province 3 it institutional policy  governor decree no. 049/kep.1305 disko minfo/2018 concerning govern ment chief information officer of west java province government  governor decree concerning it steering committee  governor decree no. 049/kep.1306 disko minfo/2018 concerning comman d center management  governor regulation 86/2018 concerning governance on electronic government based government system  governor regulation 87/2018 concerning command center governance  service head decree concerning website management  governor regulation 48/2015 concerning electronic system and transaction in provincial government of east java  circular letter oflocal government secretary no. 065/561/105/2016 concerning standardization of information system and ict materials. 4 one data management policy  local government regulation 24/2012 concerningone data development  governor regulation 80/2015 concerning implementation guidance of local government regulation24/2012 concerning one data development  governor regulation 68/2018 concerning one data in east java 5 application integration policy  local government regulation 29/2010 concerning the implementation of communication and informatics  agreement between the west java provincial governmentandlocalhouse of representative concerning integrated action planon corruption eradication 2017-2018  governor regulation 30/2016 concerning masterplan ofictin provincialgovernment of east java 2016-2018 6 procurement policy  governor regulation 60/2013 concerning guidance of e-procurement implementation  governor regulation 9/2015 concerning procurement unit  governor regulation 38/2018 concerning procurement implementation 7 ict masterplan policy  local government regulation 29/2010 concerning the implementation of communication and informatics  governor regulation 86/2018 concerning governance on electronic government based government system  governor regulation 30/2016 concerning masterplan ofictin provincialgovernment of east java 2016-2018 8 ict budget policy local government regulation 8/2017 concerning changes on local government regulation 25/2013 concerning the 2013 2018 west java middle-term development plan local government regulation 1/2017 concerning changes on local government regulation 3/2014 concerning the 2014-2019 east java middle-term development plan jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) provincial government 2019-2023 that becomes the results of the spbe independent evaluation conducted by the internal evaluation team in 2018. it results the it policy aspect of the west java provincial government to receive a score of 2.71. it shows that the availability of it policies in the regional government of west java province is good enough. this was also strengthened by the results of an interview with dian istanti, s. sos., m.ap who revealed that “for the standard operation procedure itself actually already exists but also there are still some thatare still in process “(interview, 10 april 2019). he further explained that “if there are actually quite a lot of institutional policies, like thedecreeissuedbythehead of thedepartmentin making teams with volunteers is also one of them” (interview, 10 april 2019). task network dimensions the task network dimension can be seen from the standardization and planning in implementing e-government. the result shows that, each province already has a standard in the use of ict. in west java province, the study shows that there has been already a standardization in the website management, data center, as explained by dian istanti, s. sos., m.ap that “website standardization exists for regional equipment, there is also a standard command center and data center but it is still in the submission process. governor regulation no 86 concerning spbe governanceregulates regional apparatuses so that the standards are thesame. if you want to build anapplication youmust have permission from the information and communication agency “, (interview, 10 april 2019). this explanation is supported by the governor regulation no. 86 regarding spbe governance, which explains that “spbe governance is a framework that ensures the implementation, direction and control in the integrated application of spbe”. therefore, the results of the study indicate that for now, the standardization of the use of icts in west java province is still 199 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 200 regulated generally in west java provincial governor regulation no. 86 concerning spbe governance, and special regulations especially related to data center standardization are still in the process of filing. whereas in east java province, it-related standardization is regulated based on the notice of the regional secretary of the government of east java province number 065/561/105/2016 concerning information system and ict content standardization in the east java provincial government environment and general guidelines for information system and ict content standardization for skpd, upt and non-structural institutions in the government of east java province. this guideline provides standards for administrators of government websites in the government of east java province in carrying out website management and improving quality public information services. in this guideline, a menu or content which must be standard in the regional performance unit (skpd) website is explained. in addition tostandardization, planning is also an important indicator in the task network dimension. the results showed that, west java province released the spbe plan document in the 2019-2023 west java electronic-based government system master plan. this document contains an analysis of current conditions, to the planning of an electronic-based government system (spbe) and a map of spbe plans in west java province. unfortunately, in theprevious year, west java province did not yet have a communication and information technology (ict) planningdocument. thiswasstatedby dian istanti, s. sosthat “based on presidential regulation 95 of 2018 regional appara tus must obtain recommendations from the department of communication and information. it is because of the occurrence of budget wastage and the number of unused applications. therefore, later what has been built will be examined in terms of its benefits as well. for example, in one area that has been built can be developed from the area. we also have a master plan for ict development “, (interview, 10 april 2019). jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) unlike west java province, the results of the study indicate that, east java province do not yet have spbe plans. in east java province the tik master plan is regulated in east java governor number 30 of 2016 concerning the information and communication technology master plan in the regional government of east java province in 2016-2018, and the spbe master plan is still in the process of preparation, as explained by the head of informatics application, dra. nirmala dewi, “provincial governor regulation related to ict master planis governor regulation no. 30 of 2016. there we are still regulating within the government of east java province alone, not yet touching districts / cities. we want to involve districts / cities but there is no legalprotection. but weconvey it tothedistrict / city but do not force it to require “, (interview, 11 april 2019). she further said that “the ict master plan exists and there willbeamasterplanfor spbe”. thisexplanation showsthat, at present the east java provincial government does not yet have an spbe master plan and is still in the planning stage. in addition, the ict master plan for east java province has also passed its validity period of 20162018, by the time of the research completion, there should bea new oneforthenext period of master plan. organizational dimensions organizational dimensions can be seen based on the organizational structure, main tasks and functions and organizational resources in the form of finance and infrastructure. it has a strategic role in the activities of an organization, but unfortunately there are still many stakeholders, especially at the leadership level who still do not really understand it. as stated by mr. andhy purwoko, s.kom., m.si as the head of infrastructure section of the office of communication and information services in west java province that “we already have various types of e-government applications. one of them for internal offices we have e-office. unfortunately, this e-office is not implemented 201 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 202 to the fullest. during the last year we were back to the manual again, for example in the correspondence process. it has lack of leadership role for they might not understand that it actually has a strategic role in the government activities. without rules made by the leader to emphasize that the application must be used, employees will not implement it to the fullest “, (interview, 12 april 2019). incarryingoutits duties andfunctions, department of com munication and informatics (diskominfo) astheorganizer of e government has main duties and functions that are usually regulated in a governor regulation. yet the results of the study showed that west java province department of communication and informatics (diskominfo) does not yet have the latest governor regulation governing the main tasks and functions. the duties, principal and functions of the west java province department of communication and informatics (diskominfo) are only written on itswebsite. nevertheless, organizational resources indicate that each region has different financial and infrastructure resources. west java province allocates the higher funds for e-government developmentthan east java province asseeninthetable below. table 8. the comparison of budget allocation on funding the development of e-government in west java province and east java province no province year 2018 1 west java rp. 72.451.100.000 2 east java rp. 41.110.553.617 source: document of regional medium-term development plan of west java in 2013-2018 and regional medium-term development plan of east java in 2014-2019 based on the table above, west java has benefit of having better budget allocation than east java, since its government paysmoreattentiontoictdevelopment. this is supportedbya statement by ms. dian istanti, s. sos that “financial resources are sufficiently supported by the government of west java province” (interview, 10 april 2019). similarly, the infrastructure, each province has a different jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) infrastructure. in some organizational units with local government, there are ict infrastructures that have been built on their own and some that use third party services. ict infrastructure has an important role in realizing the implementation of e-government in the local government environment. the result shows that the communication and information office of west java province has provided data center supporting infrastructure in the form of storage. based on the master plan for electronic-based government system of west java provincial government in 2019-2023, storage as supporting infrastructure still uses individual storage for each application or server. there is no distributed or centralized storage arrangements be cause data center function planning has not been good, sothe server and storage arestill managed independently. this was also explained by ms. dian istanti, s. sos that “if we deliberately donot provide facilitation servicesforregional apparatusinthe district / city “ (interview, 10 april 2019). human resources dimensions the result related to human resources dimensions shows that east java province has advantage of having more manpower of itworkingforgovernment thanthose that west javaas canbe seen in the table below. table 9. the comparison of human resou rces of it in west java province and east java province relating no province number 1 west java 82 people 2 east java 143 people source: secondary data from communication and information office of west java province and east java province results of the study also indicate that until now hr competencies in the development of e-government inboth west java and east java are still lacking. as the results of the interview with ms. dian istanti, s. sos., m.a.p. who explained “if the resources are approximately 100, but for the background of ict is 203 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 204 still lacking soweinvolvenoncivilservants“(interview, 10april 2019). despite the higher number of it manpower, the result of interviews in east java province shows that the province also suffered from a shortage of human resources with an it background. mrs. dra. nirmala, m.m. explained that “actually we are lack of hr, but if we ask for it, it is not granted. therefore, wemaketrainingforexistinghumanresourcestoimprovetheir it-related competency” (interview, 11 april 2019). she further said that “if we should choose a civil servant, but if the civil servant is onretirement andthere arenoadditions todatethere are honorary for the helps. for more technical honors “(interview, 11 april 2019). further, dra. nirmala, m.m. explained that “there were cases when the certified communication and information officer is a civil servant, but then they were promoted, or the structural technicalfunctions arereduced. theworse wasthey movedto anotherfield (or office) that was not related to it, and we did not get substitution of the it manpower with equal competence. in addition, many computer institutions at the ministry of communication and information placed at opd became aides or treasurers. so, it doesn’t connect. they should have helped us”. (interview, 11 april 2019). nevertheless, the result shows that the government of east java province has a competency development program for human resources involved in e-government development. as the results of an interview conducted to mrs. dra. nirmala, m.m. who explained that “in terms of human resources, we budgeted forasocialization program, workshops inevery opd, therewill be an increase in human resources in the it sector. because actually we lack of human resources, but if you ask, we are not given. therefore, we make training for existing hr to improve it “(interview, 11 april 2019). whereas in relation to the chief information officer (cio), the result of the study indicates that the current development jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) of e-government in west java province has been supported by the existence of gcio, as said by dian istanti, s. sos., m.a.p. that “in 2018, there will be a regulation on cio based on presidential regulation no. 95 of 2018 concerning spbe, so every local government must have a cio, and in the west java province a governor decree on gcio has been issued. currently we are also proposing the same spbe coordination team as well as the chairperson, the regional secretary. it is difficult to coordinate interregional equipment although in the same level, so we are making a regulation that is related to the spbe coordination team. so, in 2018 there is the governor’s regulation on governance and the governor’s decree on the cio. it strengthens in the management. government gives the policy. “(interview, 10 april 2019). this statement was strengthened by the stipulation of the decree of the governor of west java number: 049 / kep.1305diskominfo / 2018 concerning the government chief information officer (gcio) of the regional government of west java province. this decision is a form of the formation of cios in west java province. based on this decision, the head of the communication and information office of the west java provincial government is the gcio of the west java provincial government. whereas until now in the provinces of east java do not possess specific rules governing cio or gcio. the results showed that in east java province the cio had not yet been formed so that it often caused differences in understanding of it governance among skpds in east java province. even today, some of the east java non-ti regional skpds also do not yet have a section or sub-section of it managers with competency standards that meet and have official responsibilities in managing it in their respective institutions. 205 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 206 discussion action-environment dimensions the results showed that each province has different social and economic conditions. social conditions are one aspect in the actionenvironment dimension of institutional capacity. related to egovernment, social condition reflects the influence of the e-government implementation especially in the provision of public services to the public. differences in social and economic conditions as the result of this study affect the level of populationliteracyinanareasothatthisalsoaffectsthelevelof community response to the implementation of e-government. the response and interaction of the community towards egovernment shows that the development of e-government in localgovernments hasshown a typeof government tocitizens (g2c) relationship. it is seen that there is a better interaction between the government and the community in the development of e-government so that the community can more easily reach access to services provided by the government. this is in line with the main objective of the g2c type of relationship accordingto(indrajit, 2002) thatthetype of g2c relationimplements and builds an it portfolio with the primary goal of improving the relationship of interaction with the community so thatthe public more easily reaches access to services provided by the government. therefore, in e-government planning, local governments must pay attention to the social, economic, and political conditions that exist in their respective regions. public sector institutional context the institutional context of the public sector refers to the overall rules and procedures in the development of e-government. the result shows that the rules and procedures for developing egovernment were realized in the form of policies at the level of strategic andoperational management. inthescope of local governments, policies at the strategic management level are realized in the forms of local government regulations jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) (peraturan daerah), regional head / governor regulations, or lead other forms of decision related to e-government. whereas at the operational level, e-government policies are realized in the form of standard operating procedures (sop). while the study shows that west java province already has specific rules and procedures governing egovernment development governance, the east java province appears to have no specific rules and procedures governing e-government development governance. the existing policy in east java province are still too broad, namely the governor of east java no. 48 of 2015 challenge electronic system and transaction governance in the regional government of east java province. there is no specific policy that regulates the it director in east java province. in addition, the government of east java province also does not have regulations related to data centers, but data centers already exist in east java province and are managed by the office of communication and information. the existence of specific rules and procedures governing the governance of e-government development in west java province shows highest support from the leader regarding the implementation of e-government. the institutional context refers to the overall rules and procedures governing organizations and employees throughout the country (hilderbrand & grindle, 1997). this shows that rules and procedures arethe important basis in the implementation of egovernment because it regulates how organizations and employees implement e-government. leaders have an important role in the implementation of e government because it has a strategic role. however, the weak policy of the local government related to the implementation of e-government shows that the role of the leadership is not optimal. therefore, there is a need for more support from the highest leaders of the local government in the development of e-government through the formulation of policies related to egovernment. 207 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 208 task network dimensions the task network dimension can be seen from the standard ization and planning in implementing e-government. standardization is one important indicator in realizing the dimension. good coordination in a government organization will be achieved when there are standards in the form of rules and procedures that govern the actions of each organization. this is in accordance with the opinion of (cheema, 1981) that good coordination between governm ent organizations can be achieved through several indicators, one of which is standardization which contains procedures and rules that govern the actions of each organization in independent relations. in addition tostandardization, planning is also an important indicator in the task network dimension. the absence of care ful planning results in a waste of budget in the implementation of egovernment because there are many applications that are less useful. result of the study shows that so far there has been a waste of budget due to lack of careful planning in the development of e-government. in addition, it can be seen that there is no coordination in planning between opd and the office of communication and information, so there are many unused applications because these applications do not provide benefits. this also shows that, previously there was no planned development of government in west java province. but withthe spbe master plan in 2019, it is hopedthattheimplementation of e government development in west java province will be better. besides that, related to e-government planning, every opd may not plan its own system development anymore, because it must get recommendations from the provincial office of communication and information technology (diskominfo). therefore, all local governments must have e-government planning, in accordance with the mandate in presidential regulation no. 95 of 2018 concerning electronic-based government systems (spbe) in the form of regional government spbe master plan documents. unfortunately, only west java province that already jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) has clear standards and planning related to the implementation of e-government. organizational dimensions dimensions of the organization can be seen based on the organizational structure, main tasks and functions and organi zational resources in the form of finance and infrastructure. the result shows that each region has a different organizational structure that is directly related to the implementation of e-government. the authority to manage regional government affairs in the field of communication andinformation technology is exercised by the office of communication and information technology (diskominfo). diskominfo is a group of ict professionals. in managing the implementation of e-government, communication and information technology (diskominfo) coordinates with other regional apparatus, specifically in the provision and management of infrastructure and applications for sharing and provision of information and public communication such as the regional revenue agency (bappeda) and the regional financial and asset management agency (bpkad) especially in west java province. basically, theleadership plays animportant roleinrealizing the successful implementation of e-government. the leaders need to realize that it has a strategic role in government activities, because it enable improvements of the effectiveness and efficiency in the activity. but until now the role of leadership is still lacking. in carrying out its duties and functions, diskominfo as the organizer of egovernment has main duties and functions that are regulated in a governor regulation. however, the result of the study shows that west java province diskominfo has not got the latest governor regulation governing the main tasks and functions. the duties, principal and functions of the west java province diskominfo are only written on the diskominfo website. therefore, it is necessary to have clear rules related to the main tasks and functions of the west java province 209 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 210 diskominfo because it will be a reference in carrying out the main tasks and functions of the diskominfo as an ict professionals group. while organizational resources indicate that each region has different financial and infrastructure resources. in some organizational units with local government, there are ict infrastructures that have been built ontheir own and somethat use third party services. ict infrastructure has an important role in realizing the implementation of e-government in the local government environment. human resources dimensions human resources of it play an important role in the development of e-government. however, the availability of it manpower in the ict professionals group of the local government has not yet been fulfilled even some positions that should be occupiedby hrwhohavecompetenciesinthe itfieldareactually occupied by employees who do not have any it competency. in addition, local government support for the development of ithuman resources is alsostill minimal andthere is nospecific position responsible for planning activities or it operational activities in each regional device. therefore, it is necessary to haveamapping of ithumanresourcesinthelocalgovernment environment as well as increasing support in the development of it human resources. basically, civil servants are requiredto have competence in carrying out their respective duties and functions. competent civil servants can determine the success or failure of an organization in achieving goals. likewise, in the development of egovernment where appropriate competencies are needed in carrying out the development of e-government. but unfortunately, the results of the study indicate that until now hr competencies in the development of e-government in the three research centers are still lacking. in addition, the results of interviews in east java province showed that east java province also had a shortage of human resources with an it background. jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) concerning the chief information officer (cio), based on the general guidelines on national ict governance, the cio is one of the ict governance structure entities that needs tobe formed in egovernment development to ensure ict leadership capacity at all levels of government. the cio is tasked with coordinating the planning, realization, daily operations and internal evaluation of icts in their respective institutions, in collaboration with ict work units and other user work units. the result of the study indicates development of e-government in west java province currently. it was strengthened by the stipulation of the decree of the governor of west java number: 049 / kep.1305-diskominfo / 2018 concerning the government chief information officer (gcio) of the regional government of west java province. thisdecision is aform of theformation of cios in west java province. basedonthisdecision, the head of the communication and information office of the west java provincial government is the gcio of the west java provincial government. in this case the gcio of the government of west java province has the task of carrying out ict management in the regional government of the province of west java. the results of this study indicate that, basically the aspects of human resources in the institutional dimension of e-government in local governments are still not good. it is indicated by the lack of competency of hr who occupy positions related to it because most do not have an it background. in addition, the same problem in the provinces of west java and east java is the small number of computer resources. even though computer institutions have important tasks that can support the implementation of e-government in local governments. in addition, only west java province hasspecific rules relatedto ciowhile the other provinces do not. thecio has animportant role in theimplementation ofe governmentbecause it hasthetaskofcoordinatingthefields of planning, realization, daily operations and internal evaluation 211 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 212 of icts in each of its institutions, in collaboration with ict work units and other user work units. but until now not all local governments have rules related to the cio. the results show that, only west java province already had special rules on cio while east java province had not. therefore, each region needstomakerulesrelatedtothe cio toensuretheleadership capacity of ict management at all levels of government. conclusion differences in the social and economic conditions of an area affect the level of population literacy in theareasothatthisalso affects the level of community response to e-government development. therefore, in planning e-government local governments must pay attention to the social and economic conditions in their respective regions. regional governance rules are realized at the strategic management level and operational level. rules and procedures are an important basis in the implementation of e-government because they regulate how organizations and employees implement it. however, not all local governments have specific rules related to e-government at both the strategic and operational management levels. therefore, it is necessary to increase policy support both at the level of strategic management and operations in the implementation of e-government specifically in local government. leaders, onthe other hand, play important role in the imple mentation of e-government because of their decisive and strategic roles. however, the weak policy of the local government related to the implementation of e-government shows thatthe role of the leadership is still less than optimal. therefore, there is a need for more support from the highest leadership of the local government in the development of e-government through the formulation of policies related to e-government. theabsence of carefulplanningresults inawaste ofbudget in the implementation of e-government because there are many jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov ern men t & politics) applications that are less useful. therefore, all local governments must have e-government planning, in accordance with the mandate in presidential regulation no. 95 of 2018 concerning the electronicbased government system (spbe) in the form of a regional government spbe master plan document. human resource in it plays roles in the development of e government. however, the availability of it human resources in the local government ict professionals group has not yet beenfulfilled. in addition, the lack support of local government for the development of it human resources and there is no specific position responsiblefor planning activities or itoperational activities in each regional apparatus. therefore, it is necessary to have a mapping of it human resources in the local government environment as well as increasing support in the development of it human resources. lastly, cio plays an important role in the implementation of egovernment. yet, not all local governments have specific rules related to cio nor the cio himself. for that reason, each province needs to enforce the rules related to the cio functionality toensurethe leadership capacity of ict management at all levels of government, as well as appoint its respective cio. references behrens, c. 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(2018). development design of state civil apparatus (asn) in banggai district through. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(3).452-486 mailto:kismankarinda35@gmail.com mailto:kismankarinda35@gmail.com vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 453 abstrak undang-undang nomor 5 tahun 2014 tentang aparatur sipil negara (asn) mendorong terwujudnya pegawai asn yang profesional dan bertanggung jawab dalam menjalankan tugas dan kewajiban mereka sebagai aparatur negara. kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan pengembangan kompetensi asn merupakan upaya untuk mewujudkan pegawai asn yang profesional dan bertanggung jawab. namun, berdasarkan hasil penelitian terdahulu, kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan dinilai gagal meningkatkan kompetensi pengetahuan dan keterampilan asn. karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan pengembangan kompetensi asn melalui kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan dengan menggunakan pendekatan penelitian kuantitatif, di mana peneliti menjelaskan isu penelitian yang didasarkan pada tanggapan pegawai asn kabupaten banggai terhadap kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan pengembangan kompetensi asn. melalui penggunaan pendekatan penelitian kuantitatif, penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan pengembangan kompetensi asn berpengaruh positif terhadap kinerja pegawai asn, di mana pegawai asn di lingkungan pemerintah kabupaten banggai memiliki kompetensi pengetahuan dan keterampilan yang baik dalam menjalankan tugas dan kewajiban mereka sebagai asn meliputi: pertama, pegawai asn bertindak secara konsisten dan transparan sesuai kondisi organisasi perangkat daerah. kedua, pegawai asn bertindak sesuai peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. ketiga, pegawai asn mampu mengedepankan kepemimpinan adaptif dalam segala situasi dan kondisi pemerintahan. keempat, pegawai asn memiliki inovasi dalam menjalankan tugas dan kewajiban sebagai asn. kelima, pegawai asn memiliki motivasi dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsi organisasi perangkat daerah. karena itu, kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan pengembangan kompetensi pegawai asn harus terus dilakukan secara konsisten yang difokuskan pada pengembangan pengetahuan dan penguatan keterampilan asn. kata kunci: pengembangan kompetensi, aparatur sipil negara, pelayanan publik, profesionalitas introduction one of the country’s big missions is administering public services intended to the society. public services administration must be oriented towards the effective, efficient, and easy to access service (good public services). since the reformation era, the government gradually develops the innovation of public services which can encourage society’s life quality in various aspects of development. the government regularly makes some efforts to design the model of public services through various models of laws and regulations. law number 25 of 2019 regarding public services jurnal studi regulates the administration of public services which is pemerintahan oriented towards the fulfilment of service rights for society. later on, government regulation number 2 of 2018 concerning minimum standards of service sets out the standard and procedure of public services which can be easily accessed by society. innovation development of public services should be accompanied by a competitive asn so it also needs to develop asn competence (nurmandi, 2010; ashari, 2010; febriana, 2017). this is required since the environmental demands are strategic, such as information and communication technology development, globalization, and state competitiveness increase, as well as community’s hope towards central and local government performance which is continuously growing, in line with the development and dynamics of society (sudrajat, 2009; putra, 2015). thus, the government issues law number 5 of 2014 on state civil apparatus which confirms that asn is a state civil apparatus that serves to administer public services professionally. however, most findings on asn professionalism attitudes show that the existence of asn is far away from what is expected. this is illustrated from the portrait of today’s asn with many public highlights on the low professionalism, a number of offence reports that involved apparatus, convoluted service, lack of creativity and innovation, working not based on the provision and other negative portraits which essentially show that asn has never shown an ideal service as expected (aripin, 2014; saryosa, 2015; basri, 2017). factors that motivate the low performance of asn in performing public service functions are: firstly, asn’s perspective on the existence of an asn which is still feudal, in which they put themselves as bureaucrats who must be honoured and served by society. 454 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 455 in this context, asn employees asked to be served by society and not serve the society. that perspective impacts on the asn performance which is not maximal in executing their task to serve society. secondly, human resources coaching through education and training activities are rated not effective to increase asn employees’ capacity and competence; thirdly, strong political influence (regional head elections) on bureaucratic governance. regional head (incumbent) often takes advantage of bureaucrat as a political machine to win general election in the next period (romli, 2008; martini, 2010). based on the findings mentioned above, the existence of asn as a government bureaucratic institution does not show a maximum performance yet in order to perform duties of public service administration. asn performance which is not maximal but impacts on the quality of state and local development so other problems like poverty, jobless, and retardation as well as lagged as a state/region cannot be finished well (monila, r. r., & wicaksono, b., 2017). for that matter, the competence of asn employees must be gradually improved so their existence positively impacts on the state/local development, especially in terms of public services administration, in which asn employees through the owned competence are able to design and perform public services innovation which is responsive towards all basic needs of society. the competence of asn employees becomes the major key to realize good public services. such competence refers to the ability of asn employees in administering public services in accordance with the applicable laws and regulations. facts show that there are many problems within the asn, for instance asn employees still cultivate the culture of corruption, collusion, and nepotism (kkn) so it is hard for them to show a professional competence as a government bureaucratic (aripin, 2014). thus, asn employees often behave which break the laws and regulations such as receiving bribery from society that needs public services from those who are often not disciplined in performing their duties and obligations as asn employees (saryosa, 2015). on the other hand, government’s efforts to improve the competence of asn through education and training activities are also considered to have failed in realize a professional asn employee and be able to do duties and obligations well and jurnal studi pemerintahan 456 correctly. one of the factors that motivates to the failure of education and training of asn competence development is the lack of asn employees’ awareness to participate in education and training activities, the low level of asn employees’ understanding on the importance of competence, and the poor system of those activities. asn employees who serve at local government, especially in banggai district amounted to 9,115 people and divided into 4,376 men and 4,739 women also have a similar problem in the development of asn competence. quality improvement of human resource can be in the form of knowledge, skill, and attitude to create an apparatus having high spirit of engagement to serve society which always act efficiently, rationally, transparently and accountable. thus, it needs development methods of asn competence, through education and training, formal education, informal training, etc., aiming for adequate hr development is an absolute matter which has to be understood and executed by all officials of government apparatus of banggai district. actually, there are many studies discussing education and training activities for asn competence development as a government bureaucrats, wherein that research illustrates the effectiveness and efficiency of the implementation of education and training for asn competence development (chandra, m. a. a., & slander, s., 2017), implementation model and method of education and training for asn competence development (mahmud, 2017), factors that influence the failure of education and training for asn competence development (apriansyah, 2018). that research discourse focuses on the explanation of asn employee understanding of education and training for asn competence development, where the researchers put asn employees as the subject and object of the research. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 457 this article illustrates the problem of asn competence development in a different perspective (focus of the discourse) from the previous ones. it clarifies community responses towards the competence of asn employees in banggai district in administering public services, the importance of education and training for asn competence development, elaborating community perception of education and training material for asn competence development, and explaining the influence of education and training activities of asn competence development towards asn employee’s performance in performing their duties to serve the public. also, this article lets society become the subject that illustrates the research object that is the competence of asn employees in banggai district. actually, this research findings show that community understanding of asn competence development in the area of central sulawesi office of revenue of technical implementation unit of region v of banggai district in carrying on duties or bureaucratic position is emphasizing asn competence development through education and training must be oriented towards the standard of official competence in accordance with the challenge of bureaucratic reform and globalization which of course is fit to the needs of each local government organisation. state civil apparatus quality is impossible to increase without having education and training activities of asn competence development which is in line with the needs and problems faced by asn in banggai district. here, the competence will be the characteristic that underlie asn to achieve high performance in their work. literature review development model of asn competence the existence of organisation including government organisation truly depends on the human resource within. a developed and advanced organisation absolutely jurnal studi relates to either good or not the competence of human pemerintahan resources that drive the organisation. herlambang, idris, and noor (2014) in their research result shows that the competence of asn employees really affect the achievement of vision, 458 mission, and the purpose of the district/city of bontang government. it has been illustrated in that research result that in order to organize government organisation, an innovative and creative district head will have a positive influence on the sustainability of that organisation. anggraini (2015) in her research also brings out that the innovative leadership of samarinda planning and development agency (bappeda) head has a positive influence on the productivity of organisation he/she leads. on the contrary, the number of failure cases of government organisation is a direct influence of the low competence of human resources. anggraini (2015) conduct an in-depth research on the leadership of bandung employment agency (bkd) head. one of the stuffs being the focus of their research is explaining the ability of bandung bkd head in realizing assessment centre and evidently their research result indicates that he/she is not capable to realize the assessment centre although has expended fund worth 4 trillion rupiahs. later on, another research result also indicates that the failure of government organisation is caused by the lack of human resources competence of both the leader and staff at a government unit. for that matter, human resources competence development is truly important to perform and achieve vision, mission and the purpose of organisation. development as an effort to develop practical, theoretical, conceptual, and moral ability of apparatus to be in accordance with the needs in an organisation. aripin (2014) explain that human resources development is an organisational effort to put forward a planned management and be executed continuously to improve the competence of employees through an education, training, and development program. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 459 specifically, the purpose of development is to improve employees’ productivity in order to realize vision, mission and the purpose of organisation. an employee needs a set of knowledge, skill and a developed ability to be able to work well in terms of executing the duties and functions during his/her career. based on suryani, et.al (2017), asn competence development is directed into five fields of competence: 1) having a specialization ability according to his/her working area, (2) having creativity and innovation to execute duties and being able to improve image and performance, (3) having commitment to his/her work, (4) being able to show motivation and commitment of high service for increasing trust and community satisfaction, as well as (5) holding firmly professional ethics. government organisation with asn employees having those five competencies mentioned above will easily implement all forms of duties and responsibilities of an organisation; moreover, it will thoroughly achieve the set target. thus, the government has to make strategic efforts to create asn employees with special skill competence (skill to fit duties), common skill (supporting skill), knowledge (scientific insight), and attitude (motivation, mental, and moral). suryani, agusdin, and alamsyah (2017) explain that strategies or steps which can be taken by company/organisation can be in the form of scheduling training programs, giving opportunityies to staff who contribute ideas, giving rewards and punishments. according to aripin (2014), development strategy of human resources is not only related to the organisational effort to realize organisational goal but also related to the organisational ability to adapt to the external environment through human resources with excellent competence, wherein an organisation is able to understand and serve external side responsively and responsibly. in this matter, asn employees’ competence development leads to the goal to realize bureaucrat ability to administer responsive, efficient, transparent, and professional public services. this following figure explains human resources development system which is oriented towards responsive organisational reinforcement to the external demands. figure 1 above is a pyramid building of human resources development showing that an organisation containing elements such as worker, individual, working group, and organisation. those elements are in unity which can be separated in the development of human resources. in this case, human resources development starts from the recording stage of staff and individual ability as a part of organisation, reinforcement stage of human resources understanding of culture, goal, and strategy of organisational development, development stage of organisational innovation through innovative and adaptive human resources towards demands and external needs, and consolidation stage of organisational working culture supporting the realization of vision, mission, and organizational goal. asn competence development through education and training education and training is a development method of asn employees’ competence which aims to give and strengthen the competence of asn employees in order to understand and perform their duties and obligations as a government bureaucrat. suryani, et.al (2017), specially explains that education and training activities are programs to fulfil the gap between science, skill, attitude, and idea owned by asn employees in accordance with the demands of their duties and assignments. jurnal studi pemerintahan 460 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 461 through education and training activities, a professional asn can be achieved systematically and responsibly. a number of stuffs which have to be considered in order to implement education and training for asn competence development are: first, goal determination of education and training activities, in which implementing team should decide and determine the purpose of the training. determination and establishment of that purpose must be conducted based on the result of study, observation, and research. through that process, an implementing team can formulate the specification of education and training goal clearly so it can be understood by participants. second, the implementing team understands the benefits of the education and training activities results to influencing the clarity of well participants’ understanding of the utilisation to partake in the said activities. one of the things that must be paid attention by the implementing team is formulating the benefits of education and training activities including the benefits for the organisation and asn employees. in addition, utilisation determination of the training has to be consistent with the purpose of the training stipulated previously. third, the implementing team compiles theme and sub theme of material, in which they have to be fit to the purpose of the activities so at the end that program, it will give advantage to the organisation and participants. in this context, the material is emphasized to achieve the purpose of the training and will be useful for organisation and asn employees; also, things that implementing team should consider in terms of theme and sub theme determination is supporting the development of asn employee’s competence to be fit in the duties and obligations where they serve. fourth is the time allocation and training location. in this case, the implementing team has to decide time and location to provide this training that must support the implementation of the program conductively, effectively, and efficiently. fifth, the implementing team chooses and decides the tutor and participants selectively to put forward priority scale, in which tutor competence selected must be fit to the theme and sub-theme given to the tutor. moreover, participant determination must be fit to the organisational needs and jurnal studi pemerintahan 462 interest. sixth is the selection and determination of training method, where implementing team decides method that supports the realization of the purpose of the training. seventhly, the implementing team must prepare facility and supports the realization of education and training activities so it will run smoothly and successfully. the following figure explains implementation management of education and training for asn competence development. figure 2. implementation management of education and training activities for asn competence development. later on, the implementing stage of training and education for asn competence development consists of three stages: stage one, assessment and identification of rate of need in training and education activities need (assessment need) which aim to collect data and information to decide if the implementation of training and education activities should do or not; stage two, training and education program development (development programs) aim to design environment and method of training and education supporting the realization of that activity; stage three, training and education evaluation program aim to test and assess whether training and education activities that have been run well, effectively, or efficiently in terms of achieving the goal set previously siswanto (2003). vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 463 furthermore, other things that must be considered in the implementation of training and education activities and should be correlated to the needs are: (1) standard of competence which will be provided; (2) training and education program based on the job description; (3) multi-skilling needs; and (4) career path. for that matter, siswanto (2003) emphasizes that training and education method is a systematic way which can condition the implementation of training and education to develop cognitive, effective and psychomotor aspect (siswanto, 2003:214). program achievement of asn competence development as explained in the previous part, the purpose of asn competence development program is to realize the competence of asn employees including knowledge, skill, attitude, and motivation that support the realization of professional and responsible asn employees in order to perform their duties and obligations as a government bureaucrat apparatus (wirotomo, d., & pasaribu, p. n., 2015). institutionally, the central and the local government are truly active to provide training for asn competence development. however, based on the research findings, they show that asn competence development program does not positively impact yet on the improvement of asn competence development so their performance as a state civil apparatus never showed a maximum performance (akbar, d. r., 2015). lack of employees’ competence development is caused by several factors, among others who are less responsive employees in utilizing chance for competence development, employees’ perspective diversity in responding competence development in terms of knowledge, skill and capability, and the limited authority of the head district to decide policy to increase employees’ professionalism (amin, n. m., 2015). vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 464 although the findings mentioned above show that asn development program never run well and impacted positively on the performance of asn employees, other findings indicate that training and education activities for asn capacity development influence positively on the improvement of knowledge, skill, and capability of asn in performing their duties and obligations respectively. siswanto (2003) carries out an in-depth research about its impact on asn capacity reinforcement towards asn bappeda ability to perform their duties and obligations as asn. anggraiani’s (2013) findings show that after receiving that training and education activities consistently, the officials of bappeda have a good knowledge and skill in executing their duties and obligations as asn in their area. they are able to perform well in accordance with their tasks, to overcome the existing obstacles and capable of achieving the goal maximally. based on the positive impact of the training and education activities, bappeda continuously optimizes training and education activities to realize a skilled asn employee to perform the duties, including in terms of information technology. actually, asn employees have no adequate skill in the utilisation of information technology as the supporting of the implementation of their duties and obligations as asn. for that matter, siswanto (2003) findings show that bappeda does not stay silent and has conducted several efforts such as registering employees in a course or technological guidance and for those who have been civil servants registered to be able to receive training and education. that bappeda’s step is also an evidence that the officials within have been able to apply its skill in terms of method usage in problem-solving. specifically, herlambang, idris, and noor (2013) conducted a research on the strategy of asn competence development through training and education activities in the area of bontang district/city government finds out the funds that the activity of competence reinforcement of human resources are able to bring meaningful change towards capacity and the competence of asn employees in the working area of bontang city district head hall. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 465 bontang disrict head encourages asn employees in their working area to undergo training and education activities. in this context, what bontang district head does is a positive step to anticipate workload and sustainable community demands. apparatus competence development conducted through training and education program, both through leveling, administrative training or technical training are actually giving meaningful contribution to support the smoothness of duties and to encourage employee’s motivation to have achievement (herlambang, idris, and noor, 2013). the research findings emphasize that training and education activities for asn are activities that must be done by every government institution to provide asn with knowledge, skill, and proficiency to perform their duties and functions as asn. in addition, asn employees’ participation on the training and education activities also gives positive contribution to the acceleration of career ladder and asn employees’ achievement. therefore, asn competence reinforcement through training and education activities must be mapped out well through an in depth research so the activity design of training and education for asn can encourage the realization of a professional asn employee in performing their duties and obligations as asn. table 1. research findings of asn competence reinforcement through training and education activities methodology research approach and data collection method this study used quantitative research approach, data collecting method consisted of: firstly, observation which means collecting data through direct observation to the research object of daily activity including environment and working target related to this research. secondly, questionnaire is data collecting through list of questions prepared by each respondent. thirdly, document study means data collecting from books, reports, academic journals or scientific writings having relations with the observed problem. type and source of data data analysed for this research are primary and secondary data. primary data is data obtained directly at field originating from questionnaire result with key information and direct observation result at the research site. whereas, secondary data is supporting data for primary data obtained from literature matters such as documents and reports as well as other literatures considered relevant to this research. location and time this research was conducted in central sulawesi office of revenue, technical implementing unit region v of banggai district. the time to conduct this research from the observation stage and title submission until the process of research finishing activity took more or less 6 (six) months, that was from march up to august 2017. population and sample population of this research was asn employees of central sulawesi office of revenue of technical implementing unit office of region v of banggai district summed to 150 asn employees. later on, sample is set or part of number and characteristic owned by population. by considering the total population which is slightly high, formulation by slovin is used in order to decide total population and the number of sample. the selected sample were 45 asn employees at central sulawesi office revenue of technical implementing unit office region v of banggai district jurnal studi pemerintahan 466 weighting method in this research, the writers used likert scale considering that this method gives an objective evaluation of training and education activities for asn employees in central sulawesi office of revenue of technical implementing unit region v of banggai district with weighting starts from strongly agree to strongly disagree: 1. strongly agree / always / strongly positive 2. agree / frequent / positive 3. doubtful; / sometimes / neutral 4. disagree / almost never / negative 5. strongly disagree / never /strongly negative analysis method as the main reference in analysing quantitative data, the analysis method used is utilized based on the descriptive statistics by describing or illustrating data that have been collected in the form of tabulation while qualitative data will be explained based on the logical and theoretical assumption. p = f x 100 % n description: p = total population f = total score of respondent’s answer n = total sample of the research if data interpreted in form of percentage so classification determination of respondent’s answer is as follows: 1. 1.1 % 20 % = very bad 2. 2.21 % 40 % = less good 3. 3.41 % 60 %= slightly good 4. 4.61 % 80 % = good 5. 5.81 % 100 % = excellent jurnal studi pemerintahan 467 results specifically, this research explained two categories of asn development in the area of banggai district government: asn development activity through formal education; training and education activities. in order to understand those two categories of asn development in the area of banggai district 467 government, this research chose 42 respondents who can provide interpretation towards research object. characteristic data of 42 respondents of this research can be seen based on the gender. gender factor of respondents is one of the data that determines to see the objectivity of a research. further explanation can be seen in the following table 2. table 2. respondents distribution based on gender gender total percentage (%) men 30 71.43 women 12 28.57 total 42 100 source: primary data of 2017 the table presented above shows a total of 30 respondents for men (71.43%) while there are only twelve respondents (21.57 %) for women. asn development through formal education in this research, asn development activity through formal education can be understood through a discourse on asn employees’ ideas towards the importance of formal education for asn competence development focused on the importance of asn employees to have undergraduate background, the importance of educational qualification improvement for asn, the influence of educational qualification towards working quality of asn employees, and the importance of asn officials placement in accordance with the background owned by asn employees. respondent’s response that most of employees have undergraduate background can be seen in the table 3 below: jurnal studi pemerint ahan 468 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 469 table 3.respondent’s response that most of employees have undergraduate background no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 9 45 21.43 2 agree 4 13 52 30.95 3 doubtful 3 7 21 16.67 4 disagree 2 9 18 21.43 5 strongly disagree 1 4 4 9.52 total 42 140 100 percentage of answer (140 : 210) x 100 = 66.67% interpretation = good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents as sample of this research, 9 people ( 21.43%) answered strongly agree that most of employees have undergraduate background, those who answered agree amounted to 13 people (30.95%), where those who answered doubtful are 7 people (16.67%), disagree answers are summed to 9 people (21.43%), and those who answered strongly disagree are 4 people (9.52%) only. the result above indicates that most of employees with undergraduate background are in a good category. in order to know respondents’ response that the existing educational background needs to be improved shows in the following table: table 4. respondents’ response that the existing educational background needs to be improved no alternative answer score (n) frequency ( f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 12 60 32.36 2 agree 4 18 72 42.86 3 doubtful 3 6 18 14.28 4 disagree 2 3 6 7.14 5 strongly disagree 1 3 3 7.14 total 42 159 100 percentage of answer (159 : 210) x 100 = 75.71 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 out of 42 respondents as research sample, 12 people (32.36%) jurnal studi responded strongly agree that the existing educational pemerintahan background should improve, whereas those who responded agree amounted to 18 people (42.86%), 6 people (14.28%) answered doubtful, disagree answers amounted to 3 people (7.14%) only and those who responded strongly disagree also amounted to 3 people (7.14%). the result presented above shows that respondents’ response to the existing educational background should increase is in good category. the respondents’ response that the existing undergraduate background has quality can be seen in the following table: table 5. respondents’ response that the existing undergraduate background has quality. no alternative answer score (n) frequency ( f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 11 55 26.19 2 agree 4 15 60 35.71 3 doubtful 3 9 27 21.43 4 disagree 2 5 10 11.90 5 strongly disagree 1 2 2 4.76 total 42 154 100 percentage of answer ( 154 : 210) x 100 = 73.33 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, 11 people (26.19%) answered strongly agree that the existing undergraduate background has quality and those who responded agree are 15 people (35.71%), those who answered doubtful are 9 people (21.43%), 5 people (11.90) responded disagree while those who answered strongly disagree are only 2 people (4.76%). the result presented above indicates that the existing undergraduate background is in good category by 77.3%. refer to the table below in order to know respondents’ respond that the employees who serve the position have an appropriate educational background: 470 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 471 table 6. respondents’ respond that the employees who serve the position have an appropriate educational background no alternative answer score (n) frequency ( f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 7 35 16.67 2 agree 4 15 60 35.71 3 doubtful 3 6 18 14.28 4 disagree 2 11 22 26.19 5 strongly disagree 1 3 3 7.14 total 42 138 100 percentage of answer ( 138 : 210) x 100 = 65.71 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, those who responded strongly agree that the employees who serve the position have an appropriate educational background amounted to 7 people (16.67%) and 15 people (35.71%) answered agree, while those who are doubtful amounted to 6 people (14.28%), disagree answered by 11 people (26.19%) and only 3 people (7.14%) responded strongly disagree. the result presented above shows that employees who serve the position have an appropriate educational background is in good category. asn competence development through training activities this research elaborates asn development through a training program in which the researchers elaborate asn employees’ perception of the importance of training activities for asn competence development, type of functional training for asn, type of technical training for asn, the importance of leadership training for asn, distribution of asn employees’ participation in the training activities, the impact of training program towards the change of asn employees to perform duties and the importance of asn discipline to administer government. the respondent’s response on the existence of training received by employees can be seen in the table below: table 7. respondents’ response on the existence of training received by employees. jurnal studi pemerint ahan 472 no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 10 50 23.81 2 agree 4 12 48 28.57 3 doubtful 3 4 12 9.52 4 disagree 2 7 14 16.67 5 strongly disagree 1 9 9 21.43 total 42 133 100 percentage of answer ( 133 : 210) x 100 = 63.33 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, those who answered strongly agree on the existence of training received by employees amounted to 10 people (23.81%) and those who responded agree summed to 12 people (28.57%), whereas those who are doubtful amounted to 4 people (9.52%), 7 people (16.67%) answered disagree and those who responded strongly disagree amounted to 9 people (21.43%). the result presented above shows the existence of training received by employees. in order to know respondents’ response that the type of training received is functional training, refer to the table below: table 8. respondents’ response that the type of training received is functional training no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 18 90 42.86 2 agree 4 7 28 16.67 3 doubtful 3 5 15 11.90 4 disagree 2 7 14 16.67 5 strongly disagree 1 5 5 11.90 total 42 152 100 percentage of answer (152 : 210) x 100 = 72.38% interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 473 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, those who strongly agree on the respondents’ response that the type of training received is functional training amounted to 18 people (42.86%) and those who agree amounted to 7 people (16.67%), those who are doubtful are 5 people (11.90%), those who disagree amounted to 7 people (16.67%) and those who strongly disagree are 5 people (11.90 %) only. the result above is considered in good category. respondents’ response that the type of training received by employees is technical training can be seen in this table below: table 9. type of training received by employees is technical training. no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 12 60 28.57 2 agree 4 14 56 33.33 3 doubtful 3 3 9 7.14 4 disagree 2 4 8 9.52 5 strongly disagree 1 9 9 21.43 total 42 142 100 percentage of answer (142 : 210) x 100 = 67.62 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, those who answered strongly agree that the type of training received by employee is a technical training amounted to 12 people (28.57%), those who responded agree amounted to 14 people (33.33%), those who are doubtful amounted to 3 people (7.14%), those who disagree amounted to 4 people (9.52%) and those who answered strongly disagree amounted to 9 people (21.43%). the result presented above shows that the type of training received by employees are technical training and in good category. table below shows respondents’ response that the type jurnal studi of training received is leadership training: table 10. respondents’ response that the type of training received is leadership training. no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 15 75 28.57 2 agree 4 11 44 26.19 3 doubtful 3 3 9 7.14 4 disagree 2 7 14 16.67 5 strongly disagree 1 6 6 14.28 total 42 148 100 percentage of answer (148 : 210) x 100 = 70.48 % interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, those who answered strongly agree that the type of training received is leadership training amounted to 15 people (28.57%), those who responded agree amounted to 11 people (26.19%), those who are doubtful amounted to 3 people (7.14%) only, those who answered disagree amounted to 7 people (16.67%) and those who responded strongly disagree amounted to 6 people (14.28%). the result above shows that the leadership training is in good category. the answers of the respondents that every employee undergoing training is always a different one can be seen in this table below: table 11. respondents’ response that every employee undergoing training is always a different one. no. alternative answer score (n) frequency ( f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 8 40 19.05 2 agree 4 17 68 40.48 3 doubtful 3 5 15 11.90 4 disagree 2 5 10 11.90 5 strongly disagree 1 7 7 16.67 total 42 140 100 percentage of answer (140 : 210) x 100 = 66.67% interpretation =good source: research primary data of 2017 pemerintahan 474 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 475 from 42 respondents as sample of study, those who responded strongly agree that every employee who undergoes training is always a different one amounted to 8 people (19.05%) and those who said they agree amounted to 17 people (40.48%), those who are doubtful amounted to 5 persons (11.90%), whereas those who answered disagree amounted to 5 people (11.90%), and those who responded strongly disagree amounted to 7 people (16.67%). the result presented above shows that every employee undergoing training always a different one is in good category. the respondents’ response that every employee receiving training brings change in both terms of knowledge and implementation in performing duties can be seen in the following table: table 12. respondents’ response that every employee receiving training brings change in both terms of knowledge and implementation in performing duties. no. alternative answer score (n) frequency (f) n x f % 1 strongly agree 5 6 30 14.28 2 agree 4 9 36 21.43 3 doubtful 3 3 9 7.14 4 disagree 2 17 14 40.48 5 strongly disagree 1 7 7 16.67 total 42 96 100 percentage of answer (96 : 210) x 100 = 45.71% interpretation = less good source : primary data research of 2017 from 42 respondents being the sample of this research, 6 people (14.28%) answered strongly agree that every employee receiving training brings changes in both terms of knowledge and implementation in carrying out the duties, those who responded agree amounted to 9 people (21.43%), whereas those who are doubtful amounted to 3 people (7.14%) only, 17 people (40.48%) answered disagree and those who responded strongly disagree summed to 7 people (16.67%). \ the result presented above shows that every employee receiving training brings changes both in terms of knowledge and implementation in performing duties is in good category. discussion asn development through training and education activities based on the research result explained above, asn employees understand that training and education activities for asn are truly needed to improve asn competence as government bureaucrat. based on table 13 above, asn employees considered that asn should have undergraduate background to support the realization of asn employee having quite good competence of administration. this research finding emphasizes that undergraduate background is truly needed to develop this is shown by asn employees’ response to the importance of undergraduate qualification, the importance of asn employees’ participation in administering formal education and training activities, the importance of innovation for training, and the importance of training material that encourages asn employees’ innovation in performing their duties and obligations as asn. table 13 below is the recapitulation of the research result that shows training and education activities for asn competence development are essential to use and to realize a professional and responsible asn employee. table 13. asn development through training and education activities jurnal studi pemerintahan 476 no. variable % criteria 1 undergraduate qualification 66.67 good 2 educational qualification should be improved 75.71 good 3 a bachelor has quality 73.33 good 4 asn placement is in accordance with educational background 65.71 good vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 477 asn competence. for that matter, local government must provide and encourage asn to develop their competence through formal education with undergraduate program. conforming to this, f., pangkey, m. s., & pombengi, j. d. (2018) also find that education has a positive influence on asn performance, thus, the better the education received by asn, the better the performance achieved and will also get improvement in the process of working achievement. for that matter, asn employees in the area of banggai local government see that local government must continuously try to improve educational qualification of asn employees through formal education program. most of respondents say that educational qualifications of asn must be improved until they hold their bachelor’s degree. however, another research shows that asn competence development was never done maximally through the improvement of employees’ formal education (continuing study until undergraduate and postgraduate program) (sani, t., rares, j.j., & ogotan, m., 2018). government’s reluctance to improve asn employees’ educational qualifications directly impacts on government, failure to realize a better asn performance. in a principle based on suryani (2017), asn competence development through formal education improvement aims at improving asn ability in administering government. human resources development is an organisational effort to put forward a planned management and be conducted continuously to improve the competence of employee through training, education, and development program. asn employee in the area of banggai district explains that asn employees with undergraduate background have a good performance in executing their duties and obligations as asn. through their undergraduate background, asn employees tend to have confidence with knowledge and skill owned in terms of government implementation. this finding emphasizes that the research conducted by suryani (2017), in which she explains that training and education activities aim to fulfil the gap between knowledge, skill, attitude, and thought owned by asn in accordance with job and function demands. although undergraduate background is considered important for asn employees, this does not mean a positive aspect for asn if it does not follow well and proper asn governance, especially when it comes to asn placement in the structure of government organisation. in this term, asn employee’s placement at government structure must be in accordance with educational background of each asn employees so they can do their task and obligation optimally. based on the research result, banggai local government has placed asn employees according to their educational backgrounds. this possible asn employee in the area of banggai local government can perform duties and obligations professionally and optimally. this finding emphasizes their research result of tondowana, a. t., rorong, a. j., & londa, v. (2018) indicating that merit system has a positive influence on the spirit of work. certainly, the merit system will increase the working spirit of state civil apparatus. in addition to formal education activity, asn competence development can also be conducted through asn competence development considered as a part of a proper strategy to realize the quality human resources. asn employee in the area of banggai local government considers that it is important to undergo training program to improve asn employees’ competence as informed in the following table. jurnal studi pemerintahan 478 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 479 table 14. asn competence development through training program no. variable % criteria 1 the existence of training activities 63.33 good 2 functional training 72.38 good 3 leadership training 70.48 good 4 asn participation in the training 66.67 good 5 training brings changes 45.71 less good asn employees in the area of banggai local government explain that training program for asn competence development is considered positive to improve the quality of knowledge and skill of asn. through training program, asn employees can understand duties and functions of asn where they serve. in addition, they also can understand paradigm development of governance and the changes of laws and regulations on the government management so asn employees can perform their duties and obligations as government bureaucrat professionally. asn employees in banggai local government see the importance to undergo functional training in which asn is given understanding on duties, obligations, and their rights as asn in accordance with each structural position. in accordance with the result above, based on suryani (2017), training and development program for asn competence is led to five competences: 1) having a special ability according to the working area, (2) having creativity and innovation to perform work so can improve image and performance, (3) having commitment to work, (4) being able to show high motivation and commitment of service so increasing trust and community satisfaction, as well as (5) firmly holding professionalism ethic. for that matter, asn employees have to follow and understand every training material given. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 480 according to asn employees in the area of banggai local government, one of the most important training materials to understand is leadership material in which through this material, an asn employee can understand leadership principles of government which has to be considered in the implementation of government, public services implementation and community empowerment. leadership material on training activities for asn competence development has a positive influence on asn performance. according to herlambang, idris, and noor (2014), leadership competence of asn employees truly impact on the realization of vision, mission, and the local government goal. although asn employees see the importance of training and education activities of asn competence development, one of the findings of this research shows that this training has no significant influence on paradigm change of asn employees when they tend to be not productive and not innovative in performing their duties and obligations as asn. this is caused by the design of training and education activities that tend to be monotonous and normative so the participant has no high enthusiasm to be active and serious to undergo every single process of the implementation of training and education activities run. thus, asn employees in the area of banggai local government consider the importance to design training and education program which is more interesting and impacts on the change of asn’s mindset. an interesting design of training and education activities will positively impact asn performance in which those who receive training have knowledge and skill that support the realization of good governance. astra, f., mandey, j., & londa, v (2016), in their research result, propose that structural training has significant relations towards the competence of asn leadership. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 481 this means the higher the structural training undergone, received by asn, the higher the leadership competence from related asn. that research is reinforced by a research conducted by tupan, t. n., lengkong, f. d., & kiyai, b. (2007), in which their research findings disclose that training has significant relations towards asn performance. this means the higher the education and training undergone/received by asn, the higher the achievement from related asn. this means asn performance is significantly influenced by training undergone/received. activities design of asn competence development based on the discussion of the research result explained above, development model of asn employees’ competence is focused on the implementation reinforcement design of training and education of asn employees’ competence development. this research result entirely shows that training and education activities of asn competence development are essential to do consistently to realize a professional and responsible asn. the positive influence of training and education activities for asn competence development in the area of banggai local government towards their performance as asn is explained below: first, asn employees act consistently and transparently in accordance with the condition of local government organisation. second, asn employees act according to the applicable laws and regulations. third, asn employees are able to put forward an adaptive leadership in every situation and condition of the government. fourth, asn employees have innovation in performing their duties and obligations as an asn. lastly, asn employees have motivation in executing duties and functions of local government organisation. the following graph 1 shows the positive influence of training program on asn performance. positive effect of education and training activities on civil servant's performance 66,00 68,00 70,00 72,00 74,00 76,00 78,00 graph 1. positive influence of training and education activities towards asn employees’ performance. motivasi asn 70,00 inovasi pemerintahan kepemimpinan adaptif tindakan sesuai peraturan konsisten dan transparan 70,00 70,00 75,00 7 ,30 the graph above emphasizes that training and education activities must still be focused on the development of asn employees competence so they will: 1) have a special ability in accordance with their field of work, (2) having creativity and innovation to perform duties so can improve image and performance, (3) having commitment to work, (4) being able to show motivation and commitment of high service so increasing trust and community satisfaction, as well as (5) firmly holding professionalism ethic suryani (2017). jurnal studi pemerintahan 482 through the ability owned by asn employees, they can perform their duties and obligations dynamically and innovative so that organisational goals can be achieved well. in addition, government organisation can adapt with external environment, in which through human resources having good competence, organisation can understand and serve external party responsively and responsibly. important things that have to be considered in the design of training and education activities for asn employees competence development is (1) standard of competence which will be given, (2) training and education program is based on the job description, (3) multi skilling needs, (4) career path. training and education method is a systematical way which can condition the administration of training and education to develop cognitive affective and psychometric aspect (siswanto, 2003:214). for that matter, implementation design of training and education should support the reinforcement of asn competence, skill development, supporting career development, and create an innovative and creative asn employees’ mindset. conclusion law number 5 of 2014 on asn clearly emphasizes that asn is state structure being in charge of realizing duties and responsible towards society entirely. thus, training and education activities for asn employees competence development is one of the efforts to realize a professional and responsible asn employees in serving duties and public service as well as society empowerment. this research result shows that training and education activities of asn development competence is considered important to conduct consistently since that activity has a positive influence on asn performance as government bureaucrat, in which asn employees receiving education and training has a good knowledge and skill ability in performing duties and obligations as civil apparatus. specifically, training and education activities of asn competence development has a positive influence on asn employee’s performance in the area of banggai local government first, asn employees act consistently and transparently in accordance with the condition of local government organisation. second, asn employees act according to the applicable laws and regulations. third, asn employees are able to put forward an adaptive leadership in every situation and condition of the government. fourth, asn employees have innovation in performing their duties and obligations as an asn. fifth, asn employees have motivation in executing duties and functions of local government organisation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 483 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 484 based on the research findings explained above, implementation design of training and education activities for asn employee competence development has to be undergone consistently focused on the development of knowledge and skill of asn employees including asn’s duties and functions understanding, implementation innovation of service and community empowerment, organisational management, leadership style of asn, and the discipline level of asn. through that ability, asn employees are able to perform their duties and obligations as asn as expected in asn laws. references achmad, nurmandi. 2010 "manajemen pelayanan publik." yogyakarta: pt. sinergi akbar, d. r. (2015). pengaruh kemampuan, motivasi, dan kepuasan kerja terhadap kinerja pegawai negeri sipil dilingkungan kecamatan tambaksari surabaya. jurnal kebijakan dan manajemen publik, 2(1). amin, n. m. (2015). pengaruh kompetensi terhadap kinerja pegawai di sekretariat daerah kabupaten sidenreng rappang. apriansyah, m. (2018). strategi peningkatan kualitas kinerja aparatur sipil negara dinas perhubungan kabupaten batanghari tahun 2017 (doctoral dissertation, fisip umy). aripin, s. (2014). analisis kompetensi birokrasi dalam undang undang aparatur sipil negara. (2014). implementasi kompetensi pegawai negeri sipil di kabupaten nunukan provinsi kalimantan utara. ashari, e. t. (2010). reformasi pengelolaan sdm aparatur, prasyarat tata kelola birokrasi yang baik. jurnal borneo administrator, 6(2). astra, f., mandey, j., & londa, v. 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(2018). pengaruh pendidikan terhadap kinerja asn di inspektorat kabupaten halmahera utara. jurnal administrasi publik, 4(53). putra, e. j. (2015). pengelolaan kepegawaian pada era otonomi daerah. kanun: jurnal ilmu hukum, 17(1), 37-60. romli, l. (2008). masalah reformasi birokrasi. jurnal kebijakan dan manajemen pns, 50, 1-3. sani, t., rares, j. j., & ogotan, m. (2018). engembangan kompetensi aparatur sipil negara di dinas pendidikan kabupaten intan jaya propinsi papua. jurnal administrasi publik, 4(49). saryosa, d. u. (2015). disiplin pegawai aparatur sipil negara (asn) di badan pendidikan dan pelatihan kota lubuklinggau (doctoral dissertation, universitas terbuka). setiowati, h., widowati, n., & mustam, m. (2015). hubungan kemampuan dan motivasi dengan kinerja pegawai di badan kepegawaian negara pusat jakarta (studi kasus di direktorat kompensasi aparatur sipil negara). journal of public policy and management review, 4(2), 59-71. siswanto, s. 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(2015). pengaruh kompetensi, pengembangan karir, pendidikan dan pelatihan (diklat) terhadap knerja pegawai direktorat jenderal perimbangan keuangan. mix: jurnal ilmiah manajemen, 5(3). https://ejournal.unsrat.ac.id/index.php/jap/article/viewfile/19238/18789 http://www.jurnal.unsyiah.ac.id/kanun/article/view/6052 https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/37802190/084_jurnalvol2nov2008.pdf?awsaccesskeyid=akiaiwowyygz2y53ul3a&expires=1543910343&signature=uxmwskn2%2f8jivd3gedaotcw0b6g%3d&response-content-disposition=inline%3b%20filename%3dmasalah_reformasi_birokrasi.pdf https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/37802190/084_jurnalvol2nov2008.pdf?awsaccesskeyid=akiaiwowyygz2y53ul3a&expires=1543910343&signature=uxmwskn2%2f8jivd3gedaotcw0b6g%3d&response-content-disposition=inline%3b%20filename%3dmasalah_reformasi_birokrasi.pdf https://scholar.google.co.id/scholar?hl=id&as_sdt=0%2c5&q=sani%2c%2bt.%2c%2brares%2c%2bj.%2bj.%2c%2b%26%2bogotan%2c%2bm.%2b%282018%29.%2bengembangan%2bkompetensi%2baparatur%2bsipil%2bnegara%2bdi%2bdinas%2bpendidikan%2bkabupaten%2bintan%2bjaya%2bpropinsi%2bpapua.%2bjurnal%2badministrasi%2bpublik%2c%2b4%2849%29.&btng http://repository.ut.ac.id/146/ http://repository.ut.ac.id/146/ https://ejournal3.undip.ac.id/index.php/jppmr/article/view/8185 https://ejournal3.undip.ac.id/index.php/jppmr/article/view/8185 http://repository.pelitabangsa.ac.id/xmlui/handle/123456789/662 http://repository.pelitabangsa.ac.id/xmlui/handle/123456789/662 http://dinamikahukum.fh.unsoed.ac.id/index.php/jdh/article/view/220/0 http://jmm.unram.ac.id/index.php/jurnal/article/view/143 http://jmm.unram.ac.id/index.php/jurnal/article/view/143 https://scholar.google.co.id/scholar?hl=id&as_sdt=0%2c5&q=tondowana%2c%2ba.%2bt.%2c%2brorong%2c%2ba.%2bj.%2c%2b%26%2blonda%2c%2bv.%2b%282018%29.%2bpengaruh%2bsistem%2bmerit%2bterhadap%2bsemangat%2bkerja%2baparatur%2bsipil%2bnegara%2bdi%2bkantor%2bsekretariat%2bdaerah%2bkota%2bmanado.%2bjurnal%2badministrasi%2bpublik%2c%2b4%2853%29.&btng https://scholar.google.co.id/scholar?hl=id&as_sdt=0%2c5&q=tupan%2c%2bt.%2bn.%2c%2blengkong%2c%2bf.%2bd.%2c%2b%26%2bkiyai%2c%2bb.%2b%282017%29.%2bpengaruh%2bpendidikan%2bdan%2bpelatihan%2bterhadap%2bprestasi%2bkerja%2baparatur%2bsipil%2bnegara.%2bjurnal%2badministrasi%2bpublik%2c%2b3%28046%29.&btng https://ejournal3.undip.ac.id/index.php/jpgs/article/view/17469 https://www.neliti.com/publications/153627/pengaruh-kompetensi-pengembangan-karir-pendidikan-dan-pelatihan-diklat-terhadap kisman karinda, erwin nursin abstract 452 453 introduction 455 456 457 literature review development model of asn competence 459 asn competence development through education and training 460 461 462 463 program achievement of asn competence development 464 465 methodology research approach and data collection method type and source of data location and time population and sample 466 weighting method analysis method 467 results asn development through formal education 468 469 471 asn competence development through training activities 472 473 474 475 discussion asn development through training and education activities 476 477 478 479 480 481 activities design of asn competence development 482 conclusion 483 484 references 486 layout februari 2016 the quality of higher education in public administration in thailand: the side-effects of administrative reform1 amporn tamronglak faculty of political science, thammasat university, email address: aw.tamrong@gmail.com or ampornwtamrong@gmail.com abstract since the current quality framework, called thailand qualification frameworks for higher education (tqf-hed), has been enforced in the past years by the office of the higher education commission (ohec), the quality of the graduates produced and the quality of teaching public administration particularly graduate study seems to be in the opposite directions. this paper investigates the quality of higher education in public administration at master level in thailand. data such as curriculums, program philosophy, etc. were collected from universities offering graduate study in public administration. in-depth interviews were conducted from public and private universities. in the midst of the administrative reform in thailand during the economic crisis in 1997, the author analyzed the impacts of the reform, particularly the influential practice of new public management (npm), on the quality of teaching graduate study in public administration in thailand. key words: public administration, higher education in thailand, quality of teaching, new public management introduction the author will begin by giving the background of public administration education in thailand and then move on to the theory of npm that is used in this analysis. research methodology and how the data used for this inquiry was collected are elaborated. the results of the findings and analysis to support the argument of the recieved 30 september 2015; accepted 05 october 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 51 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 impact of npm on the quality of pa education, especially graduate study, in thailand are discussed at the end of the paper. background2 the education of public administration in thailand has long been developed since 19th century. the teaching of public administration was first initiated by king rama v as a training school to prepare young cadre to serve in the civil service in 1899 a.d. those who completed the training courses and passed the examination had to attend field study, the practicum part, in different ministries. after a year of field work, they would be placed to work in government services to finally become career civil servants. in 1903, the training school was promoted to be “the chamberlain school” providing the link between the king and the administrative system during that period (pathumthani university, n.d.; laohavichien, 1988). though it was apparent many years ago, the word “public administration” was only first introduced by king rama vi seventeen years later in 1916. prior to its establishment in any distinguished institution in thailand, it had been swayed through the changing will of the national leaders over decades. the chamberlain school was founded to be one of the four founding faculties at chulalongkorn university, the very first university in thailand. it was named in the honor of king rama i. later in the year 1933, king rama vii had transferred law school from the ministry of justice to merge with department of public administration and named as “faculty of law and political science”. then it was transferred once again to the university of moral science and politics in the same year. fif teen years later, it was moved back to chulalongkorn university and at the same time faculty of political science was founded among other three distinguished faculties— the faculties of law, commerce and accountancy, and economics http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 52 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics at the university of moral science and politics, which was later changed to the present day, thammasat university in 1949 (laohavichien, 1988). the united states of america through indiana university had played an important role in providing support to strengthen the development of civil servants and the establishments of public administration department at thammasat university in 1955 a.d. (kingsbury, 1962). the main purpose of this aid was to help thailand in producing public personnel who had capabilities and knowledge in government services so that they would be able to apply knowledge, skills and experiences learned to the benefits of their country in the future. a number of scholarships were also granted to young scholars to study in the u.s. with the expectations that they would return to their home land to continue their contributions to the universities later on (laohavichien, 2000). it was in 1966 when grants from the u.s. ran out; a first professional school of public administration was established by separating from faculty of political science, thammasat university in the name of “national institute of development administration or nida”. only graduate courses have been offered since then (laohavichien, 2005). the tragic incident on october 14th, 1973 of students’ uprising, over 500,000 thai citizens from all walk of life demanded democratic rule from the military government under the power of colonel thanom kittikajorn. the political turmoil event brought about another new chapter to the teaching of public administration. eight new state and autonomous universities were created consecutively, namely ramkhamhaeng university (1973), kasetsart university (1974), mahidol university (1974), srinakharinwirot university (1974), pince of songkla university (1976), sukhothai thammathirat open university (1980), mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya university (1984), and chiangmai university (1986), whiles public administration was housed under various faculties such as faculty of pohttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 53 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 litical science, social science, social science and humanity, management science, and political science and public administration. ever since the educational development of public administration in thailand has been flourished till the present time. theoretical bases for the purpose of the analysis of this inquiry, new public management (npm) was employed as the development and changes of the pa field in thailand was part of the administrative reform movement in 1990s. theoretically, npm was believed by the public management theorists, mainly owen hughes (1994, 1998, 2003, 2012) among others (pollitt, 1993, hood, 1991, barzelay, 1992, osborne and gaebler, 1992, etc.) to be “a new paradigm” replacing the traditional thinking and practices of public administration of max weber, frederick w. taylor and so on.3 the theoretical foundations are basically based on economic theory and models, aiming at making the most out of the money spent on the activities. performance management is the obsession (hughes, 2012: 76). in this particular manner, the main responsibility of a public manager, as it is called by this group of theorists, is to deliver services or, to be more specific, results to the “customers” (hugh, 2012: 76). unlike other developed countries, the public sector reform in thailand and other asian countries alike were more the attempts in response to the economic crisis enforced by the outside factor of international organizations like world bank and international monetary fund (imf) than the intention to systematically and consciously reinvent the government. simply put, the adoption of npm was more a political gain to get the economy moving forward than the genuine practice of bringing the public services to the world standard. there are numbers of economic theories that npm was drawn from such as public choice, principal-agent theory and transaction cost theory (hood, hugh. this group of theories focuses the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 54 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics important of individualism inmaking decisions and choices for themselvesin the policy making process. it is expected that the policy outcomes would finally serve individual interests rather than public interests. in this case, the managerial and public sector reform was seen by the government and politicians as a political mechanism to get by the international pressures, disregarding the public service values of quality, equity and other administrative values worshipped by new public administration (npa) and other followings, for instant, blacksburg manifesto perspective, communitarianism, constitutionalism and the like. the other theoretical basis of npm is coming from the practices found in private sector, namely flexible forms of management to supplant bureaucratic form of max weber like autonomous organizational forms or agencification in practice, strategic planning and management, results-oriented not input or processes, entrepreneur or profit making, decentralization, flexibility in hiring, greater competition using market-like mechanisms in providing services, cost conscious, and so on (hood, 1991, pollitt, 2001). these private management practices seem to compliment the economic theory mentioned above in pursuing and optimizing the individual interests. research methodology qualitative research method with descriptive analysis was employed in this project. documentary research of curriculums from master and doctoral programs offered by state universities, autonomous universities, rajabhat universities, and private universities was conducted. a number total of 11 universities were selected as samplings for the study due to the time and budget limitations for the study.4the criterion for selecting the sample universities were that they have to currently offer and teach courses in public administration at all levels of study from undergraduate to doctoral dehttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 55 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 gree, except for national institute of development administration (nida) which offers only graduate studies from the start. the universities and institutions purposively selected to represent all include public universities5, rajabhat universities, and private universities. documentary research of all programs aforementioned was collected from website and direct contact with each program’s administration. a total of 56 programs from the sampled universities in public administration were explored, covering 17 undergraduate degrees, 25 master’s degrees, and 14 doctoral degrees. in this paper, the focus is solely on master degree programs. in-depth interviews with five groups of stakeholders were conducted during september 2012 to february 2013, including 1) academicians, 2) program administrators, 3) students, 4) lecturer and professor in the program, and 5) public and private organizations who are the main recipients of public administration graduates such as office of the civil service commission (ocsc), office of the public sector development commission (opdc), siam cement group (scg), electricity generating authority of thailand (egat), and charoen pokphand group (cp). the author also has had personal experiences from teaching master’s programs, both public and private universities, and administering the program over the past decades. public sector reform in thailand in the history of thai bureaucracy, there were two major administrative reforms happened during king trilokanart in ayuddhaya dynasty (1448-1529)6 and king rama v7 in chakkri dynasty (1802), when modern bureaucratic form of governance was initially instituted till the present time. there were quite a numbers of administrative reforms in between, but none was considered as significant as the one created by king rama v. only minor changes and adjusthttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 56 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ments in the numbers of ministries were made in response to the growing needs to carry the necessary missions and tasks in the economic growth and social development of the country. the fundamental ideas of managing government business had never been changed in delivering services as usual, efficiently, effectively, and economically or, in short, 3e’s. not until the recent public sector reform in 1994, forced by the economic downturn and the influences of globalization, information communication technology (ict), widespread corruptions leading to inefficient administration, and political pressures from inside and outside the country, the government was submitted to the new thinking of doing public business by adopting the idea of good governance (gg). embedded in the idea of having gg are six principles of rule of law, integrity, transparency, public participation, accountability, value for money, injected by world bank and imf which were later enforced in oecd countries (executive order on good governance, 1999). among other things that had been clearly spelled out was the practice of npm in thailand in order to ensure that the new governance would be in place and government services would be carried out in an efficient way, timely manner, and with less costs. the very first legal attempts to reorganize public services were promulgated in 2002, the public sector reform act no. 5 of 2002 together with the public sector restructuring act of 2002, officially adopting npm’s concept and approachwhile it was most impressed at that time. the office of the public sector development commission (opdc) was set up under the supervision ofprime minister’s officeto handle this particular mission to efficiently improve the public sector services. in carrying its first and foremost mission, various measures had been instituted and utilized. to name a few, the strategic administrative reform plan laid down in the royal decree on good governance issued by the cabinet in 2004, aiming to achieve seven main objectives for the pursue of happiness of the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 57 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 people, results-oriented, efficient and parsimonious service delivery, shortened processes and procedures, in trend services with newadministrative structure, responsive to the needs of the people, and periodic performance evaluation. to accomplish these grandiose, five year strategic development plan (2002-2007) was announced to include seven strategies: 1) business process redesign, 2) a major overhaul of restructuring of government units, 3) budgetary and financial processes reengineering, 4) human resource rewards and incentive redesign to attract and retain the best and talented people to the service, 5) reconceptualization of bureaucratic culture, 6) modernization of public service, and 7) public participation. various private management practices were adopted and applied to include balanced scorecard, total quality management, value-for-money auditing, flatter and smaller service delivery units, comprehensive spending review, downsizing, early retirement policy, and unit cost analysis to cover the value for every baht spent. at the end of the first five-year plan of npm’s concept in thai bureaucracy, opdc has claimed to get accomplish almost of all their missions. for instant, the restructuring the old system of bureaucracy, one-stop service, government financial management information system (gfmis), the institution of “i am ready” culture8, and so on. a vital strategy achieved by opdc and had significant impacts on current thai governance today was to the integrative and comprehensive approach to reorganize the bureaucratic structure. according to previous organizational structure, thai bureaucracy composed of 13 ministries, one university administrative unit, and state enterprises. after the major reform, seven more ministries were created and the university administrative unit was merged into the ministry of education. the strategic plan to slim down the gargantuan bureaucracy has ended in the transformation of the old into the new and innovative forms. autonomous public organizations http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 58 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics (apos) have been created splitting from single function or any ministries that its task deems important to the people. up-to-date, there are over 45 apos and more waiting on the list to be approved by opdc. special delivery unit (sdu) was also established, but only in small number as it has learned from apos that once it is created, it would be difficult to dissolve even if the task has been achieved. lastly, an independent agency or public body or quango or quasigovernment, whatever it may be called is also an alternative to make public services more manageable and flexible. this gave the opportunities for public administration education in thailand to flourish during the reform. the impact on quality of pa graduate study in thailand the following discusses what had happened to the teaching and education of pa at master’s degree in thailand. the impacts identified in this research are theexpansion of mpa and/or ma programs,the inefficient student selection process, the low standard of teaching, and inefficiency of program governance by the central government or ohed. these were due mainly to the adoption of npm during the reform, the circumstantial development in the competitive economy, bringing in the marketization of pa education in thailand. the expansion of pa programs with the influence of globalization and information technology, and the window of opportunity resulting from the economic bankruptcy, the societal demand for responsive graduates led to the creation of many more state and autonomous universities spreading around the country. to name a few, they were burapha university (2002), mahasarakam university (2003), and recently silapakorn university (2008). distinctively, the field of public administration http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 59 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 has been placed in different schools and colleges ranging from the original and typical umbrella of political science to arts and sciences or even management with the influence of npm. the highnoon of public administration education came in 2004when rajabhat universities act was issued at the same time of the reform. the heart of the act was to raise the status of rajabhatinstitutes which were originally from the teachers college system to be equivalent to other public universities. the university status laid down the legal framework for more flexibility in their administration, including recruitment and hiring, pay and benefits, and so on. at present, there are forty-one rajabhat universities offering courses in public administration around the country mostly in the faculty of humanities and social science (rajabhat university act of b.e 2547 (2004). in private sector, sixteen out of forty-one private universities in thailand also offer degrees in public administration. for instance, bangkokthonburi university, krirk university, north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university, fareastern university, pitsanulok university, and so on. over a century, since public administration has been introduced to public services from the beginning to the present time in thailand, the teaching development has been facing the dynamic changes of political, social, and economic turmoil. obviously, the field of public administration has been mixed and integrated into different disciplines—political science, law, humanities, social science, arts, science, management, and etc. it is truly “interdisciplinary” from the start. as the field faces the “wicked problems” demanding more innovative approach combining all scarce resources from every sector in the society aside from main actor like government, such as non-governmental organizations (ngo), private companies, civil society, non-profit organization (npo), the pa teaching is becoming more complicated in solving natural disaster issues, global warmhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 60 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ing, international crimes, drug in the community and so forth. all concerns of public affairs/issues require government agencies to pull human and non-human resources from different sectors together to solve in protection of public interest (bowonwathana, 2007). in all, there are currently approximately 187 programs in public administration today (as of march 2013), comprising of 96 undergraduate degrees and 91 graduate programs (71 master’s degree and 20 doctoral degrees) located in every part of thailand. within less than ten years, the academic institutions both public and private have grown more or less like an industry. questions have been raised among professors, academicians, researchers, practitioners, and all parties involved in public and private sectors concerning the number and quality of the graduates from the field of public administration, the teaching methods, the knowledge taught, and even the quality of the teachers themselves. inefficient selection process prior to getting into the analysis of the characteristics of students applying for the graduate studies in thailand, the program’s philosophy and its curriculum are elaborated. the author collected all data from 11 sample universities on the program philosophy and curriculums. in this part, the degrees are compared to those used in other countries for their common recognizable names, namely master of arts in political science or m.a., master of arts in public administration (m.a. or m.p.a. or m.a.p.a), and etc. at the master’s degree level, it is found that there are two main kinds of master programs: one gear toward academic, while the other is more practical-oriented. the former is mostly the old-school of teaching public administration, the content of the courses are focusing on theories and approaches-based for the continuation towards doctoral degree. the degree given is master of arts degree in political http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 61 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 table 1: list of degrees offered by sampling universities http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 62 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics science (m.a.). on the other hand, the latter kind of program is designed to prepare those working, particularly in the government services or practitioners to be ready for leadership role as executives in the future. its philosophy is to be a platform for exchanging of work experience among practitioners from different sectors. from table 1, based on the programs survey, it is discovered that three different program names were used: master of arts (m.a.), commonly known master of public administration (m.p.a.), and master of public and private management (m.p.p.) to reflect the unique emphasis of each program. according to the law, namely announcement of the ministry of education on criteria for determination of degree name (edition 1) b.e. 2549 and (edition 2) b.e. 2551, there are only two kinds of degree names given: master of political science (m.pol.sc.) if public administration is one major in the faculty of political science and master of public administration (m.p.a.) if it is a separate and professional field of study. since it is the regulations that all programs have to be revised every three years, different degree names shown above will be changed to comply with the announcement sooner or later as confirmed by ohec (interview with director of program criteria of ohec). however, from the above information, it is noticeable that the m.a. degree is offered by the universities that public administration is one subfield of study in the political science, law, and other humanities faculties such as ramkhamhaeng university, the first open university in thailand, burapha university, where pa is under the umbrella of faculty of political science and law, thaksin university and kirk university, where the emphasis of the programs is on criminal justice administration. the common 10 m.p.a. degrees are provided by chulalongkorn university, nida, thaksin university, bansomdejchaoprayarajabhat university, rajabhatmahasarakam university, krirk university, eastern asia university, and khonkaen university with an emphasis on local http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 63 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 government. public administration programs that recognize and respond to the need of private management, the call from new public management idea during the administrative reform, is seen in master of public and private management program of nida, private university like krirkuniversity, and maejo university, where the university history is well known for agricultural technology. formerly known as maejo institute of agricultural technology, from the interview with maejo university’s mpa program administrators, the mpa initiated will be approved by the university council, if it is designed to link with business management in the school of administrative studies by taking advantages of existing courses in business and agricultural departments. regardless of the variation in the degree names, core content of courses offered in both programs are quite similar. they lay down the foundations of public administration to all pa programs into five original core areas of 1) pa theory, 2) public policy and policy analysis, 3) organizations and management, 4) public personnel or human resources, and 5) public budgeting and finance. one more core course added in response to the urgent need of the analytical and integration skills is research methodology, combining both quantitative and qualitative analysis. minor variation may also be found in the emphasis of each program to create uniqueness of the locations of the universities. general and universal knowledge of pa, plus research methods are the main focus of universities located in the central part, such as krirk university, chulalongkorn university, thammasat university, sripathum university, etc. the advantages of the locations in other provinces in the north, northeastern, and eastern part of thailand, the programs have added the touch of local knowledge. local government oriented creates distinction to these programs, for instance, most rajabhat universities in other regions, khonkaen university, mahasarakham university, maejo university, and so on. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 64 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics for certain universities, law, as its affiliate field in the same faculty, is also provided to be selective courses, including constitutional law especially administrative law which are increasing in its important to public administrators nowadays. what the master students would learn from pa program in thailand is basically quite similar. the inheritance and legacy of public administration from the classical theory to the present are the principal content of coursework. little variation can be found in the emphasis on local practices and the recognition of local wisdom which is becoming more popular with the invention of new public management during the administrative reform in 1990s. selection process: as for the selection process of students to join the master programs, the data from in-depth interviews with administrator, academicians, professors and personal experience revealed different story. the academic program is very competitive because number of seats available is limited; the selection process would base solely on their ability to compete in the written test and the minimum requirements of english language proficiency. this particular program is financially supported by the university. if, in some cases, they do pass the exam, but are unable to past the language test, they will have to take and pass english language courses during their study in the program. on the contrary, the professional master program is not so competitive, partly due to the number of programs offered in the market around the region. a minimum number of students of 50-60 are a must to keep this kind of self-support program running. from the interview, every program administrator agrees that all applicants will be accepted to the programs to ensure that the programs can make profit and stand on their own budget. thus, the marketing campaign like, in most private universities, such as, free ipad, all included, one year graduation guaranteed, etc. are part of the promotion. evidents can be seen from the advertisement in http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 65 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 most read thai daily newspaper, for instance, matichon, manager, etc. a chance for getting the best is very slim. the written test, if there is any, would be just for formality purpose only. all would be accepted to the study in the program. in all, we see pa education at master level is becoming more like business. however, the main purpose of master program is to provide continuing education platform to those working and give them opportunity to freshen up their knowledge. it is also found that the philosophical statement and objectives of the program are not drastically distinct among public, private, and rajabhat universities. students: in coherent with different kinds of master’s degree program, the students as input to the academic degree are those newly graduates who just complete the undergraduate degree and go straight to the graduate study. this group of students has no prior work experience and fresh out of college with little knowledge of jobs. studying is the alternative while waiting for job opening opportunity. as for the practical master degree, the entrance selection process is more flexible for mid-career, having three to five years of work experiences. the application process would give more weight to their work skill and experience than the theoretical test. distinguish work experience, self achievements, and good recommendations are important as well. from the interview with ohec’s personnel, mpa program is very popular among politicians in other provinces. it is the belief and values of most thais for higher education that drive people to get a master degree or even better, doctoral degree. people with university degrees, especially from famous universities, will gain respects from the public at large. with many universities competing for the same group of “customers,” the chances of acceptance to advanced study are wide open. it is an opportunity for those with undergraduate degree from less popular universities to pursue their dreamed public universities such as chulalongkorn university, http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 66 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics thammasat university, kasetsart university, silapakorn university, mahidol university, and so on. it is found that all applicants, nowadays, has zero chance of getting rejected. inefficient process of teaching: three different, but related issues of teachers, teaching methods/approach, and teaching materials used in class are discussed. the quality of products rests on the skills, knowledge and experience of the masters who skillfully craft their own fruits. they are the heart of the successful story of their products. the findings from the document and the in-depth interviews revealed that teachers from public universities, like, to name a few, chulalongkorn university, thammasat university, chiangmaiuniveristy, mahidol university would hold at least doctoral degree from abroad, mostly united states of america, united kingdom, australia, japan, or equivalent in the field of public administration or political science. for private and especially rajabhat universities, most teachers hold master’s degree in public administration, political science, and other social science degree, not so directly related to public administration—geographic information system, mathematics, and so on. the degree earned would come from major universities in thailand such as chulalongkorn university, thammasat university, chiangmaiuniveristy, nida, etc. some of them are doing their doctoral degrees in their own universities or other major universities in thailand while teaching doctoral courses in their universities. however, this situation is now being mitigated by the office of the higher education commission (ohec), requiring teachers in the pa programs to have pa or political science degree. as it appears that some are acquiring another master degree in public administration and some are in the doctoral programs. otherwise, their pa programs will not be accredited by ohec, resulting in closing down the program the following academic years. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 67 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 to help alleviate the situation of urgent need of qualified teachers, most master degree programs in pa have reached out to acquire retired professors from public universities to be their visiting or affiliated professors or guest lecturers. an alternative to this particular lack of qualified teachers is to hire retired high ranking public servants, who have long experiences in serving public offices, to be teachers in the program. the latter kind of teachers does have lifetime experiences in the field, but does not hold doctoral degree in the field of pa. however, they do teach master and doctoral students in certain private and rajabhat universities. at present, ohec is trying to tighten its string on the quality of teachers by applying the thailand qualification frameworks for higher education (tqf-hed) on internal or self-assessment, working in co-ordination with the office for national education standards and quality assessment (onesqa) for external assessment and the civil service commission (csc). various public universities find themselves in an uneasy situation to face three inflexible different standards of assessments aiming at strengthening and increasing the quality of education across nation. in terms of teaching methods, as for the academic ma program, students will be assigned to read some english language textbooks, articles, and other materials. theories are learned, criticized, and analyzed in details. students are left to take their own path of taking classes at their own pace. on the other hand, different teaching and materials are used in classes. class materials will be provided to all. from the interview, a number of the respondents affirmed that they have to find the books and have the program administration copy for everyone in class. due to limited budget for books and reading materials, only a few or only one book will be bought for each student. however, they will be given a copy of power points from all guest lecturers, if they have any. courses are designed and arranged by “module” or “package” or http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 68 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics “block course”. nida, ramkhamhaeng university, and bansomdejchaopraya rajabhat university were found to offer courses in many campuses around the country at the same time. in the most competitive private and rajabhat universities, students are given one intensive course at a time for a month, during evening and most probably on saturday and sunday, 6 hours a day. another subject will continue right after the first one completed and so on. a total of 9 credits or three to four courses are arranged each semester. in a way, this block course is to create job and extra income to most teachers in pa because of low salary. recent evaluations by ohec’s department of standard and evaluations revealed an enormous closing of mpa’s program located off main campuses by private and rajabhat universities around the countries due to management inefficiency and the lack of quality teaching. more case study approaches and project-based learning are deployed in class and outside classroom. students will be assigned to work in group on group projects, creating opportunity for them to exchange and share knowledge, skills, and experiences from different agencies, public and private organizations. since the class is large with a minimum of 50 students and a maximum of nearly 100 students, group report of 10-12 persons per group is favorable. lecturing instead of seminar and class discussion becomes very common. class interaction between teachers and students occurs sporadically only to a few interested individuals. outdoor field visits during the semester as part of the course activities and site visits to other provinces in the country and abroad are part of the program to widen their horizon in practicum public administration. after finishing all required course work, students are required to pass a written comprehensive exam. upon completion of the written exam, they need to choose one of the two plans: plan a is thesis and plan b is mini research project or practicum research. those who decide to take plan a track do not have to take extra selective http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 69 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 courses for 6 credits. if plan b is chosen, they are required to take two more arranged courses. almost all master academic program students would do thesis, while practitioners would do practicum research. the differences between these two kinds of research lie in the scope and the nature of the research. thesis paper is broader in scope, more intensive in literature review and theoretical comprehensive and larger sample size or case study than practicum research. one indicator as good universities or programs is to have a large volume of books and materials in the library for professors and students alike to read, do research, and acquire more knowledge. it is the main source of wisdom. as mentioned earlier, textbooks and more academic like materials are used in class for the ma degree while different materials and preparation are prepared for the practitioners in the mpa program. since the practitioners work during the week and attend classes during weekend, they have little time to search for more books and reading materials. the program administrators from the interview, therefore, would provide them with all necessary readings selected by the teachers. from the survey of thai textbooks on pa over the past 15 years, it is found that there are not many books written by thai scholars in the market. one reason is that the salary for university lecturer is not so rewarding. extra teaching work is necessary to earn more living by teaching more master degree courses with various programs offered by other universities around the country. research work, mostly applied and practical research will be paid by government agencies to help improve government services. little time would be left to write unrewarding books for teaching because most students do not buy books for their study. moreover, one lecturer is required to teach at least 4-5 courses a year. in reality, he or she would teach 8-10 different courses every year. heavy minimum teaching workload does not give a junior lecturer to crystallize and create thoughtful textbook and meaningful research to the field. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 70 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics related issue to teaching material and quality of teaching personnel is the number of research done by the teachers. quality of teaching personnel can be observed from the experiences gained from time spent in doing research on the subjects of interests. unlike most scholars from other western universities, thai scholars do not spend enough time studying, searching, digging, and investigating the topics/issues that interest them. time would be exploited to find extra teaching work that quick and easy money can be found. it is rather difficult to get research grants from the university, currently supported by the government, or other research agencies like tdri, thailand research fund (trf), or national research council of thailand (nrct). so far, government’s policy on social research has not been rewarding. this year, less than 1% (0.56%, 20 projects) of nrct’s total research budget is allocated to political science and pa research combined, as compared to over 46.00% of research budget for agriculture and biology. as for trf, most of its budget would be for research in science. recent news released by council of university presidents of thailand (cupt), the government has cut down more next year research budget allocations from public universities by more than as mentioned by president of cupt, about 3.3 millions dollars. with less financial support for research on national scale, the hope for thai universities to gain world’s ranking and create new innovations for the development of the country is dim, said somkid lertpaithoon, president of cupt (dailnews, april 25, 2013). output: quantity rather than quality job search is not the real issue for master students. the academic program is designed to train students to be future teachers or to pursue doctoral degree in the future. on the other hand, in the practitioners program, some students expect to advance their career and get promotion after their completion. for others, getting a http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 71 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 master degree, in a way, is for social upgrading and networking purpose. the saying that “pay all and graduation is guaranteed” is one of the gimmick campaigns in private and rajabhat universities. in all, a master degree for sale problem is becoming more serious, not to mention the problem of banal plagiarisms and selling of research paper. the problem of “degree for sale” has long been recognized and widely criticized (ok nation blog, 2011). the trading of degrees, especially master degree was found to disperse after the drastic administrative reform in 1997 due to the economic crisis. the root cause of the current situation derived from forcing previously state owned universities to become autonomous or public universities today away from bureaucracy, with the illusions of flexibility and academic freedom. the birth of large numbers of new autonomous universities and the transformation of originally teaching colleges to rajabhat universities have worsened the problem. the disparity between supply or the producers and the demand for the degree has elevated the trading and the competition for the “customers”. quality of the products is not the factor to be reckoned. only the quantity of the products, 100 percent graduation guaranteed, would draw enough customers to keep the program running. this issue needs urgent remedy from all parties involved. conclusions public administration has a long history in thai education. the increase in number of institutions—public, private and rajabhat universities does not reflect the quality of the products. a total of 71 master’s degree programs since the administrative reform in 1997 and the glory of rajabhat universities in 2004 are more than enough to produce public civil servants. the need to provide advanced learning to mid-career bureaucrats was overcome by the triumphant of business. the results of the administrative reform as part of economic http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 72 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics mismanagement, not to mention the much related influence of globalization has shaken the field of pa. adopted the new ideas and tools of npm, the weber’s bureaucratic system will never turn back to be the same. within the next three years, thailand and nine other asean will have to be ready for the economic integration in the region in all three areas of security, cultural exchange, and most importantly, education. the study of 25 pa master degree programs in thailand over the past 10 years revealed that the education of pa has grown rapidly with most influences of what had happened in the country, politically and economically. there are five major points to be summarized as follows:firstly, the initial purpose of producing competent and qualified graduates to serve public office was no longer relevant. the demand for the master’s degree was high, but did not keep up with the growing number of the programs opened. as a result, the high number of persons graduated with master’s degree in pa does not reflect the demand in the market. with the increasing competition of marketing campaign, the quality of the graduates has been compromised. secondly, the quality of the key persons in producing the products is also in question. as mentions, many universities have expanded the programs which would definitely need teachers in the production process. however, the existing teaching personnel they have do not hold at least master degree in pa. simply put, they do not have foundation and knowledge in pa to teach in the field of pa. even though ohec, as a direct responsible agency, has tried to fix this problem, it comes in a little too late. damage has been done to many graduates. serious penalty should be enforced. moreover, this problem is intertwined with less experience in doing research that can be applied to their teaching. thirdly, related issue to quality of teachers, monthly salary and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 73 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 benefits should be reconsidered and increased. teaching job in the universities is recognized as highly prestigious. however, the pay is incommensurable. it should have been raised to cover high cost of living and for investment on books and other teaching materials. it would also help draw and attract more qualified students to pursue academic career in the future. fourthly, the coming of aec integration is a driving force for all mpa programs to move forward from one nation alone to regional. this is a new challenging task for all to improve and redesign the content of the subject taught to accommodate students from around asean countries. lastly, it is an alarming issue that thereare not many good books in the field of pa. only a few are up-to-date in the market. students do not like to read and do not have enough time to read and synthesize what have been learned within a short period of time. what more important is the time that teachers in the field of pa have seems to be major obstacle: too many classes to teach due to low pay, research to be done, lack of accessibility to new books and articles in the database, etc. not to mention the english proficiency ability of thai teachers, theyare not capable of creating and producing research results that can be presented at the international level. not many can do so. recommendations from the problems encountered in this study, the recommendations are as follows:first and foremost, the law and regulations on criteria for qualified programs are in place except for the enforcement of these measures. what ohec, as a central regulatory agency, has to do is to strictly enforce the laws and penalize them by not giving them accreditations. however, doing so is like “to build the cattle-pen after the cow is lost” in thai proverb. what should be done is not to http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 74 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics allow and give the universities the license or accreditations to open the program. strong preventive measure is highly recommended. to do so, ohec first needs the database of all programs and teachers personnel and their full profile in thailand at all levels of education, which it does not have at present. second, there should be standard on quality of lecturer in each and every field, not only pa, saying that those who teach pa should at least hold master degree in pa because teachers are the role models to the students and should have known the subject. to the extreme, a certification for teaching pa may be issued to those who pass the bar exams as suggested by one leading scholar and university administrator from nida. however, this mechanism requires establishing an agency or body of administration to manage the national examination and monitor the quality of pa teachers regularly. third, to ensure that education is less businesslike, more regulations and better watch on the marketing campaign are needed. fourth, to provide support, motivation, and raise morale among university lecturers, monthly salary and pay should be raised high enough to guarantee market competitiveness to other comparable prestigious professions like lawyers. though corruptions are not at issue here, this would help reduce the attempt to find extra teaching classes during weekend to have more time to do academic research and write textbooks. fifth, more research grants should be made available to stimulate new ideas and innovation for future development. experiences and knowledge gained from doing research by university scholars can be transferred to students at the end. universities should also promote and support the transfer of knowledge from research to textbooks. last, but not least, an academic community and network of those teaching pa in thailand needs more financial support from the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 75 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 government and other sectors for their research, both theoretical and practical, to help improve and solve wicket problems facing current administration at all levels of governance. most importantly, the products of their efforts have to be lifted up to the international and world stage. this should not be an issue in the near future due to the fast development of information technology in the borderless world today. in all, the teaching of public administration in thailand has passed the highnoon period. we do have a lot to improve and create new body of knowledge to be competitive with other asean countries and take this as opportunity, not obstacle. ohec as a regulatory agency should provide preventive measures and fierce fully enforce the law and regulations on any wrong doing, illegal and immoral practices by teachers and universities. special attention and sufficient budget should be well spent on research and teaching personnel for future development of human resources in the country. with the opportunity to address this research results to ohec’s executive at the annual national conference on political science and public administration in 2014, ohec has released a new and even rigid thailand qualification framework on public administration for the first time in june 2015. a number of rajabhat universities and all public and private universities teaching public administration are immensely affected by this new tight regulation. it would be interesting to see the aftermath of this change at present and in the near future. endnotes 1 this paper is part of the research project on “the evaluation of the state of the public administration education in thailand: current state and future directions” under the project umbrella of the evaluation of the state of education in political science and public administration in thailand (from 1997 to present), http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 76 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics funded by office of the national research council of thailand (nrct) in 20122013. 2 it is not the intention of this paper to debate on this issue. however, if the concept of “paradigm shift” of thomas kuhn (1962, 1969) is applied to this argument, it can be seen that npm has not yet replaced the old theories of public administration as the academic community has not shared the same foundational values and reality of management from national to local administration around the world, especially in developing countries. only certain aspects of npm have been put into practices at the national administration. local administration, like in thailand, has not been reform accordingly. old approaches of public administration have been intact. certain aspects of npm can be traced back to classic pa and other thoughts all combined. an in-depth analysis on this point can be found in details from gruening, g. (2001). “origin and theoretical basis of new public management,”international public management journal. 4: 1–25. other interesting arguments can be read from hughes (2003). public management and administration: an introduction. new york: palgrave macmillan, chapter 15, pp. 315-337. 3 as mentioned earlier, this paper was one of three research projects under the big research umbrella on the study and teaching of political science and public administration in thailand in the last decade, including government, international relations, and public administration. in designing research methodology, all three research teams had to come to agreement on the criterion for the sample size, the framework of analysis and the analysis of the results in order that the research can provide macro interpretations of the overall findings of the study and teaching of political science and public administration in thailand. 4 public universities were formerly known as government universities and fully funded by the government. 5 in this period, only four ministries were set up to handle four different tasks, including interior royal, household, finance, and agriculture. 6 the administrative reform during this time mostly replicated from western democratic government. three simple layers of administration have been structured from national, provincial and local administration. however, the decisions on all matters were coming from the national administration. public participation from the bottom up had never happened. decentralization of administration was only in the paper. 7 each letter represents one value that public manager needs to possess: integrity, activeness rather and reactiveness, morality, relevancy to social needs, efficiency, accountability for performance and society,democracy, and yield. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 77 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 references “4 key weaknesses to be tackled: tdri”. 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(april 25, 2013). “thai universities claimed on research budget cuts, “don’t blame us on the world’s ranking,” daily news. retrieved on april 25, 2013, from http://www.dailynews.co.th/education/199878. denhardt, janet v. and denhardt, robert b. 2003. the new public service: serving, not steering. armonk, new york: m. e. sharpe. hood, christopher. 2002. “control, bargains, and cheating: the politics of publicservice reform,” journal of public administration research and theory. 12, 3: 309-332. hughes, owen e. 1994, 1998, 2003. public management and administration: an introduction.new york: st. martin’s press, inc. hughes, owen e. 2012. public management & administration: an introduction. 4th edition. new york: palgrave macmillan. executive order on good governance b.e. 2542 (1999). faculty of political science, pathumthani university, (n.d.). history and development of political science (in thai). search on march 19, 2013, from http:// www.ptu.ac.th/political/template/history.dwt.php. farazmand, ali. 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(2003). “where is thailand in english proficiency?” where is thailand info? retrieved on april 10, 2013, from http://www.whereisthailand.info/2012/07/english-proficiency/ http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0022 50-78 a a history of modern indonesia ai weiwei amporn tamronglak athumthani university aulus wirotomo autonomy b badan layanan umum bambang wahyu sudarmadji bangkokthonburi universit banten beijing occupy bekasi biswar-diener blacksburg manifesto perspective brian smith bulletin of indonesian economic studies c cambridge camilo valderrama canada censorship central java charoen pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng jurnal doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121125 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp studi pemerintahan e-government and bureaucratic corruption in nigeria: successes and challenges abdulrazaq kayode abdulkareem abdulrasaq ajadi ishola zulpha jumoke abdulkareem abstract this paper explored the successes and challenges of information and com munications technology (ict) adoption in the combat against bureaucratic corruption in the nigerian public service. this study adopted a qualitative approach via in-depth interviews for data collection and thematic analysis. interviews were conducted within purposively sampled public officials with over ten years of experience in the public service. two major themes were identified; successes and challenges encountered in the fight against bu reaucratic corruption with the use of ict. it is discovered in this paper that ict has played a significant role in the combat against bureaucratic corruption by increasing the revenue of the government through the integrated personnel payroll information system (ippis) and treasury single account (tsa) sys tems. however, challenges faced in this regard can be attributed to the infrastructural gap, shortage of ict skilled personnel and resistance by the public officials. it is therefore recommended that for the little success to be sustainable, those challenges must be mitigated. keywords: e-government, transparency, structuration theory, service de livery. abstrak tujuan artikel ini adalah untuk mengkaji pencapaian dan isu-isu yang terkait dengan penyebaran teknologi informasi dan komunikasi (tik) dalam memerangi korupsi birokrasi di sektor publik nigeria. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif untuk pengumpulan dan analisis data, termasuk wawancara mendalam. wawancara dilakukan dengan pejabat publik yang dipilih secara sengaja dengan setidaknya 10 tahun pengalaman pelayanan publik. dua tema signifikan muncul: pencapaian dan kemunduran dalam pertempuran melawan korupsi bisnis melalui penggunaan tik. studi ini menunjukkan bagaimana tik telah membantu memerangi korupsi birokrasi dengan meningkatkan pendapatan pemerintah melalui sistem informasi penggajian personil terpadu (ippis) dan sistem treasury single account (tsa). namun, kesulitan yang dihadapi di bidang ini mungkin terkait dengan defisit infrastruktur, kelangkaan individu yang terampil tik, dan oposisi otoritas publik. oleh karena itu, kendala-kendala tersebut disarankan untuk diatasi agar keberhasilan yang terbatas dapat dipertahankan. kata kunci :e-government, transparansi, teori strukturasi, dan penyampaian layanan adalah beberapa istilah yang digunakan. 1 affiliation: department of public administration, university of ilorin, ilorin, nigeria1&2 faculty of humanities, management and social sciences, kwara state university, nigeria3 correspondence: abdulkareem.ka@unilorin.edu.ng citation: abdulrazaq kayode abdulkareem, abdulrasaq ajadi i shola, z . j. a. (2021). e-government and bureaucratic corruption in nigeria: successesand challenges.jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (1).1 20 article history: received: 2020-08-28 revision: 2020-09-02 accepted: 2020-12-04 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121125 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9016-4823 mailto:abdulkareem.ka@unilorin.edu.ng https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0180-8709 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9016-4823 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8120-5371 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 2 introduction corruption is more widespread in developing countries than in high-income countries because conditions there are more conducive for the growth of corruption. hence, when the benefits of corruption are significant, coupled with when the chances of getting caught are slim, then penalties, when caught, are light, many people will suc-cumb to it. nigeria is a country of conservatively 180 million populations which placed it as the most populous country in africa and ac counted for about 47% of the entire west african population (world bank, 2016). a significant oil exporter around the world by making it over 75% of her revenue. there are many trou bling issues in nigeria, but the issue of the surge in corruption in the public service is more upsetting (aremu, 2017; yusuf, yusoff, & zengeni, 2018). governance and corruption in nige ria have existed side by side for decades. the rate of damages it has done to the polity is enormous which has led to red-tapes in offices, police extortion on the roads and slow movement of traffics on the highways, queues at passport offices and gas sta tions, ghost workers syndrome, election irregularities and bud get “padding” among others (nageri, umar, & abdul, 2013). thus, it is believed by many in the society that corruption is the bane of effective and efficient public service delivery in nigeria. consequently, the issue keeps reoccurring in academic and other discussions. all successive nigerian leaders appreciate the fact that cor ruption hinders development. what makes this surprising is the fact that the majority of them come in as physicians but leave as patients (ogundiya, 2011; yusuf et al., 2018). allegations and charges of corruption now play a more central role in politics than at any other times. members of the public have had to bribe their ways through in ministries and parastatals to get at tention. even government officials too had to bribe another official in another government agency to obtain the release of their statutory allocation of funds (obasanjo, 1999). corruption has been discovered to take two significant direc tions when it has been discussed concerning government, i.e. political corruption and bureaucratic corruption (nageri et al., jurnal studi pemerintahan 2013). the problem of bureaucratic corruption, in particular 3 (which is the subject of this paper) has been a long-drawn issue in nigerian polity which has been acknowledged by several ob servers of nigerian politics and administration as a hidden dis ease of democracy and blight of development in the country. it has led into the leading cause of poverty, soaring rate of unem ployment and insecurity that is bedevilling the country (bamidele, olaniyan, & ayodele, 2015). the effects of corruption on the society like nigeria suggest nothing but retarded, inefficient, ineffective and backward eco nomic and social structures (jacob & umoh, 2017). this back wardness is evident in the poor state of necessities and essential goods of life such as food, shelter, clothing, education, health power and water provisions. it has also resulted in the widening gap between the rich and the poor, fall in the standard of educa tion, endemic poverty, rising unemployment, increase ininfant and maternal mortalities (hope, 2017). the deployment of ict in the public sector has been ad vanced as one of how developing countries like nigeria plagued by corruption can use to control and combat corruption (basyal, poudyal, & seo, 2018). for instance, the study of (hassan, 2017) showed a positive correlation between e-government and cor ruption. (similarly, bertot, jaeger, and grimes, 2010) ‘s study acknowledged a positive indirect relationship between the de ployment of ict, openness, transparency and corruption. ict is a phenomenon that is already widely used by government bodies, just as in business entities. however, ict in government, i.e. electronic-government involves much more than just atool; effective e-government involves rethinking and restructuring of public organisations and their processes (kochanova, hasnain, & larson, 2017; yildiz, 2007). also, it involves changing the behaviour of public officers to deliver more efficiently and promptly to the people who need to use them (archmann & iglesias, 2010) without being corrupt. when e-government is implemented well, it enables all citizens, enterprises and vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 4 organisations to carry out their businesses with the government more efficiently, more quickly, openly and at lower costs. the use of ict in the combat against corruption in the pub lic service has generated a lot of interest in conceptual discus sions and empirical enquiries (cox, 2013; lio, liu, & ou, 2011). no doubt that the introduction of ict is a prerequisite in this 21st century to deliver public services seamlessly and transpar ently. studies have mentioned that e-government is playing a significant role in the promotion of transparency and account ability in some countries such as south korea and malaysia (kim, kim, & lee, 2009; siddiquee, 2010). the nigerian government has also been investing mostly into ict for governance since the last decade through the introduction of some programmes such as the government integrated financial management and information systems (gifims), treasury single account and integrated payroll and personnel information system, as well as some public reporting and checking mechanisms. however, stud ies in nigeria have not generated considerable efforts in the examination of the length at which the government can use its enormous investment in ict and e-government to tackle the menace of corruption in the country. studies on corruption in nigeria have mostly centred attention on its impact on economic growth, development, social values; also some studies have centred their focus on the effectiveness of anti-corruption insti tutions in the bid to suppress corruption (bamidele, olaniyan, & ayodele, 2016; nageri et al., 2013). therefore, given rise to the research question of to what extent has e-government been able to eradicate the menace of bureaucratic corruption in ni geria? it is against this backdrop that this study examined the impact of e-government on eliminating bureaucratic corruption in nigeria using a secondary source of data. e-government in nigeria the nigerian government kick-started e-government in the early 2000s intending to improve the public service from exces jurnal studi pemerintahan sive administrative bottlenecks, improve service delivery, create 5 a culture of accountability, effectiveness and combat the men ace of corruption (abdulkareem & ishola, 2016). in 2003, the national information and technology development agency was established to serve as the driving agency for the implementa tion. since, its implementation, scholars have predicted that nigeria has a lot to gain from the potential of e-government; however, the implementation has not reached optimum capac ity to generate that multiplier effect in the public sector reform (nchuchuwe & david, 2016). the aim of implementing e-government was to act as a pana cea to the problems of excessive public service bureaucracy and provide the avenue for the government to increase its produc tivity, efficiency and transparency in the delivery of public ser vices. since its introduction, the government has endeavoured to provide services to citizens via web and mobile platforms (www.services.gov.ng and *347*48#), such as the issuance and renewal of international passports, electronic national identity cards, driver’s licence, business registration and online tax filing (abdulkareem & ishola, 2016). although e-government is growing in nigeria in a slow but steady fashion, the emergence of the general system for mo bile communication (gsm) network in 2001 contributed to the economic growth of the country. according to the nigerian communication commission (ncc), the teledensity of the coun try is growing at a tremendous rate (ojebode et al., 2017). it was estimated to be above 110 per cent in 2017. however, the ripple effects of these performances have not trickled down to the citi zens who are in dire need of a private sector replica of a seam less citizen-centric type of service delivery. almost four in five households had mobile phones in 2015; this includes 90 per cent of urban homes and 71 per cent of rural ones. based on the e-government development index of united nations development economic and social affairs (undesa), nigeria scored 0.3291. it ranked in the lower middle class with http://www.services.gov.ng/ http://www.services.gov.ng/ vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 6 the likes of kenya, iran, maldives and indonesia (united na tions, 2016). however, despite the deployment of e-government in the early 2000s, corruption continues to bedevil the country. in the 2013 global corruption perception index (cpi) by trans parency international ranked nigeria as the 36th most corrupt country in the world has scored 25% cpi. similarly, in 2015 and 2017 she recorded 26% and 28% respectively. literature review bureaucratic corruption can easily be deduced as a type of corruption that exists in the public service under the word bu reaucracy (gans-morse et al., 2018). it is a situation whereby civil servants regard their office as a business venture from which they can extract illegal income. such official does not regard his/her position as an avenue to be of common use such as creating common good, preferably as a tool for seeking maximum gain from public demand curve. further than that, (friedrich, 1990) in (oberoi, 2017) argues that bureaucratic corruption occurs “when an individual is placed on specific powers in the society to perform certain public responsibility, and such individual expect a personal reward or gain” (monetary or otherwise) in the process of undertaking such responsibilities which might affect the overall outcome and impact of such responsibilities. this form of corruption affects the system, more often re ferred to as systemic corruption due to its nature of frustrating the free flow of administrative procedures for development, and the people who engaged in this type of corruption frustrates the system for their gains and profit. it is a systemic defeat of effi cient service delivery given that “good governance relates with effective delivery of services to the public and in the cause of delivering these services to the public, the bureaucratic behav ior should be fair and possessing characteristics such as trust, consistency, mutual respect and impartial decision making” (ovienloba, 2007). the negative effect of corruption has been cited many times jurnal studi pemerintahan as a prevalent obstruction to the economic growth of countries 7 at the national level, coupled with an attendant adverse effect on the quality of life of citizens at the individual level. based on the (world bank, 2017) report, corruption is identified as “one of the single greatest obstacles to economic development and social development”. specifically, on bureaucratic corruption, the report further stated that “through bribery, fraud and the misappropriation of economic privileges, corruption diverts re sources away from those who need them most.” the term e-government can be described as summing up the usual administration of government activities through the use of information technology. the use of it in government has been a long-aged process where some countries have started the use of it for the government system since far back as the 1950s (kraemer & king, 2006). however, there is a difference in us age then and now. then, it has been used as an instrument to automate the internal works of public organisations while now; it has been broadened to accommodate the external work of the government with the delivery of services and information to the external stakeholders (heeks, 2002). e-government is still relatively new where ideas are still pour ing out, and it makes it devoid a standard universally agreed definition (young-jin & seang-tae, 2007).e-government means different thing to different people based on perceptions (ndou, 2004). some view e-government as an end in itself, for some, it is a concept that has functional effects or influence on the soci ety (nam, 2018) while for some, it is a public sector reform tool (kochanova et al., 2017). it is a concept that is difficult to define because it entails broad meaning and understanding, which is greatly influenced by the context of the discussion, environment and the players involved (ali, 2017). a common definition as cribed to e-government is the oecd definition e-government is the use of information and communication technologies (ict’s), and particularly the internet, as a tool to achieve better government (oecd, 2018). vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 8 some other definitions such as the united nations define e government as government transformation of external and in ternal relationship with the help of information technology (united nations. dept. of economic and social affairs., 2010). (pina, torres, and royo, 2009) noted that e-government could be divided into two areasthe narrow and the broader areas. the narrow area is concerned with the public sector sharing the experience of the private sector. at the same time, the broader aspect deals with the main idea of e-government in the perspec tive of promoting transparency and accountability in the public sector. this paper will adopt the broader aspect due to the link age between transparency and accountability to corruption which is the focus of this paper. other literature has identified the e-government initiative as a means to tackle corruption. (graham, hopper, tsamenyi, uddin, and wickramasinghe, 2009) for example, suggested elec tronic delivery of services like electronic tax returns helps to reduce face-to-face interactions with public officials which helps to reduce corruption and human errors. this conclusion also tallies with that of (shin and kim, 2008) in their study which concluded that the use of ict in the public sector and some other traditional anti-corruption measures con significantly re duce corruption through the minimization of unnecessary hu man interventions in public sector work processed. in a recent study by (park and kim, 2019), their findings also supported the positive relationship between e-government and reducing cor ruption based on the effectiveness of the rule of law. similarly, based on the submission of (ndou, 2004), e-government can re duce corruption externally by enhancing the relationship be tween the government and the citizens, while internally, moni toring the activities of the bureaucrats. there are different ex amples of successful cases of e-government intervention in com bating corruption, such as the open procedures enhancement for civil applications (open) system adopted in south korea (kim et al., 2009). jurnal studi pemerintahan in a different direction, the study of ( charoensukmongkol 9 and moqbel, 2014), concluded their findings through the help of datasets that there is no significant direct relationship be tween investment in ict and reducing corruption. this conclu sion is also in tandem with the finding of (dirienzo, das, cort, & burbridge, 2007; soper, 2007). structuration theory structuration theory in ict is one of the theories that have contributed heavily with influence in the development and un derstanding of the effects of ict in society. this theory gained prominence with the work of (giddens, 1984). the theory is focused on society as an entity that is composed of functionally interdependent subsystems. the theory advanced that there is an associated interdependent connection between the five soci etal structures (fuchs, 2003). the five societal structures include ecology, polity, technology, economy, and culture (fuchs, 2003). going by the work of (giddens, 1984), there is the duality of the relationship between individuals in a society and the social ac tivities. that is, each act based on one of the five basic struc turesanother structure in the social impacts each societal struc ture. also, a societal structure is not immediately affected by the change of another structure; rather change is gradual and takes time. in explaining the structuring modalities of the society or an organisation, the theory of structuration claimed that all hu man experiences are inseparably comprised of frameworks of sense, control, and moral frameworks. and every relationship can be analysed in terms of these because the domains of social activities and social framework exist side by side. it identified three modes which connect the domains of action with the so cial structure: interpretive schemes, resources and norms (fig ure 2). this systematic societal nature consists of principles and resources that people use in their daily activities. these prin ciples and resources guide human action and at the same time, vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 10 are enhanced with the help of human factors (orlikowski 1992). although the origin of structuration theory does not involve the use of technology, recent researches in the field of ict have advanced the usage of technology as a contribution to the pro cess of structuring human and technology interaction (basettihalli, kim, lee, & noh, 2010). adapted from giddens (1984 p. 29) figure 1: conceptual model this is particularly important because e-government involves the unification of the technical aspects of ict coupled with the human, organisational and administrative process of governance. this view coincides with the vision of gidden’s structuration theory of the interrelationship between organisational and struc tures and its members. in the situation of e-government in spe cific here, the structures consist of the interrelationship between three elements: government, technology and the citizens (heinze & hu, 2005). the interrelationship between government and the citizens is mediated via the application of technology. the jurnal studi pemerintahan application of structuration theory has shifted focus away from 11 structure rather on the process by which structures are useful and modified over time. methods this study adopted a qualitative methodology in order to ex plore within a broad view of the adoption of the role of e-gov ernment has played to curb bureaucratic corruption within the public service. the data for this study were collected among the purposive ten selected senior public officials (names withheld) with more than ten years of experience in the federal public service using the in-depth interview. in qualitative research, where the interview is the primary source of data collection, one of the main primary questions that usually reoccur is the sample size to interview needed to gain sufficient information. according to (morse, 2015; trotter ii, 2012), the most accept able way to deal with this problem is saturation. saturation is the level where redundancy is reached in an interview session where all the constructs have been repeated multiple times and have been exhausted (galvin, 2015). at this stage, neither new themes nor concepts can emerge any longer (trotter ii, 2012). the findings from the interview were analysed using thematic analysis. responses from the respondents were arranged into two broad themes results and discussions from the interviews conducted, the respondents gave differ ent opinions on the successes and challenges of e-government adoption in the public sector. all the respondents were senior public officials with more than ten years of experience in the service spanned across 12 different agencies, as shown in table 1. the responses of the respondents were first categorised into two major themes: successes and challenges of e-government in the combat of bureaucratic corruption. four sub-themes emerged from the two major themes: “quality of information”;“safe and vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 12 secure e-payment platform”; “infrastructural gap” and “insuffi cient it personnel”. table 1: demographic characteristics of interview respondents s/n respondent's code name gender educational qualification years of experience 1 resp. 1 male master degree 12 2 resp. 2 female master degree 14 3 resp. 3 female higher national diploma 10 4 resp. 4 male bachelor degree 11 5 resp. 5 female master degree 11 6 resp. 6 male master degree 12 7 resp. 7 male bachelor degree 13 8 resp. 8 female higher national diploma 12 9 resp. 9 male higher national diploma 10 10 resp. 10 female bachelor degree 10 successes of e-government in the combat against bureaucratic corruption corruption, as earlier noted, exists in virtually all the sectors of the country. it continues to remain as the bane of socio-eco nomic development. the fight against corruption in nigeria is an age-long fairy tale as old as the history of the country itself. agencies, commissions and other measures have been employed to fight this menace. with these institutions, some level of suc cesses has been recorded. for example, before the deployment of ict, understanding and knowing the real public service workforce was like an adventure into rocket science. the exist ence of ghost-workers syndrome was normalcy, where it seems not to be a severe crime. budgets of federal, state and local gov ernments were over-bloated with the menace of the ghost work ers syndrome. recently in 2016, over 60,000 ghost workers were discovered in the federal civil service payroll, which saves the country over usd 1 billion (atick, 2016). paper and pen ap proach has failed in the management of personnel in the public service, where it has become a standard scenario to find the names of non-existing staff, retirees and dead workers on the jurnal studi pemerintahan active payroll. however, the introduction of the government 13 integrated financial management and information systems (gifims) and integrated payroll and personnel information system (ippis) most significantly within the federal government, has been helping the government to unfold this menace. some respondents, for example, gave an account of how the introduction of information technology has also assisted the government to combat the issue of “ghost workers syndrome”. “recently some “ghost workers” were discovered through the inte grated payroll and personnel information system (ippis) where they were discovered not to have been employed but there is budget for their salaries monthly”. resp. 7 “ever since the enrollment of our ministry into the ippis [thing], we heard that there have been a lot of scandals going on within this ministry and other ministries”. -resp. 6 similarly, the timely dissemination of information and how easy to understand the information is another significant way by which ict has been able to combat bureaucratic corruption. bureaucrats capitalise on the face to face interaction they have with clients (citizens) in the delivery of services to extort them before services are rendered. although many public officials dislike the online platform as they still prefer face-to-face inter action with citizens (abasilim & edet, 2015). two respondents told the researchers that “when public officials don’t have face to face interaction with people, there is possibility of reducing corruption. when information about a particular transaction is readily available on the agencies’ websites, and the clients can read and understand them, they have no busi ness with the public officials, so they cannot be exploited”. -resp. 10 “if people come to my office to assist them for some transactions, i easily direct them to check our website and seek whatever informa tion they want”. -resp. 4 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 14 a respondent gave the importance of having timely and use ful information “citizens are now well informed and, in the days, when there are no ict. they come to your office now well prepared with the infor mation they get on the internet. you cannot tell them what does not exist”. i believe with this new technology, there is only a slim chance for corruption”. -resp. 5 another area of success, as discovered in this study, is in the introduction of safe and secure e-payment platforms. the usage of ict in the public service provides a limited level of transac tions to be carried out on the table; instead, citizens now make payments via secure platforms without interference with cor rupt public officials. earlier before the emergence of online pay ment system, the “table payment” system allows public officials to cart away monies meant for official purposes and by bypass ing the banking system (jimoh, longe, & ndunagu, 2018). usu ally, salaries and wages were paid above the counter in cash which makes it extremely difficult to trace where the abnormality ex ists. recently, the federal government introduced the treasury single account (tsa) (yakubu, 2015). tsa provided that all the revenues of the ministries, departments and agencies (mda) must be channelled into a single account which monitored in real-time using ict. tsa, therefore, provides a proper real-time monitoring channel with the use of ict for all government receipts and expenditures (odia & odia, 2016). mdas in the past usually maintain multiple accounts within their domains for the collection and disbursement of government revenues. unholy alliances happen between commercial banks and mdas, which helps the directors of mdas to syphon public funds without government knowledge. they appear like mighty entities that generate huge revenue and remit little to the gov ernment purse. some respondents highlighted that jurnal studi pemerintahan “the use of e-payment facilitates the relative success of the treasury 15 single account. with the use of technology, the federal government can now monitor the finance, income and expenditure of all the ministries, agencies and parastatals”. -resp. 9 “the internet has made it almost impossible for citizens to pay over the counter. payments for services over the counter increase the chances of corruption in the public service. with e -payment for pub lic services like electricity, travelling passport renewal, tax filing and so on, there is less chance for corrupt public officials”. -resp. 1 challenges of e-government in the combat against bureaucratic corruption despite the successes of e-government in the combat against bureaucratic corruption in the nigerian public service as high lighted above, it is of great importance to state the challenges also faced by the government in this regard. they were know ing too well that corruption is still cancer that nigeria is battling with and been battling with over the years. one of the grue some challenges in this regard is an institutional oneresistance from government officials. corrupt public servants will do ev erything to frustrate and resist ict usage (gberevbie, ayo, iyoha, ojeka, & abasilim, 2016). they make use of sensors to stopthe system from performing seamlessly (abdulkareem, 2015). similarly, access to quality ict tools can also be a significant challenge for the government. to monitor corruption and cor rupt public servants, it requires massive investment in both ict infrastructure software and hardware. even for citizens to re port corrupt officials, it requires a standard phone signal recep tion (abdulkareem, 2015). majority of the respondents alluded to the fact that the infrastructural gap is a significant challenge. power [electricity] which i think everybody will agree to as well is the major challenge facing the full implementation of e-government in nigeria. we all know that if power is not stable, nothing will work fine”. -resp. 2 “the major bottle neck that delays the national identity card to vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 16 take a long period of time is lack of sufficient power supply which is a major problem. instead of the normal 1 month, it could take up 2 to 3 months due to poor power supply”. -resp. 6 “one major challenge is poor infrastructure. the dearth of sophisti cated communication infrastructure such as broadband services and up to date computers have been major setbacks to e-government”. resp. 3 many mdas have the problems of insufficient it personnel to handle the limited soft and hardware infrastructure avail able. owing to the high cost of maintaining it personnel, they are often ignored in the budget. the limited ones are made to shuttle different mdas within a limited time (ayo & ekong, 2008). a respondent agreed that “some agencies face the issue of it oriented personnel problem. i believe nitda is looking into that. but there have been claims by nitda in the past that most of the staffs in the mdas don’thave capable hands to run their electronic services”. -kemi conclusions and recommendations ict deployment in the public service in nigeria holds great potentials, one of which is as an anti-bureaucratic corruption driver. as much as corruption has eaten deep into the nigerian public service, the deployment of ict has been able to curb bureaucratic corruption in the monitoring of the finances of the ministries, departments and agencies through the tsa application. similarly, the introduction of the gifmis and ippis to regulate and checkmate the issue of ghost workers syndrome. these two have contributed immensely to boost the revenue of the government. however, these successes highlighted did not come without challenges. the significant challenges highlighted are infrastructural gap as well as resistance from the public ser vants in the use of ict. it is therefore recommended that having identified that ict holds great potential to the improvement of the public service, jurnal studi pemerintahan it is incumbent upon the government to invest more in the 17 infrastructure, especially power. the worrisome nature power in the country is still a lag that holds the country’s growth po tential to ransom. more so, the civil servant must be trained and retrained on the use of ict for their activities. although arguments abound that when civil servants pay is low in an un stable economy, there is the propensity for corruption. there fore, the government needs to review the minimum wage to boost the morale of the civil servants. the current minimum wage of 83 usd monthly, is low when compared to the current state of the economy and inflation rate of 12.21 per cent (world bank, 2018). limitations of the study this study has some limitations. first, the methodology of data collection and analysis applied in this study is qualitative. despite this study taking a paradigm shift from the quantitative technique which has dominated the study of examining the in fluence of ict on bureaucratic corruption, caution should be taken from generalising the findings from this study as it is only subjected to qualitative technique. secondly, samples were drawn mainly from the nigerian per spective. therefore, caution should be taken when generalising the findings to other parts of africa and the world. also, samples were drawn from the federal public service in nigeria. there fore, caution should be exercised when generalising the find ings of this study to other levels of government as a visible imple mentation of e-government remains a subject of debate. references abasilim, u. d., & edet, l. i. 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websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 ali rokhman director, public administration, jenderal soedirman university, indonesia. email: darmanto sahat satyawan public administration, jenderal soedirman university, indonesia ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract as a consequence of the development of information and communication technologies (ict), nowadays almost all governments around the world, included indonesian government have official websites to provide information and services for their citizen. in the second period of president susilo bambang yudhoyono administration has thirty two ministries and each ministries have an official website. however implementation of the ministry websites have not been measured yet on usability aspect. the objective of this research is to examine the usability of ministry websites of indonesian government. eleven websites was taken as sample in this study. respondents are 128 internet users who have competency for assessing web usability. usability of websites were measured by several indicators were adapted from e-government toolkit for developing countries that was prepared by the national informatics centre and unesco. the main indicators consist of navigation architecture, layout design, and content. keywords: government website, indonesian government, web usability, public organization abstrak sebagai konsekuensi dari perkembangan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi (tik), saat ini hampir semua pemerintah di seluruh dunia, termasuk pemerintah indonesia memiliki 415 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ website resmi untuk memberikan informasi dan pelayanan bagi warga negara mereka. pada periode kedua pemerintahan presiden susilo bambang yudhoyono secara administratif memiliki tiga puluh dua kementerian dan masing-masing kementerian memiliki website resmi. namun pada implementasinya website kementerian ini belum diukur secara pasti aspek kegunaannya. tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji kegunaan dari situs kementerian pemerintah indonesia. sebelas website diambil sebagai sampel dalam penelitian ini. responden adalah 128 pengguna internet yang memiliki kompetensi untuk menilai kegunaan web. kegunaan website ini diukur dengan beberapa indikator yang diadaptasi dari e-government toolkit untuk negara berkembang yang disiapkan oleh national centre informatika dan unesco. indikator utama terdiri dari navigasi arsitektur, desain tata letak, dan konten. kata kunci: pemerintah website, pemerintah indonesia, kegunaan web organisasi, masyarakat introduction recently creating a website is relatively easy and some instant technologies and tools are available in the market. main purpose of an organization when develop a website t is to attract users in order to visit and take many benefits from their websites. but in fact, many websites are developed less attention to this issue. website developers tend to emphasize on the technology and ignored the needs of their users. as a result, website developments are unsuccessful to get visitors and the website is not be used by target users. some research on web usability in the various aspects have been carried out by many experts, both in web usability level measurements and concerning how to develop a measurement of the web usability (chou and chou 2010); (al-radaideh, abu-shanab and hama 2011); (nivala, brewster and sarjakoski 2008); (lobo, et al. 2011). however these researches are still far to explore about usability of public organization’s websites. web usability for public organizations is very important because the main orientation of public organizations is public services, and in this digital era public service are not limited to the brick and mortal or traditional model, but have been transforming to public service digital models through a website of which was called as e-government. this paper reported on study of web usability from the indonesian government ministries. this study is very important because there had been no studies on this subject so there were no explanation regarding web usability of their websites but in fact all of the ministries in indonesia has been web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 416 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ providing web-based services. this research is just the beginning of the study and can be proceed to further study with wider scope not only at the ministerial level but also for various levels of public organization from the central government to the local government and its units. there are many perspectives concerning definition of web usability. in the recent decade an expert who very concern on web usability is jakob nielson. according to nielson usability is a quality attribute that assesses how easy user interfaces are to use. the word “usability” also refers to methods for improving ease-of-use during the design process. on the web, usability is a necessary condition for survival. if a website is difficult to use, people leave. if the homepage fails to clearly state what a company offers and what users can do on the site, people leave. if users get lost on a website, they leave. if a website’s information is hard to read or doesn’t answer users’ key questions, they leave. note a pattern here? there’s no such thing as a user reading a website manual or otherwise spending much time trying to figure out an interface. there are plenty of other websites available; leaving is the first line of defence when users encounter a difficulty (nielson 2012). web usability also can be defined as the ease with which visitors are able to use a website. website usability is not just about making sure everything on the site works, but how quickly and easily visitors are able to make use of the site. usability is a concern for marketers because of its potential impact, positive or negative, on marketing metrics such as conversion rates, which in turn affect profitability (marketing terms 2012). usability is the process of making a website easy for customers to use. it encompasses the heuristics of the site as well as the methods that people use to manipulate the site. a website is considered usable if the customers coming to that site can find what they need and accomplish their goals (about.com 2012). chittenden, another expert of web usability suggested that web usability is the degree to which your website is usable and useful to visitors. your website is the front door and reception room of your business. increasingly, it is the first place prospective customers look before deciding to do business with you. and you know about first impressions. all things being equal, managers that actively engage with their sites will enweb usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 417 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gage more customers (chittenden and wright 2012). in another perspective web site usability is the quality of a user’s interaction with a web site or, in other words, how usable a web site is to the user. ultimately, users want to be able to easily access a web site and determine how to use it within seconds. usability influences whether many users will return to a web site, how often they will use the web site, and how happy they are with their overall experience at the web site. there are millions of sites on the internet and they are all in competition for users’ time and attention. users get their expectations for usability from the best of all of these other sites (tuscaloosa city school 2002). web usability has some attributes. this attributes very important for measuring the degree of usability of a website. the following table showed attribute of web usability of which have developed by some researcher. tabel 1 attributes of web usability source: adopted from (dubey 2010) this study used three attributes from unesco due to indonesia is a developing country. unesco has developed web usability attributes based on their research in developing countries. originally the attributes from unesco consist of five attributes but this study did not used accessibility and reliability attributes. accessibility refers to the extent to which the portal and its contents are available to a wide range of users with varied levels of physical capabilities/skills and technologies. this attributes was eliminated from this study since this study has homogen respondent, there are no far differences in skill and capability. reliability refers to the extent of trust, which a citizen can impose on the government website web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 418 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ with respect to security and legal requirements. government web sites must raise citizens’ confidence by abiding by the law and explaining their terms and conditions clearly to the users. reliability attribute also was eliminated in this research because this attribute can be measured in content attribute. research methods this study was conducted by descriptive quantitive study. respondents in this study were 123 students of public administration science department, jenderal soedirman who participated in a lecture on management information system. data collected during lecture period in odd semester academic year 2011/2012, september 2011 until january 2012. these students were competent to assess the ministry sites in indonesia because the lecture has topic regarding web usability and before they fill in the questionnaire there was a special briefing to explain how to asses web usability level of a website. in the second period of the president yudhoyono administration has thirsty two (32) ministries and each ministries have an official website. from thirsty two websites, this study has taken eleven websites (35%) as sample of which were taken by random technique. sample of the study consist of (1) the national development planning agency, (2) women empowerment and child protection (3) ministry of manpower and transmigration, (4) home affairs, (5) education and culture, (6) forestry (7) justice and human rights, (8) tourism and creative economy, (9) youth and sports affairs, (10) industry, (11) research and technology. this study consisted of three variables (attributes) namely navigation architecture, layout design, and content. data analyzed by descriptive statistical techniques such as frequency distribution and mean. output of the data analyzing will be exposed by table and diagram. description and indicator of all variables can be explained in the following table. web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 419 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 2. description and indicator of the variable result and analysis based on data collection and then were analyzed by descriptive analysis techniques, web usability of eleven ministries can be shown in a figure below. figure 1. frequency distribution of web usability this study found that all ministries have good level on web usability. they have more than 60 %. the diagram above showed the ministry of tourism and creative economy has the highest web usability level (91%) followed by the ministry of home affairs (90%) and the national development planning agency (86%). otherwise the ministry of industry has the lowest level of web usability (64%) followed by the ministry of women empowerment and child protection. average or mean of web usability for all ministries are 79.45%. web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 420 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure 2. frequency distribution of web usability variables figure above showed this study used three variables of web usability namely navigation architecture, layout design and content. the best attribute is content (85%) and followed by layout design 78% and navigation architecture 77%. this finding indicated that respondents more satisfy on the web content than layout design and navigation architecture. this findings consistent with (chi, et al. 2003) who stated according to usability experts, the top user issue for websites is difficult navigation. as for more detail about frequency distribution for eleven ministries which be explained in each variables can be found in the following table. table 3. frequency distribution of web usability for each ministries web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 421 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ based on the finding of this study, content of website is the first rank of web usability and followed by layout design then navigation architecture. this finding indicated that website development of the indonesian ministries is on the right track. response of majority of the respondent that described by frequency distribution analysis showed all of web usability variables have more than 77 percent. this findings was consistent with previous research in similar area also consistent with relevant theories that found the most important aspect or critical factor in a website development is website content. other previous researches also found that navigation architecture still as top user issue in web usability. user still difficult to navigate a website. several researches reported that content is the most critical element of a website and more important than navigation, visual design, functionality, and interactivity (badre 2002); (nielsen and tahir 2002); (spyridakis 2000); (rosmaini, et al. 2009). this study can be used as a comparison from previous research of which conducted by rokhman (2008) that responsiveness level from government website administrator was very low, indicated by only a few of website administrator who have good responded when their users send question or requirements. this result differences can be explained by development e-government level where indonesian e-government still in the beginning level namely publish level while in this level do not necessary to interactive with the user. conclusion this study found some significant findings that indonesian public organization website have good level on web usability. however this study is only preliminary study and need to be continued in wider scope and more big number of heterogenic respondent. attribute that will be used in the next study consider to be more complete. level of public organization website also need to be extend not only for central government but toward the lowest level of public organization units, therefore result of the study can be used by the government especially when they develop and manage their website. web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 422 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ references about.com. 2012. http://webdesign.about.com/od/usability/g/ usability.htm accessed march 29. al-radaideh, qasem a., emad abu-shanab, and shaima hama. 2011. “usability evaluation of online news websites: a user perspective approach.” international journal of human and social sciences 6, no. 2. arms, william. 2000. digital libraries. cambridge, massachusetts: usa, mit press,. badre, a.n. 2002. shaping web usability: interaction design in context. boston: ma: addison wesley professional,. bass, l, and b.e john. 2003. “linking usability to software architecture patterns through general 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2012. usability 101: introduction to usability. http:// www.useit.com/ alertbox/20030825.html accessed april . nivala, annu-maria, stephen brewster, and l. tiina sarjakoski. 2008. “usability evaluation of web mapping sites.” the cartographic journal (the british cartographic society) 45, no. 2. oulanov, a, and f.y.p edmund. 2002. “cuny+ web: usability study of the web-based gui version of the bibliographic database of the city university of new york (cuny).” the electronic library 20, no. 6. rokhman, ali. 2008. “customer service of government through egovernment.” the 2nd of national conference of faculty of economics widya manadala catholic university . surabaya. rosmaini, siti, mohd ariff, muhd kamil, and dawson r hancock. 2009. “business reporting on the internet: development of a disclosure quality index.” international journal of business and economics 8, no. 1. sauro, j, and j.r lewis. 2009. “correlations among prototypical usability metrics: evidence for the construct of 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coomunication and information, and national informatics centre department of information technology ministry of communication & it government of india. web usability of public organization websites: the case of indonesian ministry websites / ali rokhman, darmanto satyawan / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0022 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 208 of 222 millennial generation conception about islamophobic, deradicalization and communication process based on multicultural education: a phenomenography study abstract islamphobic is a mind-set of fear about everything about islam. the countenance of islam as 'rahmatan lil alamin' (bringing peace to all people), is affected by acts of violence and terror that are often displayed by a group of radical muslims. the purpose of this research is to find out how the description of the understanding of islamophobic among christians, especially the millennial generation in indonesia. it is related to the countenance of violence that is often done by some muslims who in fact do not reflect the overall attitude of islamic teachings in indonesia. through phenomenography study the data was collected from all interviewees, related to certain conceptions or conceptions expressed by each individual. the characteristics of the informants are those who are a generation of christian millennial who have easy access to information. the findings of this study propose that islamphobic is conceptualized as a form of fear. it is because of the countenance of islam which is portrayed as full of violence, radical acts, discriminatory, hatred and raises fear among non-islamic followers. the attempt to de-radicalize was conceived successfully by the government because it was considered the right way to reduce feelings of fear and anxiety among non-muslims. in addition, through the process of communication and multicultural education, it is expected to bridging the meeting of different views and is very relevant for diversity in indonesia. keywords: conception of islamphobic, de-radicalization, multicultural, phenomenography, millennial generation abstrak islamphobia adalah sikap ketakutan tentang segala sesuatu tentang islam. wajah islam yang ‘rahmatan lil alamin’ (membawa damai bagi semua orang), terciderai dengan aksi kekerasan dan terror yang sering ditampilkan oleh sekelompok orang islam yang beraliran radikal. tujuan riset ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana gambaran pemahaman islamphobia di kalangan umat kristiani khususnya generasi milenial di indonesia terkait wajah kekerasan yang sering ditampilkan oleh sebagian umat islam yang sejatinya tidak mencerminkan sikap secara keseluruhan umat islam di indonesia. melalui metode studi phenomenography dimana fokus penelitian adalah berbagai konsepsi yang dikumpulkan dari semua yang diwawancarai, terkait konsepsi tertentu atau konsepsi yang diungkapkan oleh setiap individu.. koleksi data dilakukan dengan wawancara terstruktur kepada 21 subyek penelitian terpilih. karakteristik informan, adalah mereka generasi mileneal kristen yang secara pengetahuan mudah memperoleh akses informasi. temuan penelitian ini menyebutkan bahwa islamphobia dikonsepsi sebagai bentuk ketakutan karena wajah islam ditampilkan penuh kekerasan, tindakan radikal, diskriminatif, kebencian serta memunculkan ketakutan di kalangan mereka yang tidak sepaham. upaya deradikalisasi dikonsepsikan berhasil dilakukan pemerintah karena dianggap cara yang tepat untuk mereduksi perasaan takut dan cemas di kalangan non muslim. selain itu melalui proses komunikasi dan pendidikan multikultur, dianggap mampu menjembatani perjumpaan pandangan yang berbeda dan sangat relevan untuk indonesia yang plural. gatut priyowidodo gatutpriyowidodo@yahoo.com department of communication studies faculty of communication petra christian university surabaya, indonesia history received : oct 31st, 2019 revised : nov 01st , 2019 accepted : nov 02nd, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: priyowidodo, gatut. 2019. millennial generation conception about islamophobic, deradicalization and communication process based on multicultural education: a phenomenography study. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(3). 208-222 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:gatutpriyowidodo@yahoo.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 209 of 222 introduction that sunday morning (5/13/2018), hands felt shaking and mouth is choked. just after the sunday morning service was over, word broke out that several churches in surabaya, the second largest city in indonesia, were detonated by suicide bombings. it is said that there are thirty churches; there are those that mention the five and the last three churches are confirmed, namely the church of gpps jalan arjuno, the church of gki jalan diponegoro and the catholic church of the santa maria tak bercela ngagel. 14 people died and 42 were injured. among them there are also students and children. that was sadistic and very barbaric. surabaya, which so far has never been close to bombing, has in fact been affected. the explosion took place at three points which were almost simultaneously. the indonesian national police said this was done by a family of syrian volunteer alumni, they were dita oepiarto-puji kuswati and their four children yusuf fadhil, firman halim, fadila sari and famela rtizqita. they were family members of the ansharut daulah (jad) -jamaah ansharut tauhid (jat) group. with their respective duties they act as brides or field executors. figure 1. pictures of surabaya among other cities in indonesia two years earlier (2016), christians were also the target of a bomb blast. at that time the victims were intan olivia marbun (2.5 years) and her sunday school friends, who were playing in the courtyard of the sengkotek ecumenical church, samarinda. suddenly, a molotov cocktail was thrown and exploded right in the crowd of children. the most severe victim was intan where 78% of her body was affected by burns. the next day, the toddler died. other bomb victims, like alvaro ora kristan sinaga (4), triniti hudahaya (3) and anita kristakel (2), are still being treated. that melancholy event occurred on november 13, 2016. marbun’s family, lost his lovely child due to recurrence of terrorists juanda (35) a former prisoner in a bomb explosion in serpong, banten (2011) and has been involved in a book bomb network. on the other hand, in 2015 there were 16 indonesians reported missing. they would, as claimed, join isis (islamic state of iraq and syria) in turkey. what amazed citizen was that they were still teenagers and toddlers and still have family relations. the identities of those who were incorporated and already in turkey at the time were 1). ririn andrian sawir (38), 2). qorin mun adyatul haq (10), 3). nayla syahida achsanul huda (4), 4). jauzah firdauzi nuzula (6), 5). ikrimah waliyurrohman ahsanul (8), 6). alya nur islami (13), 7). agha rustam rohmatullah (17) and 8). abdurahman umarov huda (1). based on police records, ririn is the wife of achsanul huda, an alleged terrorist from east java who was reported to have died in syria in early 2015, while qorin and other remaining names are the children of achsanul with ririn, (amalia, fn, 2016). in indonesian context, when islam is portrayed with various acts of violence, it will likely that foreigner are afraid to visit indonesia. the stigma of islamophobic emerged, which in the end actually issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 210 of 222 harmed the image of indonesia in international forums. even for indonesian citizens, if the fearful and worrying situation is not immediately solved by the government, of course the stigma of islamophobic is also not easily erased. such fear attracts a number of researchers to elaborate this phenomenon. the same anxiety also struck christians in poland against the muslim community there. although there are only 25-30 thousand people, because of minimal interaction between them, it is quite easy to appear such fearful feelings of muslims there (alfin, zuhri, rosyidi and stelmachowska, 2018). referring to the results of research conducted by one of the research centers at the university of warsaw it turns out there are 80 percent of polish who do not know islam, and 73 percent have a negative thought of islam. the same thing is also found in the research of islamophobic that was conducted in france. it was done especially in immigrant muslim women who experienced the most difficult position because of the insistent discrimination. discrimination is narrowed to the part of job search, given that work factors are an important support in the welfare of an individual's life (ismoyo, 2016; sayid, 2018). likewise, deradicalization is also important for christians to be done through multicultural education (jannet, 2015). departing from such phenomena and facts, the problem statement in this research is how the generation of non-muslim millennial interpreting the stigma of islamophobic towards indonesia as the largest muslim country in the world and whether deradicalization efforts can be the solution to this problem?. theoretical framework islamphobic it must be acknowledged that the term ‘islamophobic’ has itself led to some confusion. on the one hand, the term ‘phobia’ suggests a mental illness or a fear, rather than effectively picking out discriminatory attitudes and behaviours (elahi & khan, 2017). islamophobic is the shorthand way of referring to dread or hatred of islam–and, therefore, to fear or dislike of all or most muslims”, wrote the commission on british muslims and islamophobic in the runnymede report a decade ago. widely accepted as the definition of islamophobic, and given the report's impact, it might come as some surprise that only five years ago, the term and concept of islamophobic had little discursive relevance or value beyond the uk. today, the situation is completely changed (lean, 2012). the term islamophobic has a fairly recent origin. emerging as a neologism in the 1970s it only became popular for european anti-racist activists in the 1980s and 1990s. september 11, 2001 was certainly a watershed moment for its use both in europe and the united states. the term came out of a growing need to address the place of muslim migrants in northern countries, and the supposed divide between the western and islamic worlds. (rana, 2007; bari, 2012). islamophobic was first published in 1997 in the report "islamophobic: a challange for us all" by runnymede then "islamophobic: a challange for us all" by runnymede trust.t. since then, and especially in 2001, the term islamophobic has often been used by the media, citizens and ngos, especially in the united kingdom, france and the united states (runnymede, 1997). although it is relatively common, there is little agreement on the exact meaning of the term islamophobic. some writers use the term islamophobic without explicitly determining its meaning. whereas other authors use unclear, narrow or non-specific characterizations (bleich, 2012; richardson, 2012). according to sayyid, s. (2018). islamophobic is a form of racism. racism is not just the belief that humans are divided into ‘races’, nor is it just the ideology that holds one race is superior, and the rest are inferior, rather it is a type of governmentality. racism as governmentality means that what is decisive is how populations are ordered, disciplined and regulated. the practice of governmentality is entirely permeated by the cultural. the history of racism is replete with examples which demonstrate again and again how what was somatic, phenotypical (or if you prefer biological) is over determined by the cultural. a discourse theoretical approach could not conclude anything different: all social relations are discursive. what distinguishes islamophobic from other forms of racism would appear to be the way in which the central antagonism is directed at manifestations of muslim identity. these issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 211 of 222 manifestations may vary depending on the local and regional context. they may include a range of actions (including violence against property and persons, verbal abuse microaggressions, demonization both common and expert) that seek to deny muslim agency. based on the various terminologies above, essentially, islamphobic emphasizes certain circumstances where there is fear of islam. it is because islam is not interpreted as a teaching that brings peace but is more characterized by acts of violence. de-radicalization de-radicalization is the process of abandoning an extremist worldview and concluding that it is not acceptable to use violence to effect social change. or de-radicalization is a process in which people reject the ideology they once embraced. this is one step further than disengagement, which is characterized by a change in behavior (stop using violence and leaving the radical group) without giving up one’s radical beliefs. often, de-radicalization (i.e., rejecting the ideology) occurs when people’s commitment to the group decreases. (bertjan, fathali, arie, arjan, liesbeth and feddes. 2016). meanwhile, according to ashour (2009) de-radicalization consist three types: (1) comprehensive de-radicalization refers to “a successful de-radicalization process on the three levels (ideological, behavioral and organizational)”; (2) substantive de-radicalization represents “a successful process of de-radicalization on both the ideological and behavioral levels, but not on the organizational level (usually a failure on that level is followed by splits, factionalization and internal organizational conflict, and/ or the marginalization of the deradicalized leadership)” and (3) pragmatic deradicalization includes “a successful behavioral and organizational de-radicalization process, but without an ideological de-legitimization of violence.” (rabasa, pettyjohn, ghez, and boucek, 2010; ashour, 2009). the radical movement thrives in indonesia with the ideology of pancasila (five basic of indonesian principals). the indonesian national police has been categorized at least three major radical groups namely; 1). jamaah islamiah, with their target is western civilization, 2). tauhid wal jihad, with their target are all people outside of their teachings, 3). nii (indonesian islamic state), only a small group of nii committed violence. and no less than 15 of the 21 groups supporting isis organizations. (kusumadewi, 2016; wahid foundation, 2016; gunawan and barito, 2018). in terms of the number of members it is certain that they are far behind that of moderate islamic organizations such as nu and muhammadiyah. but in terms of action that is nuanced intolerance, they cannot be compared. indonesia with its diversity in term of many religion, is not suitable for the establishment of anti-tolerance hard-line organizations. diversity as a side of the wealth of this country cannot be attributed simply because it opens up space to respect organizations that are openly hostile to division. in the broader interest, serious de-radicalization efforts and strategies are needed to create public spaces that are friendly to diversity. because de-radicalization in general is intended to restore the love of the motherland or a sense of nationalism lost from those sympathizers or members of these hard-line organizations. according to golose (2009) deradicalization is all efforts to neutralize radical notions through interdisciplinary approaches, such as law, psychology, religion and socio-culture for those who are influenced by radicals and/or pro-violence . whereas in the context of terrorism, according to amirsyah (2012), which arises due to radical religious understanding, de-radicalization is interpreted as a process to straighten religious understanding that is narrow, fundamental, to be moderate, broad and comprehensive. even though narratively, the two concepts of de-radicalization are not difficult to understand, but at the level of implementation it is not easy. shifting the understanding of people who are already indoctrinated with the wrong teachings will definitely require such extra time and patience. especially since in the beginning they felt as an exclusive group with an understanding that their own beliefs are the most right and others are wrong. in addition to the need for strong commitment and seriousness from the state, the community also needs to help so as not to isolate them. the real example which shows uneasiness to change the mindset of radical understanding was issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 212 of 222 experienced directly by noor huda ismail. he is an alumnus of ponpes (school of quran study) of ngruki, yogyakarta. he also failed to make a chocolate business with afghan alumni (2005), he also failed to start a rental business because his business capital was taken away. in addition, he failed to make a t-shirt business with moro alumni, most recently he was failed when pioneering the fishery business with abu tolud , because abu tolud re-entered as a member of a terrorist organization. observing the testimony of failure in order to change the mindset of the alumni who went astray, it seems that other formulations that are more relevant need to be formulated. there are 3 hs that need attention. the first h is heart, it is by instilling trust, second h is hand, it is by providing useful skills and third h is head, it is by opening the horizons of thinking of each ex-terrorist (bnpt, 2019). if that is not enough, the process of deradicalization must also consider two h which should not occur when the process of deradicalization takes place. the fourth h, namely hurt, it is expected not to cause deeper wounds, and the fifth h is humiliate that is not to insult or embarrass. it can be imagined if a family that has been trapped in a radical movement, recovering the radical feeling certainly needs a long time. the alert is indeed very necessary, so that the last two h will not spared, and open up new wounds that are increasingly incurable (priyowidodo, 2010). multicultural education pluralistic education or multicultural education is defined as a perspective that recognizes (a) the political, social, and economic realities that individuals experience in culturally diverse and complex human encounters; and (b) the importance of culture, race, sexuality and gender, ethnicity, religion, socioeconomic status, and exceptionalities in the educational process (ncate,1986, in hernandez, 1989: 4 in suparno, 2017). a terminology that expressly illustrates that there should not be any discrimination, in case of ethnic, religious, as well as social status. multicultural education for any family can be an alternative solution to various forms of crimes against humanity which are motivated by differences in group, race, ethnicity, religion and culture. multicultural education for children in the family is expected to be able to contribute in creating such good the character of the nation. this multicultural education can be as early as possible to form, familiarize, and instill the behavior of mutual respect, value, tolerant of all forms of differences in the environment (amalia, 2016). according to grant and sleeter (1989: 143-144 in suparno, 2017), multicultural education has two main problems: (1) give the same opportunity for education to all students and (2) pluralistic education. first, each student has to get the same opportunity to success in their education without discrimination. to help them success in their study, the weak and disabled students should be helped more according to their culture and situation. by considering the pluralistic situation, each student can be developed optimally. the family does not only plays an important role in children's education, but it also functions to direct party on how the children's future will be shaped. they do not only learn about aspects of cognition, affection, connection and psychomotor, but how to build relationships and social interactions in a multicultural society. educational knowledge of this kind should be transmitted so that early values are embedded with respect to other parties that are not the same as other people. at least some of the indicators of multicultural education achievements can be realized. for example, it can be like learning to live in diversity, building mutual trust, maintaining mutual understanding, upholding mutual respect, being open in thinking, appreciating and interdependent, conflict resolution and reconciliation (tilaar, 2004). there is no shortcut to pick the formation of personality characteristics with the above uniqueness. there is such need to struggle and efforts seriously for all parties. that is why multicultural education, if implemented optimally through families or integrated as a whole in the curriculum, it can be an alternative solution for early-age de-radicalization. however, on condition that there is a synergy between the roles of the community and the government will it be successful. do not just one of the parties to practice distortions that make the expected results even scattered. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 213 of 222 research methodology this research is empirical by using a constructive / interpretive paradigm. phenomenography is a research approach designed to answer certain questions about thinking and learning. it originally was developed by a research group in the department of education, university of gothenburg, sweden. the word "phenomenography" was coined in 1979 and appeared in print for the first time two years later (marton, 1981; priyowidodo, 2013). phenomenography is more interested in the content of thinking than is traditional psychology. psychologists are interested in studying how people perceive and conceptualize the world. however, their focus is usually on the act of perception or conceptualization itself, and their aim is to characterize the process of perception and thought in general terms. phenomenographers do not make statements about the world as such, but about people's conceptions of the world. according to merton (1986) phenomenography consist three things: first, though we focus on people's understandings of phenomena, there has been a continuing interest in the general aspects of learning. a second line of research sprang from the content-oriented nature of our study of learning. the third line of research centers around the "pure" phenomenographic interest in describing how people conceive of various aspects of their reality. the sample used in a phenomenographic study is purposive (i.e. a non-random sample in which respondents are specifically sought out). the preferred method of data collection is via semi-structured interviews with questions that encourage the interviewee to focus on and describe their experience of the given phenomenon. questions used are “as open-ended as possible in order to let the subject chose the dimensions of the question they want to answer. the dimensions they choose are an important source of data because they reveal an aspect of the individual’s relevance structure” (marton, 1986, p. 42 in boon, johnston and webber, 2006). the individual questions focus on and illuminate the central experience while attempting to frame the variation within the experience. during the interview, every effort must be taken to ensure that the interviewer does not let his or her own experiences and conceptions of the phenomenon influence or direct the interview. despite the obvious difficulty in setting aside their view of the world, the interviewer must “bracket” his or her own understanding of the phenomenon in order to successfully record that of the interviewee (ashworth and lucas, 2000, in boon, johnston and webber. 2006). the interviews are transcribed flash disk and the transcripts are then pooled, as the focus of research is the variety of conceptions gathered from all interviewees, rather than the conception or conceptions expressed by any individual. during the interviews, every variation in conception expressed by interviewees is taken as valid and recorded. the researchers then seek to identify which conceptions are held to be in “focal awareness”; that is, which conceptions are emphasized, made preeminent, or otherwise focused upon by the interviewees during the interview. the identified variations of conceptions of the studied phenomenon are then categorized and described, producing a “logically structured complex of the different ways of experiencing the object...what has been called the outcome space of the object” (marton, 1994, p. 92). the phenomenographic “outcome space” is synonymous with the phenomenon and includes articulation of the ways in which these experiences are internally related: it expresses “the different aspects together constituting that which is experienced ...not a subjective shadow of the real object, but a part of the whole which is subjective and objective at the same time” (marton, 2000, p. 105 in boon, johnston and webber. 2006). the research subjects chosen were the millennial group (20-21 years) and nonmuslim religions consisting of 21 individuals (16 women and 5 men). the analysis in this study uses thematic analysis according to the phenomenographic study analysis stage using nvivo software as a qualitative analysis tool. result and discussion islamophobic is conceptualized by each informant as an individual or group attitude that fears of muslims who do not reflect the mission of islamic teaching as a religion which holds "rahmatan lil alamin" slogan (peacemaker for all people). the conception of all informants explained that the phenomenon of islamphobic was caused by two main things. they are internal and external causes. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 214 of 222 internal includes excessive fanaticism, hatred, bad prejudice, like to disbelieve people who are not religious to the low knowledge possessed. the external is associated with news of violence which is always displayed by isis fighters. however, islamophobic, which is often dramatized with various acts of violence such as bomb terror, attacking a police post, church bombing and even a series of other acts of persecution, should not be allowed to continue. there must be an effort to stop it. this is called the de-radicalization movement. the aim is to return those who belong to radical line groups to moderate islam peacemakers. that is why it needs a relevant approach, changing the way of looking, monitoring and evaluating. furthermore, de-radicalization movement is how to improve the function of the family so as to instill multicultural values early on. if their religious views are wrong, then the community should warn that destructive actions can be prevented. the role of family, education and right religious doctrine is very important. through the visualization of the image below, it is very clear that each element has its own role. conception to understand the causes of islamophobic this fact makes it clear that the fear of islam is triggered by two main factors. first, is an internal factor. it has something to do with the wrong perceptions arising from some muslims who damage the good image of islam. because of the wrong perspective, they then take actions that are contrary to islamic teachings. they terrorized by bombing, provocation, hate speech, narrow fanaticism practices because of their low religious knowledge. second is an external factor. it includes cultural differences, discriminatory practices, the presence of negative influences and exposure to isis news. moreover, the issue can be seen through the visualization of the image below: issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 215 of 222 the informant's conception of the cause of islamophobic depends greatly on the experience of their interactions with muslim. the less they interact, the greater the possibility of prejudice. as it is shown in the following interview citation: interview 1 : q: what is islamphobic? a: a bad prejudice (bad stereotypes that lead to prejudice) of people of different religions in seeing muslims c: what is considered bad is not the religion but the elements of fanaticism and radicalism that spread heresy, practice it, and spread it, and have a great impact which is detrimental to many people. interview 2 : q: what do you think islamophobic is? a: in my opinion islamphobic is a negative attitude caused by some people related to hatred or dislike of islamic religion or culture c: this constitutes discriminatory behavior towards muslims, separating them from the economic and social life of the nation. this attitude can lead to conflict and riots between islam and other religions the informant's point of view clearly illustrates that the conception of islamphobic must be understood as inseparable from the causes. when someone has a narrow knowledge or is often exposed to the news of isis (the islamic state of iraq and syria) which is very provocative and antihumanitarian, it is firmly embedded in our minds that islam either as a state entity or as an individual is very alarming. conception to understand de-radicalization in common not all islamic organizations are radical and anarchist in the implementation of their activities. nu and muhammdiyah are large islamic organizations that are very moderate and defenders the nation. peter g. riddel (ummah, 2012), divided four forces namely; modernist, traditionalist, neomodernist and islamist in islamic movement. in general, riddel agrees to the definition of each category by ignoring one category from woodward, namely indigenized islam. for riddel, each category has its own characteristics in responding to various crucial issues in the first years after the first election, the collapse of the new order, namely 1999. these issues included returning to the jakarta issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 216 of 222 charter, the maluku crisis, opening israeli trade relations, the federal state of indonesia, where minorities within the indonesian state system, women presidents, and political parties only opened their faucets after the collapse of the new order. the grouping done by riddel above when viewed from the interpretation side can be narrowed down to just two groupings, namely liberal moderate and radical or fundamental. liberal and moderate islam is an open interpretation of the teachings of islam, even though it is not exactly the same, while radical or fundamentalist islam has a closed interpretation. some islamic groups such as the liberal islamic network (jil), nu's institute for human resource research and development (lakpesdam), muhammadiyah's young intellectual network (jimm), are some islamic groups that can be categorized into open-flow islamic groups. in addition to liberal islam, hard-line islam or radical islam enjoys much political change in indonesia. this radical islam has developed into one of the new islamic movement groups that have important significance in indonesia. these radical islamic groups emerged. some are international islamic movements such as the salafi and hizb ut-tahrir movements. others 118 are national-scale movements such as the fpi or islamic defenders front, hizb ut-tahrir indonesia, laskar mujahidin, and indonesian muslim brotherhood or ikhwanul muslimin. in addition, local radical islamic movements have emerged such as the surakarta islamic youth front (fpis) in surakarta and the tariqah jihad front (ftj) in kebumen (ummah, 2012). however the problem is why this radical islamic mass organization is so progressive?. it is because the actions are often demonstrative and very familiar with violence. even though it is unlikely to be hated, the mass media also contributed to the existence of these mass organizations in a free in charge alias free coverage through its coverage. sweeping acts of prostitution localization, denial of christian church or religious attributes before christmas, triggered to be reported and could become viral in social media. regardless of whether readers agree or not, the message that is spread becomes an advantage for raising such organization. another implication, if this radical behavior continues to be neutralized, islamphobic will automatically harden and spread. one effort that must be done is the de-radicalization movement. the informants said that there were successful programs but some were not. they can be seen through the visualization of the image below. as far as the state can do, so that the radical movements or fundamentalism cut in their existence is elaborating the factors. according to tibi (2000) there are two contexts that must be understood, namely cultural modernity and world order. according to bakry (2004) there are five factors namely, socio-political factors, religious emotional factors, cultural factors, ideological factors, and government policy factors. it is the inability of government in islamic countries to act in improving the situation over issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 217 of 222 the growing frustration and anger of some muslims due to the ideological, military and economic domination of large countries (priyowidodo, 2017). empirically, the conception of informants related to de-radicalization can be seen in the following interview citation: interview 1 : q: what do you think of the current de-radicalization efforts? a: the government is good enough in eradicating radical islamic groups in indonesia so as to allay people's anxiety. in addition, they have done good interaction on social media between non-muslim muslims, mutual support and justification of a good islamic outlook. c: positive community groups and the participation of young people play a large role in neutralizing the situation. indonesian people nowadays tend to try to boost tolerance and tighten the kinship, seeing the condition of the country which is often attacked by sara (ethnicity, religion, race, and inter-group relations) issues interview 2 : q: what do you think of the de-radicalization? a: in my opinion as long as terrorism and radicalism in indonesia are still exist, this deradicalization effort cannot be said to have been successful as a whole. perhaps there are indeed many cases that show that the government can change the mindset of the perpetrators of terrorism into the correct path and become normal in general. but there are still many people who still have deviant thoughts in indonesia c: government efforts in de-radicalization in indonesia are explained by the national counterterrorism agency (bntp), in which this de-radicalization is done in two ways. they are soft approach and hard approach. these two things are expected to minimize or prevent the existence of terrorism in indonesia. this soft approach is an approach that is closer to the perpetrators of terrorism and the people involved through the provision of material and so on. the way is done more smoothly. meanwhile, the hard approach is more directed at ways that already involve legal agencies inventory of de-radicalization efforts to curb the spread of islamphobic can be increased. but, at least the identification can be captured clearly by the state to correct what is the source of lameness and injustice that occurs in society. it also does not make sense, if the country has made optimal efforts, but these steps are ignored and not appreciated. if that's the case, it seems that the de-radicalization with the soft approach needs to be increased to a hard approach or the country has to do a lot of repressive action. it is also worth observing in terms of this de-radicalization effort, the state must not separate present reality. stronger and seamless interconnections resulting from the careful development of information technology must be considered. isn't it true what was alleged by coleman and (mccahill 2010). they said that the radical muslim movement claimed that more than half of the saudi youth were recruited through the internet. it has the same case in indonesia. it turns out that many young people are interested in joining isis also through video uploaded on youtube. it is therefore, there is no other choice; the resistance strategy must also use the same or more sophisticated instruments. without superior it capabilities, the country will be overstated by various attacks by mass organizations which are now increasingly skilled in conducting cyber attacks. what is meant by cultural modernity by tibi should not be narrowly understood as conventional culture clash but also involves the dynamics of cellular culture or internet culture. conception for understand multicultural education worry or fear feeling of islam, among others, was also contributed to by the lack of success in multicultural education experienced by informants. the informant still sees his/her own best group. interaction with other groups or muslim communities is still lacking. there arises suspicion and even greater fear of islam. multicultural education is the best way to build trust in a pluralistic society. indeed, multicultural education should be taught within the family to open opportunities for social interaction without suspicion. religion, do not continue to endorse its members with an exclusive understanding but more on things that are inclusive. the maps of the multicultural conception can be seen through the visualization of the image below. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 218 of 222 the conception of multicultural education to prevent the spread of islamphobic is a phenomenon of lack of interaction with muslims. as stated by informant x below: interview 1 : q: what do you think about multicultural education? a: in my opinion it is effective enough to make one's mind and perspective to be more open. by knowing various religions, one will know to tolerate and respect others. concretely, for those who are non-muslims can be further clarified by the teachings of islam that is actually good and peaceful. their negative perspective is quite straightened out with trusted knowledge, such as schools and universities. c: -in my opinion it can also prevent the growing fear of islam because of the need for an early understanding of themselves and also their own people …… " interview 2: q: what do you think about multi-part education? a: in my opinion, it depends on the thoughts of the people in the educational institution. because based on the experience that i listened to my friends too, sometimes there are still people in these educational institutions who are racist traits towards non-muslims. it also happens from educational institutions that accept muslim. c. as long as they accept differences and have a very high attitude of tolerance. the communication process of multicultural education can be fairly effective. because, sometimes it is even from the teaching staff of the educational institution itself that sometimes builds the impression of islamophobic to students. in which they should the provide thoughts that are neutral towards a religion, but there are only teachers who have very subjective thoughts about a religion. indonesia is home to many religions like islam, christianity, catholicism, hinduism, buddhism and confucianism. islam is the majority religion (82%). that is why in order for islamophobic not to continue to develop; every family regardless of religion must be managed in the spirit of mutual respect. the family is a subsystem of a larger social system. if the family experiences ideological disorientation, the situation that occurs in the country will surely experience the same thing. why? it is because the state is a reflection of the sum of each family. the family is the smallest unit in a large set that requires order for a system to work well. china for example, adopts one child and one ideology. what can be seen? the country with a population of more than 1.3 billion is able to control up to 0.43% (2016) its population growth a issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 219 of 222 year. indonesia, with a population of 263 million was only able to suppress the rate of change at 1.17% (2016) even in 1990 it was almost 2%. it can be imagined if indonesia is not careful in population policies, not only is the population growth rate accelerating but poor families are also increasing. what is the impact of increasing poor families? it directly or indirectly implies that these families were infiltrated by ideologies that offered a shortcut. they do not have enough knowledge to filter or even analyze whether the ideology is constructive or even destructive. this condition is very worrying. not surprisingly, those trapped by radical movements or terrorism are those who have an economically poor background and narrow knowledge. even according to afif m. (jannet, 2015) there are at least five causes of the emergence of radicalism in the religious field, including: (1) erroneous or narrow understanding of the teachings of the religion they hold; (2) social injustice; (3) poverty; (4) political revenge by making religious teachings a motivation to justify their actions, and (5) social inequality or jealousy over the success of others. or according to azra's term, there are three key words for radicalism, namely violence, sacredness and truth claims. violence is part of social action, sacredness is a belief to maintain the truth and purity of religious teachings, and the claim of truth is the recognition that his beliefs are the most right teachings while other beliefs are wrong. (azra, in naim, 2014). undoubtedly, for those who have entered the terrorism network or radical movement, the internalization of the three values is very easy if they are through an institution that is very close to them, namely the family. the family can be informally used as a medium for radical groups to increase members, because this method is considered effective and safe. purwanto (2015) an intelligence observer explained that the process of recruiting new members was carried out in private. it may in case of friendship, kinship, brotherhood and companionship. in line with this opinion, the next step according to tambunan (2013, in priyowidodo, 2017) is to develop the organization. there are four tools used to see the success of recruiting members of the organization namely 1) motivating and guiding ideology, 2) leadership 3) continuity of recruitment and 4) publicity. in the context of motivating and guiding ideology, the family is the right forum. radical doctrines or teachings will easily be socialized from parents to children with relatively no constraints. why? it is because children will definitely take parents as the 'role model'. when children witness what their parents do, they will act or behave in accordance with existing practical examples. not surprisingly, in the subsequent development of the organization, strong and solid leadership is very much considered by making the smallest cells in order to facilitate the continuity of recruiting members. the reason is one, so that their clandestine movements cannot be easily detected by the authorities. the way is to target families who understand religion and with economic capability. this method is considered not too provocative and provokes publicity. only when everything is ready will this movement bang on the public with the pounding of an action that spreads fear. for example it may like in case of suicide bombings, bombing strategic facilities to plan to detonate the state palace. it seems right, the noble meaning of the expression that the family is the pillar of the state. if many residents of the family are in shambles and do not have a strong commitment to the state ideology, slowly but surely the country will collapse. fighting militancy should be oriented towards realizing national goals which are the shared aspirations of the nation's children. not precisely, pestering with a radical ideology that weakens the unity and integrity of the unitary republic of indonesia. especially at the end it actually spread islamphobic throughout the world. indonesia advertises everything in the international media and is still seen as a country with full of risks when visited by foreign tourists. islamphobic is a bad image that is actually counter-productive which can reduce competitiveness and prevents foreign investment from entering indonesia. conclusion islamophobic is a conception of thinking related to the tendency to behave which places that islam is frightening. this fact was triggered by various acts of violence carried out by a group of radical issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103106 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 220 of 222 muslims with acts of terror, bombings and actions against humanity. islam as "rahmatan lil alamin" is actually kept away as a positive image of islam. the conception of de-radicalization is understood as a positive effort made by the indonesian government with the soft approach and hard approach method. so far the results have been effective, although not yet at maximum. because there are former members of hard-line islamic groups after undergoing the process of de-radicalization back to their groups. the third conception is multicultural education, which is understood as a way to prevent exclusive thinking that only feels that the group itself is correct. meetings with other cultures, religions or ethnicities are believed to be a means of preventing radical islamic extremist actions. acknowledgement acknowledgments are given to all parties who have contributed in providing field data related to this research topic, in particular all informants. the author would also like to thank the institute for communication studies, petra christian university that supports providing research grants. the author would like to say many thanks too to the reviewer who read and corrected this manuscript. conflicts of interest: the authors declare no conflict of interest. references alfin, jauharoti, muhibbin zuhri, ach.rosyidi, zudan, stelmachowska, and dorotea moni. 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(2021).japan-china 2008 agreement/: common-pool resource governance. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics). 12 (2), 193-211 article history: received: 2021-04-26 revision: 2021-05-17 accepted: 2021-05-28 japan-china 2008 agreement: common-pool resource governance problem rafyoga jehan pratama irsadanar*1 kan kimura2 abstract: this research aims to answer the reason behind the stalled progress of dispute settlement in east china sea between japan and china, despite a high initial commitment to cooperate under “2008 japan-china agreement on cooperation for the development of east china sea resources” framework. this research was done qualitatively by amassing reliable literatures and relevant official documents. in accomplishing the research objective, this article employs common-pool resource (cpr) and security dilemma concepts to analyze the collected data. this research finds that the reason why the 2008 agreement, which intended to make east china sea as common-poolresource for japan and china, did not work is due to the lack of institutionalsupply and commitment. the insufficient institutional supply was occurred since japan and china, as appropriators of the cpr, were seeking less binding and more flexible rules. even though that maximum result could be attained through high commitment, both japan and china were not assured about each other intentions. thus, the cooperation is stalled. keywords: common-pool resource, security dilemma, japan, china, east chinasea. abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjawab alasan di balik tersendatnya kemajuan penyelesaian sengketa di laut cina timur antara jepang dan cina, meskipun komitmen awal yang tinggi untuk bekerja sama di bawah “perjanjian jepang cina 2008 tentang kerjasama untuk pengembangan sumber daya laut cina timur” kerangka. penelitian ini dilakukan secara kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan literatur yang dapat dipercaya dan dokumen resmi yang relevan. dalam mencapai tujuan penelitian, artikel ini menggunakan konsep common pool resource (cpr) dan security dilemma untuk menganalisis data yang dikumpulkan. penelitian ini menemukan bahwa alasan mengapa perjanjian 2008, yang dimaksudkan untuk menjadikan laut cina timur sebagai sumber daya bersama untuk jepang dan cina, tidak berhasil adalah karena kurangnya pasokan dan komitmen kelembagaan. pasokan institusional yang tidak mencukupi terjadi karena jepang dan cina, sebagai pemilik cpr, mencari aturan yang kurang mengikat dan lebih fleksibel. meski hasil maksimal itu bisa dicapai melalui komitmen tinggi, baik jepang maupun china tidak yakin akan niat masing-masing. dengan demikian, kerja sama terhenti. kata kunci: sumber daya; dilema keamanan; jepang; cina; laut cina timur introduction since 1971, east china sea has been very tense for several countries in east asia, particularly japan and mailto:irsadanar.rafyoga@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5394-8522 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0737-5107 vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 china due to the overlapping claims of senkaku/diayou islands and energy competition in the islands area (roy chaudhury, 2016). after decades of militarily maritime tension fluctuation, in 2004 the direct skirmishes over the energy resources around the islands emerged. on that year, china established a natural gas site near the median line, allegedly to acquire natural gas from the senkaku/diayou islands and to establish fait accompli of the islands water control (ueki, 2006). the urgency of maritime security escalated ever since. to pacify the tension and to maintain maritime stability, cooperative endeavors had been initiated by china and japan. more specifically, to shape the east china sea as the “sea of peace, cooperation and friendship,” japan and china established “the2008 japan china agreement on cooperation for the development of east china sea resources” (hayashi, 2011). by the agreement, the two countries agreed to cooperate in (1) achieving concrete maritime border delimitation without prejudice on each other’s legal position and (2) allowing japan energy corporation(s) to participate in the shirakaba/chunxiao oil and gas field exploration in accordance to chinese foreign enterprises oil/gas off-shore exploration law (japan-china joint press statement cooperation between japan and china in the east china sea, 2008).this agreement was seen to be decisive for both countries progress in resolving the overlapping border in the east china sea sinceit was expected to a delimitation and energy cooperation, instead of fighting over claims and energy reserves. in addition, this agreement was also vital as it was the momentum where japan and china first started to initiate such cooperation regarding the delimitation & joint development in east china sea. however, a decade after the agreement, the progress on delimitation and stable energy cooperation progress was seen to be stalled. on july 22, 2015, japanese government 194 jurnal studi pemerintahan 195 claimed that china had been developing their 16 energy exploration units unilaterally without japan’s consent (ministry of foreign affairs of japan, 2019). this was seen as a counterproductive action against the 2008 agreement. in response to this, chinese government objected to japan’s demand by claiming that china’soil and gas development in the east china sea is legal and justified (ministry of foreign affairs of people’s republic of china, 2015). therefore, this research aims to find the cause to the regressive development of the cooperation, despite of the promising initial agreement to cooperate. literature review current findings are mainly concerned about the bilateral trust issues and legal constraints in achieving delimitation andjoint development in the east china sea. early in 2008, approaching the agreement signing, (gao, 2008) stated that jointdevelopment could only work if the delimitation issue were settled out first. meanwhile, delimitation issues itself is already a huge constraint as china had opted out from obeying law of the sea convention (hamakawa 2006, li 2010). therefore, japan andchina had to go through trustful a negotiation phase or the two agendas will not work otherwise. subsequent to the agreement,(lee & kim, 2008) had also explained that it would be a great challenge to create multinational agreement that manages the resources in the east china sea because (1) japan and china had relatively symmetrical power and (2) they have trust issueamong each other. lee and kim’s findings had emphasized that the negotiations itself would also be constrained by the trust issues between japan and china. the economic analysis of (manicom, 2009), japan and china could lose an incentive to progress in regards to the agreement if the global economy is dropping, such as the vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 global oil price drop in 2008. expanding back into perspective of political dynamic,(hayashi, 2011) stated that the bilateral talks regarding the agreement progress and implementation had been struggling since it was highly contingent upon the general bilateral political relations among japan and china. besides, hayashi also stated that the delimitation and further cooperative progress was also challenged by the difficulty to define the joint development area, as both countries had different standing legal points. (szechenyi, 2015) also stated that the unilateral gas development of chinain east china sea and japan’s protest towards it was caused bythe differing legal standing points in context of territorial sovereignty in accordance of the exclusive economic zone in east china sea. another group of analysis explain the stall by the escalation of the territorial dispute itself and glowing nationalistic sentiments. (iwamoto, 2012) mentioned about the importance of situations around the nationalization of islands in 2012, perception gaps between two nations. (masuo, 2012) also pointed out howthe conflicts in this period against japan hardened chinese policies in east and south china sea. the majority of the findings above emphasized on the legal and political instability constraints. however, researches that specifically mitigate the political instability through security adilemma approach of japan and china is rare. (green, douglas, hicks, cooper, & schaus, 2017) had elaborated that the crisis resolution is less progressive since there is a misperception among japan and china in regards to each other assertiveness. green and his research team stated on their findings that china failedto understand that its rising power drove japan to be insecure. japan, in response also took several actions (such as nationalizing the senkakus in 2012 and increasing its military personnelstaying there) that it thought may increase 196 jurnal studi pemerintahan 197 their security, but otherwise inflamed china anger. there are established understanding and researches on japan-china relations as well as east asian security affairs in general from security dilemma perspective. (hughes, 2016) foundthat japan’s increasing military capacity under abe administration since 2012 was reflecting ‘resentful realism’. instead ofadding the equilibrium of power in east asia, it has the risk to destabilize the regional security. in 2017, suh also stated that the thaad deployed by united states in south korea will sharpen the security dilemma among northeast asians, including japan and china. in (2019) hovhannisyan also emphasized that the instability of japan sino relations was also rooted from the security dilemma as both countries are constantly building up its weaponries due to the insecurity towards each other. in common pool resources perspective, (zhang, 2020) explained that the clashes among fishers in south china sea is tragedy of commons, thus required a better sea governance to manage the resources. despite of the paramount discussion onsecurity dilemma perspective on japan-china conflict, especially in east china sea, the analysis using common-pool resources is underexplored. seeing that significant part of the tension is rooted from the competition of resources in that area, further researchusing common-pool resource concept is necessary. seeing the interconnection of the two concept and overlooked usage of the concept to analyze east china sea conflict, this research will employ common-pool resources concept and security dilemma. in brief, the problems arise within common-pool re-sources could be caused by the insecurity of each appropriators’ intention, which is a central premise of security dilemma in cooperation context. the further relations could be seen in the following detailed elaboration of both common-pool resourcesconcept and security dilemma. vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 common-pool resources this concept of cpr is going to be used to frame the idea of the 2008 japan-china agreement on cooperation for the development of east china sea resources as a proposed institution to pacify the tension in east china sea and why it does not work as expected. common-pool resources means natural manmade resource system consisted of resource units that allows appropriators to take the benefit from it, aiming to regulate thetragedy of the commons (ostrom, 1990). ostrom defined resource system as the stock variable with the ability to produce maximum number of variable flows. the system consists of resource units, which means what the appropriators use or consume from the resource system. the appropriators are the ones who act as beneficiaries appropriating the resource units fromthe resource system. according to (ostrom, 1990), the common-pool resources concept was proposed as the institutional solution to the unregulated common resources fought over the years, which leadto many worsening conflicts in major scale. she referred to the work of hardin (1968), explaining that the tragedy of commons represents to the threat to the environment whenever too many individuals are consuming a scarce resource. this condition is worsening since hardin analogize the situation where people are pushed to utilize the resource as much as possible, while the other actors are thinking the same way. contextualized with the contemporary security issues, despite of the simple resemblance of the resources as pool for fisheries, this paper sees it is only ametaphor for a bigger problem such as the non-renewable energy resources such as oil and gas which often inflame conflict among countries. in global scale, the environmental threat caused by tragedy of commons could be also seen as the risk of regional 198 jurnal studi pemerintahan 199 insecurity and instability due to tense endeavor from many countries to secure energy resources. added by the fact that energy is highly contingent with state’s survival and industrial economic activity, such kind of skirmish are becoming more likely. in averting such confrontations and provide fair allocation of supply, the usageof the resources was managed by an institution, namely commonpool resources (cprs). the cprs establishment are coming with set of risks and challenges to stabilize the resource withdrawing environment. this concept then presents three major problem that may arise within the cprs. those are (1) the problem of supply, (2) the problemof commitment, and (3) the problem of mutual monitoring (ostrom, 1990). different from ‘supply’ in economic definition, this concept conveys the problem in supplying institutions in managing the cprs. distinct from the supply in the economic context, this concept conveys the problem in supplying institutions in managing the cprs. initially, the institutions are made to escalate thelevel of assurance among appropriators so there is no party betraying the other one. however, adding more institution could be problematic as well. since the actors involved in the cprs are rational actors, they would choose most lucrative alternatives among the many institutions available. as each of appropriators has different calculations and aiming for the highest benefit, there might be distributional issues concerning which institutions tochoose in managing the cprs. this clash arises due to the rational consideration of the appropriators to see that different institution may affect the benefit they could gain from the cprs. subsequent to the supply problem, the cpr might be challenged by one or more of the appropriators disobeying the rules they have agreed upon at first. the problem of commitment arises due to the likelihood where not all actors are willing to comply to theinstitutions they made in the vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 long run. in the best scenario, ifeveryone follows the initial agreements, each of the involved parties will get the proportional share from the cpr, leading to a predictable withdrawal. however, the appropriators’ preferences, as well as the situation in the cpr, are dynamic. this situationoften pushed appropriators to make new choices that benefits them, such as disobeying the rules. lastly, even when the institutions work with firm compliance from the appropriators, this concept also sees that there is still a possibility of a free-rider within the cpr. since the concept analogize a cpr with a fish pond or a labor union, it depicts a situation where there is an external party breaching the system and withdraws the resource. to prevent such thing from occurring,all appropriators should take part in monitoring the cpr. security dilemma in cooperation context this research would hypothesize that the stalled institutional solution and mistrust among japan and china during the cooperation was caused by the security dilemma among them, manifested through arm race among both. this concept of security dilemma in cooperation context was comprehensively explored by (jervis, 1978). he stated that: unless each actor thinks that the other party will cooperate, it will not cooperate. this is because they are insecure about each party’s assertiveness toward each other. insecurity is a legitimate rationale to withdraw from that negotiation or cooperation process. jervis also did not neglect that two or more states might have a common interest, but a security dilemma is causing them to be unable to reach the common goal. he described that the security dilemma became the constraint to cooperation for three reasons; (1) the politics dynamic (2) each state’s expansionism over resource-gaining motivation and 200 jurnal studi pemerintahan 201 (3) the increasing security of one state that led to the decrease of the others. the picture on how security dilemma mayaffect cooperation was portrayed by jervis using stag hunt model as seen below. details: source: jervis, r. (1978). cooperation under the security dilemma. world politics, cooperation under the security dilemma. 1. all states are cooperating and less assertive 2. maintain a high level of armaments while the other partydoes not 3. all parties maintain a high level or armaments/arm race 4. maintain a low level of armaments but the other party doesthe opposite the table above shows that countries involved in a cooperation will be more likely to stay in a cc position when all statesare willing to cooperate and being less assertive. meanwhile, those countries will express their defective manner (dd) if all of the arties are maintaining a high level of militarization, or in other words, fighting in an arm race. jervis also went with a possiblesolution to drag and to maintain the cooperating countries intoa sustainable cc position in 3 ways: (1) increasing the incentive of cooperation (cc) and decreasing the cost if state a cooperates but state b does not (cd); (2) decreasing the incentive for defecting (dc) and increasing the cost of competition (dd) and (3) increasing anything that increase the common expectation that both parties will cooperate. vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 therefore, this theory could beused to analyze the gathered data since this theory explains why arm race jeopardizes cooperation and what possible solution should be attempted to reach sustainable cooperation. the stag hunt model will be utilized to analyze how the mis-trust and insecurity among japan and china was formed and on how it affects the cooperation process in the implementation of 2008 agreement. the deeper characterization of the cooperation constraints due to the security 202 country b country a cooperate (c) defect (d) cooperate 1 2 (c) 1 4 defect 4 3 (d) 2 3 dilemma also fits with the current status quo in east china sea context of japan and chinatense relationship. table 2. stag hunt model research method since this research aims to explain a cause of specific case,then qualitative method of case study was employed to achieve the research objective. furthermore, the case study approach was chosen due to its ability to expose new variables within a causal relationship of a phenomenon (george & bennett, 2005). it fitsthe goal of the research aiming to expose the jurnal studi pemerintahan 203 novel perspective of the cause of stalled cooperation between japan and china using a case of 2008 agreement. this article strategically compiled reliable literatures and relevant valid documents to answer the re-search question. the collected data was then analyzed with established concepts and theories in international politics those are common-pool resources (cprs) concept and security dilemma. result and discussion japan-china east china sea joint development: common-pool resource and its appropriation problem as highlighted in the theoretical framework, a cpr consisted of three elements: (1) resource system, (2) resource unit, and (3) appropriators. prior to investigating the stalled negotiation process, this article elaborates the conceptualization of the agreement as an intended to solve a common-pool resource problem. first, the agreement formed a resource system for the joint resource development in a specified area and border in east china sea, measured by a detailed set of coordinate points. the agreed area includes the shirakaba/chunxiao oil and gas field, whichworks as the stock variable that creates the variable flows. sec-ond, related to the first one, the variable flows in the cpr are indeed the oil and gas produced by the oil and gas rigs within the agreed borders. third, is the actors appropriating the oil and gas field, which are japan and china. notwithstanding with the prospective benefits, japan and china hardly establish a sustainable bond in withdrawing the resource from east china sea. concept wise, these problems could arise from either in the institution supply, appropriators’ commitment or monitoring process. among the three possible problems arising in a cpr, this article asserts that the major constrains jeopardizing japan and china cooperation process in east vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 china sea is the first and second problem, which is the problem of supply and commitment. first, this paper sees that the agreement is lacking of institutions since both appropriators seeks for flexibility and less bindng rules, while such cooperation process needs a high level ofassurance. by design, it is not yet a firm institution since it is an initial agreement before reaching a final deal of east china sea dispute. to begin with, according to vienna convention metrics, the agreement could not work as a treaty since it is neither le gallybinding nor having any effect to the domestic constitution of both japan and china (peterson, 2009). besides of the no effect, this agreement also have no enforcement procedure or any consequences for non-compliance among the involved parties. even though (ostrom, 1990) stated that cpr emphasizedon the social/community side instead of the formal side of the enforcement, the sense of community between east asian countries, in this case japan and china, is also lacking. unlike south-east asians who are able to unite and maintain the order underasean community umbrella, east asians are still dealing with historical and political issues, unable to institutionalize a senseof community. this is not necessarily the mistake of japan andchina since this agreement is not a final decision that creates delimitation for the dispute. this situation is less likely to change for the better since the legal constraint is still there, as china did not comply to unclos as (hayashi, 2011) and (szechenyi, 2015) emphasized. therefore, from the cpr concept standpoint, there is a lack of institutional supply and no appropriators is urged to change the status quo. second, as a parallel consequence of the inadequate rules, the appropriator could find a loophole to disobey the rules for theirbenefit. even when they do not intend to necessarily break it, the appropriators could act counterproductive manner against the agreed rules simply because it does not regulate that one particular action. in case of japan and 204 jurnal studi pemerintahan 205 china case, japan was accusing china for breaking the rules for unilaterally withdrawing from the cpr without prior consultation with japan, as agreed earlier. china, at the other side, was sure that it was exploring oiland gas in chinese maritime jurisdiction. it could be seen fromboth countries’ official statements below: “japan’s request is groundless and china’s relevant oil andgas exploration activities in the east china sea are absolutely rightful and legitimate. first, china’s oil and gas exploration inthe east china sea is in undisputable waters under china’s jurisdiction and completely falls within china’s sovereign rightsand jurisdiction, which is beyond reproach second, china and japan have not conducted maritime delimitation in the eastchina sea and china does not recognize the ‘geographical equidistance line’ unilaterally drawn by japan and disagrees to japan’s so called maritime delimitation stance based on the ‘geographical equidistance line’”. (ministry of foreign affairs of people’s republic of china, 2015) japan, who keeps updating its statements concerning this issue then responded: “the exclusive economic zone (eez) and the continental shelf in the east china sea have not yet been delimited, and japan takes a position that maritime delimitation should be conducted based on the geographical equidistance line between japan and china. in this regard, under the circumstances pending maritime boundary delimitation, it is extremely regrettable that china is advancing uni lateral development, even on the china side of the geographical equidistance line. the government of japan once again strongly requests china to cease its unilateral development and to resume negotiations as soon as possible on the implementation of the june 2008 agreement in which japan and china agreed to cooperate on the development of natural resources in the east china sea.” vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 (ministryof foreign affairs of japan, 2019) as seen from both states’ statements, it could be seen that there is a loophole within the agreement since both parties are having different view of the rules. this gap of perception creates a distinct notion and mismatch understanding of what they can do and can-not do. this situation is less likely to change without further trustworthy negotiation since everyone has their own justification,making each action seems unilateral and not cooperative. how-ever, such proposal will hardly work since united states, the state who often appear to defuse regional instability, is seen to be biased to japanese side due to military alliance, while impartiality is vital for such mediative enforcements. while china also showed less compliance to unclos as a more neutral institution, the only way out is through further consultation. concerning the third problem, this paper sees that context ofthe agreement is different with the monitoring issue conveyedby ostrom. the monitoring explained in the theory was intended to watch a resource system that was made since there is too many possible appropriators, therefore there might be potential outsiders withdrawing. meanwhile, the east china sea cpr does not face any mutual monitoring problems since by fact, there isno third party appears to be potentially breach the disputed territory. geographically, even if east china sea is disputed for long by japan and china, the overlapping claims are only made by two countries. this cpr was initially made as a response of an existing territorial dispute among two major actors with symmetrical power. uncertainty and security dilemma in eastchina sea after describing the technical problems with the east china sea cpr, the real question is why those issues are 206 jurnal studi pemerintahan 207 occurring atthe first place, despite of the initial commitment and the high reward if they were cooperating. using the security dilemma theory in cooperation context, this research hypothesizes that japan and china took an inferior choice since it is more certain for them, otherwise their sovereignty is at stake. it involves theanalysis on how the arms race between two countries in east china sea did not deescalate despite of the cooperation process, causing trust issues to arise. as explained by (jervis, 1978), the uncertainty arises when a state feels unsure about the commitment of other state to cooperate. certainty is vital since a state will not stay in c-quadrant if the counterpart is not doing the same way. as drawn in table.1, unwillingness emerged since if state a stays in c-quadrant and state b does not, they will fall into a cd-quadrant, in which a huge loss for a and big advantage for b who defects. seeing thiskind of possibility, there is a tendency for a state to defect firstbefore the other does, making dd-quadrant more certain for cooperating parties under security dilemma. if state a and state b are ever in the c-quadrant box, those states are more likely to stay there since it is an equilibrium andall could enjoy the same benefit. however, if the incentive or assurance that both parties will stay in c quadrant is really low,one state might change their mind and defect to protect themselves. such situation also might occur if there are somemisperceptions or errors. jervis also explained that such uncertainty was caused by several things. first, it is because international politics is by default uncertain. politics is dynamic, there could be new leader, new policies, or new foreign policy orientation, causing different calculations in executing the cooperation. in such scenario, it is difficult to always adjust the cooperation rules and deals to in-crease the disincentives for defection. japan-china relationship is unstable concerning east vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 chinasea security issues. the bilateral talks regarding the agreement progress and implementation had been struggling since it is highly contingent upon the general bilateral political relations among japan and china (hayashi, 2011). since the agreement, there have been series of crisis around senkaku/diayou islands in different political leaderships. in september 2012, japan’s prime minister yoshihiko noda under democratic party of japan uni laterally bought three of five privately-owned islands in east china sea, causing ultranationalist anti-japanese sentiment and demonstration in china (ryall, japan agrees to buy disputed senkaku islands, 2012). in the following year, china then one-sidedly established “east china sea air defense identification zone (adiz)” that overlaps japanese claimed border, enabling china to fly its aircrafts over the disputed maritime domain, causing a negative perception among the neighbors (osawa, 2013). until2019, the negotiation is stalled and pending, in which chinesegovernment stated that this consultation is suspended due to “trouble stirred by japan”. added by the new chinese coast guard law taking effect in 2021, the tension will be even stiffer since japan and its close ally united states expressed serious concern about the law enabling china to fire at foreign ships in china’s claimed waters disputed with japan (imahashi & sharp, 2021). therefore, it showed how the consultation could be only resumed under stable bilateral relationship. second, is the insecurity of state over their resources and survival. in the anarchical structure, there is always a tendency ofstates to protect their possessions and to control resources since in such self help system state needs to ensure that their basic needs is secured first. to begin with, certainty is hard to achieve in such situation when there is no higher authority to assure that the appropriators are not breaking the rules for the sake ofsurvival. thus, (ostrom, 1990) emphasized that self organized group between 208 jurnal studi pemerintahan 209 appropriators is necessary to monitor the cpr and impose sanctions to keep the performance desirable. how-ever, the sense of community between japan and china to establish “self-organized group” to monitor east china sea is also lacking. in east china sea setting, japan and china have the urgencies it takes to push for resources in the disputed area. china, as the most populous country in the world, need to keep its industry running to serve its people. japan energy consumption is also at stake if they lost the control of senkaku islands, since 80 percent of japan’s energy is foreign imported. not only that securing the oil and gas rigs in east china sea would help japan fulfil its energy demand, it would also avert china’s domination around the sea lane, creating safe shipping lane for energy imports to japan. the third one is the arms race; the evil circle caused by the propensity of state to unilaterally fortify its security at the expense of others, triggering the surroundings’ anxiety and finally doing the same thing in reciprocal. among several mentioned attributions of east china sea, such as energy and border issues, sovereignty is the top priority. sovereignty could be at stake for both japan and china, they will not risk to lose it by letting otherparty overpower them in east china sea. in response to such volatile situation, japan and china is then fortify their armaments, causing arms race. since 2012, japan,under shinzo abe second administration, has been gradually escalate its military capacities. besides keeping on increasing the military budget, japan lifted its military export ban in 2014, al-lowing it to modernize its defense industry and to transfer weaponries abroad. in the following year, japan established “japan’s legislation for peace and security”, allowing it to send troops abroad to for collective self defense purposes (ministry of foreign affairs of japan, 2015). china does the same thing by keep on increasing its vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 military expenditures and capabilities, even on the faster pace than united states (ryall, 2018). both japan and china aim to adjust with the changing security environment surrounding them, which significantly involving east china sea dispute. conclusion utilizing common-pool resource concepts, this paper concludes that the problems behind not functioning cpr in east china sea context is the problem of supply and commitment. this paper investigates that japan and china’s decision to choose a more inferior alternatives in running the cpr, despite of promising returns from the superior quadrants, was because the more inferior choice has more certainty over the latter under security uncertainties. from here this paper learned that a strong institution is built under a strong trust and stable relationship amongrelevant stakeholders. this paper sees that by including the agreement into consulations in larger scale would be an effective measure to strengthen the institution. notwithstanding with the worsening maritime security fuss among the two neighboring countries, both tokyo and beijing have a growing economic cooperation and 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(2020). understanding the tragedy of the commons in the south china sea fisheries: the prisoner’s dilemma model revisited. marine policy , 1 11. 212 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/347538090_understanding_the_tragedy_of_the_commons_in_the_south_china_sea_fisheries_the_prisoner%27s_dilemma_model_revisited https://www.researchgate.net/publication/347538090_understanding_the_tragedy_of_the_commons_in_the_south_china_sea_fisheries_the_prisoner%27s_dilemma_model_revisited https://www.researchgate.net/publication/347538090_understanding_the_tragedy_of_the_commons_in_the_south_china_sea_fisheries_the_prisoner%27s_dilemma_model_revisited doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.9491 jurnal studi pemerintahan understanding psychological motives toward politics: developing psychological orientation scale towards politics (posp-s) for indonesia indro adinugroho faculty of psychology universitas katolik indonesia atma jaya indro.adinugroho@atmajaya.ac.id 487 received :october 12, 2018 revised: october 14, 2018 accepted:october 18, 2018 how to cite this article is : adinugroho, i. (2018). understanding psychological motives towards politics: developing psychological orientation scale towards politics (posp s) for indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(4), 487-510. abstract for over 18 years, indonesia has undergone democracy in every aspect of government decision making. after the new order (orde baru) regime fell, indonesia has changed several regulations to implement democratic principle such as direct elections for presidential, gubernatorial and also local leaders. however, there are still few challenges faced by indonesia. one of those challenges is related to human behavior which is political participation. in a democratic country, one of the primary requirements is voluntarily active participation. voluntarily means an action without any pressure. without voluntarily act on participation, a country cannot be listed as democratic country. as an attempt to predict voluntarily participation on politics, psychology comes up with the concept of psychological orientation on politics which is represented by three dimensions: political efficacy, political interest and political knowledge. however, different political situations and systems among countries are the reasons why there is no universal measurement of psychological orientation towards politics. this study aims to construct an instrument as an attempt to measure psychological orientation towards politics in indonesian context. as a challenge to produce the best items and theoretical model, confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) is applied to examine the contribution of each item towards dimensions. cfa analysis finally generates 21 final items for psychological orientation towards politics scale that can be applied in indonesian context. keywords: political efficacy, political interest, political knowledge, psychology, politics mailto:indro.adinugroho@atmajaya.ac.id vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 488 abstrak selama kurang lebih 18 tahun, indonesia telah menjalankan demokrasi dalam setiap aspek aktivitas pengambilan keputusan oleh pemerintah. setelah orde baru jatuh, indonesia telah melakukan beberapa perubahan dalam regulasi untuk mendukung implementasi prinsip demokrasi, seperti pemilihan langsung untuk presiden; gubernur dan kepala daerah. akan tetapi, masih terdapat beberapa tantangan dalam berdemokrasi di indonesia. salah satunya adalah terkait dengan perilaku manusia, yaitu partisipasi politik. dalam negara demokrasi, salah satu elemen inti yang diperlukan adalah partisipasi aktif masyarakat secara suka rela. suka rela artinya sebuah aksi tanpa ada paksaan atau tekanan. tanpa kehadiran perilaku ini, sebuah negara tidak dapat disebut sebagai negara demokrasi. sebagai upaya untuk memprediksi partisipasi suka rela dalam politik, psikologi telah datang dengan konsep orientasi psikologis terhadap politik yang dijelaskan dalam tiga tiga dimensi perilaku, political efficacy; political interest and political knowledge. akan tetapi, perbedaan situasi politik dan sistem yang berbeda di setiap negara menyebabkan tidak adanya pengukuran orientasi psikologis terhadap politik yang sama. studi ini bertujuan untuk menyusun sebuah instrumen sebagai usaha untuk mengukur orientasi psikologis terhadap politik dalam konteks indonesia. sebagai upaya untuk menemukan aitem dengan kualitas terbaik, confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) digunakan untuk memeriksa kualitas aitem yang telah ditulis oleh penulis. kesimpulannya, cfa menemukan 21 aitem terbaik yang merepresentasikan instrumen ini untuk siap diaplikasikan dalam konteks indonesia. kata kunci: political efficacy, political interest, political knowledge, psikologi, politik introduction after the new order regime fell, indonesia has decided democracy as it layers to cover up the relation between the government and the people. in its state principle, indonesia has defined democracy as the condition where everyone is appreciated for their freedom, ideas, opinions and thoughts. based on this principle, government must give a space for every citizen to voice critics and also to gather together as a group based on legal identity such as mass organization or political party. from historical perspective, indonesia actually has already recognized the democratic principle since 1945 as its constitutional framework, also known as undang-undang dasar 1945 (uud 1945). in the first article, indonesia’s constitution has already acknowledged that the “highest authority of indonesia belongs to the society”. however, this principle became desolate when soeharto was ruled for over 32 years in indonesia. as a democratic country, uud 1945 is the highest state regulation that needs to be run by government from president, minister and the other state institutions who work to provide social justice and prosperity for indonesian people. until now, several changes have been implemented to enhance the quality of democracy in indonesia from the establishment of constitutional court, direct elections, up to guarantee for all indonesian people to gather and create independent and political organizations. however, the implementation of systems and numerous security programs to guarantee public freedom are not enough without any proper behavior to support democratic condition in indonesia. one of the significant indicators stated the progress of democracy in indonesia is direct election. since 2000, government of indonesia has been thrilled to establish independent institution that is responsible for elections in indonesia, namely komisi pemilihan umum indonesia (kpu: indonesia national commission for election). kpu is an independent state institution where all the commissioners were chosen by the government with the approval from parliament (dpr). in this process, dpr is also responsible for conducting fit & proper test as their political tool to identify the capacity, track record, vision and mission from the candidates. in day to day activities, kpu is highly responsible in organizing and conducting all the elections in national or provincial level across island in indonesia. in its position as independent state institution, kpu is the only one institution which can decide the winner of all elections in indonesia. from this fact, it is acknowledged that the role of kpu is massively strategic to decide the fate of indonesia. besides technical works related to elections, kpu is also responsible to frame a grand design strategy to enhance participation among people to vote (voting) in elections. voting is one of the indicators that represents political participation in society. jurnal studi pemerintahan 489 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 490 the impact of the establishment of democratic principle causes several changes in governance across island in indonesia. as the biggest island nation in the world, indonesia finally decided decentralization as the nation system to accommodate government activities across island. decentralization is a governance system that allows government’s autonomy in provincial and district level (fossati, 2016). decentralization causes several changes in election process in indonesia. due to decentralization regulation, until now indonesia has four (4) types of elections: presidential, legislative, gubernatorial and major-regent. this fact indicated that indonesia is clearly describing the robustness of its democracy. otherwise, this fact also proposes a high cost for the state. as an attempt to make democracy in indonesia more effective, all citizens need to be active to participate in politics. this is the reason why an attempt to identify the variables that drive people to participate in politics is crucial for indonesia. political psychology has been stated that the psychological orientation towards politics (posp) is a strong indicator to predict political participation (burns, schlozman & verba, 2001). posp is defined as psychological motives that drive people’s intention to participate in influencing the government. posp is also categorized by three dimensions: political interest (pi), political efficacy (pe) and political knowledge (pk). based on these dimensions, we can identify whether the participation in politics is due to voluntary or involuntary. in a democratic country, a study to measure the degree of political participation based on measurement tool is not a clear solution to understand the dynamic of democracy in one country. however, an attempt to examine the degree of psychological orientation towards politics is the alternative to understand the society and the democracy they faced. in this study, author focused on posp with three dimensions inside it as the alternative to find an answer of the underlying motives that make indonesians participate in politics. . moreover, identifying basic motives is also an alternative to measure and describe the quality of democracy in indonesia that has been established for over 18 years. basic motives in politics are described through three behavioral dimensions that emerged from psychological approach: belief or efficacy (bandura, 1977) defined as pe; knowledge or capacity (hunt, 2003) defined as pk and emotion or interest (silvia, 2008) defined as pi. these three behavioral dimensions will emerge due to specific psychological object. in politics, the psychological object related to these three variables is the real political condition in one country. as a young democratic country along with decentralization governance, the study to examine basic motives towards politics has become a crucial issue. for indonesia, this study is needed due to an attempt to create an effective and efficient democracy. if the government knows how to mobilize active citizens, then our democratic investment which is election will not be wasted. to achieve this goal, comprehensive study needs to be conducted with a proper measurement tool. in this study, author focused on the development of measurement tool to assess posp for indonesia. three dimensions (pe, pk and pi) were used to represent posp as a whole. in the making process, author is also being guided under burns et al. (2001) framework on the psychological orientation towards politics. this is also an attempt to calibrate the theory within indonesian context. in the process of making the instrument, author also considered several political issues that need to be adjusted in the item development process. real political issues are fundamental when developer tries to measure a variable that related to politics due to different political conditions in many countries. several issues related to the items are indonesian political term, election in indonesia (regional and presidential) and also political parties. the construction of posp scale is conducted in three (3) primary steps. first step is related to the construction of test specification and items writing. jurnal studi pemerintahan 491 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 492 test specification is a framework that explains the appropriateness between construct (posp); the three dimensions (pe, pk and pi); indicators and the items (cohen & swerdlik, 2009). test specification is made based on burns et al. (2001). in test specification, author also defined each dimension into theoretical and operational definition as guidance for developing items. theoretical definition is related to general definition based on the theory, whereas operational definition is a term that made by the author as a guidance for item construction. after the final test specification, author continued with the second process, item writing. in this process, author with the help of his assistant drafted the pool items by using test specification. after the item pool was developed, they discussed and made the final decision. the last process is validity identification which is conducted to identify the best items represented by three dimensions in posp scale (posp-s). author used factor analysis by using two methods, exploratory (efa) and confirmatory factor analysis (cfa). both of these methods are part of structural equation modeling method (sem) which is able to construct factors and indicators that fit with the factors. in the end, efa and cfa are able to identify whether the theoretical model is comply with the data collected (sample). three components of psychological orientation towards politics political efficacy: belief towards politics posp consists of three significant components in predicting engagement towards politics. these three components are pe, pi and pk (burns et al., 2001). pe is originated from the basic theory of selfefficacy developed by albert bandura (1977). in psychological definition, self-efficacy (se) refers to a belief that a person is able to complete specific task due to internal capacity that one has. in numerous educational psychological studies, selfefficacy is empirically shown as variable that drives human achievement with the establishment of expectation (bandura, 1993; zimmerman, 2000). expectation is seen as a variable that drives people to set standards in order to achieve their goals. in psychological poiny of view, human efficacy is categorized into two primary dimensions: (1) general self-efficacy and (2) social self-efficacy (bandura, 1977; bandura, 1993). general self efficacy (gse) is known as a cognitive belief concerning the perception of own capability to perform in a specific task; whereas gse is focusing on internal factor, social self-efficacy (sse) is focusing on external factors that affect one’s capability. both of these dimensions are correlated with each other due to its function as aggregated variables. high level of sse and gse indicates high level of self-efficacy, which means that one has a belief on its own capacity and positive point of view towards the environment. for over 30 years ago, albert bandura (1977), a well established psychologist has defined se as one of the psychological variables that emerged due to specific task or issue. this argument is addressing that one can have high self efficacy due to his or her interest on any specific issue. in political context, the issue is related to real political condition occured in one country from political parties, issues, political leaders and others. in political study, se is considered as a variable that is able to predict political participation in democratic country, also known as political efficacy (pe, burns et al., 2001). by empirical definition, pe is a belief that politics is a tool for change (burns et al., 2001; kenski & stroud, 2006; karp & banducci, 2008; sulitzeanu-kenan & halperin, 2012). high level of pe indicates people who trust that politics will bring significant change for society. pe is represented with two primary dimensions, (1) internal and (2) external. internal pe represents individual belief of its own capability to influence politics, whereas external represents individual belief towards related external factors such as political institutions, condition, actors and parties. internal pe is similar with gse and external pe is similar with sse. jurnal studi pemerintahan 493 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 494 both of these dimensions are positively associated where external efficacy is considered as facilitating variable in determining internal efficacy (craig & maggiotto, 1982). high level of internal and external pe will lead to the quality of person as changemaker (zaheer, 2016). trait as changemaker is needed in order to avoid oppression, discrimination and also supporting justice among citizens and government. by applying the general principle of se and pe, author constructed pe scale in indonesian context as a part of posp scale. in the process of developing the items, author also considered several political issues and terms that existed in indonesia, such as the type of indonesia’s election, political institution, political party, politicians, political terms, state law and also the structure of indonesian government. these elements are significantly important for se scale as an attempt to construct effective stimulus (items) to drive the evaluation based on participant’s efficacy towards politics. table 1 shows the example of items represent pe. all of these items were assessed through summated rating scale or usually known as likert scale, consists of six points scale range. all of the items are constructed through indonesian language. table 1 shows several items that represent internal and external pe in indonesia and english language. table 1. example of posp items measuring internal and external political efficacy (pe political interest: emotion towards politics in psychological definition, interest is considered as human emotion that drives human motivation in a specific task or activity. interest is also known as knowledge emotion due to its function to guide behavior until one achieves the goal through several process or activities (silvia, 2008). as emotion, interest is playing as subjective variable in human cognition. the term subjective means a person can have high degree of interest on one object, whereas the others are not. like other emotions, interest also emerged due to emotional object (ekman, 1992; russell, 2003). the function of interest to drive specific human behavior will occur if one is attached with specific emotional object. the role of interest will not only guide common behavior (safe), but it also drives people for an extreme behavior (unsafe). for example, bungee jumping in rational point of view is considered as extremely dangerous sport; however some people are enjoying this sport and make it as their hobby. in empirical point of view, interest as subjective evaluation towards emotional object can overcome rational and finally drive people to conduct specific behavior. in politics, interest is playing a significant role, especially for democratic country. high level of political interest (pi) in public will accelerate a country to have a healthy democracy. it is a key for survival and development of democracy (russo & stattin, 2017). according to prior (2010), high degree of pi will positively correlate with high political participation, a behavior to directly contribute in many political actions, such as voting, protest and joining political party. in addition, political participation is massively important variable due to its positive correlation with life satisfaction in democratic country (flavin & keane, 2012). burns et al.(2001) also consider political interest as a part of psychological orientation towards politics. based on this framework, author finally decided to construct items to assess political interest. different with pe, pi is constructed without sub-dimensions. several items were developed to assess the attachment of participants towards various political issues that occurred in indonesia. similar with pe, pi items also constructed with summated rating scale which has six (6) point scale range. table 2 is an example of items in indonesia and english version. jurnal studi pemerintahan 495 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 496 the basic principle of democracy is the authority which is hold by the people and for the people (weber, 2010). by this principle, democracy will be fully functioning if the people are critical and willing to participate in the process of influencing the government. in a democratic country, people as the highest authority have a big responsibility to control government by election, political parties, parliament and other activities related to influencing policies such as demonstration. political knowledge (pk) in society is crucial in order to create a robust democracy. johann (2012) has found the importance of specific political knowledge in germany as a democratic country. knowledge regarding political actors is important for voters in election, although knowledge on rules of the game is essential for any other types of participation. however, both of them are crucially significant in raising citizen’s participation. based on psychological point of view, knowledge refers to a characteristic of a person that influence one’s behavioral potential (hunt, 2003). however, another point of view sees knowledge as beliefs which are true and justified. knowledge as one of psychological variable will function as a guidance to determine human behavior (fiske & taylor, 2008). in an operational definition, knowledge must be assessed with true and false principle which means the measurement of knowledge needs to be conducted by test (cohen & swerdlik, 2010). based on psychological framework on knowledge, the existence of pk is a significant variable to determine how society manages their country. high level of pk will drive people to deliver critics for the government if they have done something wrong in governance process. moreover, if society is critical to determine the nation’s fate, they will use election process to punish former government if they created any unappropriate policies. various studies have shown that pk is positively correlated with political participation, the main behavioral requirement in democratic country (carpini & keeter, 1993; galston, 2001; lasorsa, 2009) . political knowledge as the cognitive element will evoke through specific human emotion namely interest. besides, in political setting, this emotional label is also known as pi. the emergence of interest will lead the people to conduct specific behavior called learning on specific issues (politics). on the other hand, learning is an activity where people gather and collect information and process it into knowledge (fiske & taylor, 2008). by this defintion, burns et al. (2001) also define pk as a part of psychological orientation towards politics. in this study, author translated pk framework into true and false principles in item development process. forced choice item was selected as the stimulus to assess pk. in psychometric principle, forced choice is the type of items where participants are forced to choose one true answer from two options (true or false) in order to response the item (crocker & algina, 1986; cohen & swerdlik, 2009). table 3 shows the example of posp items measuring pk. jurnal studi pemerintahan 497 method participants and data collection process in this study, author collected the data by using digital platform. the platform was distributed through various social mediums such as facebook, twitter and whatsapp. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 498 item pool development the attempt to construct posp scale for indonesian context first started with item pool development process. based on the item specification with burns’ framework, author wrote 68 items in total. pi is represented with 21 items with six-point scale range; pe with two sub-dimensions inside it was represented with 15 items also with six-point scale range and pk was being represented with 31 items which measured optimal performance on political knowledge. however, pk dimension was quite different from the others. due to its function to measure political knowledge as ability, pk was constructed with ability test construction principle which consists of item difficulty and discrimination (cohen & swerdlik, 2009). before validating the items by using psychometric methods, author with the help of his assistant proofread all the items from various points of view, including the typo, sentence length and the suitability between dimension and the items. item analysis: selecting the best items after the process of item pool development, author began the next process by analyzing the best items. item total correlation was conducted to examine the contribution of each item by using correlation analysis for pi and pe dimensions (cohen & swerdlik, 2009). judgment of excluding any items from the item pool was conducted based on cronbach alpha coefficient (ca). ca is psychometric method to assess internal reliability in psychological instrument. the higher ca score indicates good internal reliability (tavakol & dennick, 2011). for pk dimension, author examined the items by using item difficulty and item discrimination analysis. item difficulty is psychometric analysis to assess the difficulty level among items in psychological instrument, whereas item discrimination is used to examine the capacity of items in differentiating the trait or ability (cohen & swerdlik, 2009). conducting item difficulty analysis is crucial to explore the items with high or low difficulty level. in ability test, the exact proportion of low and high difficulty level is important to properly examine the degree of participant’s ability. jurnal studi pemerintahan 499 thus, item discrimination is used to test the ability of each item in differentiating participant with high and low political knowledge. as for the ability test, pk dimension needs to be assessed with these two methods to achieve its optimal function. confirmatory factor analysis: testing the theoretical model as an attempt to identify the best items represented in each dimension, author applied factor analysis as its validity measurement. factor analysis is a psychometric method to assess the congruity between constructed theoretical model and collected data by using goodness of fit statistic (kline, 2011). factor analysis can identify the best items which have the highest and lowest contribution toward the model based on factor loading. in definition, factor loading is a statistical score that represents the degree of contribution in each item towards dimension. in this study, the cutoff score used by author to consider eliminating the items is following on leung, wong, chan and lam (2013). factor loading score below (<) 0, 4 will be considered for elimination. however, factor loading is not the only guidance to eliminate the items. author is also considering item specification, advice from colleagues and experts and also, test specification. after the elimination, the validity measurement will be replaced again without eliminated items. this process is conducted to identify the combination of the items that is best to represent our theoretical model. in this study, cfa is not only used as a measurement tool to find best items but it is also used to assess and identify whether our model is good enough to apply in indonesian context. in order to achieve that, four types of goodness of fit statistic (gfs) were applied to examine posp model. those 2 gfs methods are chi-square (χ ), root mean square error of approximation (rmsea), standardized root mean square residual (srmr) and comparative fit index (cfi). chi-square is referring to a method that assesses the appropriateness of theoretical model with our collected sample (hooper, coughlan & mullen, 2008). chi-square test is commonly considered as badness of fit test due to its function in examining how bad our model complies with our sample. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 500 it will identify if a model is reputed fit based on insignificant p-value (>.05 or >.01) founded on selected confidence interval or alpha level. similar with chi-square test, rmsea is also measuring the appropriateness of theoretical model with collected sample (kline, 2011). the closest rmsea score to null (0) is showing that our model is fit enough. if chi square and rmsea are focusing to test the quality of a model, srmr is focusing on the degree of error in a model. the closest srmr to null (0), it means the model contains tiny level of error. the last is cfi which refers to goodness of fit statistic for comparing theoretical model and null model. null model refers to hypothetical statement where there is no significant correlation between factors and the items. srmr score is ranging between 0 and 1, where score closest to 1 indicates fit theoretical model (kline, 2011). correlation between models the process of cfa and item elimination will produce more than one theoretical model. in this process, author must decide the best theoretical model to be applied in indonesian context. with guided by cfa and item elimination, the difference between models is located on the length of test items. in order to examine the validity of the produced models, correlation between models is conducted up to dimension level (pi, pk and pe). different models based on test length represent different measurement tool. as an attempt to examine the validity between final model and the existing model, statistical correlation is conducted. in psychometric point of view, this method is also known as multi-trait multi-method matrix (mtmmm; crocker & algina, 1986; cohen & swerdlik, 2009). mtmmm is an attempt to identify the relation between different variables with different measurement methods. to achieve the result, author applied pearson correlation (pc) test to identify the statistical correlation between the three dimensions to gain the significant or insignificant result (field, miles & field, 2012). pc is also aplicable to identify whether the relation between dimensions is due to empirical pattern or just happened by coincidence with the role of significance and confidence interval. result and analysis participants demographic in total, 295 participants are involved in this study. all of them are college students from various universities in indonesia. with the aim to describe its characteristics, author used three variables for demographic explanation: age, sex and faculties. besides age and sex, examining faculty is crucial to look whether the sample is originated from political or non political science. this action is taken due to primary variable in this paper which is strongly related to politics. participants who originated from political science faculty tend to be more aware of posp than non-political science and finally could bring bias in research result. description of three variables is also significant due to its function to draw inferences about collected data. table 4 shows the demographic characteristic of participants who involved in current study. most participants (students) who are involved in this study are young people who are taking undergraduate degree from various indonesian universities. description of participants’ characteristics is crucial in social science study to declare a limitation on how to interpret the research result. jurnal studi pemerintahan 501 table 4 demographic characteristic of participants variables descriptive statistic age (mean) 21,43 sex (%) male 31,6 female 68,4 faculty/ subject (%) social & political sciences (sps) 12,5 non-sps 87,5 posp test specification test specification is needed to clearly examine the appropriateness between psychological construct, dimensions, indicators and items (cohen & swerdlik, 2009). in this study, author constructed test specification as an attempt to theoretically evaluate the quality of developed items before data collection process is being conducted. the test specification also included theoretical definition and operational definition as guidance in constructing test items activity. table 5 shows the test specification for posp scale in three dimensions; pe, pi and pk. in the three dimensions, only pe has two sub-dimensions. indicators in table 4 are constructed as guidance for item writing and development. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 november 2018 502 item analysis based on psychometric theory, there is no standard guidance for how many items represent proper quality of measurement tool. however, too many items will affect variance score to be distended (crocker & algina, 1986). to avoid this statistical error, author decided to select the best items to represent each dimension; 10 items for pi, 11 items for pe and 11 items for pk. the decision to revise the item length is made to avoid variance error due to too many items (crocker & algina, 1986; cohen & swerdlik, 2009). items which dropped based on psychometric calculation are stored in item pool bank and it is not totally eliminated. the decision to drop the items in pi and pe dimensions is conducted through inter item correlation, which was focusing on correlation between item score and dimension (r) and also cronbach alpha analysis. different with pi and pe, pk as an ability test is analyzed with d-index (d) and item difficulty (p). the decision to drop the items is based on how items can differentiate participants with high and low political knowledge. item difficulty is also considered to re-arrange the items in posp-s. items with low difficulty are placed in the first, whereas items with high difficulty are placed in the end. table 4 shows the result of item analysis for selected items in the three dimensions. jurnal studi pemerintahan 503 confirmatory factor analysis as an attempt to identify the robustness of posp theoretical model, cfa is applied to examine the model. lisrel 8.0 is used as the software to assess the goodness of fit of the model. in this study, cfa is applied in two steps. first step is related with examination of factor loadings in each item by using model 1. in this phase, author reviewed items with factor loadings beyond standard score (<0, 4) are eliminated. elimination after cfa examination is conducted to achieve better result of goodness of fit statistic (chi-square; rmsea; srmr). after the elimination process is conducted, author used cfa to examine the second theoretical model (model 2) again. table 5 shows the result for factor loadings in model 1 (31 items) and model 2 (21 items). in specific, factor loadings in table 5 represent standardized score factor loadings in lisrel that describes the contribution score of items toward each dimension for model 1 and model 2. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 504 cfa analysis with lisrel finally found 21 items that best suited with posp theoretical model. these are the items that have highest factor loadings from the examination with model 1. for the goodness of fit of these two models, lisrel also calculates the gfs by various calculations. in this study, author only focuses on four gfs that best represented the quality of posp theoretical model. gfs examination for model 1 and model 2 indicates model fit for model 1 and model 2. however, after the items’ elimination by considering factor loadings in each item, model 2 provides better model fit than model 1. psychometric evidence for these two models is represented in table 6. the significant difference is located in rmsea score for the two models which indicates the approximation of error contained in the theoretical model (kline, 2011). rmsea score is located under 0,7 indicates the theoretical model is due to empirical pattern not just occured by coincidence. table 6 goodness of fit statistics for model 1 and model 2 posp-s χ2 df rmsea srmr cfi model 1 915,58 431 .071 .066 .96 model 2 429,92 227 .057 .051 .98 based on two psychometric method, item analysis and factor analysis, author finally decided to choose 21 items for the final version (model 2). these 21 items are the items which have the biggest statistical contribution toward three dimensions (pe, pi and pk) that could be seen in table 5. the decision to choose 21 items is also supported by gfs result in table 6. in comparison, model 2 has lower rmsea (.057) than model 1 (.071) which indicates minimum error which contributes and affects the model. besides rmsea, gfs based on lisrel 8.8 was also calculating cfi which indicates the quality of our theoretical model (kline, 2011). cfi’s score near to 1 indicates fit quality of theoretical model. based on table 6, model 2 has the higher cfi score than model 2; however the difference is not significant. in conclusion, these two gfs calculation conclude that posp model with 21 items (model 2) is ready to apply for various social researches in indonesian context. multitrait multimethod matrix there are two models produced by cfa, model 1 consists of 31 items and model 2 consists of 21 items. for the final version, author decided to choose model 2 to apply in any research regarding political issues in indonesia. in order to support the validity of model 2 with shorter item version, mtmmm is applied to clearly examine the statistical relation between model 2 and the longest version, model 1. to identify the relation, pc is applied up to dimensional level. table 7 describes the result of mtmmm between models. basically, all the dimensions in both models are positively correlated with each other. in conclusion, both of the dimensional scores between model 1 and model 2 are significantly correlated with each other. this result also complies with posp theoretical framework where these three dimensions are simultaneously variables which play a role in political setting. jurnal studi pemerintahan 505 discussion democratic country is not only concerning on state’s system. one of the elements that needs to be considered is active participation in society. if we take a look in psychological point of view, participation is related to human behavior which emerged due to complex factors in mind, emotion and attitude (fiske & taylor, 2008). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 506 understanding psychological orientation (posp) in politics is the alternative to understand human behavior in political setting, especially in democratic country like indonesia. three primary variables represent psychological orientation towards politics are efficacy (pe), knowledge (pk) and interest (pi). many political scientists have stated that political knowledge plays an important role in explaining political attitude and behavior (galston, 2001; mondak & anderson, 2004). in this recent days where internet plays a significant role in producing various information and news, pe among citizens can function as barrier to filter many political information between hoax and reality. hoax can be defined as rumor, information that is not true according to reality. with high degree of political knowledge in citizens, it can prevent any information categorized as hoax becoming public opinion. if pk relies heavily on cognitive function in human, pi relies on emotional function. emotion is considered as marker of human behavior (russell, 2003). pi is powerful to predict many forms of political behavior, such as voting and public discussion (glenn & grimes, 1968; prior, 2010). in indonesian context, the interest of citizens in politics can emerged not only by education but also shared information in public, such as news. finally, the last dimension, pe refers to psychological condition that involves belief and cognitive process in human regarding political issues. high internal and external pe will lead to high degree of social mobilization, one of aspect in political participation (osborne, yogeeswaran & sibley, 2015). all of these studies have shown the importance of pe, pi and pk in shaping political environment, especially for democratic country with diverse background like indonesia. conclusion this study focused on developing posp scale for indonesian context. . factor analysis on the items has found several items that suitable to use in indonesian context based on theoretical model from burns et. al (2001). these three dimensions of posp can be used as the variable that addressed psychological motives inside human when they act in political environment. also, the three dimensions of psychological orientation towards politics can be divided and become an independent variable to explain political attitudes and behavior (participation). oftenly, many political scientist only consider state system as the primary environment that encourages people to act in political setting. however, system and people are two different issues, beneath at all, understanding people also crucial to shape better political environment, especially in a democratic country where people are the highest authority (weber, 2010; beerbohm, 2015). indonesia, as a country where the democratic environment is highly unpredictable by filed survey, these three dimensions are the alternative to understand grassroot condition. the nature of these three dimensions are consistently fix among others so that it cannot be change rapidly through campaign or opinion. references bandura, a. 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(2011). making sense of cronbach’s alpha. international journal of medical education, 2, 53-55. jurnal studi pemerintahan 509 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000029 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 zimmerman, b. j. (2000). self-efficacy: an essential motive to learn. contemporary educational psychology, 25, 82-91 510 487 488 introduction 489 490 491 492 three components of psychological orientation towards politics 494 495 496 497 method 498 499 500 result and analysis table 4 502 503 504 505 discussion 506 conclusion 507 508 509 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 166 of 182 collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming policy in yogyakarta city abstract gender mainstreaming becomes the global strategy used in realizing gender equality as one of the sustainable development goals that is envisioned to be accomplished by 2030. indonesia as a part of international community is fully committed to adopt gender mainstreaming in the national development plan for the last two decades. through the presidential decree no. 9 of 2000 the local government is mandated to mainstreaming gender in development program. yogyakarta city has progressively implemented gender mainstreaming policy in development indicated by its high percentage of gender development index (gdi) of 98.26% in 2017. as a matter of fact, yogyakarta was also awarded the anugerah parahita ekapraya (ape) by the ministry of women’s empowerment and child protection (mowecp) for its commitment towards gender equality and women empowerment. this research is an exemplary study to analyze the collaborative governance in the gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city. the method used in this research is qualitative method using primary data by conducting interview and secondary data such as books, articles, official documents, and journals. the authors use the collaborative governance concept by ansell and gash, as well as the twin-track gender mainstreaming model by moser as the theoretical frameworks. the authors signify that the government of yogyakarta city has carried out a collaboration with the other stakeholders such as civil societies and private sectors in the gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta in a limited manner. keywords: gender mainstreaming, collaborative governance, yogyakarta abstrak pengarusutamaan gender menjadi strategi global yang digunakan dalam mewujudkan kesetaraan gender sebagai salah satu tujuan pembangunan berkelanjutan yang diharapkan akan tercapai di tahun 2030. indonesia sebagai bagian dari komunitas internasional berkomitmen penuh untuk mengadopsi pengarusutamaan gender dalam rencana pembangunan nasional selama dua dekade terakhir. melalui keputusan presiden no. 9 tahun 2000, pemerintah daerah diberi kewenangan untuk mengarusutamakan gender dalam program pembangunan. kota yogyakarta telah secara progresif mengimplementasikan kebijakan pengarusutamaan gender dalam pembangunan yang ditunjukkan oleh tingginya persentase indeks pembangunan gender (gdi) sebesar 98,26% pada tahun 2017. faktanya, yogyakarta juga dianugerahi anugerah parahita ekapraya (ape) oleh kementerian perempuan pemberdayaan dan perlindungan anak (mowecp) untuk komitmennya terhadap kesetaraan gender dan pemberdayaan perempuan. penelitian ini merupakan studi teladan untuk menganalisis tata kelola kolaboratif dalam strategi pengarusutamaan gender di kota yogyakarta. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan data primer dengan melakukan wawancara dan data sekunder seperti buku, artikel, dokumen resmi, dan jurnal. para penulis menggunakan konsep tata kelola kolaboratif oleh ansell dan gash, serta model pengarusutamaan gender jalur ganda oleh moser sebagai kerangka teoretis. para penulis menandakan bahwa pemerintah kota yogyakarta telah melakukan kolaborasi dengan para pemangku kepentingan lainnya seperti masyarakat sipil dan sektor swasta dalam strategi pengarusutamaan gender di yogyakarta secara terbatas. muhammad ammar hidayahtulloh1 email: mrafazan@gmail.com asean studies center universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta indonesia amalia nurul hutami2 universitas gadjah mada indonesia history received : june 17th, 2019 revised : june 26th , 2019 accepted : july 22th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: hidayatulloh, m.a & amalia n. h. 2019. collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming policy in yogyakarta city. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(2). 166-182 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:mrafazan@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 167 of 182 introduction society has long created distinctions on the role of men and women either at home or in public based on the constructed gender. women are often regarded as submissive, passive, and less rational compared to men who are more powerful, active and rational. this kind of distinctions has created discrepancy and inequality between both. it restricts one’s right and affects their life experiences including the less access to opportunities in education, economic participation, and political representation (united nations, 2002). most of the decision-makers on public policies are men as the dominant group whose interests are covered in the policies they made. meanwhile, women are not wellrepresented as they hold minor positions in decision-making (o’hagan, et al., 2015). gender inequality has been one of concerning global issues to be addressed today. various approaches and strategies have been done to achieve gender equality. in 1979, the international community ratified convention on elimination of discrimination against women (cedaw), an international treaty on human rights designed to protect the women rights and enforce gender equality for both men and women. currently, the united nations also takes a role in reducing gender inequality by setting gender equality as one of its goals within the united nations sustainable development agenda, envisioned to be accomplished by 2030. through the approaches, the gender mainstreaming has gained a global currency as a strategy to reduce gender inequality. this approach cannot only be carried out by a single actor, but rather it necessitates a collaboration of wide-range stakeholders. gender mainstreaming strategy has been adopted by the international community at the national level, including indonesia. indonesia specifically regulates and states about gender mainstreaming strategy on the presidential decree no.9 of 2000 which mandates the local government to mainstreaming gender in development program. this decree has been a milestone for indonesia to actively participate on gender equality enforcement. by that, the government of indonesia encourages the local authorities to implement gender mainstreaming policy in order to improve the gender equality. yogyakarta city is among hundreds of cities in indonesia that is awarded for its commitment to promote gender equality by the ministry of women empowerment and children protection (mowecp) twice. the government of yogyakarta city has adopted the mayor regulation of yogyakarta municipality no 53 of 2018 concerning the implementation of gender mainstreaming in yogyakarta city in order to ensure that gender equality is being mainstreamed in every sector. the implementation of gender mainstreaming policy in yogyakarta seems to be well-implemented only in particular focal point which is the department of community and women’s empowerment and children protection (dpmppa) of yogyakarta city. dpmppa initiates a wide range of programs and projects to empower women as well as to promote gender equality. one of the notable initiatives of dpmppa to empower women and promote gender equality is “gender corner” which enables both men and women to engage in one occasion and participate in realizing gender equality (widiyanto, 2015). however, it is important to bear in mind the collaboration of wide-range stakeholders needed to carry out gender mainstreaming policy. therefore, this article aims to examine the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming policy in yogyakarta city, particularly in its gender corner program. this article is divided into six sections. in the first section, this article presents general information about gender inequality as the global issue which requires the participation and commitment of any country in the world--including indonesia, specifically yogyakarta city in contributing to gender equality promotion. in the following section, this article provides a literature review as references to the authors through the previous research and findings related to the current issue. the third section elaborates the theoretical frameworks used in the research. the authors use twin-track model of gender mainstreaming by moser to analyze the strategy of the government, and collaborative governance concept by ansel & gash for answering the key question of this article which put an emphasis on the actors involved in the gender mainstreaming strategy, and the nature of their relations. the research methodology is explained in the fourth section. the fifth section discusses the yogyakarta city in general, the gender and women’s issues in the city, the strategies made by the government in responding to the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 168 of 182 issues, as well as the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy. the last section is a conclusion which summarizes the entire research and presents recommendations as the inputs to the decision-makers in advancing the collaborative governance for gender mainstreaming policies. theoretical framework there have been many researches carried out as an attempt to examine and understand the gender mainstreaming. despite its contestable theoretical concept, gender mainstreaming as a strategy to realize the goals of global gender equality and empowerment has been widely accepted and adopted by many countries worldwide to address women’s and gender issues, particularly after the beijing declaration and plan for action (bpfa) was adopted by the international community in 1995 (moser, 2017). the concept of gender mainstreaming, although it is defined by many, is still leaving a contestation among theorists and practitioners (moser, 2014). yet, the main trend of gender mainstreaming conceived by policy makers that it is an approach seeking to institutionalize equality by embedding gender-sensitive practices and norms in the structures, processes, and environment of public policy (daly, 2005), the no “one-size fits all” gender mainstreaming strategies leads to the creation of multiple-track of gender mainstreaming approach (un women, 2014). the moser framework, or also termed the twin-track model is known by many gender policy makers as one of useful models in suggesting a framework to integrate gender into every policy area (moser, 2005). twin-track model of gender mainstreaming visualized by moser is illustrated in figure 1. fig. 1 twin-track model of gender mainstreaming strategy source: moser. (2005). an introduction to gender audit methodology: its design and implementation in dfid malawi according to the moser framework, there are two important components in gender mainstreaming strategy. the first component is gender-integrated approach, the integration of women’s and men’s concerns throughout the development process in all policies and projects which refers to fulfill the strategic gender needs. the other component is the gender-targeted approach, the specific activities which has an initial objective to empowering women which aims to address specific practical gender needs (moser, 2014; un women, 2014). the different reality of gender inequality in every corner of the world should not become a challenge to develop a strategy to make gender equality real. using this framework requires the identification of priority gender issues, beneficiary groups and change agents, issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 169 of 182 as well as the setting and allocation of optimal programs’ combination and adequate resources. therefore, this multiple-track approach offered by moser is perceived as a better strategy for attaining gender equality than the previous approaches through accomplishing a gradual, sustained societal change at all levels, from central and local governments and the private sector to civil society organizations and communities (un women, 2014). the scholarship on gender mainstreaming, particularly to evaluate its implementation at all levels have been undertaken for theoretical and practical purposes. at global level, hafner-burton & pollack (2002), emphasized that the mainstreaming of gender in the early years of the adoption of bpfa has been endorsed and adopted by almost every important international organizations (ios) such as world bank and the united nations development programme (undp). to the smaller level, the literature on gender mainstreaming at regional level can be found predominantly in the european union (eu) as it was the principal advocate of gender mainstreaming during the 4th united nations world conference on women in beijing in 1995 (o'connor, 2014). by highlighting issues across europe, the gender mainstreaming is regarded as the only effective strategy in addressing gender inequalities in the eu as long as its implementation is carried out in transformative way (hubert & stratigaki, 2016). in the other part of the world, gender mainstreaming is also progressing in southeast asia through the association of southeast asian nations (asean). the institutionalization of gender issue and adoption of extensive gender mainstreaming policies have been in place in asean although it still faces various challenges in fully undertaking the agenda (alami, 2018). the asean’s commitment in advancing gender equality since 2006 has increased the gender equality significantly in all asean member states and at all pillars of asean community (hidayahtulloh, 2018). the study on gender mainstreaming is also performed at national and local levels, indicating the success of global gender equality entrepreneurs in promoting the norm even into the grassroots level. nugroho, the director of the institute for policy and administrative reform in indonesia published a book entitled gender dan strategi pengarus-utamaannya di indonesia in 2008. he was involved in the undp project on gender mainstreaming in collaboration with the ministry of women empowerment and children protection (mowecp) in indonesia. this book provides a comprehensive explanation on conceptual framework of gender and its reality in indonesia, and more importantly offers the technical strategies in implementing the mainstreaming policy in indonesia at local –regency and province, and national levels. yogyakarta city is among all cities and provinces in indonesia that is the most progressive in gender equality through implementing gender mainstreaming policy. currently, this city re-awarded the anugerah parahita ekapraya (ape) by mowecp, a prestigious award for its commitment in promoting gender equality and children protection. therefore, the research on gender mainstreaming implementation in yogyakarta city is interesting to carry out by the authors, noting that the existing literatures are still far from sufficient in contribution to the policy recommendations. the authors have looked for the previous researches undertook to examine the implementation of gender mainstreaming in yogyakarta city. the thesis research carried out by mirni (2016) which focuses on the implementation of gender mainstreaming strategy in the special region of yogyakarta province. the research revealed that in the special region of yogyakarta province, the gender mainstreaming strategy is implemented by integrating gender in each process of planning, budgeting, implementation, and monitoring and evaluation. nevertheless, the obstacles are inevitable in its implementation. this study gives the authors a justification for undertaking a further research in this issue area in a critical way. as the authors believe that gender mainstreaming strategy is expected to realize gender equality by transforming the society at all levels from government and private sector to the community; hence examining the governance of gender mainstreaming strategy can significantly contribute to the better implementation of this policy. the authors realize that the gender mainstreaming should not be an exclusive measure that can only be shouldered by the government alone, but rather it needs collaborative governance between the government, private sector, and civil society. the concept of collaborative governance is widely introduced replacing the old model of governance by bringing multiple stakeholders in the decision-making forum to reach a consensus-oriented policy. the authors use the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 170 of 182 concept of collaborative governance defined by ansell and gash (2008). collaborative governance is a governing arrangement where one or more public agencies directly engage non-state stakeholders in a collective decision-making process that is formal, consensus-oriented, and deliberative and that aims to make or implement public policy or manage public programs or assets (ansell & gash, 2008). there are six important criteria stressed in this definition, as follows: the forum is initiated by public agencies or institutions, participants in the forum include non-state actors, participants engage directly in decision making and are not merely “consulted” by public agencies, the forum is formally organized and meets collectively, the forum aims to make decisions by consensus (even if consensus is not achieved in practice), and the focus of the collaboration is on public policy or public management. ansell & gash (2008) emphasized that their definition of collaborative governance distinct it with the other alternative types of governance which are adversarial and managerial policy making that is a winner-take-all and unilateral pattern of decision-making, respectively. therefore, the authors attempt to examine the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city, which is the capital of the special region of yogyakarta province by using the collaborative governance concept as a tool of theoretical analysis and the twin-track model of gender mainstreaming to support our explanation. in analyzing the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy carried out by the government of yogyakarta city, the gender corner program will be primarily discussed in this article. the authors combine the moser’s twin-track model to define the strategy of gender mainstreaming implemented by dpmppa and the collaborative governance concept of ansell and gash to analyze whether or not the yogyakarta municipality is implementing collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming policy. by taking into consideration of its gender corner program, therefore, the novelty of this research should be underscored. research methodology this theoretical research is a qualitative study. the authors analyze the data and information from both primary and secondary sources. the primary data is obtained by conducting field observation and interview with reliable informant. the field observation is conducted by observing the execution of gender corner program that is held during the period of research. the authors also collected information from three reliable informants, namely ms. bebasari sitarini, head of department of communities and women empowerment, and children protection (dpmppa); a gender expert, dr. nur azizah; and a visitor of gender corner program. meanwhile, the secondary data is obtained by addressing relevant literature through library research. in order to obtain the primary data, the authors directly observe the secretariat and activities of the dpmppa as the focal point of gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city. in addition, the authors also conduct the interview with some informants representing this institution in yogyakarta city. the secondary data is gathered through accountable and reliable existing literatures in gender mainstreaming studies. the books, journals, reports, government policy and law, as well as documents from website documented by authors in this article are referred to in the bibliography. the validity of data in this study also becomes the concern of the authors. result and discussion an overview of yogyakarta city: gender analysis yogyakarta city is the capital of special region of yogyakarta province, which remains as the only province in indonesia that uses the sultanate system -a system with special autonomy governed by a sultan. geographically, this city is situated on the center of yogyakarta province bordered by bantul district on the south and sleman district on the north, east and west. yogyakarta is the smallest city in the province with an area of 32,50 km2 equal to 1.02% of the province’s area (pemerintah kota yogyakarta, 2017). this city is well-known as the city of education because this city has a conducive academic environment whereby many educational institutions from primary to tertiary level equipped issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 171 of 182 by national and international standards can easily be found in every corner of the city. this article informs the progress of human and gender development by providing the overview of the city covering its demographic and gender equality situation. demographically, as of 2013, this city’s population is around 402,709 people consisting of more female population (51.33%) than its male population (48.67%) based on the census conducted by the central statistics agency of special region of yogyakarta province. in compare with the other four regencies in this province, yogyakarta city has the least number of populations that only made of 11.2% of the total population (rahayu, alfirdaus, & edi, 2016). in order to see the progress of human development in yogyakarta city, the human development index (hdi) of yogyakarta city is provided in table 1. the table indicates the increase of hdi of yogyakarta from 85.49 in 2017 to 86.11 in 2018. table 1. human development index (hdi) of yogyakarta city (2017-2018) life expectancy at birth expected years of schooling mean years of schooling appropriated expenditure per capita (idr) human development index (hdi) 2017 2018 2017 2018 2017 2018 2017 2018 2017 2018 74.74 74.82 16.82 17.05 11.43 11.44 18,005 18,629 85.49 86.11 source: bps provinsi d.i. yogyakarta (2019) the hdi of yogyakarta city is accounted as the highest among other cities/regencies in this province and also the highest in the country. in regard to the gender equality situation, along with its high hdi, this city is also in the top 10 cities in indonesia with the highest gender development index (gdi) in 2017 (see figure 2) (kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak, 2018). even though the gdi trend experienced downward trend from 98.78 in 2015 to 98.26 in 2017 in yogyakarta city which indicated the slower progress of women development than the development of men, this gdi remains above the average of provincial gdi and national gdi in 2017 which was 94.39 and 90.96 respectively. fig 2. top 10 cities in indonesia with the highest gdi, male hdi, and female hdi 2017 source: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak (2018) the gdi number of yogyakarta city is generated from the fact of gender equality situation in several sectors; economy, education, and health of both men and women in 2017 (see table 2). the life expectancy at birth of women is higher than men which are 76.24 years and 72.45 years respectively. in 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 male hdi female hdi gdi issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 172 of 182 the similar manner, although it is the rare situation in the country at large, the appropriated expenditure per capita of women in yogyakarta is higher than men. in education field, both men and women seem to enjoy the equal access to education as it is reflected by a minimum gap between the men’s and women’s expected years of schooling and the average years of schooling. table 2. gender development index (gdi) of yogyakarta city and its components in 2017 life expectancy at birth expected years of schooling mean years of schooling appropriated expenditure per capita (idr) human development index (hdi) gdi m f m f m f m f m f 72.45 76.24 16.84 16.79 11.78 10.91 17,997 18,282 86.21 84.71 98.26 source: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak (2018) in addition to the gdi, the gender empowerment measures (gem) is also used to measure the gender empowerment which covers three indicators, namely the proportion of sears held by women in the parliaments; percentage of women in economic decision-making positions which includes administrative, managerial, professional, and technical occupations; and female share of income. by that, the economic and political participation of women are taken into account in the measurement. the gem of yogyakarta and other cities/regencies in the province in 2017 can be seen in table 3. from the table below, it can be seen that yogyakarta is situated in the second place in term of gem after sleman regency. although in general, the gender empowerment in yogyakarta surpasses the average of national gem which is 71.74, the gender empowerment still needs to be improved. table 3. gem of city/regency in special region of yogyakarta province in 2017 city/regency women’s representation in parliament (%) proportion of women in economic decisionmaking position (%) female share of income (%) gender empowerment measure (gem) kulon progo 17.50 54.83 44.78 68.42 bantul 6.67 45.76 38.17 61.99 gunung kidul 15.56 42.59 39.60 68.70 sleman 26.00 44.31 38.43 79.51 kota yogyakarta 22.50 48.75 43.95 78.94 source: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak, (2018) given those data and facts, the research conducted by the gender studies center of universitas islam indonesia in collaboration with the dpmppa has noted that the progress of gender equality in this city is inseparable with its social condition (rahayu, alfirdaus, & edi, 2016). regardless of being deeply rooted in javanese culture which is somehow identical with the patriarchal culture, yogyakarta city shows a quite different social characteristic that is important to be highlighted. the study found that the advancement of gender equality in yogyakarta city is influenced by several factors. firstly, sultan hamengkubuwono x, the current sultan is really supportive and opened for the advancement of women’s education and career that enables more women to fully participate in development. secondly, even though the society is strongly bonding with the javanese culture, they are sociologically an urban community as they are not dependent with the agricultural sector nor the high-scaled industrial sector; but rather in tourism and creative industry. given its urban characteristic, the population in this city is issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 173 of 182 very heterogeneous and diverse. in addition, the low poverty rate in this city also contributes to the attainment of gender equality. nonetheless, it is not sufficed to conclude that the gender and women’s issues in this city are non-existent which will be discussed in the following part. gender issues in yogyakarta city the traditional gender construction within the society makes the unequal distribution of power between men and women. women are dependent on men at large and hence men feel superior over the women. in that manner, although yogyakarta city has a high percentage of gender development index (gdi) of 98,26% in 2017, the old-fashioned construction of gender is still preserved by some of the communities which always positioned women lower than men in society that ultimately results the inequality of gender. the awareness and insights of both men and women on gender equality is still quite low. many of the women are not aware that they are supposed to have equal rights and opportunities to the men. they still believe on the social construct on gender that women must do the domestic affairs such as cook in the kitchen, not to make more money than men do, and believe that pursuing higher education is not a priority. otherwise, it also happens to men as they admit the gender construct. also, the involvement of men in gender equality promotion is still low as the gender equality promotion still focus on women and forgetting the prominent role of the men. therefore, it is undeniable that discrimination and violence against women and children, child marriage, women’s underrepresentation, as well as the lack of men and women awareness on gender equality are parts of our reality. in this sense, the authors mention –not in the subsequence of criticalness, the various gender issues in yogyakarta city that need to be addressed promptly. first to be noted, the unequal opportunities to education between men and women from primary to tertiary education is among the main roots of gender issues as it restricts women in identifying their potentials and rights. despite the 9-year compulsory education program implemented has been implemented to give the equal access to education, but the barrier that placed on the society’s construction reduces women’s opportunity to enjoy the prevailing access to education (azizah, 2019). according to the department of population and civil registration (2018), the disparity of education level between men and women in yogyakarta city is not high. nevertheless, women still remains as the one who enjoyed less access and opportunities to education as among the total number of 57.773 people who do not go to school and 44.102 people who are not graduated from primary school, 29.171 and 22.462 of them are women respectively. in regard to the higher education (from undergraduate to postgraduate), the gap is not very significant yet women still occupies the smaller number than men. the lower education level of women than men impacted the women’s employment which is the other gender issue in yogyakarta. the level of education and expertise of a person are often required in job qualification and determine their position in economy. it is also identified that women are more likely to work in private sector and occupy a smaller proportion than men in almost every type of employment. regardless the fact that there are 1.257 women who work in health and medical sectors which is as twice as the men work in this sector, one-third of the total female population are staying at home and responsible to carry out the household chores. other than that, women also made up a very small proportion in military and police (dinas kependudukan dan pencatatan sipil, 2018). the fact that women are mostly working at private sector –principally at home, has disadvantaged the women, making them to be the most vulnerable group financially. the other gender issue in yogyakarta is child marriage. this issue is often to be linked with the religion and patriarchal tradition preserved by the people which concretely impacts girls and women. there are several factors which increase the rate of child marriage, among them are, the youth’s lacking of their awareness on the reproductive health issue, the stereotype of some people in the society which assume that women who get married at the mature age are considered as the spinster, the pride of parents to have the grandchildren which expects their daughter to get married immediately, and the poverty and financial problems that encourage the parents to demand their daughter to get married for reducing the family’s burden (nurohmah & kusumastuti, 2017). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 174 of 182 besides, the child marriage rate is also high as a result of the discriminatory marriage act in indonesia that permits women to marry at the age of 16 for women and 19 for men. according to the survey data conducted by the department of religion affairs in 2015, there were 147 cases of child marriage happened between 2010 and 2015. in 2015, the number of girls who get married underage is skyrocketing to 121.43% from 2014, and for boys is decreasing around 31.82% which equal to 7 people (kantor kementerian agama kota yogyakarta, 2015). the child marriage is implicitly reflecting the deprivation of power of women in determining their life. by that, women are unable to pursue the higher education, develop their potentials, enjoy their teenage time, and crucially more vulnerable to health issues which affects the rate of maternal mortality in this city. among the gender issues in yogyakarta, the domestic violence is still at the top priority issues. according to the head of women empowerment division in the department of community and women’s empowerment, and children protection (dpmppa) of yogyakarta city, the victims of domestic violence are not always women but may be husbands, children, housemaids, or anyone in one house. nonetheless, the highest numbers of domestic violence victims are housewives. according to dpmppa (2017), 94% of 585 cases of violence happened in 2015 and 93% of 533 cases in 2016 signified women as the dominant victims of violence both at home and in the workplace/school. the violence against women can be in the form of physical violence, psychological violence, sexual violence, women trafficking and exploitation, and abandonment. the occurrence of domestic violence is closely linked with the child marriage issue whereby the newly married couples are easily trapped in the marriage problem and ended up with the violence act against their couple (nurohmah & kusumastuti, 2017). the housewives tend to tolerate some level of domestic violence for economic support in return (bolis & hughes, 2015). men’s superiority in economy has given them power as they are able to use their economy superiority to control others’ behavior which mostly leads to commit domestic violence (hidrobo, peterman, & heise, 2016). those aforementioned gender issues that happen in yogyakarta city certainly require the measurable efforts to address it. as gender issue is prominently caused by the deeply rooted social construct, thus gender mainstreaming policy, a transformative way of changing society to reduce gender inequality is developed and implemented by the local government. the gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta is discussed in the following part. gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city gender mainstreaming strategy has actually been long implemented in yogyakarta city through innovative programs under the department of communities and women empowerment, and children protection (dpmppa) of yogyakarta city. this city was re-awarded anugerah parahita ekapraya (ape), a prestigious biannual award by mowecp for its commitment and active participation in promoting gender equality. dpmppa achievement on this award prompts them to initiate the adoption of mayor regulation of yogyakarta municipality no 53 of 2018 concerning the implementation of gender mainstreaming in yogyakarta city which was only adopted in september 2018. this policy adoption is a concrete commitment of yogyakarta municipality in persistently promoting gender equality in all policy areas. the policy has set the strategy to integrate gender into development through planning, drafting, implementation, budgeting, monitoring and evaluation towards development policies, programs, and activities in yogyakarta city. prior to the adoption of mayor regulation of yogyakarta municipality no 53 of 2018 concerning the implementation of gender mainstreaming in yogyakarta city, dpmppa had carried its programs by referring various legal bases regarding the gender mainstreaming strategy, such as: 1. presidential decree no. 9 of 2000 on gender mainstreaming (pug) in national development; 2. constitution no. 7 of 1984 on the ratification of cedaw; 3. constitution no. 39 of 1999 on human rights; 4. constitution no. 23 of 2004 on the elimination of domestic violence; issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 175 of 182 5. constitution no. 11 of 2005 on the ratification of international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights; 6. presidential decree no. 7 of 2005 on national medium‐term development plan (rpjmn) 2004-2009; 7. the decree of the minister of home affairs (kepmendagri) no. 132 of 2003 on the general guidelines of gender mainstreaming implementation in regional development. dpmppa as the one of the focal points in gender mainstreaming, puts its objective on strategic plan in line with the mission of yogyakarta city and mayor regulation of yogyakarta municipality no. 105 of 2017 that is to enhance the empowerment of communities and women, as well as the children protection. dpmppa carries out its mandates in structured organization with the head of the department at the highest position who functions to coordinate, integrate, and synchronize their missions horizontally and vertically either in society or in the department itself. head of department is in charge in supervising one secretariat, functional position groups and three divisions. gender mainstreaming and women protection are included in two different specific sub-divisions under the women empowerment division (sitarini, 2019). the head of women empowerment division conveys that under her supervision, gender mainstreaming strategy becomes the focus of gender mainstreaming sub-division. this division has organized innovative programs as the strategies in mainstreaming gender. as illustrated on the diagram provided in figure 3, in order to achieve gender equality as the main goal, by using moser’s framework, the authors analyze that the women empowerment division of dpmppa adopted two tracks of gender mainstreaming strategies. the first strategy is by integrating the concerns of both men and women in education, economy, and health. meanwhile, the other track of strategy is through the implementation of specific women empowerment programs or activities. in accordance with dpmppa effort in integrating men and women, the mayor of yogyakarta city has contributed to sustain gender mainstreaming strategies of dpmppa through the establishment of gender-responsive regulations which represent the needs and concerns of both men and women (see table 4): fig 3. twin-track model of gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city source: compiled by authors issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 176 of 182 table 4. gender responsive regulations in mayor regulation of yogyakarta city mayor regulations of yogyakarta municipality re: no. 70 of 2016 the reduction of poverty no. 60 of 2015 the synergy of information and telecommunication-based programs in the alleviation of poverty. no. 13 of 2009 the management of employment no. 11 of 2015 the guidelines for providing operational assistance for governmental secondary education units no. 47 of 2008 the implementation of inclusive educational environment no. 78 of 2015 the guidelines in providing educational insurance for the school dropouts no. 25 of 2017 the guidelines in providing assistance for arrears for students that have graduated from educational units no. 32 of 2014 the guidelines for providing operational assistance for private educational units in the yogyakarta city no. 69 of 2018 the implementation of regional health insurance no. 53 of 2015 the establishment of 24 hours of service in the community health center services (puskesmas) no. 20 of 2015 the amendment to mayor's regulation no 40 of 2008 about the establishment of emergency medical service system in yogyakarta city source: nurohmah & kusumajati, (2017) the mayor regulations provided in table 4 assure that men and women are entitled to the equal rights and opportunities in education, economy, and health. the regulations accommodate both concerns by providing assistance and insurance either in health or education for the communities in general. the provided operational assistances in education are not only addressed to the government’s educational institutions, but also to the private educational institutions. the establishment of 24-hours service on health center is also a form of local government’s support gender mainstreaming strategy as it advances population health. moreover, the mayor’s policies on the management of employment also aim to create sustainability in economy as well as to alleviate poverty. meanwhile, on the second track of gender mainstreaming strategy, dpmppa generates programs which specify women as the main target to empower. as shown in table 5, the programs are focused in giving women broader sights on their rights as well as socializing the constitution about the elimination of domestic violence in order for them to able to stand for their rights. regarding the economic issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 177 of 182 empowerment, dpmppa manages trainings on entrepreneurship for women to be economically productive as it encourages women to involve in creative industry and trains them to produce creative products either at home or in groups. table 5. women empowerment activities and programs activitiy/program performance target training on new enterprise group 5 groups training on new enterprise group ii and iii 18 groups workshop gsi 2 times pendampingan fpkk 2 times pendampingan gugus tugas ptppo 1 time drafting guidelines on women’s protection in disaster 1 document drafting guidelines of programs in responding to violence’s victims 1 document database of programs in responding to violence against women and children 1 document training on programs in responding to violence against women and children 2 times gender based programs in responding to domestic violence 50 cases monitoring and evaluation on the data of victims 50 cases socialization of the constitution about the elimination of domestic violence 1 time enhancement of service capacity 55 people drafting standard of procedure (sop) in case handling 2 sop source: sitarini, (2019) one of the innovative programs initiated by dpmppa in mainstreaming gender is called gender corner. gender corner is a program which becomes a media of communication, information, and consultation that is gender responsive to address gender issue by using the gandeng gendong (collaboration) approach with or between stakeholders by conducting public events in public area. this program is to support the gender-based development in yogyakarta by increasing the awareness of the people on the gender issues that happened in the city. the program was first launched by the head of department of community and women’s empowerment and children protection of yogyakarta city during the car free day in august 19, 2018 in the major arterial road, jalan jenderal soedirman. currently the program is conducted monthly in every third week. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 178 of 182 “gender corner program is very essential for realizing gender equality in yogyakarta city. with this program, eventually the society, especially the visitor of this program is aware that the government is currently providing a place for consultation regarding gender issues that they face (adhisa, 2019).” in the program execution, dpmppa collaborated with the other stakeholders such as municipal library, police office, public health department, small and medium enterprises, women’s organization, service center for women and children, and etc. in the short-term, the purpose of this program is to increase the facilitation for the public (men and women) to address the discrimination and violence against women and children, and thus improve their awareness on the gender issues, which eventually the ultimate goal of this program is to increase the harmonious cooperative relations among the local government agencies and stakeholders and mainstream gender within the institutions, as well as to expand the accessibility to education of gender equality and gender justice for society (sitarini b. , 2019). collaborative governance in gender corner program in this part, the authors attempt to examine the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city, specifically the gender mainstreaming program named gender corner. referring to the concept of collaborative governance defined by ansell and gash, there are six important criteria stressed in this definition, as follows: the forum is initiated by public agencies or institutions, participants in the forum include non-state actors, participants engage directly in decision making and are not merely “consulted” by public agencies, the forum is formally organized and meets collectively, the forum aims to make decisions by consensus (even if consensus is not achieved in practice), and the focus of the collaboration is on public policy or public management. each of criteria of collaborative governance will be examined in the gender corner program which is explained in table 6. in carrying out the gender corner program, there are wide-ranging several actors from public agencies and private sectors to civil society that cooperate to conduct the program (see table 7). table 6. collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming (gender corner program) no criteria analysis 1 forum is initiated by public agencies or institutions department of community and women’s empowerment, and children protection (dpmppa) of yogyakarta city is the initiator of the gender corner program 2 participants in the forum include non-state actors dpmppa creates the project team which includes the various local government agencies (i.e. department of education, department of public health, department of manpower and employment, department of social affairs, department of communications, etc.) and the other stakeholders (i.e. women’s organization, small and medium enterprises (smes), and research institutions).. 3 participants engage directly in decision making and are not merely “consulted” by public agencies prior to the planning of gender corner program, the abovementioned agencies and stakeholders who are members of project team are involved in the coordination meeting which aims to identify the targets and prepare the programs that are possible to be synergized in gender corner program among those institutions. however, the minimum influence of non-state actors in influencing the decision cannot be disregarded, and to some extent, the relation between the state actors and non-state actors is consultative in nature. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 179 of 182 4 forum is formally organized and meets collectively the coordination meeting of the team project is organized in formal manner attended by the public agencies, civil society organizations, and business sectors, as well as think tank groups before the execution of the gender corner program in regular basis and/or when the meeting is needed. 5 forum aims to make decisions by consensus the decision made by the forum is the decision to synergize the programs of the local government agencies and stakeholders which can contribute to the success of gender corner program. 6 focus of the collaboration is on public policy or public management the collaboration between public agencies and other nonstate actors (private and civil society) in conducting the gender corner program is by collaboratively conducting the program in the public areas with each institution participates to carry out the assigned duties, to achieve the short-term, mid-term, and long-term goals of the programs that targeted publics (men and women) by conducting the program in the public areas. source: compiled by authors table 7. actors involved in gender corner program public agency/ government civil society organization 1. regional development agency 2. department of community and women’s empowerment and children protection 3. vice of mayor 4. regional secretary 5. board of finance and asset management 6. department of social affairs 7. department of communication and information 8. department of tourism 9. department of education 10. department of public health 11. municipal people’s representative assembly 12. family welfare organizations 13. regional department of women’s empowerment, children protection, and family planning 14. department of archives and libraries 15. tegalrejo sub-district office 16. umbulharjo sub-district office 1. ikatan wanita pengusaha indonesia (iwapi) 2. aksara 3. rifka annisa 4. sapda (sentra advokasi perempuan, difabel dan anak) 5. peradi (perhimpunan advokat indonesia) 6. fakta (forum anak yogyakarta) issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 180 of 182 private sector other stakeholders 1. small and medium enterprises (smes) 1. mass media 2. women’s studies center universitas islam indonesia 3. women’s studies center universitas gadjah mada source: dpmppa, (2019) those aforementioned actors have different role to carry out, but the same vision of gender equality. in general, the public agency/government has a pivotal role as the initiator of the program and the decision-maker. the civil society organizations, to some extent, support the implementation of the program by sending volunteers to give peer-education to the visitors. the private sector is involved in the program for ensuring more women are empowered economically through training and workshop activities. lastly the other stakeholders, such as mass media and research centers have a pivotal role in framing the program and also providing policy recommendation regarding the program implementation to the decision-makers. the collaboration among those actors is very visible in terms of the gender corner program execution. however, regarding the decision-making process, it is undeniable that there are some stakeholders who have a little influence in influencing the decision made by the forum, but rather the relations among them are consultative in nature, particularly between the public agencies and the civil society organizations and think tank groups. therefore, to some extent, the public agency still plays the managerial role. the different degrees of influence and interest of each stakeholder involved in this gender corner program, to some extent, results in the lesser collaborative ties among them. other than that, the lacking of both human resources and financial resources is impeding the effective implementation of the program (sitarini b. , 2019). conclusion the objective of this research is to examine the collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy in yogyakarta city. being re-awarded anugerah parahita ekapraya (ape), a prestigious biannual award by mowecp for its commitment and active participation in promoting gender equality, the needs to maintain its achievement required the implementation of collaborative governance in this sector. the study found that the collaborative governance in mainstreaming gender which implemented by the yogyakarta municipality, particularly the department of community and women’s empowerment and children protection (dpmppa) is in a very limited circumstance. although the initiation of the yogyakarta municipality to conduct the gandeng gendong (collaborative governance) in development has been integrated in every stakeholder, the non-state actors involved in gender corner program remains as the consultative groups during the policy making process indicating the managerial relations between stakeholders. the authors claimed that the implementation of collaborative governance in gender mainstreaming strategy is only occurred in the program execution. this fact reflects that the mayor regulation of yogyakarta municipality no 53 of 2018 on gender mainstreaming implementation in yogyakarta city has not yet effectively implemented. in order to realize gender equality and gender justice in yogyakarta city, the collaborative governance should be carried out in both the policy making process and the program execution. references adhisa, r. (2019). visitor of gender corner program. (a. n. hutami, interviewer, may 4) azizah, n. (2019, june 24). gender expert and head of department of international, relations universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. (m. a. hidayahtulloh, interviewer) issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 181 of 182 badan pemberdayaan perempuan dan masyarakat diy. (2017). data gender dan anak daerah istimewa yogyakarta. bppm diy. bolis, m., & hughes, c. (2015). women's economic empowerment and domestic violence: links and lessons for practitioners working with intersectional approaches daly, m. e. (2005). gender mainstreaming in theory and practice. social politics: international studies in gender, state and society, 12(3), 433-450 dinas kependudukan dan pencatatan sipil. 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(2015). 4.1 gendering decision making and communications processes. festa. rahayu, n. s., alfirdaus, l. k., & edi, a. c. (2016). peta program pemberdayaan perempuan di kota yogyakarta. yogyakarta: gre publishing. sitarini, b. (2019). laporan implementasi proyek perubahan "modelling" mobil gender keliling berbasis gandeng gendong sebagai upaya pengembangan gender corner untuk mewujudkan kota yogyakarta sebagai kota yang nyaman huni. yogyakarta: wira nusantara issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.oxfamamerica.org/static/media/files/womens_empowerment_and_domestic_violence_-_boris__hughes_hx7lscw.pdf https://www.oxfamamerica.org/static/media/files/womens_empowerment_and_domestic_violence_-_boris__hughes_hx7lscw.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249293739_gender_mainstreaming_in_theory_and_practice https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249293739_gender_mainstreaming_in_theory_and_practice https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318990919_an_overview_of_issues_and_concepts_in_gender_mainstreaming https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318990919_an_overview_of_issues_and_concepts_in_gender_mainstreaming https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/app.20150048 https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/app.20150048 https://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/1818.pdf https://www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/development/sites/bartlett/files/wp165.pdf https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0956247816662573 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0956247816662573 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102103 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 182 of 182 sitarini, b. (2019). the head of department of communities and women empowerment, and children protection (dpmppa) of yogyakarta city in mainstreaming gender. (m. a. hidayahtulloh, interviewer) , june 24 un women. (2014). guidance note: gender mainsteaming in development programming. new york: un women. united nations. (2002). gender equality as the goal gender mainstreaming as the strategy. in: gender mainstreaming: an overview. new york. widiyanto, a. (2015). implementasi perencanaan dan penganggaran responsif gender (pprg) sebagai perwujudan pengarusutamaan gender dalam pembangunan di diy. yogyakarta: bappeda diy. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive http://bappeda.jogjaprov.go.id/berita/detail/68-implementasi-perencanaan-dan-penganggaran-responsif-gender-pprg-sebagai-perwujudan-pengarusutamaan-gender-dalam-pembangunan-di-diy?/dashboard_perencanaan http://bappeda.jogjaprov.go.id/berita/detail/68-implementasi-perencanaan-dan-penganggaran-responsif-gender-pprg-sebagai-perwujudan-pengarusutamaan-gender-dalam-pembangunan-di-diy?/dashboard_perencanaan layout desember 2008 392 optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 florentina ratih wulandari faculty of social sciences and politics universitas terbuka. e-mail : rwulan@ut.ac.id yuli tirtariandi el anshori faculty of social sciences and politics universitas terbuka. e-mail: yulitirta@ut.ac.id abstract the development of information technology and public administration paradigms that emphasize services for the benefit of society has affected the strategic efforts of e-gov in indonesia. for that, there is a need to create qualified, competitive, effective and efficient of the public services. indonesia’s e-gov policy has been applying principles of good governance and information technology to serve and interact with the community. some local governments, including south jakarta municipality has been implementing e-gov to optimize public service. e-gov in south jakarta municipality is reflected on the implementation of a management information technology to improve services to the community by creating a web site, namely http://selatan.jakarta.go.id/. the information presented in south jakarta municipality website includes tourism, local regulations, and other information of municipality of south jakarta. this article is the result of field research entitled “the role of information systems management in the creation of competitive advantage and quality improvement services public information” in south jakarta municipality. the result shows that public service in website south jakarta municipal government used to support the plan of development of e-gov is still in the stage information dissemination, not two way interaction. public service website run by south jakarta municipality is planned to integrate services on the process to obtain civic identity cards, urban planning permits, tourism, population, building permits et cetera. e-gov applications using information technology in the office of south 393 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ jakarta municipality still has many obstacles, i.e human resources, budget used and infrastructure. keywords: e-gov, optimize, public service. abstrak perkembangan teknologi informasi dan paradigma administrasi publik yang menekankan layanan untuk kepentingan masyarakat telah mempengaruhi upaya strategis e-gov di indonesia. untuk itu, ada kebutuhan untuk membuat sebuah pelayanan publik yang berkualitas, kompetitif, efektif dan efisien. dalam kebijakan e-gov, indonesia telah menerapkan prinsip-prinsip tata kelola yang baik dan teknologi informasi untuk melayani dan berinteraksi dengan masyarakat. beberapa pemerintah daerah, termasuk kotamadya jakarta selatan telah menerapkan e-gov untuk mengoptimalkan pelayanan publik. egov di kota jakarta selatan tercermin pada pelaksanaan teknologi informasi manajemen untuk meningkatkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat dengan menciptakan sebuah situs web, yaitu http://selatan.jakarta.go.id/. informasi yang disajikan dalam situs kotamadya jakarta selatan meliputi pariwisata, peraturan daerah, dan informasi lainnya dari kotamadya jakarta selatan. artikel ini merupakan ringkasan dari hasil penelitian lapangan yang berjudul “peran sistem informasi manajemen dalam penciptaan keunggulan kompetitif dan peningkatan kualitas layanan informasi publik” di kotamadya jakarta selatan. hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa pelayanan publik di website pemerintah kota jakarta selatan yang digunakan untuk mendukung rencana pengembangan e-gov masih dalam tahap penyebaran informasi, bukan dua arah interaksi. layanan website publik yang dijalankan oleh kotamadya jakarta selatan direncanakan untuk mengintegrasikan layanan pada proses untuk memperoleh kartu tanda penduduk, izin perencanaan perkotaan, pariwisata, kependudukan, izin bangunan dan sebagainya. aplikasi e-gov yang menggunakan teknologi informasi di kantor kotamadya jakarta selatan masih memiliki banyak kendala yakni sumber daya manusia, anggaran, dan infrastruktur. kata kunci: e-gov, optimalisasi, pelayanan publik introduction e-gov service is one of information system services which it can bring public services efficiently and effectively. south jakarta municipality government as a part of jakarta capital government implements e-gov for increasing quality and public service performance. the reason of e-gov management information system implementation, start from global environment development, public demands of public services, governmental function for public service those are legitimized by e-gov policies. it is known from interviews with agus suprianto, sub head of information technology infrastructure of information communication and public relations south jakarta municipality stating that the development of information technology conducts to the needs optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 394 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of the community, so the government of headquarter jakarta, in this case south jakarta municipal government responds to these conditions by issuing a policy of integrated public services. the following excerpts are presented agus suprianto as belows: “initially the government in this city government led by the governor issued a public service policy, which is then followed by the establishment of the integrated service unit in the ranks of the mayor, yes ... all the mayors, in particular the mayor of south jakarta that we are talking about. the duties and functional units those need a unit of the ministry just come to the front office, fill out applications, and stay waiting for the confirmation process is technically and publishing the results of id card or the buiding construction permit through the computer, after the data-entry.” so e-gov in south jakarta municipal government held the initial preparation of management information systems development to strengthen the e-gov services. this article raised the issue of research developed about “the role of information systems management in the creation of competitive advantage and quality improvement services public information in south jakarta municipality”. theoretical framework this article used e-gov approach and public service theories. a. e-government e-gov is defined by unesco (see collins in budd and harris (ed.), 2009:53) as the ’exercise of political, economic, and administrative authority’ via an ’electronic medium’. world bank group (2001) said that “e-government refers to the use by government agencies of information technologies (such as wide area networks, the internet, and mobile computing) that have the ability to transform relations with citizens, businesses, and other arms of government. these technologies can serve a variety of different ends: better delivery of government services to citizens, improve interactions with business and industry, citizen empowerment throught access to information, or more efficient government management”. united nation development programme (undp) defines egovernment as “ the application of information and communication techoptimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 395 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nology (ict) by government agencies”. there are other definitions that stated by some government, for example the american federal goverment. it defines e-gov as “the delivery of government information and services online through the internet and other digital means.” (see http://gregor.web.id). according to new zealand government, e-gov refers to “a way for government to use the new technology to provide people with more convenient access to government information and services, to improve the quality of the services and to provide greater opportunities to participate in our democratic institutions and processes”. the malaysian government defines that egovernment offers a collaborative and integrated environment not just for enhanced internal operations but more significantly for a heightened level of government services through a variety of electronic delivery channels thereby providing convenience to citizens and business. next, the government of italy describes e-government as the use of modern ict in the modernization of our administration, which compromise the following classes of action (indrajit, 2002:4): 1. computerization designed to enhance operational efficiency within individual departments and agencies; 2. computerization of services to citizens and firms, often implying integration among the services of different departments and agencies 3. provision of ict access to final users of government services and information indonesian government defines e-gov as “application of internet-based information technology and other digital devices that are managed by the government for the purpose of delivery of information from government to communities, business partners, employees, business entities, and other institutions online. “ the implementation of e-government in indonesia itself based on presidential instruction no. 6/2001 on 24 april 2001 about telematics (telecommunications, media and informatics). presidential instruction no. 6/2001 emphazises government officials should use telematics technology to support good governance and speed up the democratic process. its implementation also based on presidential instruction no. 3/2003 about national strategy and policy of e-gov optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 396 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ development. e-government implementation needs three element, as follows: a) support : there must be a politicall will from all the stakeholders. b) capacity: the government must have enough resources as finance, technology information infrastructure, and human resources. c) value: the implementation of e-government should give added value for the the citizens as users. based on the presidential instruction no. 3/2003 about national strategy and policy of e-gov development, there are four goals of e-gov development, namely: 1. the establishment of a network of information and the transaction of public service that has the quality and scope to satisfy the public and accessible in all parts of indonesia at any time is not limited by the barrier of time and at an affordable cost to the community. 2. establishment of interactive relationship with the business community to promote the development of national economy and strengthen the ability to deal with change and international trade competition. 3. formation mechanisms and channels of communication with state institutions and the provision of facilities for the public dialogue in order to participate in the formulation of state policy. 4. the establishment of management systems and work processes in a transparent and efficient and smooth transaction services between government agencies and autonomous local government. in achieving the goals, it needs some good strategies, i.e. developing a reliable system of service and affordable by the public; reforming the management system and work processes of government and autonomous regional governments holistically; optimizing the use of information technology; increasing the role of business and industry to develop the telecommunications and information technology; developing the capacity of human resources in both the government and the autonomous regional government, accompanied by increasing e-literacy communities; and implementing systematic development through realistic and measurable stages. optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 397 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the use of e-gov in public service will make good impacts as belows: 1. low administrative costs 2. faster and more accurate in receiving the response, including outside office hours. 3. accessible to all departments and at all levels and any location. the use of ict support the development more flexible, and it’s a very good way for people to access public services. 4. more capable government. ict enables government organizations to capture data from various feedback. governmental organizations can also make public information that supports the idea or ideas new ideas on-line communication between decision-makers, the public and other organizations. 5. helping the local and national economy with the g2b (government to business). beside the strategies, implementation of e-government is focused and based on the six pillars, that is: planning (technology blue print), infrastructure (hardware system and networking), systems application (software system), procurement, man resources (training and procedure), and system integration (system integrator). level of e-gov implementation e-gov implementation consists of various type. the classification of service type is based on two aspects namely complexity aspect and benefit aspect. so, here are three types of services within e-government : 1). publish this is the web presence that contains the basic information needs of communities. this kind of service is the easiest. the e-egov application doesn’t need many resources. 2). interact at this level there is a two way communication between government and the stakeholder (indrajit, ibid. p.31). there are two kind of application. first, there’s a website that gives searching facility for those who want to look for specific data or information. the information shown is optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 398 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ more varied. second, the government provides canal for people to discuss with any government units. it can be done directly as chatting and teleconference, or indirectly through e-mail. 3). transact there is a similarity betweeen interact level and transact. at the 3rd level, there’s also a two way communication. the users have to pay some money for the service. form of application is implemented online. this level is more complex than the others. for example, the individual tax payment and the e-procurement. the three levels of e-gov application are shown at the chart below: picture 1: three levels of e-gov application (indrajit, 2002:30) e-gov service is one form of information systems that can efficiently service as well as making services to the community. south jakarta municipal government as part of jakarta special capital region government is also implementing e-gov to improve the quality and performance of public services. so, e-gov uses management system information in practice for making decision of the routine government policy and public service so these can run better, faster and cheaper. information system is a collection of components within a company or organization associated with the process of creating and dissemination of information. (indrajit,1995: 11). the concept of e-government is to create a friendly interaction, convenient, transparent and cost between government and citizens (g2c-government to citizens), government and business enterprises (g2b, governoptimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 399 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ment to business enterprises), relationship between the government (g2ginter-agency relationship), between the government and the employees (g2egovernment to employees). government to citizens (g2c) is the most common type of e-government application. the main goal of this type is to make the government and the society get closer through various accessible canal. for example, the motor vehicles tax pay. government to business (g2b) means the business community needs many datas and information from the government. so there must be a good relation one another. in government to employees (g2e), t h e application also used to increase performance and welfare of the government’s employees, e.g. health assurance for the civil servant that has been integrated with health institution (hospital, etc). last but not least, e-government paradigm has eight aspects, i.e (indrajit, 2002:54): 1. orientation: users satisfaction and control, flexibility 2. process organization: horizontal hierarchy, network organization, information sharing 3. management principle: flexible management, interdepartemental team work with central coordination 4. leadership style: facilitation and coordination, innovative enterpreneurship 5. internal communication: multidirectional network with central coordination, direct communication 6. external communication: formal and informal, direct and fast feedback, multiple channels 7. mode of service delivery: electronic exchange, non face to face interaction 8. principle of service delivery: user customization, personalization b. public services public service is defined by thoha (1999:137) as an ‘attempt by someone or some group of people or institutions to provide facilities and assistance to communities in order to achieve certain goals’. therefore, in the public service there is an interaction between the government and the public directly, so the realm of public service is a strategic sphere to optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 400 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ do public service reform, in order to trigger a repair other areas. lovelock (1992) expressed five principles of public service: · tangible; as physical ability, tools, person, and material communication · realiable; including ability to give a right and consistent service · responsiveness; it means accountability of the service quality · assurance; including knowledge, behaviour, and skill of employees · empathy; it refers to personal attention to the customer. kotler (1997:227) defined that service is any act or performance that one party can offer to another that is essentially intangible and doses not result in the ownership for of anything. its production may or may not be tied to physical product. another definition abut public service was defined by skelcher (1992:3). there are seven principles in public service: standard, openness, information, choice, non discrimination, accessibility, and redress. zethaml (1990) stated 10 dimensions to measure public service quality: tangible, realiable, responsiveness, competence, courtesy, credibility, security, access, communication, and understanding the customer. hart (in joko widodo, 2001:277) gave 3 keys to measure public service quality: · how to measure service quality reliably at specific points in time · how to determine the extent to which the agency programme has caused the measured service quality. (that is, would the results have occurred without the agency programme?) · how to access whether the measured performance is good or bad. this inevitably requires comparisons of actual performance with something else. denhardt and denhardt (2003) developed new public service (nps) paradigm. this paradigm based on (1) theories and democratic citizenship, (2) models of community and civil society, (3) organizational humanism and the new public administration, and (4) post-modern public administration. next, denhardt and denhardt also formulated 8 principles in public service: optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 401 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1. convenience this principle shows how accessible the government runs the public service 2. security this is how people can feel safe and confident using these services 3. reliability the services should be provided properly and timely 4. personal attention the services that provided by the government can be informed accurately by the authorities to the citizens, and officials can work with residents to meet their needs 5. problem solving approach this refers to how officials can provide information for citizens to address the problem 6. fairness it needs an assessment by citizens so that they believe that the government has been providing services in a fair manner for all 7. fiscal responsibility this principle means how to make citizens believe that the government has been providing services that use public money responsibly 8. citizen influence this means people feel that they can also affect the quality of service they received from the government research method this study used qualitative research methods. the research strategy was case study in the office of information technology management (kpti) municipality of south jakarta. primary datas were collected through in-depth interview method and observation for 10 months. secondary datas were collected from the kpti documents. .result and analysis development of management information systems for e-gov as the south jakarta information services via the internet at the south jakarta municipality, require the necessary elements are: organizational structure, optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 402 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ staffing, systems and work culture. in terms of organizational structure, rosi, ba (the operational staff) explained that there are barriers in the south jakarta web management, especially regarding the amount and quality of management, which at this time, the number of staff responsible for updating the information on the web in south jakarta is only 1 (one) people, who assisted 4 (four) it programmers. yet the needs of south jakarta web manager number is 4 (four) and professional quality is adequate and optimal. the following interview excerpt: “what else we can do this unadequate of the number of officers those are not in accordance with the web management demands of south jakarta, which is 4 (four) staff ... but now we have the technical personnel, programmers, data base. some people are still a honorary staff, and some works are still being outsourced which those are taking programmer, communication bachelor, analysts. these staffs do not need to be encouraged to push doing technical matters more, because they already know their jobs.” the other constraint is the restructuring of the office of information technology management (kpti) south jakarta municipality, which affects the adjustment of working situations and inter-unit synergies within the new organizational structure. as expressed by asrul, sh., as follows: “there is also a change in organizational structure for the web in south jakarta, initially known as kpti, established in 2009 as the coordinator information and public relations society, renamed became the sub communications information and public relations, which oversees of the head section of information technology of information systems and the head section of public relations levels. well there is a change in position, where the position of communication information now in terms of information technology policy rather than the policy a service policy in units. now the task is preparing the section of information technology hardware and software. hardware, netware and software supports needs further development, specifically in the website. these can achieve datas from related units such as the building permit service. the decision of the overall application services remedy from back office to front office, depend on each service units. the information technology gives full supports for these. “ from interviews with the above, it appears that in terms of staff, reoptimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 403 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ quired employees or staff who have skills or technical skills both soft ware and hard ware in the field of computer information technology and willing to work hard, considering the application of e-gov in south jakarta municipal government that’s something new and many challenges. as expressed by asrul, sh., as follows: “...current number is still inadequate, so it is still necessary to qualify employees willing to work hard, have a strong achievement motivation, and independent. according to the nature of the work, working hours are not bound, the important thing is a product. now we need four people, but there are just two people, whom their classification is not a programmer, just network engineer. well we lacked of data base applications programmer to handle theses, in this the terms we use outsourcing to knowledge transfer, use part time staf.” then for the aspects of the system, will be constructed data base management system (dbms) to facilitate information services to the public, especially to the mass media and for the nature of the task of information and public relations coordinator community is focused on the preparation of hardware, software, website development and management. it is known from interviews with drs. agus suprianto, as follows: “ ...in this way, we will have a plan and direction (city government) regarding the public service, the information system will be constructed data base management system (dbms) to facilitate information services to the public, especially the mass media. regarding the duties and functions of information and public relations coordinator for communities in the basics is to prepare the hard ware, software, make and manage a website.” this is also confirmed by mr. asrul, sh as head of sub office of communication, information and public relations of south jakarta municipality, related to the management information system implementation mechanism contained in the e-gov program in jakarta, the city will build a public information service system based information technology called data base management system (dbms). this system will facilitate information services to the public, especially to the mass media. here are excerpts of the interview results as follows: “...yesterday the governor, who was represented by mr. yuswil iswantara head optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 404 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ official of mass media jakarta government explained that the dbms is more geared to the needs of the mass media. but at a later stage, planned public access, especially information about city government policies. in addition, the budget for dmbs for the city council approved a provincial priority programs. this is related to information technology plan to implement e-government in the implementation of appropriate regional medium term development plan 20082013. if the dbms has been in operation, the reporter will be easier to obtain data and information needs to complete their writing in printed media and electronic media. so the mayor of south jakarta also follow up e-gov policy by building networks of information technology to join the new mutual inter-unit, between units of service to the community.” according to drs. agus suprianto, management information systems as information services via the south jakarta municipal internet service is very strategic. for integrated services such as making municipal governments’s annual reports or statements online. to create an integrated service then, there are steps must be taken, i.e: preparing hard ware, soft ware, web site. this web site concerning relevant data from the unit connected to each other, such as the building permits or id card services, as to whether the application has been prepared for storage in the front office. this was stated by agus suprianto in the following interview excerpt: “management information systems as a service to an integrated service, is very strategic, for example, make a report online, need to be built to prepare the hard ware, soft ware, web site” in the early stages, the development of e-gov systems, will be implemented in the internal level first, and when ready networks and devices supporting it will be directed interactively via wireless media, or internet. it is further stated by mr. asrul, sh., as follows: “...mr. yuswil also explained that its shape is like a local area network. it can not be accessed directly through the website. but for the plan ahead, the mayor and his staffs dki jakarta will get up a public information service website. so we’ll go it.” from the aspect of organizational culture, it is known there is a need optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 405 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to create and develop a culture of leadership and management style to suit the demands of information age technology, the old bureaucratic culture has been internalized in the operations of the machine work so deep, so there is a neccessity of the awareness to reverse direction to perform reform of the working culture of professional bureaucracy. it is extracted from interviews with asrul, sh., with the following interview excerpt: “.... there is a different work culture, ie. the other unit’s staffs usually their routine time work from eight to four o’clock already, but sometimes web south jakarta unit get overtime works to manage the web’s service , the routine time work would not fit anymore especially when put up the web network .... there was a need to build a culture work with the leadership and management style to suit the demands of information age technology. now it’s staffs usual go home late night to complete their work over office hours, depend on what time finishing the works “ benefits of management information systems in support of web information services in south jakarta, seen from the benefits of open access interactive information in e-gov, as below: a) submission of any information to the public b) open access to public participation in development and reform of public services that have been made. point b comes along with the principle which skelcher said that a public service must provide enough informations and easy for citizens to access. in particular the benefits of application management information system in south jakarta municipal government, are : a) facilitate services in the framework of integrated services, particularly the licensing of city, tourism, population, the building construction permit b) to monitor the maintenance process id file, the building permits via sms constraints in the implementation of a management information system application of e-gov south jakarta municipality, noted from the interview with agus suprianto as belows: a) human resources are limited, both in terms of numbers and the abiloptimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 406 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ity (skill). the existing human resource needs training and development. b) rotation of employees hamper the sustainability of the plan c) work culture that is still needed guidance and awareness of the importance of cooperation and excellent service d) still finding pirated programs on the market. e) not integrated data base. constraints in the management information system was presented by agus suprianto, as the following interview excerpt: “... software or programs that we want to use a lot of pirated stuff...not great ... it has not yet integrated database. there are other issues, here the frequent rotation of staff inhibits the sustainability of this plan.” as for solving these problems, which have been implemented by the municipality of south jakarta, is related to rewards and incentives for line employees and management information systems reforms to better managed in an integrated manner. this was disclosed by drs. agus suprianto, in the following interview excerpt: “... yes to that, we are looking for solutions, for example, we honor and love our jobs outsourced it programmer had to tender an appropriate default rules, before being met quantity and quality of it managers to better management information system managed in an integrated manner.” this is confirmed by asrul, sh., head of information communication and public relations sub municipality of south jakarta that: “.... the lan and website e-gov in order to facilitate the delivery is expected later on any information to the public. for example, journalists need the data space, staff data base management system (dbms) will help by submitting a complete compact disc (cd). likewise, if the reporter needs local regulation, the dbms provides on cd and can be transferred via usb flash disk. also, it would also opened a public service by the sms center number 2206. if the web system run well, so public services will be better. well, jakarta residents can submit suggestions and aspirations via sms to number 2206. contents of the sms will be forwarded to the relevant units or local government decree (skpd) for further action. dbms is planned to operate after 2008 budget approval, but optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 407 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ until now have not realised “ therefore, the existence of the system of information on jakarta head capital government and especially in south jakarta city government is to implement paperless policy organization intended to speed up the service from manual to fully integrated processing system and is on-line or automated and bring the results as well as access to public services to the public. as noted by drs. agus suprianto as belows: “... which certainly does ... the role of management information systems to speed up service from a manual to copy the file.” however, these current e-gov’s services featured in the web south jakarta municipal is limited, as a medium of public information but not to the essence of an integrated and interactive public services, and a new phase of information dissemination to the public. this was conveyed by drs. agus suprianto in the interview, as follows: “... in the meantime, ... web south jakarta municipal still limited to reporting on the activities or ceremonial occasions of the mayor, static data, the terms of service id, the building construction permit, mayor’s organigram, so now this new web south jakarta municipal serves as an information tool for public policy, is expected to input information for public policy for us ... now our management information systems here (south jakarta municipal government) has not reached management information systems, but just spreads of the new information, on the other hand, the demands and expectations of e-gov’s will be implemented the integrated services, later in south jakarta. that we’ve got the infrastructure to the villages, but not the network connection, and our human resources are not ready yet. “ limitations of web south jakarta is also confirmed by asrul, sh in the interview, as follows: “well for now, web south jakarta municipal still trying to inform the activities of the mayor and empowerment and family welfare (pkk) to the public. but in the future we will still create an interactive one-stop service in the public service. “ from the results of interviews above and observations over the envioptimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 408 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ronment and work in web south jakarta municipal, it is known that the role of management information systems in creating competitive advantage and improved quality in the municipality of south jakarta, are: a) facilitate the public service, making public service better b) the integrated data base can create the integrated services such as licensing for urban development, tourism, population, the building construction permi c) the lan network conducts to the district / sub-district, will speed up communication, improve public service management, minimize administrative costs, levies and reports. in fact, south jakarta municipal government in developing a management information system to support the south jakarta web, it has set up a cutting-edge hardware and netware investment which expensively costs, but it still faced the constraints of human resources and infrastructure readiness. it is conveyed by drs. agus suprianto in the interview, as follows: “network lan with sub-districts or sub-village, but now hit the budget, there are applications that are online, such as acceptance of the system, but the village has not run due to the rental network’s cost. we also already purchased the hardware and netware which expensive, but yes ... it is our human resources are not ready and still need time to prepare an online network infrastructure today.” from the observation of in south jakarta municipal web service and interviews with some of south jakarta web user, it is known that the public service is in priorities because people feel public service over the web in south jakarta is still far from the standard of service quality. here are excerpts of an interview with ms. tini, who was getting the building construction permit, as follows: “... yes i’ve seen on the internet south jakarta municipal web, but we could not get it of through the internet, so we’ll still be here (building construction permit unit) the south jakarta municipal government. try ... what a public service!..is still far from we hope, but yes there are already done service better with the internet”. thus needed to be changes, as for the recommendations presented by optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 409 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ drs. agus suprianto, as the internal e-gov and web south jakarta need the hardware to support applications, personal computers (pcs), monitors need to update again, so do the knowledge of operational staffs. for the short term, there are network plans on line (e-mail) between the units and for that, some of the government agency already has a website. also in the long run, should have a strategic plan, i.e: a) the realization of all the inter-unit online network (lan), b) training for all staff and the leadership of e-gov c) managing the whole range of e-gov in jakarta, including the municipality of south jakarta in 2011 should be free of pirated programs, the programs and web applications used in south jakarta must be legal and licensed according to the direction of republic indonesia’s ministry of communication and information and ministry of research and technology, d) realization of lan communication network to the district, village, which is connected directly with the office lan municipality of south jakarta. here are excerpts of an interview with drs. agus suprianto in the interview, as follows: “... yes it was necessary hardware to support applications, personal computers (pcs), monitors that need to be upgraded, including the upgrading of knowledge to my staff ... the short term, there are network plans on line (e-mail) inter-unit and multiple sub already have a website. because there is regulation of the minister of the internal affairs of republic indonesia 2007/200 one stop service (ptsp) , well… jakarta headquarter has not establish one stop service, an integrated services. for the long term, all the online inter-unit, all in 2011 should be free pirated programs have lisence, appropriate staff training program as minister of research and technology’s discourse. ministry of communication and information leads us to overcome it (pirated) to a free open source. this year in sub-district /village there is the training of human resources for opensource, eg linux. end of the month (may 2009) there are opensource training. training of the office of information technology management (kpti) to village or district with speakers from internal and external expertise or practitioners. continue to exist ... to the district communications network, the village heads can communicate directly via to the mayor’s office ... now again, we build an application on optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 410 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ line for retribution and it can be documented. besides, there are also training staff in kpti (mayor’s office). prioritized public services, public service meetings held to support applications which run back, take the pc and the printer updating expandably, although there some old pc. now the new officials whose got rotation only a few months ago from east jakarta ... must be upgraded their knowledge from it experts, practitioners, network security. there are often asked upgrading the web network civil service police unit, construction services, business license letter (siu jk), birth certificate, and others civil certificate. “ implementation of e-gov, and need to get policy support from the top management and the support of these units. political will was top down, from instructions of the mayor and the use of the public service application that had been prepared. support from units such as south jakarta web’s updating requests of civil service police unit, construction services business license, siu jk, birth certificate, civil certificate. management information systems in support of improving the quality of public services in south jakarta municipal government has been in the direction of network development on-line public services that are supported by an integrated management information system, although there are still obstacles to the its operational . therefore, the role of management information system and it support to improve the quality of public services in south jakarta municipal government is still not optimal because its implementation is still an incremental, step by step (gradual) and less in integrating the planning control.as stated by mr asrul. sh, as follows : “... even from the computer, the file can be created for computer application files, file monitoring, and even prepared the public be notified to process files with short messages system (sms). but yes ... that ... there are barriers due to a officials rotation policy periodically for their carrier promotion, which it makes officials in charge change so often in each period, so there is no continuity planning ...” the role of management information systems in support of improving the quality of public services in south jakarta municipal government is very significant or meaningful, if actually implemented with a strong and integrated system. it was stated by mr. asrul. sh. optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 411 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the republic indonesia local government problems facing in implementing the use of information technology in management information systems is to utilize the information by using information technology for e-gov and policy-making. it is stated by eko prasojo, an indonesia public administration expertise, in following interview excerpt: “for indonesia in the implementation of e-gov is important is to utilize the information by using information technology in making decisions, making ease of service. additionally mis can help create a competitive advantage because the data needed in decision-making can be obtained quickly. especially as the island nation, e-gov services has become very important because it can be a liaison and accelerate national coordination and local decision making at the national level can be fast. thus the management information system can be better.” therefore, to optimalize implementation of e-gov in south jakarta municipal web, south jakarta municipal should use of the cutting edge of information technology properly, harmonize with environment and human resources characteristic, so does the culture approach. summary application of management information systems (mis) are used to support the development of e-gov plan in the south jakarta municipality is in the process, where the south jakarta municipal government has established the organizational structure coordinator public information and public relations (formerly the office of information technology managers) and their main task function. mis application used to support the development of e-gov plan in the municipality of south jakarta is still in the stage of dissemination of information (publish level) and interaction stage yet. purpose of mis applications on line at the south jakarta municipal government planned to integrate services in the management of id cards, building construction permit, license (urban planning, tourism, population). some constraints on the mis web applications in south jakarta, including the quantity and quality of human resources, limitation of budget used, infra structure (infrastructure), system and culture that is still too bureaucratic, it has not got to professional work culture, especially those can not accommodate the dynamic demands of work field of information technology yet. optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 412 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the benefit of using e-gov in south jakarta municipal government is to create a competitive advantage, because it can speed up decision making to regional and national level, public service more effective, easier communication between the elements, helping to eliminate paperwork management file system into a digital system in the it (relational database management system). in the end, with the e-gov south jakarta municipality of south jakarta through the web, public service effort to be more rapid, open, efficient and effective. references budd, leslie and harris, lisa (ed.). 2009. e-governence: managing or governing?. new york. routledge denhardt, robert b., and denhardt, janet vinzant. 2003. the new public service: serving rather than steering, journal of public administration review, vol. 60 no. 6. p: 549-559 indrajit, richardus eko. 1995. “manajemen sistem dan teknologi informasi” (bunga rampai koleksi klasik richardus eko indrajit) pada http:// creative commons.org/ indrajit, richardus eko. 2002. electronic government: strategi pembangunan dan pengembangan sistem pelayanan publik berbasis teknologi digital. yogyakarta. penerbit andi kotler, philip, 1997. marketing management: analysis, planning, implementation and control. englewood cliffs, n.j. prentice hall international, inc lovelock, christopher h. 1992. managing service. prentice hall inc, englewood cliffs. new jersey skelcher, chris, 1992. managing for service quality. london. longman group thoha, muharto, and darmanto. 1999. buku materi pokok adpu4431 perilaku organisasi. jakarta. universitas terbuka widodo, joko. 2001. good governance: telaah dari dimensi akuntabilitas dan kontrol birokrasi pada era desentralisasi dan otonomi daerah. surabaya. penerbit insancendekia world bank group. 2001. electronic government procurement: mexico’s compranet pilot project. washington. optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 413 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ wulandari, f. ratih, rahmatini, murni and pryanto, agus. 2009. the role of information systems management in the creation of competitive advantage and quality improvement services public information in south jakarta municipality. (research report). jakarta. open university of indonesia zeithaml, v a. parasuraman, and l. l. berry. 1990. delivering service quality. new york. the free press. website http://gregor.web.id document presidential instruction no. 3/2003 about national strategy and policy of e-gov development. optimizing public service through e-gov services (the case of public service in south jakarta municipality) / florentina wulandari, yuli anshori / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0021 layout februari 2016 new public management or mismanagement? the case of public service agency of indonesia jin-wook choi professor, department of public administration, korea university. email: jinchoi@korea.ac.kr abstract in line with the new public management (npm), a public service agency (psa) is considered as an alternative to replace the government-led public service delivery in a more efficient and effective way. at the same time, a psa mechanism can deliver public service with better quality. to meet these ends, a psa is granted with operational flexibility and autonomy particularly in managing finance and personnel. however, the psa system has not yielded the expected benefits in indonesia. on the contrary, psas have been regarded to cause financial burdens to the government of indonesia. this paper explores the current conditions of three key institutional bases of psas in indonesia including psa governance, financial management and performance management. the notable challenges related to the three dimensions in the indonesia’s psas include the weak psa governance structure, and an inappropriate balance between flexibility and autonomy on the one hand and accountability and performance on the other in managing a psa. focusing on these challenges, this paper draws the following policy suggestions for indonesia to improve the efficient operation of the psa system: rebuild the psa governance on a firm and clear legal base, absorb diverse stakeholders and outside experts in the psa governance decision-making; monitor and evaluate the psa’s financial flexibility and autonomy through vigilant internal and external monitoring mechanisms; redesign performance appraisal to set up right appraisal structure, process, and performance criteria; and link the results of performance appraisal to relevant rewards and punishment. keywords: new public management, public service agency, autonomy, flexibility introduction in indonesia, public services agencies (psas), which are called recieved 23 november 2015; 05 december 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 105 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 “badan layanan umum (blu)” in indonesian or “semi-autonomous agencies” in english, were introduced in 2005. like other countries such as the u.k., canada, australia, and new zealand among others, the primary reason of the adoption of psas in indonesia is to improve the quality of public services through the efficient financial and performance management (ministry of finance, 2014a). in other words, psas were regarded as a new type of organizational form that would improve the productivity, efficiency and effectiveness. the creation of psas whose organization form and the modus operandi differ from the traditional government organizations was much influenced by the new public management (npm) in the 1980s and 1990s (laking, 2005). as witnessed around that time, governments, whether developed or underdeveloped, were under severe criticism of inefficiency and ineffectiveness which were not properly checked by the accountability mechanism inside as well as outside of government. these problems mattered particularly when a government delivered public services to citizens. not only did the government waste resources in the public service delivery process, but also the quality of public service was lower than citizens desired. under this circumstance, a psa was considered as an alternative to deal with these problems. by receiving autonomy and flexibility in managing its finance and personnel affairs, a psa is required to be more accountable to the government and citizens in terms of performance and results. it is obvious that autonomous financial management does not mean irresponsible spending by a psa. within its institutional framework, a psa needs to consider the value for money in producing better services (u.k. independent commission on good governance in public services, 2004). this implies that both financial management and performance of psa should be monitored and evaluated by a relevant government ministry. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 106 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics similar to other npm-style public sector reforms in indonesia (harun et. al., 2014; prabowo et. al., 2013; rajiani and jumbri, 2011; tjiptoherijanto, 2007), the psa system has been mismanaged instead of generating its intended goals. there are several factors that prevent psas from being run and operated effectively in indonesia. the governance of psa is not firmly structured. there is no clear division of roles and responsibilities between the ministry of finance (mof), which takes the top position in psa governance, and line ministries, which are the immediate principals of psas. nor are these roles and responsibilities properly carried out. in particular, neither the mof and line ministries administer properly performance management of psas, which is one of key factors to warrant the success of psas. moreover, those in the government of indonesia (hereafter “goi”) who are responsible for monitor and evaluate psas do not possess the necessary capacity. what happens in indonesia surrounding the psa system is exactly echoed by a warning of schick (1998) who pinpointed the risk of using psas in developing countries where rule-based government operations and a well-functioning market mechanism are hardly to be found. under these circumstances, psas cause a problem of inefficacy more than gains to the government and the society. focusing on the three key psa-related institutional arrangements such as governance structure, financial management, and performance management, this paper aims at identifying the factors that weaken the current psa system in indonesia and drawing policy suggestions for the goi to improve the efficient operation of psas in general and to make psas accountable in light of financial and performance management in specific. the reason why these three institutional arrangements are explored is because governance structure of psa is the most important framework within which key psa polices are formulated and implemented. financial and performance managements consist of the core operational principles of psas. at http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 107 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 the same time, they are complementary, representing the notions of autonomy and flexibility on the one hand and accountability and performance on the other. this paper is structured as follows. section ii describes the brief background of the adoption of the psa system in indonesia. it also examines how the psa governance structure is framed and how financial and performance managements of psa are administered in indonesia. in so doing, the key challenges faced by the goi in running the psa system are identified. section iii attempts to make policy recommendations for the goi to improve the efficiency, effectiveness, and accountability of psas. concluding remarks follow in the last section. current conditions and key challenges of psas in indonesia badan layanan umum (blu) in indonesian language means literally a “public service agency” which other governments call differently, such as the “next steps agencies” or the “executive agencies (eos)” in the u.k., the “crown entities” in new zealand, and the “special operating agencies (soas)” that renamed the “legislative agencies” in canada (armstrong, 2001: 8-13). as these terms indicate, a psa is an agency through which the government delivers public services to citizens, although every public service organization is not a psa. the background of the adoption of psas in indonesia can be traced back to the public sector reform that was initiated by the goi in 2003. public sector reform of 2003 was rooted in “law 17/2003 on public finance,” “law 1/2004 on state treasury” and “law 15/ 2004 on public audit.” one of the key agendas of the public sector reform is a reform of public finance. in doing this, a core reform program is how to reshape the relationship between the mof, as an ultimate body that is responsible for government financing, and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 108 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics line ministries and agencies that spend the budget. in this context, one of the most serious problems the goi faced was that line ministries and agencies were not able to obtain the intended goals of many programs and projects and, accordingly, not to improve the quality of public services. the goi recognized the stringent control by the mof over spending of line ministries and agencies as a primary cause of this problem. psas were considered as an alternative to solve the problem (ministry of finance, 2014b). under this circumstance, as the public complaints on government services increased, the goi decided to introduce psas in 2005.1 psas of indonesia are based on “regulation 23/2005 on blu financial management” which is in line with law 1/2004 on state treasury, especially chapter xii of the law.2 in 2005, the goi designated 9 agencies as psas, most of which were national hospitals. since then, because more public entities wished to transform into a psa, there are 134 psa under the responsibility of 17 line ministries in 2014.3 among these, 49 psas are medical service institutions and 63 psas are related to education services. other psas carry out a free economic zone function and a credit guarantee service. in indonesia, psas are granted with a high level of autonomy and flexibility, which is congruent with the principles of the psa system. by contrast, psas are criticized because their service quality has not improved in so much as increased privileges (damhuri, 2011). in other words, psas have exercised their financial and personnel management authority imprudently that cause managerial and operational inefficiencies. despite the fact that the success of psas is determined by the mechanism with which the performance of psa should be linked to rewards and punishment, the performance appraisal system in indonesia is not yet firmly structured. accordingly, the current system does not provide sufficient motivation for psas to improve their performance. as schick (1998) predicted, if a counhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 109 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 try, particularly a developing country, does not have arrangements that make psas hold accountable and performance-oriented, the psa system is not likely to succeed. indonesia, in some aspects, faces this circumstance. put it differently, indonesia has not been able to meet the following basic requirements for the success of psas suggested by laking (2005). * establish a psa with a clear justification. * place external oversight and control over a psa based on right rules and systems. * design a system that enables a psa to manage itself properly the following sub-sections provide the detailed explanations on these issues. issue 1: governance structure when adopting the psa system, the goi did not take a specific psa model of other countries into consideration. nonetheless, it is known that the goi referred to the experience of canada at the early stage of designing its psa system.4 when institutionalizing the psa system, the goi designated the mof as the ultimate responsible entity to govern the government-wide psa system. in particular, the directorate of blu (ppk blu) in the mof takes the de facto responsibility concerning psas in indonesia. to capture the psa governance, it is necessary to know the key participants, and their roles and responsibilities in governing psas. as figure 1 displays, there are seven directorate generals (dgs) in the mof. among these dgs, the directorate of blu is located in the dg treasury as shown in figure 2. as of august, 2014, the total size of personnel of the directorate of blu was about 70.5 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 110 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics [figure 1] organization chart of the ministry of finance source: drawn by the ministry of finance, government of indonesia [figure 2] organization chart of the dg treasury of the ministry of finance source: drawn by the ministry of finance, government of indonesia along with the mof, line ministries are one of core pillars in the psa governance. as briefly mentioned above, many government organizations that provide public services to citizens wish to get a psa status because psas are privileged to enjoy a wide range of autonomy with a low degree of requirements for accountability and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 111 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 performance (ministry of finance, 2014b). the approval process of psa takes two steps as follows. a request for transformation into a psa is first reviewed and approved by a line ministry to which a requesting agency belongs. for example, if a national university requests to become a psa-type agency, it must be approved by the ministry of education. after the approval process by a line ministry, the request is submitted to the mof for a final approval. the performance appraisal of psas that began since 2012 is undertaken in two steps—performance appraisal by a line ministry for technical aspects and one by the mof for financial aspects. the line ministry’s appraisal for technical aspects and the mof’s appraisal for financial aspects account for 70% and 30%, respectively. before two-step performance appraisal, psas conduct their own performance review internally. psa’s internal performance review and results are submitted to the minister of line ministry concerned for the first formal revie second stew. the ministry’s review results are reported to the mof for the final review and appraisal. although the two-step review and appraisal process, if undertaken properly, can strengthen the performance monitoring of psas, the performance appraisal is not effective in indonesia because both line ministries and the mof do not possess adequate capacity to review and assess the performance of psas. on the contrary, the current dual controlling mechanism prevents medical services psas from administering effective budget spending because directions on budget execution from the mof and line ministries are neither consistent nor coherent.6 inadequate financial autonomy of medical services psas reflects the desire of the ministry of health to keep controlling power over its psas. this is also supported by damhuri (2011) who claims that the line ministry’s control limits psas to maximize their performance. yet education services psas, which are under the same dual control, enjoy a high degree of autonomy with regard to budget spending.7 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 112 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics in summary, the psa governance in indonesia is structured by the linkage of “the mof ”! line ministries (“concerned ministries”) ”! psas” as illustrated in figure 3. [figure 3] psa governance in indonesia source: drawn by the ministry of finance, government of indonesia there three problems stemming from the current psa governance structure in indonesia. first, although the current regulations on psas—regulation 23/2005 and regulation 74/2012, both of which are on financial management of psas—do not define the detailed roles and responsibilities of participating entities including the mof, line ministries and psas. nor do they specify the governance system to operate and manage psas effectively. second, while there is a shortage of manpower and capacity, the directorate of blu in themof alone carries out all psa-related duties. when the dedicated psa management unit like the directorate of blu suffers resource constraints, it needs to actively explore a chance to absorb external expertise. third, psas can be managed and treated differently depending on the type of services they deal with. yet the governance of psa http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 113 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 should be based on consistent and coherent managerial principles at a national level regardless of types of psa. nonetheless, as signified by the difference in financial autonomy between medical services and education services psas, the goi lacks a unified governance structure to manage psas, which lowers the effectiveness of the psa system. issue 2: financial management psas in indonesia are highly autonomous in terms of financial management. this is one of the most significant characteristics that make psas different from ordinary government organizations whose financial management is usually under stringent control by the ministry of finance. there are several features of financial autonomy of psas in indonesia. first, when an ordinary government organization collects nontax revenue from service fees, this non-tax revenue should be transferred to the government general account which is controlled by the bank of indonesia, the central bank in the country. if that specific government organization wants to use the non-tax revenue, it is possible only after it receives an approval from the mof and the parliament. by contrast, psas are exempt from this approval process and flexible to spend the non-tax revenue. when this is the case, the minister of finance regulation 30/2011 mandates that psas report the spending and revenue to the treasury office of the dg treasury in the mof at least once within trimester. this reporting requirement serves for the purpose of managing the national financial information rather than other purposes.8 second, while the expenditure of government organizations are bounded by the budget ceiling as indicated in the national budget statement, this binding of budget ceiling works differently to psas. for example, psas are given flexibility to exceed spending up to a certain portion of the total non-tax revenue target, which is called http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 114 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics “threshold,” if the received revenue is over the target. if they want to exceed the spending beyond the threshold, they need approval from mof as stipulated in regulation 23/2005. third, whilst government organizations have to set out their budget planning based on inputs, psas set out their budget based on a strategic business plan. in doing this, they formulate the budget based on cost accounting of services they provide to customers. in addition, unlike other government organizations, psas should also apply the accrual basis accounting using financial accounting system in addition to the cash basis government accounting system (ministry of finance, 2014b). fourth, psas are flexible to set their own pay scale with which they pay the salaries and performance-based bonuses for employees. by contrast, government organizations should apply a strict pay scale set out by the goi (ministry of finance, 2014b). these financial autonomy and flexibility can be summarized in table 1. table 1 financial flexibility and autonomy of psas source: modified by author from the ministry of finance, government of indonesia (2014b: 5) this financial autonomy and flexibility for psas cause several problems. the first problem is ambiguity of budget composition. for example, the sources of revenue for civil servants’ salary, operahttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 115 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 tional expenditure and capital expenditure of psa come from the national budget.9 however, salaries of those who are not civil servants in psas are covered by psa’s self-generating revenue. this indicates that psas use the mixture of government accounting and business-like accounting (ministry of finance, 2014b). the second problem arises from the disconnection between budget spending and performance results of psas. in other words, the mof is not able to control inefficient spending of psas because there is no well-structured performance appraisal system. moreover, a lack of the mof’s capacity to manage and control psas accelerates this problem. for example, although the budget formulation in principle should be made on the basis of cost accounting of services that psas provide, psas tend to formulate their budget in an incremental manner, reflecting input factors such as manpower (ministry of finance, 2014b). if psas formulate the budget statement, they have to forecast the size of expenditure based on estimates of quantity and per unit cost of services they produce. yet there are not many psas that use this budget formulation process. rather, they formulate the budget of, for example, personnel expenses based on several percentage increase from last year’s payroll. this practice is not much different from budget planning of other government organization. the third problem, related to the second, is that while the budget of psas has increased over time, performance of psas has not been improved much. in particular, increasing expenditure of psas that is not parallel to performance becomes a problem. the primary reason is because psas can increase their budget when there are more inputs in the service production process. causing inefficiency in budget spending, psas tend to amplify unnecessary and redundant inputs (ministry of finance, 2014b). a typical example is one national hospital whose operational costs increased threefold after it transformed into a psa. this increase happened behttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 116 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics cause the hospital purchased very expensive medical equipment which could not be procured in non-psa hospitals under strict government control over spending. the increase in expenditure of psas can be justified if it is necessary for psas to attain their goals. that is, if purchase of expensive medical equipment is to provide better quality of medical service, it cannot be blamed. however, the responsible line ministry, i.e., the ministry of health, and the mof were not sure whether increasing operational costs helped the hospital provide better services to patients because of the ill-structured performance appraisal process in indonesia. issue 3: performance management the most important criteria to judge the success of psa is performance improvement. this is in line with the raison d’tat of psas. in other words, a psa is expected to achieve the organizational goals in a most efficient and effective manner at the expense of a high degree of flexibility and autonomy in personnel and financial management. if a psa is not able to meet this expectation and, thus, fails to improve performance, an agency problem arises. as the principal-agency theory explains, a moral hazard problem occurs if the mof and line ministries are not able to supervise and monitor performance of psas. the goi started fairly comprehensive performance appraisal in 2012, indicating that performance of psas had not been systematically assessed during 2005-2011. current performance appraisal is conducted by the mof in collaboration with line ministries. they assess performance of psas in two aspects—financial aspect and technical (or services) aspect which account for 30 and 70, respectively, of a full score of 100. when the performance appraisal was first introduced in 2011, only the financial aspect of psas was assessed. this assessment scheme was changed to measure service-related aspects, which the mof calls “services aspect,” in 2012. the current http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 117 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 scheme of performance appraisal has 8 grades such as aaa (the highest grade), aa, a, bbb, bb, b, cc, and c (the lowest grade). a psa receives one of these 8 grades depending on the assessment scores of financial and services aspects. table 2 shows this assessment scheme. table 2 performance assessment scheme of psas in indonesia source: internal document of the ministry of finance the results of performance appraisal of psas in table 3, overall performance of psa improved from an average performance score of 64.65 in 2011 to 74.34 in 2012. since the performance appraisal schemes of 2011 and 2012 are different each other as explained above, these two-year results cannot be compared equally. nonetheless, there is a slight improvement in 2012 from 2011. for example, if the results of financial aspect were compared on a same standard, the 2011 result of 64.64 could be converted to 19.39 with applying a 30% weight as in a 2012 assessment. this result is lower than the 2012 result of financial aspect. when the average scores of 2011 and 2012 are judged in the performance assessment scheme in table 2, the 2011 result falls into grade bbb, whereas the 2012 result is classified into grade a. when the 2012 result is compared across http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 118 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics the types of psas, health services psas show the best performance in both financial and services aspects. psas of education services and psas of zone and area management services received the lowest scores in financial aspect and services aspect, respectively. finally, if the same weight is applied to financial and services instead of using a 30:70 weight scale, average scores of financial and services aspects are 72.1 and 75.28, respectively, on a 100-point scale indicating that psas managed service-related activities better than financial affairs. table 3 summary of the results of 2011 and 2012 performance appraisal source: author’s calculation based on the internal data of the ministry of finance http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 119 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 in spite of this practice, performance appraisal in current form and practice has some problems. first, performance appraisal is effective if it is linked to financial rewards and punishment. put it differently, high performing psas should be rewarded with increasing budget allocation, whereas low performing psas should bear budget reduction as punishment. however, performance appraisal is not tightly linked to such financial implications in indonesia. for example, the mof does not use the results of performance appraisal in table 1 to increase or decrease the budget of a psa. accordingly, psas do not have strong incentive or motivation to improve performance.10 second, the structure of performance appraisal is neither complete nor comprehensive in indonesia. in korea, for example, performance of psas is assessed in several operational and managerial dimensions such as vision and strategy, operational efficiency, performance, and feedback. this appraisal framework is more comprehensive than that of indonesia where performance appraisal is not well structured in terms of composition of criteria. currently, the goi engages in a performance contract with psas in which there are 10 key performance indicators (kpis). for example, the medical service psas set up kpis including a mortality rate in emergency installation, a net death ratio, a maternity mortality rate, infection of operating area, operating revenues to operating expenditure ratio, and patient satisfaction.11 this composition of kpis can be classified into the quality of service, financial management, and clients’ satisfaction. nonetheless, these kpis do not represent all the dimensions of operation and management of medical service psas. this problem is even more serious in education service psas. although the ministry of education conducts the first stage of performance appraisal, it does not assess the quality of education service, only assessing part of financial aspect.12 third, the goi with an incomplete performance appraisal syshttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 120 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics tem does not possess sufficient manpower and capacity to monitor and evaluate performance of psas. the directorate of blu in the mof and line ministries are ultimate entities responsible for conducting performance appraisal. as of 2014, 70 staff at the directorate of blu is not enough to monitor and evaluate more than 130 psas. moreover, they are not specialized in conducting performance appraisal, lacking necessary capacity.13 being aware of these problems, the goi revised the performance appraisal system in june, 2014. conclusion and implications since adopting the psa system, the goi has allowed psas with a wide range of flexibility and autonomy in managing personnel and financial affairs, while the accountability mechanism is weak because the performance management system has not been placed strongly in indonesia. under these circumstances, there are more government agencies which want to transform into a psa in indonesia owing to a greater managerial flexibility with low accountability. the psa system, if properly operated, is beneficial to improve the efficiency and productivity of public service providers. for this, the most important operational principle of psa is the balance of flexibility and autonomy on the one hand, and accountability and performance on the other. judging from this principle, indonesia has not implemented the psa system successfully. in other words, whereas the psa system is one of practices of the npm, it is mismanaged in indonesia. as highlighted throughout this paper, a critical factor that makes the psa system successful is performance appraisal based on good governance. if a government is not able to build good governance and implement performance appraisal, the psa system may tend to cause more administrative and financial costs than gains. this haphttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 121 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 pens in indonesia. in particular, mismanagement of financial resources by psas matters in indonesia. examining the current conditions surrounding the psa system of indonesia, this paper provides the goi with several recommendations in three aspects. first, the psa governance needs to be grounded on a solid legal base rather than current regulations. moreover, more diverse stakeholders and outside experts have to participate in the psa governance decision-making. second, flexibility and autonomy of psa’s financial management should be monitored and controlled. a psa needs to place an effective internal monitoring mechanism. at the same time, an external monitoring mechanism led by an oversight entity in the psa governance must be installed. third, current performance appraisal should be redesigned. performance criteria need to be expanded to measure the inputs, throughputs, outputs, and outcomes. in addition, the performance appraisal process should be reframed so that the mof can conduct a meta-assessment. the results of performance appraisal should be utilized to provide useful feedbacks for a psa. in a feedback process, rewards and punishment should be applied. implications although psas are intended to improve the quality of public service, they do not render positive results at all time. to expect psas to achieve the objectives, there must be enabling environments within which psas are operated. among others, essential is good governance structure which suggests clear principles and guidelines in the entire processes of managing and operating psas. if a government introduces psas without good psa governance structure, psas are more likely to cause inefficiencies. therefore, psas cannot be adopted as an unconditional alternative to a traditional pubhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 122 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics lic service delivery mechanism. this is particularly true to developing countries where good governance in the public sector is not commonly found. indonesia has more than 10 years of history of psas. during that time period, the number of psas has increased sharply. there are more agencies that desire to gain a psa status in indonesia. however, the goi needs to slow down the approval process because the psa governance and other prerequisites are not properly placed. what is urgent in indonesia is not more psas, but better structure and system to govern psas properly. in this regard, this chapter suggests the policy recommendations with respect to the psa governance structure and the managerial schemes. when governance of psa implies the structure with which the national psa system can be better managed and operated, good governance is important for psas to achieve the goals and to provide better service to citizens. psas of indonesia have not served for those purposes because they are operated on weak governance at a national level. concerning the psa governance structure, two recommendations can be made. recommendation 1: form a national-level psa committee in which diverse stakeholders and outside experts participate. although each country in operating psas has its own governance structure, a committee structure usually takes the top position in psa governance. in forming a committee dedicated to psa governance, diverse stakeholders and experts are appointed as a committee member. by contrast, the goi runs psas primarily relying on the directorate of blu in the mof. considering the practices of other countries, the goi needs to expand the boundary of governance beyond the directorate of blu. for example, establishing a so-called psa committee is a possible option. a psa committee, if established, can be located in the mof as a ministry in charge of the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 123 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 national psa system. what is important is the composition of committee members and the function of committee. it can be recommended that (vice) ministers of line ministry of psa together with outside experts participate in a psa committee as a member. in addition, a psa committee should be given relevant authority with which it can oversee and manage efficiency and accountability of psas. recommendation 2: rebuild the psa governance on a firm and clear legal base. psas should be operated on a solid legal base. the current legal base of psa is a government regulation (peraturan pemerintah) which has a lower legal status than a law (undang-undang). because a government regulation is relatively easier to be replaced with or changed to a new one, the current regulation on psa cannot ensure the stability of psa system in indonesia. in this regard, the goi needs to consider enactment of so-called psa law to make psa governance more predictable and stable. if the goi wishes to make a psa legislation, a new law should include a sound psa governance structure which provides clear roles and responsibilities of key stakeholders including the mof, line ministries, and psas. the goi does not exercise the financial controls over psas even if there is serious financial mismanagement. although the psa system intends to allow a psa financial autonomy, it does not necessarily mean that the government should not engage financial management of psa at all cases. a psa, albeit separated and different from the traditional government, is still part of government, dealing with administrative affairs for a line ministry. therefore, financial autonomy for psa, if a psa misuses budget in the absence of financial control, may impose burdens to the government as well as citizens. in this respect, the following recommendation can be made. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 124 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics recommendation 3: monitor and evaluate the psa’s financial flexibility and autonomy through vigilant internal and external monitoring mechanisms. financial autonomy of psa should be grounded on financial accountability that must be held by a psa. in this aspect, the goi has to rebuild the internal controlling mechanism through which each psa can audit and monitor the soundness of its financial management internally. at the same time, internal control should be aligned with external control. in other words, because there is a possibility of malfunctioning of internal controlling mechanism, the goi needs to utilize external controlling mechanisms led by either the mof or other governmental audit agency. the most important reason to introduce psas is to improve performance of government organizations that deliver public services to citizens. higher levels of autonomy and privileges that psas enjoy in managing and operating their organization can be justified only if performance improvement is warranted. however, the 10year practice of psa system has not yielded such expected outcomes in indonesia partly because performance appraisal has not been placed well. concerning performance management of psa, three recommendations can be made. recommendation 4: redesign performance appraisal to set up right appraisal structure and performance criteria. the performance management system for psas needs to be restructured and fine-tuned in indonesia. this is because the current performance appraisal system is not designed to evaluate the key aspects pertinent to performance of psa. in this regard, the goi should consider redesigning the performance appraisal system from the current partial result-oriented evaluation to an all-inclusive one. for example, performance appraisal that measures partial outputs of psa does not reflect crucial goals of psa. moreover, when perhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 125 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 formance appraisal is skewed towards results too much, it is uncertain whether results can be sustainable. in this sense, performance appraisal should be based on a balanced evaluation of an “inputthroughput-output-outcome” cycle. on an input side, leadership of ceo, organizational vision and mission, and organizational culture should be included in performance appraisal. on a throughput side, the efficiency and effectiveness of financial and personnel management and strategic planning should be taken into account. on an output side, the immediate results of psa’s activities should be evaluated. finally, on an outcome side, the impacts of output need to be incorporated into performance appraisal. recommendation 5: adopt a systemic performance appraisal processes and utilize outside experts. concerning performance management, another recommendation for the goi is that the current performance appraisal process should be reframed. as described in a previous section, the evaluation of psa is undertaken first by line ministries. the mof accepts the results of performance appraisal by line ministries without critical review or a meta-evaluation. although the current process apparently takes a two-step evaluation process, it does not allow the mof to detect the shortcomings in the evaluation process by a line ministry. therefore, it is hard to provide psas with positive feedbacks from current performance appraisal. in this regard, the goi has to restructure the evaluation process, sticking to the principles of performance appraisal. for this, the goi needs to actively utilize outside experts in psas and performance appraisal because there is an inadequacy of current manpower and competency of those in the mof and line ministries who are responsible for psa affairs. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 126 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics recommendation 6: link the results of performance appraisal to relevant rewards and punishment. the final recommendation is that the goi has to align the results of performance appraisal to relevant rewards and punishment. if a psa is not rewarded or punished, it lessens the motivation to improve managerial efficiency and enhance performance. to expect the functional linkage of performance appraisal with motivation for efficiency and accountability, the goi may consider adopting a relative evaluation scheme for performance appraisal. a relative evaluation scheme means that the distribution of psa’s performance results is fixed in each performance category. for example, no more than 20 percent of psas cannot be evaluated in the first place category. likewise, more than 30 percent of psas should be allocated to the lowest place category. this recommendation of compulsory distribution is because the culture of performance appraisal is not embedded in the public sector in indonesia. in the absence of culture of performance, if performance appraisal is conducted within a framework of absolute evaluation scheme, it is probable that performance appraisal can be generous, which prevents psas from being efficient and productive competitively. endnotes 1 interview with a mof official on august 19, 2014. 2 regulation 23/2005 was replaced by regulation 74/2012 to reflect the psarelated regulation of the ministry of health. interview with a mof official on october, 23, 2014. 3 interview with a mof official on august 19, 2014. 4 interview with a mof official on august 19, 2014. 5 interview with a mof official on august 19, 2014. 6 for example, medical service psas are subject to the ceiling of personnel expenditure which cannot exceed more than 40 percent of total expenditure. there is no such restriction to education service psas. interviews with a medical service psa staff on august 20, 2014 and a mof official on october 23, 2014. 7 interviews with a mof official on october 23, 2014. 8 interview with a mof official on october 23, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 127 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 9 for example, one medical service psa pay 70 percent of employees’ salaries from self-generating revenues and 30 percent from the government budget. interview with a medical service psa staff on august 20, 2014 10 interview with a mof official on august 19, 2014. 11 interview with a medical service psa staff on august 19, 2014. 12 interview with an education service psa staff on august 19, 2014. 13 interviews with a mof official and a medical service psa staff on august 19, 2014. references armstrong, j. 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(2013). “new public management in indonesia (1999-2012): confusion in implementation,” a proceeding for the seventh asia pacific interdisciplinary research in accounting conference (apira). rajiani, i. and jumbri, i. a. (2011). “a cultural ecology of new public management in indonesia,” journal of administrative science 8(1): 17-31. schick, a. (1998). “why most developing countries should not try new zealand’s reforms,” world bank research observer 13(1): 123-131. tjiptoherijanto, p. (2007). “civil service reform in indonesia,” international public management review 8(2): 31-43. u.k. independent commission on good governance in public services (2004). the good governance standard for public services. london: independent commission on good governance in public services. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0024 104-127 a a history of modern indonesia ai weiwei amporn tamronglak athumthani university aulus wirotomo autonomy b badan layanan umum bambang wahyu sudarmadji bangkokthonburi universit banten beijing occupy bekasi biswar-diener blacksburg manifesto perspective brian smith bulletin of indonesian economic studies c cambridge camilo valderrama canada censorship central java charoen pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan affiliation: atma jaya catholic university of indonesia correspondence: (rosdiana.sijabat@atmajaya.ac.id) doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.111109 citation: sijabat, rosdiana. (2020). disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 11(1). 1-23. article history: received: january 16th, 2020 accepted: january 30th, 2020 disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia rosdiana sijabat abstract: this paper aims to examine the possible granger-causality relationship between public debt and economic growth in indonesia between 1998 and 2018. to accomplish this aim, a time series regression approach as well as diagnostic tests such as the augment dickey–fuller test and johansen cointegration test (which provides evidence of a long-term relationship between external debt and economic growth) were conducted. a vecm granger causality approach was chosen to investigate the causal link between government and economic growth. the vecm estimation provides new evidence that, over the long term, domestic debt has significantly and positively affected economic growth; at the same time, external debt has significantly and negatively affected economic growth. meanwhile, granger-causality analysis shows that economic growth has a unidirectional causal relationship with external public debt, but does not have such a relationship with domestic public debt. for this study, a series of 20 data points per variable were analyzed, covering 1998 through 2018. this sample size is rather small, and as such its findings are not perfect. the use of a much larger data set would enhance any similar studies in the future. nonetheless, this study illuminates the role of government debt in the economy by highlighting the importance of domestic markets as sources of public debt to promote economic growth in indonesia, and recommends that the government do so. keywords: economic growth; government debt; johansen cointegration; granger causality. abstrak: penelitian ini menguji kemungkinan adanya granger-causality antara hutang pemerintah dan pertumbuhan ekonomi indonesia dari tahun 1998 hingga 2018. dengan pendekatan time series regression, diagnostic tests seperti uji augment dickey–fuller dan uji johansen cointegration, lalu ditetapkan pendekatan vecm granger causality untuk meneliti hubungan kausalitas hutang pemerintah dan pertumbuhan ekonomi. hasil uji kointegrasi johansen memberikan bukti adanya hubungan jangka panjang antara hutang luar negeri (eksternal) dan pertumbuhan ekonomi. selanjutnya, dari analisis vecm ditemukan bahwa dalam jangka panjang, hutang domestik berpengaruh signifikan dan positif terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi, namun hutang eksternal berpengaruh negatif dan signifikan terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi. berdasarkan analisis granger-casality, pertumbuhan ekonomi memiliki undirectional causality dengan hutang eksternal pemerintah, namun tidak memiliki hubungan kausalitas dengan hutang domestik pemerintah. implikasi kebijakan dari studi ini adalah pentingnya memanfaatkan sumber sumber hutang pemerintah dari pasar domestik dan lebih berhati-hati dalam melakukan hutang pemerintah dari sumber eksternal, jika hutang pemerintahan menjadi bagian dari strategi mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi. faktor ketersediaan data menyebabkan data runtut waktu yang dianalisis hanya 20 titik waktu per variabel mulai tahun 1998 hingga 2018, jumlah ini relatif kecil, sehingga temuan dalam studi ini tidak sepenuhnya sempurna. periode waktu yang lebih panjang untuk penelitian serupa di masa mendatang dapat bermanfaat. 1 mailto:rosdiana.sijabat@atmajaya.ac.id disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 2 introduction theoretical and practical debate on the association between public debt and economic growth is ongoing (eberhardt & presbitero, 2015; bökemeier & greiner 2015). public debt is understood as resulting from limited fiscal responsibility within public policy (pečarić, slišković, & kusanović, 2018). at the same time, however, public debt can help promote economic growth and development (pegkas, 2018; korkmaz, 2015). this is particularly true in developing nations where economic growth is constrained by limited financial resources, such as indonesia (barrett, 2018; muhdi & sasaki, 2009). the policy foundation on the structure of government debt in indonesia is regulated in law number 17 of 2003 concerning state finance. article 12 paragraph 3 stipulates that the amount of debt is limited to a maximum of 60 percent of gdp and a budget deficit that is allowed a maximum of 3 percent of gdp. this law adopts one of the classifications regarding budget deficit limits and debt limits that are used as an international reference, the maastricht treaty. according to the directorate general of financing and risk management (djppr), the ministry of finance of the indonesian government, the government incurred debt because the government made the debt as one source of financing in the context of development and improving the welfare of the people in indonesia. debt is such an instrument pursued by the government to meet shortages of government spending in the current fiscal year. another argument from the indonesian government that tends to have to do debt is because the ratio of government revenue, especially domestic income, is tax which is still not optimal. for example in 2018, indonesia's tax ratio1 was only 11.5% of gdp, this ratio is relatively low compared to some neighboring countries such as malaysia (15%), the philippines (14.6%), and singapore (13.6%) (ministry of finance of the indonesian government, 2018). the government revenue from tax which is still relatively low is partly due to the level of tax compliance2 in indonesia which only reached an average of 60.1% over the last 10 years (2010 2018), where the government is aiming to reach the level of tax compliance at 80% every year. indonesia has maintained a high level of public debt over the past twenty years, maintaining an average debt–gdp ratio of 43.7% between 1998 and 2018. public debt has grown annually as deficits have occurred in the national budget. as figure 1 depicts, between 1998 and 2004, indonesia's public debt was always more than 50% of its gdp. since 2011, the debt–gdp ratio has remained below 30%, reaching an all-time low (23%) in 2012. 1 tax ratio is the nation's tax revenue relative to its gross domestic product (gdp) which is used as an indicator to assess the performance of tax revenue. such ratio indicates the government's ability to collect taxes from the total economy (gdp) (ministry of finance of the republic of indonesia, www.kemenkeu.go.id, 24/03/2019). 2 tax compliance refers to the fulfillment of all tax obligations as determined by applicable law which includes tax returns within a specified period, correctly declaring income and deductions, paying taxes assessed at the due date and paying taxes collected (doran, 2009). http://www.kemenkeu.go.id/ disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 3 350 330,1 300 250 200 150 100 50 0 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 figure 1. total debt-to-gdp ratios in indonesia, 1998-2018 (%) source: illustrated by the author based on data from the ministry of finance of indonesia. figure 2 shows that, over the past nine years, indonesia has experienced an average deficit of 228.2 trillion rupiah, with the highest deficit (330.1 trillion rupiah) occurring in 2017. average: rp. 228,2 trillion 296,7 326 297 241,4 224,1 222,5 44,2 72,3 figure 2. state budget deficit (trillion rupiah) source: illustrated by the author based on data from the ministry of finance of indonesia. owing to the continued government debt and budget deficits in indonesia, as elaborated above, this paper investigates association between public debt and economic growth. first, it is important to understand whether public debt has had a positive effect on economic growth in indonesia. second, to design flexible economic policy, it is paramount to determine whether 28,3 30,0 26,0 23,0 24,9 24,7 27,4 28,3 85 average: 43.7% 35 29,8 29,2 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 33 39 47 57 58 61 67 77 89 disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 4 maintaining public debt is sound fiscal policy. third, this study offers a real answer to recent criticism of the government's fiscal policies as well as the rapid increase in public debt these have precipitated. as such, the significance of this study lies in its understanding of the relationship between public debt and economic growth in indonesia. to do so, this study employs a vecm granger causality test, with its results providing several novel contributions. first, empirical analysis is conducted by using the granger causality test to understand two related phenomena: the association between domestic public debt and economic growth and the link between external public debt and economic growth. second, analysis was conducted utilizing the most recent available data on public debt and economic growth, covering the period between 1998 and 2018. third, it is hoped that this analysis of the indonesian government's fiscal policy and reliance on public debt can contribute a new means of evaluating such debt's importance in the indonesian economy. literature review public debt occurs as a result of budget deficits (das, 2016), which may be caused by numerous factors, including investment in major infrastructure and development projects, war financing, natural disasters, economic crises, and increased government expenditures (aybarc, 2019). all of these can cause fiscal gaps, in which the government budget is incapable of covering its expenditures (kiminyei, 2018; kharusi & ada, 2018). when responding to such fiscal gaps and budget deficits, governments often utilize public debt (thilanka & ranjith, 2018). as such, public debt is an important fiscal resource and strategy through which governments can fund their projects and make up for any shortcomings in their budgets (kiminyei, 2018). public debt is defined as direct government fixed-term contractual obligations towards third parties that are not covered by foreign currency reserves or non-stock securities (aybarc, 2019). such debt may be categorized as external or domestic. according to aybarc (2019), external public debt refers to the money borrowed by governments, companies, and individuals from foreign banks, governments, or financial institutions. meanwhile, avdjiev, binder, and sousa (2017) define external debt as debt owed to non-citizens that is paid in foreign currency. domestic public debt, meanwhile, refers to government obligations to local money lenders (avdjiev, binder & sousa, 2017; shkolnyk & koilo, 2018) or markets (bua, pradelli, & presbitero, 2014). a government may choose to fund its public debt through domestic means for three reasons: to cover budget deficits, to implement monetary policies through open market operations, or to develop the domestic financial market (alison, 2003). although many empirical studies have examined the effect of public debt on economic growth, the association between public debt and economic growth (both in developed and developing nations) remains widely debated. studies have shown that public debt may have a positive or negative effect on economic growth (dombi & dedák, 2019). some have suggested that, while public debt can promote short-term economic growth, over time these positive effects become increasingly deleterious (shkolnyk & koilo, 2018; aybarc, 2019). disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 5 the negative association between government debt and economic growth in 2002, patillo, helene, and luka examined the link between public debt and economic growth in 93 developing countries between 1969 and 1998. employing panel data analysis, they found evidence that a non-linear laffer curve explained the association between public debt and economic growth. they also found that the influence of public debt on economic growth extent is informed by its extent, concluding that external debt has a deleterious effect on economic growth when its amount surpasses 35–40% of the gdp and 160–170% of exports. reinhart and rogoff (2010) examined the association between high public debt, economic growth, and inflation in 44 countries (both developing and developed). they found that, when public debt is higher than 90% of the gdp, it has a negative effect on the national economy. this finding was supported by blake (2015), who found that public debt exceeding 100% of the gdp (with more than 55% coming from foreign sources) has a deleterious effect on the economy. blake reached this conclusion by analyzing quarterly data from jamaica that covered the period between 1990 and 2014 using an autoregressive distributed-lag (adrl) model to identify public debt's shortand long-term effects on the economy. shah and pervin (2012) analyzed the shortand long-term effects of public debt on economic growth in bangladesh between 1974 and 2010, finding that external public debt has had deleterious effects in the period studied. they showed that bangladesh has experienced a debt overhang, wherein the state accumulated a significant amount of debt but lacked the ability to repay said debt. shah and pervin also found that this external debt has had a crowding-out effect, wherein private investment became less common owing to the extent of government borrowing. meanwhile, puente-ajovin and sanso-navarro (2014) employed a granger causality test to examine the effect of public debt in oecd countries between 1980 and 2009, finding that economic growth is negatively affected by public debt. woo and kumar (2015) similarly showed that, in developed countries, public debt has had a deleterious effect on economic growth, concluding that a 10% increase in public debt would reduce economic growth by 0.2%. gómez puig and sosvilla-rivero (2016) investigated members of the european economic and monetary union (eemu) using a data time series spanning from 1960 through 2012 to analyze the short and long-term effects of public debt on economic growth, finding that such debt has deleterious consequences over the long term. more recently, kharusi and ada (2018) examined the link between government external borrowing and economic growth in oman using a data time series covering the period from 1990 to 2015. employing an adrl cointegration approach, they investigated the short-term dynamics of external debt and economic growth, finding that such debt has had a negative effect on oman's economic growth. in pakistan, another developing country, butt and hassan (2008) used ardl and co integration analysis to investigate the association between external public debt and economic growth between 1975 and 2005. they found that public debt has had no effect on pakistan's short and long-term economic growth. another recent study, conducted by kum and öktem (2018), employed autoregressive (ar3) panel data analysis to understand the link between economic 3 the autoregressive (ar) model is a form of stationary time series model, the p-ordered ar model states that the value of the t observation depends on the values of the observation over the previous p period. in disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 6 growth and public debt in 15 eu member states between 2000 and 2016. they found that increases in these countries' gdps reduced public debt over the short term, but increased it over the long term. they thus found a negative correlation between public debt and long-term gdp growth, which they attributed to public debt's negative effects on economic growth. public debt may negatively affect economic growth owing to the crowding-out effect (see, picarelliy, vanlaer, & marneffe, 2019; huang, panizza & varghese, 2018), in which private investment is reduced owing to high levels of government borrowing in the domestic market. as the government experiences high levels of fiscal deficits and public debt, the repayment of this debt absorbs available capital resources and increases interest rates (picarelliy, vanlaer & marneffe, 2019). the crowding-out effect occurs when public debts redirect national savings that could otherwise be used for investment. this is exacerbated by the fact that increased interest rates reduce private actors' willingness to borrow money, thereby limiting their investments. according to picarelliy, vanlaer and marneffe (2019), external debt can cause the appreciation of domestic currency, which can reduce competitiveness, stimmy investments, and hinder economic growth (buaa, pradelli & presbitero, 2014; picarelliy, vanlaer & marneffe, 2019). the positive association between government debt and economic growth on the other hand, some empirical studies present a positive association between government debt and economic growth. al-zeaud (2014) employed an ordinary least squares (ols) approach to investigate the link between public debt and economic growth in jordan between 1991 and 2010, finding that public debt has had a positive effect on the national economy. meanwhile, spilioti and vamvoukas (2015) examined public debt in greece between 1970 and 2009, finding that it has had positively affected economic growth. more broadly, karagoz and caglar (2016) employed a panel data model to investigate the effect of public debt in 17 oecd member states, concluding that public debt and economic growth were positively correlated in these countries. thao (2018) examined the effects of public debt on economic growth in six asean countries (indonesia, malaysia, filipina, singapura, thailand, and vietnam) between 1995 and 2015 by employing a general method of moments (gmm) approach and considering foreign direct investment (fdi), with gross fixed capital and real exchange rates as variables. thao found that public debt has a significant positive effect on gdp per capita in these countries, which could be attributed in part to their governments' effective use of investments to promote long-term economic growth. meanwhile, daud (2016) analyzed the direct link between federal public debt, capital accumulation, and investment levels in malaysia, finding a positive correlation between public debt and economic growth. this study took investment as representative of economic growth, federal public debt as a proxy for increased productivity, and degree of openness as illustrative of government policy. employing ols estimation and an ardl cointegration bound test, daud (2016) concluded that the accumulation of federal public debts has been positively correlated with the concept of ar, an event is not always influenced by factors that occur at the same time, but also previously known as lag (time difference). ar model is written: 𝑍𝑡 = ∅1𝑍𝑡−1 + ∅2𝑍𝑡−2 + ⋯ + ∅𝑝𝑍𝑡−𝑝 + 𝑎𝑡 (greene, 2018). disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 7 economic growth in the country. importantly, this study indicates that there is an optimal level of public debt for economic growth. only if this level of debt is exceeded will economic growth be stymied. the positive impact of public debt on a country's economic growth can occur if the increase in external debt or total outstanding debt is less than the interest rate on the total debt accumulation (todaro & smith, 2015; dombi & dedák, 2019). this concept is known as basic transfer, which is the difference between foreign exchange inflow and foreign exchange outflow at international borrowing or is the calculation of the difference between capital inflow minus capital outflow against interest payments on the accumulation of external debt (islamov, 2011). this basic transfer concept can be written as follows: bt = dd rd = (d-r) d. bt is the basic transfer value, r is the interest payment for external debt accumulation, rd is the total interest payment per year, d is the amount of increase in external debt, and db is the total external debt outstanding. if d> r, then basic transfers will be positive, meaning that countries that have external debt experience economic growth as a result of external debt. conversely, if r> d, it means that a country that has external debt loses foreign exchange. government debt, especially foreign debt if allocated to productive investment will encourage economic growth, because productive investment has a rate of return> r. government debt and economic growth in indonesia within an indonesian context, studies of the link between public debt and economic growth have had mixed results. swastika, ginanjar, and masih (2013) combined a wavelet coherence (wtc) approach, maximal overlap discrete wavelet transform (modwt), and multivariate non-linear regression technique of hansen threshold (2000). wavelet analysis was used to examine co-movement and causality, while the hansen threshold was employed to investigate non-linearity in the debt-economic growth ratio. this study, which focused on the period between 2003 and 2012, found a complex and dynamic lead–lag relationship between the external debt–gdp ratio and economic growth in indonesia. it also suggested that public debt is inversely related with short-term economic growth, while contributing minimally to long-term economic growth. another study was conducted by cholifihani (2008), who analyzed the shortand long term effect of external public debt on gdp growth between 1980 and 2005, finding a negative correlation in which every 1% increase in public debt reduced the gdp by 0.13%. muhdi and sasaki (2009) investigated the effects of government borrowing on indonesia's macroeconomy to determine whether the crowding-out effect was occurring in the country. they found that, although external public debt has promoted investment and economic growth in indonesia, it has also caused the rupiah to depreciate as the government has had to repay its debts. this has been particularly prominent since the southeast asian financial crisis of 1997, when the indonesian government accumulated significant domestic debts. ultimately, they find that external public debt has resulted in a crowding-out effect. a relatively recent study was conducted by djulius (2018), who examined the role of fdi, foreign borrowings, and domestic savings in shortand long-term economic development. using data from the world bank and bank indonesia, this study used an error correction model (ecm) disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 8 to investigate the link between several variables and economic growth. djulius found that external debt and domestic savings have significantly influenced indonesia's short-term economic growth; however, over the long-term, fdi has a significant negative effect on economic growth. meanwhile, although foreign borrowings have negatively affected indonesia's short-term economic growth, they do not significantly affect growth over the long term. table 1. association of public debt and economic growth author sample result al-zeaud (2014) jordan there is a positive role for government debt to the economy. blake (2015) jamaica if the ratio of government debt to gdp > 100%, and external debt> 55% of gdp, government debt will have a negative impact on the economy butt & hassan (2008) pakistan government debt has no impact on economic growth both in the short term and long term. cholifihani (2008) indonesia there is a negative relationship between external debt and gdp. daud (2016) malaysia if the government debt does not exceed the optimal debt limit, the debt will have a positive impact on the economy, conversely if the debt exceeds the optimal level, it will have a negative impact on the malaysian economy. djulius (2018) indonesia in the long run, foreign debt will not significantly affect economic growth. gómez-puig & sosvilla-rivero (2016) european union countries government debt has a negative impact on the economic performance of eu countries in the long run. karagoz & caglar (2016) 17 oecd countries there is a positive relationship between government debt and economic growth. kharusi & ada (2018) oman external debt has a negative impact on economic growth. kum & öktem (2018) 15 european union countries there is a negative correlation between government debt and gdp growth in the long run. muhdi & sasaki (2009) indonesia external debt has a positive effect on investment and economic growth in indonesia. patillo, helene, & luka (2002) 93 developing countries external debt has a negative association with economic growth. puente-ajovin & sanso-navarro (2014) oecd countries economic growth and government debt are negatively correlated. reinhart & rogoff (2010) 44 countries if the ratio of government debt to gdp exceeds 90%, then government debt will have a negative impact on the economy. shah & pervin (2012) bangladesh the accumulation of large amounts of debt with weak ability to pay causes a crowding out effect. spilioti & vamvoukas (2015) greek government debt has a positive impact on economic growth. swastika, ginanjar & masih (2013) indonesia there is an inverse relationship between debt and economic growth in the short run and the contribution of debt to the indonesian economy is relatively small in the long run. disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 9 thao (2018) 6 countries asean there is a positive and significant impact of public debt on gdp growth per capita. woo & kumar (2015) 38 advanced and emerging economies an increase in government debt will has deteriorate economic growth. source: author’s summary based on existing literature. research method model specification this study takes public debt, both external and domestic, and real gdp growth. for this, it employs a data time series covering 1998 through 2018. data regarding indonesia's gdp and debts were obtained from the indonesian ministry of finance. to determine whether a causal relationship exists between public debt and economic growth, a bivariate model of public debt and economic growth was examined, as written in the following equation: gdpt = α0 + α1 gddt + α2 gedt + µt (1) in this equation, 𝛼0 is the constant, 𝛼1 and 𝛼2 are the estimated parameters, t = 1, 2 … 20 are indices of the years covered by this study (1998 through 2018), and µ is the stochastic error term. meanwhile, gdp refers to indonesia's economic growth (as indicated by real gdp), gdd refers to gross domestic debt, and ged refers to its gross external (foreign) debt. to understand indonesia's economic growth, data were collected regarding its real economic growth; meanwhile, to understand its public debts, data were collected regarding its outstanding domestic and external debts. descriptive analysis was employed to examine the distribution of observed data and avoid biased results (greene, 2018). the jarque–bera normality test was further used to examine the normality of the data time-series, with the zero hypothesis that data would be normally distributed. statistical testing referred to jarque (2011): where: jb = amount of observations; n = amount of data; s = skewness; k = kurtosis to ensure the normality of the data, gross domestic debt (gdd) and gross external debt (ged) were converted to logarithmic values. consequently, equation (1) may be written as: 𝐿𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡 = 𝛼0 + 𝛼1𝐿𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡 + 𝛼2𝐿𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡 + 𝜇𝑡 (3) as seen in table 2, before the variable gdp was converted to logarithmic form, it did not meet the jarque–bera criteria for normality, 129.03 > prob. 0.00 (jarque, 2011; abdellatif, moutaouakilb & satori, 2018; jarque, 2011)—and thus regression produced biased results. given this finding, gdp was converted to logarithmic form, then it is named as lgdp, producing the results 0.46 < prob. 0.79. this indicated that normal distribution was achieved through lgdp. as such, bias in regression results was minimal (jarque, 2011; mantalos, 2010). 𝐽𝐵 = 𝑛 [ + 6 24 (2) disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 10 table 2. summary statistics description description (after converting gdp to logarithmic form) mean 4,86e-16 mean 2,75e-15 median 0,800865 median 0,168612 maximum 3,031828 maximum 4,245945 minimum -15,31601 minimum -4,981990 std. deviation 3,840424 std. deviation 2,027994 skewness -3,171624 skewness -0,260217 kurtosis 13,35519 kurtosis 3,506524 jarque-bera 129,0335 jarque-bera 0,461491 probability 0,000000 probability 0,793942 source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. result and discussion unit root: augmented dickey–fuller stationarity test when conducting time series analysis, it is necessary to ensure that the time series being analyzed is stationary, i.e. is consistent and constant. the most widely used method for checking stationary of data is the augmented dickey–fuller (adf) test (dickey & fuller, 1981; paparoditis & politis, 2018; salles et al., 2019). this test utilizes unit root tests to determine whether the analyzed time series is stationary, thereby avoiding spurious regression. adf testing employs the following equation: yt  a0  zt  a1yt  1  aiyt  1  t i1 (4) with a0 being the constant and t being the deterministic trend. if the autoregressive (ar) representation yt contains a unit root, the t-ratio for a1 must be consistent with the hypothesis a1 = 0 (mackinnon, 2010). according to this test, if the p-value > 5%, it may be determined that the analyzed variable includes a unit root; conversely, if the p-value < 5%, no unit root exists. afterwards, the best lag duration for the variable was chosen to enable a granger causality analysis of public debt and economic growth. as this approach examines the association between variables, it requires the lagged value of the variable being analyzed to be linked with the values of other independent variables. for time series with n iterations, the analysis follows the equation yt = (y1t, y2t, y3t, …, ynt). the degree of  (var ()) was determined through the following equation: 𝑦𝑡 = 𝐴0 + 𝐴1𝑦𝑡−1 + 𝐴2𝑦𝑡−2 + … + 𝐴𝑝𝑦𝑡−𝑝 + (5) with  being the lag amount, n being the number of variables, yt being the vector (n,1) of in the var model; a0 being the vector (n.1) of the intercept; a1 being the vector (n.n) of the coefficient matrix, and εt being the vector (n.1) of the error terms. as shown in table 3, the adf test shows that two variables are not stationary at the 5% level, namely domestic public debt (lgdd) and external public debt (lged). meanwhile, the variable gdp was stationary, with a t-statistic value of -2.342166. adf testing was thus conducted at the first difference (kulaksizoglu, 2015; paparoditis & politis, 2018). at the first difference, the p disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 11 variable lgdd was not stationary at the 5% level, while lgdp and lged were stationary, with t statistic values of -12.45130 and -4.319236 (table 3). adf testing was thus conducted at the second difference, a higher level of integration. this test found that lgdp was stationary, with a t-statistic value of -9.609003; lgdd was stationary, with a t-statistic value of -6.424901; and lged was stationary, with a t-statistic value of -4.440034. as such, all variables were determined to be stationary at the second difference. table 3. the augmented dickey fuller test variables adf t-statistics: level values adf t-statistics: first order difference adf t-statistics: second order difference lgdp -2.342166 (0.02190) -12,45130 (0.0001) -9.60900 (0.0000) lgdd 1.756847 (0.97520) -0.0694642 (0.3999) -6.424901 (0.000) lged 2.181299 (09902) -4.3019236 (0.0002) -4.440034 (0.0002) notes: the null hypothesis: gdp; lgdd; lged has a unit root. number in brackets are p value, the significance value of 5%. source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. further analysis of the time series required the application of a var or vecm model (rothe & sibbertsen, 2006; kim & choi, 2017). to determine which model was appropriate, a cointegration test was conducted. if cointegration was found, the vecm model would be used. conversely, if no cointegration was found, the var model would be employed. the model was chosen after the stability of the model and the optimal lag length were determined (jian et al., 2019). estimation of vector autoregressive (var) autocorrelation is most commonly a problem in var systems, and as such determining the optimal lag length was necessary (greene, 2018). there are many methods that can determine the optimal lag period for the var model, among other is to see the polynomial ar roots, including by inspecting the ar roots polynomial value (jian et al., 2019; lutkepohl, 2017; morano, 2012). if the value of the ar roots polynomial < 1, the model may be identified as stable. as reported in table 4, through the third lag no value was higher than one; as such, the model was declared stable. table 4. root of characteristic polynomial lag 3 root modulus 0,944489 – 0,159699i 0,957895 0,944489 + 0,159699i 0,957895 -0,734370 0,734370 -0,239267 – 0,653343i 0,695777 -0,239267 + 0,653343i 0,695777 0,656430 0,656430 0,272507 – 0,456090i 0,531299 0,272507 + 0,456090i 0,531299 0,275579 0,275579 source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. to determine the optimal lag length within the var or vecm model, the lowest value of the akaike information criterion (aic), final prediction error (fpe), schwarz information disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 12 𝑖=𝑟+1 criterion (sic), and hannan-quinn criterion (hq) were sought, as was the highest lr value (cernat-cernat, 2009; muruganandan, 2017; niedzwiecki & ciolek, 2017). as seen in table 4, lag one was optimal, as it had the lowest fpe and sic values as well as the highest lr value. this indicated that the variables within the model are not only mutually influential in the current period but were also mutually influential in the previous period. the var lag order results also showed that lag one was most appropriate for cointegration, var, vecm, and granger causality testing. the decision to use lag one was further supported by the fact that lr had a statistical value of 38.33275 and fpe had a value of 2.07e-06, as seen in table 5 (see, niedzwiecki & ciołek, 2017), as well as the fact that the sic had a statistical value of -4.012209 and hq value of 4.541896 (both significant at the 5% level). table 5. vector autoregressive criteria lag order lag logl lr fpe aic sc hg 0 26,03933 na 1,34e-05 -2,710509 -2,563472 -2,695894 1 51,10305 38,33275* 2,07e-06* -4,600359* -4,012209* -4,541896* 2 55,67869 5,383099 3,97e-06 -4,079846 -3,050582 -3,977535 3 65,20070 7,841658 5,37-06 -4,141259 -2,670882 -3,995101 notes: * significant at 5% significance level. source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. cointegration test a johansen cointegration test was conducted to ascertain the long-term correlation of the values being analyzed, a necessary precursor for employing the vector error correction model (vecm) (menegaki, 2019; jian et al., 2019; zou, 2018). the johansen cointegration test involves two stages. first, the var order is determined, then the cointegration vector is tested, with the null hypothesis being that no cointegration exists. this null hypothesis may be rejected after maximum eigenvalue and trace testing, both of which are conducted with the null hypothesis that no cointegration exists. the johansen test was conducted by checking , with     (with  being the amount of cointegration vectors within the vecm equation and β being the cointegration vector). to test the cointegration of the variables being analyzed, their rank within  was examined through their eigenvalues (menegaki, 2019). different null hypotheses were used in eigenvalue and trace testing. for the trace test, the null hypothesis that the amount of cointegration vectors ≤ r. meanwhile, for the maximum eigenvalue test, a separate test was used for individual eigenvalues, with the null hypothesis being that the number of cointegration vectors was r, with the alternative being (r + 1). the following equations were used for the maximum eigenvalue test and for the trace test: 𝜆𝑇𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑒(𝑟) = −𝑇 ∑ 𝑔 𝑖𝑛(1 − �̂�𝑖) (6) 𝜆𝑀𝑎𝑥(𝑟, 𝑟 + 1) = −𝑇 ln(1 − �̂�𝑟+1) (7) as shown in table 6, the johansen cointegration test resulted in a trace statistic value of 47.52813 > critical value 29.79707 and a maximum eigenvalue of 31.03284 > critical value 21.13162. as this indicated that the analyzed variables were stably cointegrated over the long term, further analysis disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 13 was conducted using the vector error correction model (vecm) (jian et al., 2019; liang & schienle, 2019). table 6. johansen test for cointegration unrestricted cointegration rank test (trace) hypothesized no. of ce(s) eigenvalue trace statistic 0,05 critical value prob.** none* 0,804717 47,52813 29,79707 0,0002 at most 1* 0,536756 16,49529 15,49471 0,0352 at most 2 0,093961 1,874776 3,841466 0,1709 unrestricted cointegration rank test (maximum eigenvalue) hypothesized no. of ce(s) eigenvalue max-eigen stat. 0,05 critical value prob.** none* 0,804717 31,03284 21,13162 0,0015 at most 1* 0,536756 14,62051 14,26460 0,0439 at most 2 0,093961 1,874776 1,874776 0,1709 source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. to confirm the relevance of the vecm, the stationarity of the residual (e) at the level through adf is assesed. as shown in table 6, the residual (e) is stationary at the level, with lag one not containing any unit roots. it may thus be concluded that cointegration was found amongst all the model's variables, and as such vecm analysis was appropriate. table 7. adf test for the residual variable adf t statistics critical value conclusion 1 % 5% 10% e -2,923095 -2,685718 -1,959071 -1,607458 stationary source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. vecm estimation and granger causality as alluded earlier, after determining that all the variables investigated contained cointegration, it was possible to employ vecm estimation and granger causality. the equations used for vecm analysis are presented below: 𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡 = 𝐴1 ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐵1𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐶1𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐷1𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡−1 + 𝜇1𝐸𝐶𝑇𝑡−1 + 𝑒𝑡 (8) 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡 = 𝐴2 ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐵2𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐶2𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐷2𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡−1 + 𝜇2𝐸𝐶𝑇𝑡−1 + 𝑒𝑡 (9) 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡 = 𝐴3 ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐵2𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐶2𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡−1 + ∑ 𝑘−1 𝐷3𝑖𝛥𝐿𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡−1 + 𝜇3𝐸𝐶𝑇𝑡−1 + 𝑒𝑡 (10) 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 𝑖=1 as discussed above, cointegration testing was used to show the long-term association between economic growth and government debt. to determine causality, meanwhile, it was necessary to employ vecm estimation (ahad & dar, 2018; zou, 2018). if the economic growth variable (lgdp) is predictive of changes in government debt (lgdd, lged), regression can be shown through these two variables. if this occurs, economic growth may be identified as the granger cause of changes in government debt. conversely, if this is not the case, it may be concluded that no granger causality exists (menegaki, 2019; jian et al., 2019). a variable may be understood as significantly influential if its t statistics < t table. in the model used, the t tables were 2.10092 (5%) and 1.73406 (10%). meanwhile, with the degree of disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 14 freedom being n k 1, this model had a degree of freedom of 21 2 1 at the 5% level. as such, it disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 15 was concluded that domestic government debt (lgdd) and external government debt (lged) have significant long-term effects on economic growth (lgdp), as shown by the t-statistics being 2.08297 and 4.48951. domestic debt is positively correlated with economic growth, while external debt is negatively correlated. based on table 8, the cointegration equation may be written: gdpt-1 = 99,407667 + 7,074042gddt-1 14,60334ged t-1 it was found that every percentage point increase in domestic government debt was followed by a 7.074042 percentage point increase in economic growth; conversely, every 1 percentage point increase in external government debt reduced economic growth by 14.6033 percentage points. this outcome highlights the long-run inverse relationship between external debt and economic growth in indonesia. table 8. estimation results of cointegration equation cointegrating eq: cointeq1 lgdp(-1) 1,000000 lgdd(-1) 7,074042 (2,08297*) [3,39613] lged(-1) -14,60334 (4,48951*) [-3,25277] c 99,40766 notes: numbers in square brackets and in parenthesis are the corresponding standard errors and the t -statistics respectively. source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. vecm estimation results are summarized in the table below, showing that the vecm model had a relative goodness of fit model except for equation (10), as the r2 value > 0.8 and the aic and sic were relatively low. for equation (8), ectt-1 was negative and statistically significant at the 5% level. the short-term vecm outcome indicates that changes in domestic debt (lgdd) in one to two previous time periods did not significantly influence changes in economic growth (lgdp) as evidenced by the respective t-values, namely [1.24105] and [-0, 56581] <t-table 2.10092. on the other hand, changes in external debt (lged) in one to two previous time periods have a significant effect on changes in economic growth (lgdp), this is shown by the respective t-values, namely [-4,36217] and [-2,35555] > t-table 2.10092. the lged coefficient value (-1) of -9.295100 explains that when there is an increase in changes in external debt in the previous period of 1 unit, then the change in economic growth (lgdp) will decrease by -9.295100 percent. furthermore, the lged coefficient (lged (-2)) of -4.468089 explains that when there is an increase in external debt changes in the previous two periods of 1 unit, the change in lgdp economic growth will decrease by -4.468089 percent. based on the value of adj. r-squared in the short-term vecm equation, changes in the domestic government debt (lgdd) and external government debt (lged) are able to explain variations in changes in the economic growth (lgdp) of 0.702621 or 70.26 percent, while the remaining 29.74 percent explained by changes in other variables outside the vecm being estimated. disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 16 𝑗=1 table 8. estimation results of vecm: short run estimation error correction: d(lgdp) d(lgdd) d(lged) cointeq1 -0,441880 0,027797 0,056320 (0,15209) (0,00709) (0,03083) [-2,90544] [3,91980] [1,82703] d(lgdp(-1)) -0,116651 0,007063 -0,039686 (0,22536) (0,01051) (0,04568) [-0,51763] [0,67218] [-0,86884] d(lgdp(-2)) 0,110138 -0,010809 -0,035735 (0,14499) (0,00676) (0,02939) [0,75963] [-1,59883] [-1,21601] d(lgdd(-1)) 5,136255 0,584710 -0,524458 (4,13862) (0,19298) (0,83884) [1,24105] [3,02997] [-0,62522] d(lgdd(-2)) -1,007766 -0,049512 0,483000 (1,78111) (0,08305) (0,36101) [-0,56581] [-0,59617] [1,33793] d(lged(-1)) -9,295100 0,154685 0,015508 (2,13084) (0,09936) (0,43189) [-4,36217] [1,55686] [0,03591] d(lged(-2)) -4,468089 0,270916 -0,166922 (1,89684) (0,08845) (0,38446) [-2,35555] [3,06308] [-0,43417] c 0,366087 0,026643 0,062809 (0,21800) (0,01017) (0,04419) [1,67926] [2,62102] [1,42146] r-squared 0,825071 0,943989 0,556897 adj. r-squared 0,702621 0,904781 0,246725 f-statistics 6.738029 24.07642 1.795446 akaike information criterion 1.396101 -4.735008 -1.796091 schwarz criterion 1.791822 -4.229287 -1.400370 notes: number in parentheses are the standard errors; number in square bracket are the t-statistics. source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. from the results of the vecm estimation in the table above, the following vecm is generated: ∆𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡 −0,441880 −0,116651 0,007063 −0,039686 ∆𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡−1 [∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡] = [ 0,027797 ] + [ 5,136255 0,584710 −0,524458] [∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡−1] ∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡 0,056320 −9,295100 0,154685 0,015508 ∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡−1 0,110138 −0,010809 −0,035735 ∆𝐺𝐷𝑃𝑡−2 + [−1,007766 −0,049512 0,483000 ] [∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐷𝐷𝑡−2] −4,468089 0,270916 −0,166922 ∆𝐿𝑛𝐺𝐸𝐷𝑡−2 granger causality testing is used to examine the causal association between variables. two variables may be said to have a causal relationship if their values are mutually predictive. for example, variable x may be identified as the granger cause of variable y if its past value can be used to predict the latter's current value (see zou, 2018). the granger causality test may be disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 17 𝑖=1 expressed mathematically as follows: 𝑦𝑡 = ∑𝑝 𝑎11 𝑦𝑡 − 𝑗 ∑𝑝 𝑎12 𝑦𝑡 − 𝑗 𝜀1𝑡 (11) disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 18 𝑗=1 𝑗=1 𝑋𝑡 = ∑𝑝 𝑎21 𝑦𝑡 − 𝑗 ∑𝑝 𝑎22 𝑦𝑡 − 𝑗 𝜀2𝑡 (12) with p being the maximum lag and a being the coefficient of the model. for this study, granger causality was tested by examining the association between lgdp, lgdd and lged as variables in the vecm. as seen in table 10, the granger causality test found that domestic public debt (lgdd) was not the granger cause of economic growth (lgdp) (p-value > 0.05); similarly, economic growth (lgdp) was not the granger cause of domestic public debt (lgdd). however, external public debt (lged) was statistically found to be a granger cause of economic growth (lgdp), while economic growth (lgdp) was identified as a granger cause of external public debt (lged), with a -value < 0.05. table 10. estimation results of vecm granger causality dependent variable: d(gdp) excluded chi-sq df prob. d(lgdd) 2,421513 2 0,2980 d(lged) 19,14891 2 0,0001 all 32,95436 4 0,0000 dependent variable: d(lgdd) excluded chi-sq df prob. d(gdp) 3,793536 2 0,1501 d(lged) 9,400302 2 0,0091 all 13,41062 4 0,0094 dependent variable: d(lged) excluded chi-sq df prob. d(gdp) 1,815510 2 0,4034 d(lgdd) 2,756232 2 0,2521 all 2,757619 4 0,5992 notes: the null hypothesis: existence of granger cause. source: authors’ calculation using eviews 10. discussion this study has examined the causal relationship between government debt (both domestic and external) and economic growth in indonesia between 1998 and 2018. a stationary data time series was analyzed using adf testing. at the level, economic growth (gdp) was stationary, while domestic government debt (lgdd) and external government debt (lged) were not. at the first difference, meanwhile, government domestic debt (lgdd) was not stationary, but lgdp and lged were stationary at the 5% level. further adf testing found that, at the second difference, all variables were stationary. this enabled the data time series to be analyzed using a var or vecm model. to determine which analytical model was appropriate, johansen cointegration testing was conducted. this test found a stable long-term association between economic growth (lgdp), domestic public debt (lgdd), and external public debt (lged). external public debt was found to significantly and negatively influence economic growth, while domestic public debt had a significant and positive effect. the positive effect of public debt on economic growth supports the findings of thao (2018), spilioti and vamvoukas (2015), and daud (2016). the granger causality test found unidirectional causality between external public debt and economic growth. this reinforces earlier findings (see cholifihani, 2008; and djulius, 2018) that external public debt is disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 19 negatively associated with economic growth in indonesia, and refutes findings (see muhdi and sasaki, 2009) that external debt and economic growth are negatively correlated. this suggests that the indonesian government should focus on domestic debt, rather than external debt, as the former is positively associated with economic growth. this reflects the findings of buaa, pradelli, and presbitero (2014), who found that domestic public debt poses fewer risks to national currency, reduces vulnerability, and enables the government to implement countercyclical monetary policy to mitigate the deleterious effects of outside phenomena. to optimize its domestic sources of debt, the indonesian government must improve its institutional frameworks and promote a healthy macroeconomy, particularly as related to the debt market and public debt management (abbas & christensen, 2010). conclusion in managing the state budget, the indonesian government encounters one of the important challenges, namely the budget deficit, both domestic and foreign sources of income cannot meet development funding. this condition causes the government to make debt as an effort to cover the budget deficit. the average budget deficit of 330 trillion rupiah from 2011 to 2018. meanwhile, for 20 years from 1998 to 2018, the ratio of government debt to indonesian gdp averaged 43.7%. the role and impact of a country's government debt on development and economic growth remains a topic of theoretical and practical debate among academics and policymakers. thus, this study was motivated by the theoretical and empirical discussions of the association between public debt and economic growth. it investigated the relationship between government debt and economic growth in indonesia over the period 1998 to 2018. data regarding public debt and economic growth from the indonesian ministry of finance, covering the period 1998 and 2018. empirical analysis was carried out with three main procedures. first, the stationarity properties of the time series were checked, so that the stationarity test was performed using the adf test. results from the adf test demonstrate that all the variable series were stationary at the second difference. second, johansen cointegration test is performed to check for the long run cointegration relationship between the time series. the johansen cointegration test demonstrate that series are cointegrated based on the trace test and the maximum eigenvalue. cointegration test results also revealed that in the long run, domestic government and economic growth have a positive and significant association. on the other hand, government debt from external sources is negatively associated with indonesia's economic growth. this finding corroborates the neoclassical view which posits that external debt may impede economic growth due to a crowding out effect of government debt. third, based on the long-term association between government debt and economic growth, the vecm is adopted for empirical analysis purposes. granger causality and vecm estimations were used to establish the causal relationship between government debt and economic growth. the empirical results of this analysis suggested that economic growth, domestic public debt, and external public debt are co-integrated over the long term. testing further found that, although a causal association existed between external public debt and economic growth, no such association existed between domestic public debt and economic growth. implication this study has some policy implication to guide policymakers in the area of government debt management in indonesia. its findings reaffirm that domestic government debt has a disentangling the association between government debt and economic growth: a granger causality approach from indonesia jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 20 significant and positive relationship with economic growth in indonesia. as such it underscores the importance of such debt for economic development in indonesia. for a policy perspective, policymakers need to be better prepared instruments for developing government debt in the country for example by providing more effective debt instruments for mobilizing debt that are attractive to the indonesian and foreign investors. in contrast, external debt appears to dictate long-term gdp growth; consequently, the government must be more cautious in dealing with such debt. future studies could focus on the reason why domestic public debt positively influences economic growth while external public debt has a negative influence, as this study did not consider such issues. one could also examine the source of economic growth, such as domestics and foreign investments, export, imports and domestic interest rate. acknowledgment this work was partly funded by the department of business administration, atma jaya catholic university of indonesia through research grant of 2018. references abbas, a., & christensen, j. 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(2020). using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 11(1). 24-41. article history: received: november 20th, 2019 accepted: january 31st, 2020 using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village ramaditya rahardian1 rizky wijayanti2 antun mardiyanta3 abstract: this research aims to see how a set of policy advocacy carried out by a community of penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) to reject the environtmental permit policy for hazardous and toxic waste treatment in lakardowo village and close the waste company, which is considered to pollute the environment. advocacy coalition framework (acf) theory as the main analysis to observe the reality that occurs in the field that only sees resources in advocacy includes formal legal authorities to make a decision, develop a public opinion, information and data obtained, mobilize forces to carry out the pressure, finance, and the art of leadership. we use a qualitative research method with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews with several informants as well as digging documentation relating to the issue of policy advocacy occurred in lakardowo village. the number of informants in the research were four people, determined based on the purposive sampling technique. in checking the validity of the data, we use the triangulation of sources such as data reduction, data presentation, data condensation, drawing conclusions, and verification. the findings show that, in reality, the villagers through the pendowo bangkit community had used various resources and strategies in policy advocacy to reject the permit policy for hazardous and toxic waste treatment in lakardowo village and demanded the closure of the industry. the results of the policy advocacy carried out have not succeeded in producing positive results in favor of the people of lakardowo village. keywords: policy advocacy, advocacy coalition framework (acf), hazardous and toxic waste (b3). abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaimana rangkaian advokasi kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh komunitas penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) untuk menolak kebijakan izin lingkungan untuk pengolahan limbah berbahaya dan beracun di desa lakardowo dan upaya untuk menutup perusahaan limbah tersebut yang dianggap mencemari lingkungan. teori advocacy coalition framework (acf) sebagai analisis utama untuk mengamati kenyataan yang terjadi di lapangan yang hanya melihat sumber daya dalam advokasi termasuk otoritas hukum formal untuk membuat keputusan, mengembangkan opini publik, informasi dan data yang diperoleh, mengerahkan kekuatan untuk melakukan penekanan, keuangan, seni kepemimpinan. kami menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui wawancara mendalam dengan beberapa informan serta menggali dokumentasi yang berkaitan dengan masalah advokasi kebijakan yang terjadi di desa lakardowo. jumlah informan dalam penelitian berjumlah empat orang, kami menentukan informan berdasarkan teknik purposive sampling. dalam memeriksa validitas data, kami menggunakan triangulasi sumber seperti reduksi data, penyajian data, kondensasi data, dan menarik kesimpulan serta verifikasi. temuan yang kami dapatkan, pada kenyataannya, menunjukkan bahwa penduduk desa melalui komunitas pendowo bangkit telah menggunakan berbagai sumber daya dan strategi dalam advokasi kebijakan untuk menolak kebijakan izin lingkungan pengolahan limbah berbahaya dan beracun di desa lakardowo dan menuntut penutupan industri. hasil advokasi kebijakan yang dilakukan belum berhasil membuahkan hasil positif yang menguntungkan masyarakat desa lakardowo. 24 mailto:ramaditya.rahardian-2018@fisip.unair.ac.id using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 25 introduction environmental problems tend to be very complicated. human activities cause natural resources to be exploited and used, resulting in emissions and waste. alteration in a physical and chemical aspect of environment generally affect other parts and interact with environmental complexity, increasing when complex human, social, technical, and economic interactions are taken into account (stake, 2011). social protests that lead to anarchism results in an expression for citizens awareness of the environment, where local government is required to truly move as an actor who must guarantee concern and maximum protection of the environmental rights of citizens, not only to exclude, eliminate, or even throw away their opportunities to enjoy the benefits of community constitutional rights (hidayat, 2019). in indonesia, conflicts between government, the private sector, and the community still occur in various fields, especially those relating to environmental aspects. one of them is the conflict occurred between the villagers of lakardowo and pt. putra restu ibu abadi (pt. pria) together with the mojokerto district government regarding the issue of the environmental permit of the waste processing granted to the company. this issue is essential to be studied in more depth considering the environmental problems always occur in various regions between governance actors, which give impacts to the community as marginalized actors. lakardowo villagers who join the lakardowo bangkit community (pendowo bangkit) have reported and complained to various state institutions related to environmental pollution due to hazardous and toxic waste. to this day, however, the report still has not received a positive response while the practice of environmental damage continues. it is consistent with the facts in the field in 2016, when about 230 more children in lakardowo village suffered from dermatitis because well water contaminated with heavy metals, sulfates, and total dissolved solids (tds) content reached 2,000 ppm, which exceeded the quantity established by the minister of health regulation (mongabay, 2017). furthermore, lakardowo villagers also often experience itching, which is allegedly due to the establishment of the company by pt. putra restu ibu abadi (dahwilani, 2018). the different statement expressed by the environmental agency (blh) of mojokerto stated that the waste processing company did not pollute the environment in lakardowo village. it is based on the results of laboratory tests of monitoring wells and community wells, which are conducted periodically, indicating that water quality is still appropriate as the standard. the same way was also expressed by the director of pt. pria who claimed that the technical processing and utilization of waste had met safety standards (budianto, 2016). the dissent was sharpened increasingly over time, which resulted in an escalation of conflict between the government, private sector, and community regarding the existence of a hazardous and toxic waste processing plant (b3) in lakardowo village. this conflict resulted in disharmony and distrust in each group of actors involved in the circle of problems. policy conflicts that occur as a result of injustice and openness encourage a community group incorporated in a unit to continue to get what they should get fairly. the community who have been living for more than ten years side by side with the waste company have complained and protested to the village head level, mojokerto district government, east java province government, and the central government in jakarta. using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 26 this paper discusses policy advocacy carried out by the villagers of lakardowo who are members of the pendowo bangkit community using the advocacy coalition framework (acf) theory as the tool of analysis. studies applying acf have been done by several researchers, for example, a research study by pierce (2016) which discussed the strength of resources and strategies in an advocacy coalition in colorado. the second study was conducted by markard, suter, & ingold (2016) who tried to describe the gap between actors and coalitions in energy policy in switzerland. the third research came from arshanti, kartodihardjo, & khan (2017) which addressed a problem and certification policy of sustainable production forest management using the acf. furthermore, the fourth study came from nwalie (2019) who focussed on discussing health sector reform in nigeria between 2003 and 2014 using the lens of the theory of theoretical approaches from sabatier and weible in advocacy coalition framework. the last is research conducted by yagci (2018), which discussed the importance of a differential access mechanism to information. information is more easily available for a group of companies that can act together to solve the problem of collective action. research studies conducted by the previous studies illustrate that the advocacy coalition framework is appropriate to use to study a group that seeks to incorporate the agenda of interests or policy change to suit the wishes of the urgent group. however, this study is different from the previous research that has been done because it focusses on how actors who advocate for policy use resources and strategies to make a policy change. the advocacy coalition framework is used to look at the problem of environtmental licensing of a waste processing company in lakardowo village, mojokerto district, which is detrimental to the community. this research aims to see how a series of policy advocacy carried out by a community of lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) to reject the permit policy for hazardous and toxic waste processing in lakardowo village by implementing the advocacy coalition framework approach. this approach is appropriate because this theoretical framework was created to see urgent public policy issues (sabatier & jenkins-smith, 1999). this research focusses on how the coalition driven by the pendowo bangkit organization uses a variety of resources and strategies in conducting policy advocacy. secondly, this research also intends to explore the demands of the community members of pendowo bangkit who are trying to close down the dangerous and toxic waste company in their village. this research contributes to the academic field through the concept of an advocacy coalition framework as one of the most useful public policy frameworks by considering interactive dynamics in policy change. meanwhile, this research provides practical contribution in understanding the dynamics of environmental politics that always exists, which results in conflicts between governance actors. literature review advocacy coalition framework (acf) the democratic governance is a system built on a shared learning process and decision making, involving various parties ranging from the voice of elites to minorities (parra, constanza, & moulaert, 2016). in a democratic system, citizen involvement or participation in making decisions regarding the use of public resources and solving public problems for the development of the region are vital elements that should not be ignored (sumarto, 2009). the issue about using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 27 democracy states often ignores many aspects of society in every public policy decision. the government’s role as the maker and executor of public policy does not always get a supportive response from the public; people who disagree will certainly do rejection and opposition to the policies that have been made (rahardian & haryanti, 2018). refusing and fighting for a common interest is part of policy advocacy, referring to the understanding of policy advocacy as an attempt to influence or change public policies to follow the wishes and desires of the people or groups who press them (topatimasang, 2016). another opinion about policy advocacy is a series of processes involving political action and are carried out by organized citizens in groups to transform power relations. the purpose of advocacy is to be able to achieve policy changes that are beneficial for the public to be involved (suharto, 2014, p. 124). one approach in the theory of policy change is advocacy coalition framework. dunn (2003, p. 78) stated that an advocacy coalition is a coalition using information built clearly with a policy argument that will be used in influencing policy agenda that will be made by the government. finally, the advocacy coalition framework helps to explain how ideas for policy change emerge from groups of people who are united in resolving a problem and trying to ensure that policies develop in a certain direction (howlett & mujherkee, 2017, p. 277). it is also supported by the statements (hoppe & peterse, 1993), which suggested that the advocacy coalition framework lens is worth to use as a lens to understand and explain a belief and change in policy when there are a goal and technical disagreement from various public policy actors. the advocacy coalition framework has at least four main premises, including (1) to understand the process of the policy change and the role of learning in it, which requires a perspective of a decade or more; (2) changes in policy within the timeframe are related to the policy subsystem, the interaction between actors from various organizations that participate in influencing the policy; (3) subsystems include existing intergovernmental dimensions; and (4) public policies can be conceptualized with a belief system, which is as a set of priority values and causal assumptions about how to realize them (jenkins-smith & sabatier, 1994). one of the frameworks offered by policy scholar, paul a. sabatier, was an analytical model of the work process of policymaking to solve public problems involving many actors and many interests. this model intends to explain trust and policy changes if there are disagreements and technical debate involving many actors. actors such as government, interest groups, research institutions, and private parties are described as being involved in the process of policy formulation and change. acf is described as a “policy-making structure” consisting of several components, including: relatively stable parameters, policy subsystems (where the process of policymaking occurs), and external events outside the system. the policy subsystem has several components such as a belief system, an advocacy coalition, policy brokers, resources, venues, and policy change mechanisms. the policy subsystem is part of a large system of policymaking formed from an understanding of relatively stable parameters by various actors. this subsystem involves various levels of government, issues that are struggled (such as pro-development groups or conservatives), and hundreds of policy participants from diverse backgrounds and positions ranging from the central government, regional governments, business circles, researchers, interest groups, and the media (fischer, 2007, p.123-131). the advocacy coalition framework using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 28 (acf) illustrates that individuals or groups use various resources at their disposal to develop strategies to influence or change public policies in various places. the resources in the advocacy coalition framework (acf) include (1) formal legal authorities to make a decision, (2) develop public opinion, (3) information and data obtained, (4) mobilize forces to carry out the pressure, (5) finance in a coalition, (6) the art of leadership coalition (sabatier & weible., 2007, p.201-203). a relatively stable parameter is a set of parameters that tends to be fixed, usually more than 100 years old and influence how the policy of a place. this parameter consists of four aspects, including the basic characteristics of the related area, the distribution of natural resources in the region, the socio-cultural value and social structure of the region, and the basic legal regulations of the region. these aspects become the basis for understanding what kind of problems exist in the area where the policy will be made (sabatier & weible., 2007, p.199). meanwhile, the last component is events outside the system. sometimes in the policymaking process, some events outside the process can affect changes in beliefs and policies made. sabatier and weible (2007) mentioned that four things could influence, including large-scale socio-economic changes, changes in public opinion, coalition changes in government, and policy choices and influences from subsystems outside the policymaking system (sabatier & weible., 2007, p.199). the use of lens of advocacy coalition framework in a policy conflict seeks to see how the policy subsystem that consists of various actors of members of an advocacy coalition who have the same policy beliefs and act together (sabatier, 1987). acf was created to look at the theory of causation in a policy process that is useful as an alternative to the existing heuristic stage with its limitations (jenkins-smith & sabatier, 1994). acf model from sabatier discusses an approach existsing in the dominant heuristic that is implemented in public policymaking (howllet, et. all, 2009). the advocacy coalition that has been formed will interact and try to produce policy programs following the advocacy group that urges it. the concept of advocacy coalition framework has indeed been proven to be one of the most useful public policy frameworks (schalger, 1995), although in its criticism to marten a hajer, the advocacy coalition framework considers it too analytically weak to adequately take account of the interactive dynamics of policy change. furthermore, marten a hajer acknowledged that the advocacy coalition framework (acf) identifies and explains important aspects of policy change. despite that, hajer believed that the main problem from a discourse perspective is that the advocacy coalition framework (acf) cannot explain why and how public policy changes that happen (fischer, 2003, p.101). environmental politics concept environment becomes a substantial component and need for life. today, the life of civilization will never be separated from its environment, including the humans, animals, plants, and all interdependent on the environment. these days, the environment is always related and intersected with political aspects. the politics of the environment becomes important because in every environmental permit that is made everywhere, it always deals with politics in its making. referring to the understanding of michael watts quoted in the work of robbins (2012: 16), environmental politics is a step in understanding the complex relationship between society and using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 29 nature by analyzing what is called a form of access and control over various resources and their impacts on environmental health and sustainable living. meanwhile, lamont c hampel said that political ecology is “a study of the interdependence of political units and the interrelationship between political units and an environment, all of which relate to the political consequences of environmental change. the aim is to explore and explain the levels that exist in the community and regional political movements in the global environment as a reaction to the degradation and scarcity of resources at the local and regional level” (robbins, 2012, p. 16). studies concerning various human interactions with the environment have a very long history in terms of various aspects of existing scientific disciplines. environmental politics is an interdisciplinary approach in analyzing human relations with the environment as reviewed using a critical perspective. in general, the focus is on power inequality related to a change in the environment and the distribution of profits and losses. the main feature of environmental politics is the politicization of environmental problems. it means that environmental problems can be viewed from problems of distribution and implementation of political and economic forces, which are characterized by a conflict problem related to future alternatives and disputes over alternative values and imagination. thus, in other words, the environment must be confronted politically and economically: democracy, ideology, economics, and others (andreucci et all, 2016, p.5). logical framework this study seeks to look at the resources and strategies of a community group incorporated in the penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) to continue to fight for healthy environmental rights by rejecting the existence of hazardous and toxic waste processing factory industries and demanding the revocation of environmental licenses contained in mojokerto regent decree number 188/1886/kep/416-110/2017. the authors use advocacy coalition framework lens in this research as a tool of analysis. to make it easier for readers, a flowchart of the logic frame in this research is shown as follows (figure 1). using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 30 conflict due to environmental pollution impacts from industrial activities figure 1. logical framework source: writter team, 2019 research method in this research, the authors used a qualitative research method through a descriptive review of a series of policy advocacy processes carried out by the village community of penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit). a qualitative method is used to see how resources and strategies are implemented in policy advocacy by the pendowo bangkit community. besides, the reason of using qualitative research with a descriptive approach is that the authors can understand all the phenomena occured related to the problems happened in lakardowo village. in the final results of this paper, the researchers can provide recommendations and suggestions related to policy advocacy carried out by villagers in lakardowo. qualitative research also provides an opportunity for researchers to further explore in-depth information and data accurately available in the field. all data obtained by the writers is conveyed directly and sharply to reveal the results of in-depth research. the location of this research was in lakardowo village, jetis sub-district, mojokerto district. we conducted a four-month study that began from march establishment of pt. putera restu ibu abadi (pt.pria) in 2010 the issuance of decree (sk) of mojokerto regent number 188/1886/kep/416-110/2017 result of policy advocacy advocacy coalition framework: resources and strategies. 1. formal legal authorities to make a decision, 2. developing public opinion, 3. information and data obtained, 4. mobilized forces to carry out the pressure, 5. finance in a coalition, 6. the art of leadership coalition using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 31 to june with several times visiting informants to collect data to obtain the verifiable information and the accuracy of the data as our evidence in accountable for the validity of the research. we selected informants using a purposive sampling technique, followed by in-depth interviews with various actors involved in the series of policy advocacy. we asked the informants directly about how to use resources and policy advocacy strategies carried out by lakardowo villagers to reject the environmental permit and their demands in closing the industry. the informants interviewes included the leader of penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit), the community leader of the gerakan perempuan lakardowo mandiri (green woman), ms. rumiyati who filed a lawsuit at pt. putra restu ibu abadi (pt. pria) to the court, and the chairman of ecological observation and wetlands conservation (ecoton), totaling to four key informants in the study (table 1). subsequently, to strengthen the evidence and complete the needs of our research data using documentation data, we collected highly credible data from print media and reputable journals sourced from scopus and sinta (science and technology index) 2 through sinta (science and technology index) 4. table 1. research informants no informants roles 1 leader of penduduk lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) civil society organization in lakardowo village 2 leader of gerakan perempuan lakardowo mandiri (green woman) civil society organization in lakardowo village 3 ms. rumiyati person in charge in lakardowo village who filed a lawsuit of pt. pria 4 leader of ecological observation and wetlands conservation (ecoton) non government organizational of environmental source: writter team, 2019 to test the analysis of the data, we used the triangulation technique (source) and an analysis of the interactive data guidelines of the theory (miles, huberman & saldaña, 2014), such as: data collection which is obtained through a series of interviews, documents, and recordings that are processed into a transcript. this data collection was obtained from several key actors involved in refusing the environmental permits of hazardous and toxic waste processing industry in lakardowo. the data consisted of documents, photos, and notes from interviews with informants. meanwhile, previous research reports were also used by the researchers as an overview in doing the writing. in the next stage, the authors conducted data condensation to simplify and clarify the results of the data to be more easily understood by readers. the authors made a strict selection so that the data obtained are interconnected to provide an accurate explanation. the third stage in terms of presenting data was in the form of images that are easily understood by the readers. the presentation of data is the organization of data obtained and subsequently processed and written to be presented in an easily understood form. finally, in drawing a conclusion in this study, the authors concluded the results obtained in the field. using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 32 result and discussion cases of environmental conflicts are broadly spread in indonesia, as illustrated according to data released by the wahana lingkungan hidup indonesia, east java (walhi east java) in 2019 that there are at least various typologies of environmental cases in java island such as spatial cases of 5%, damage in forestry cases of 13%, mining cases of 52%, infrastructure cases of 13%, tourism & property industry cases of 13%, and pollution cases of 4% (figure 1). the cases that are not handled well result in damage and conflict between the actors concerned. figure 2. typology of environmental cases in java island in the last five years source: walhi jawa timur, 2019. community resistance to exploitative companies of the natural resources has been recorded on the history which is more likely to be the basis of their concerns were the threats and dangers of degradation of environment, without concerning economic growth as a positive impact of extractive activities. public is well aware that degradation of environment will always destroy and pollute water, pollution from extraction and processing, and exploitation of soil outbreaks (ascher, w. & mirovitskaya, 2016). protest to public policy is part of advocacy carried out by the community. advocacy here is to build strong democratic organizations to make the authorities accountable and demand an increase in people’s skills and thinking about how power works (miller & covey, 2015). regarding resources and strategies in policy advocacy to refuse environmental permits on the processing of hazardous and toxic waste and close down the industry’s activities have been carried out by the pendowo bangkit organization which includes: formal legal authorities to make a decision pendowo bangkit used various access to resources that it has, including formal legal authorities to make decisions. in this resource aspect, the empowerment of coalition uses a network of formal legal authorities from ecological observation and wetlands conservation (ecoton) to conduct reviews and investigations on the effects of environmental pollution occurred. besides, the ecoton institution also complained about the environmental issues of lakardowo village to the house of representatives commission vii of the republic of indonesia (dpr ri), 5% 13% 4% 52% 13% 13% spatial forestry pollution industrie, tourism & property infrastructure mining using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 33 presidential staff, ministry of environment and forestry (klhk) at the central and provincial government levels. national commission of human rights commission (komnasham) uses the network carried out by pendowo that is considered essential because the access owned by ecoton and komnasham knows the way and efforts should be prepared in rejecting the existence of hazardous and toxic waste processing industry in the village. various issues in the case of pollution carried out by pt. pria was used by pendowo bangkit community to attract wider public attention. the opinion that had developed in the community, especially the community in several villages in lakardowo, made the image of the waste processing company negative for lakardowo village community. the problem regarding the audit of environmental impact analysis (eia) was also used by the community as a weapon against pt. pria and the licensee issuer, in this case, is the government of mojokerto district. related to the information obtained by pendowo bangkit, to obtain clear information which will later be used as a weapon in suing mojokerto district government and pt. pria, the pendowo bangkit often conducts studies and discussions with several non-governmental organizations (ngos) such as the ecological observation and wetlands conservation (ecoton), the east java indonesian environmental forum (walhi east java), and the legal aid institute (lbh) in surabaya. in exerting pressure, the pendowo bangkit organization uses some of the networks that they obtained to reject the environmental permit policy and demand the dismissal of the industry. this network gave access to pendowo bangkit in meeting some of the stakeholders responsible for issuing the permit. policy advocacy networks that occur in the community can be a control for the label of public interest (firmansyah, 2010). besides, the complexity of managing shared interests arises and increasingly surfaces consistently and institutionalized in line with the development of governance approaches (yuliarso & prajoti, 2005). the network in policy advocacy is also an important component of social capital for the pendowo bangkit organization in carrying out its advocacy series. with social capital, they can build social networks that are geographically wider than the location where they live (supraja, 2010). information and data obtained some results of the discussions and studies conducted by pendowo bangkit found several essential findings as information that was obtained among other deception from pt. pria that did not provide prior socialization regarding the establishment of the waste processing company to the community in lakardowo village. the second information related to the environmental permit for the construction of a waste processing company which is problematic and considered odd. it is because since the waste processing company was established in 2010, the new government issued its environmental permit in 2017 with decree (sk) of mojokerto district number 188/1886/kep/416-110/2017 concerning environmental permit for brick industry business activities of pt. pria in lakardowo village. in addition, regarding laboratory tests conducted by institute technology sepuluh november (its surabaya) about the influence of the composition of soil materials, ecoton and residents of lakardowo village also took the same sample and then tested it at the laboratory at the black smith institute jakarta which aims to detect heavy metals in the soil. related to this, the company using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 34 can be prosecuted legally and can be sanctioned by the state if it is indicated to have accumulated hazardous and toxic waste without permission. it also violate the laws of constitution number 32 of 2009 and government regulations number 101 of 2014 concerning hazardous and toxic waste management. the indication can be analyzed for the presence of unknown material, which means there is a landfill activity without a landfill permit because the company only has permits for utilization, processing, and destruction. in processing information, the organization of pendowo bangkit which already has a network with several non-governmental organizations have obtained information based on studies and discussions with various other ngo actors. information becomes an important component in policy advocacy because this is what will later be used as a weapon. research conducted by yagci (2018) discussed the importance of a differential access mechanism to information. information is more easily available for a group of companies that can act together to solve the problem of collective action. based on the previous research, access to information is an important component in policy advocacy. acf assumes that information is a resource used by policy actors to win political battles against opponents on a public policy issue. information is used include strategies that support negotiations, opponents of opinion, opponents, court decisions, and public opinion (sabatier & weible, 2007, p. 203). develop public opinion various methods have been taken so that the problem of hazardous and toxic waste in lakardowo village can be immediately completed and freed from the threat of hazardous and toxic waste because since the last four years the residents of lakardowo village have been harmed by the hazardous and toxic waste processing plant activities. because of this issue, some children in the village have dermatitis due to the use of well water polluted by waste. meanwhile, the company refused to process the identification of environmental pollution. indeed, the use of campaigns in social, printed, and electronic media is also used by pendowo bangkit. it is aimed at creating an injustice frame felt by the community of lakardowo village from the environemental permit of the hazardous and toxic waste company. as for the documentation from the campaign carried out by pendowo bangkit to form joint awareness of the villagers about the dangers of hazardous and toxic waste in lakardowo is as follows. (figure 3) figure 3. pendowo bangkit campaign source: pendowo bangkit instagram, 2018 using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 35 pendowo bangkit has shaped issues and public opinion to encourage people in lakardowo village and outside the village to participate in their advocacy series. besides, the issues are also used as media in shaping the framing of injustices done by the government to lakardowo villagers due to the environmental permit of the hazardous and toxic waste processing industry which was given to pt. pria. issues and public opinion are commonly used by groups of policy advocacy. it is also found in research conducted by rahardian & kurnia (2018) about the use of an issue to be developed in policy advocacy to reject evictions in jebres demangan, surakarta. it also agreed that public opinion was used to support the position of the coalition as the main resource for policy actors. a supportive public is more likely to support to help influence policy makers’ decisions (sabatier & weible, 2007, p. 203). mobilize forces to carry out the pressure in mobilizing troops, pendowo bangkit utilized various classes of society consisting of five village lakardowo which are contradictory to the company in carrying out demonstrations to refuse environmental permits for hazardous and toxic waste processing company. this mobilization was carried out for the first time by demonstration addressed to the head of lakardowo village, followed by a demonstration in front of the waste processing company of pt. pria with demands to dismiss activities from the company and repair the polluted lakardowo village environment. further, the pendowo bangkit community also took action against the government of mojokerto district and the east java province government with demands to pay attention to what happened in lakardowo village. the campaign launched by the residents of lakardowo village was increasingly active because recently there was a discourse on land expansion by the hazardous and toxic waste management company. at this time, the campaign was dominated by mothers who were held at the lakardowo village hall office. many of the residents who were members of the pendowo bangkit community carried banners and sang the national anthem indonesia raya and prayer. one of them even gave a speech about 20 minutes until finally the residents and government held a mediation. in the mediation, the residents asked the village to immediately resolve the problem of the activities of the b3 waste processing plant which increasingly caused losses and damage to the rice fields. because for the past several years, paddy fields owned by residents have not been able to produce high-quality crops that have caused a decline in people’s income. it is common for plants to die before the harvest period. for example, corn has not produced quality fruit for about three years. sometimes the crops are damaged before the harvest period. lastly, the pendowo bangkit community also took a small action in front of the presidential palace in jakarta. another activity which is always mobilized by pendowo bangkit is to commemorate world water day and commemorate the february 20 tragedy which is considered as a day to commemorate the tragedy of intimidation received by lakardowo village fighters. this annual action was held in front of the pt. pria. besides, troop mobilization was also used in various actions to guard the proceedings of the environmental permit lawsuit for the construction of hazardous and toxic waste processing company in the administrative court (ptun) in surabaya. using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 36 the use of mass mobilization to conduct demonstrations is widely used by several parties or groups that carry out policy advocacy. it is also shown in research conducted by rahardian & haryanti (2018) which in the research findings revealed demonstrations of several labor groups in surakarta in rejecting wage policies. the latest research conducted by wong (2016) also found several protests conducted by residents of guangzhou, china in the case of anti -incinerator. reflecting from previous research and theories, it also confirms that policy advocacy is identical to a social movement or mobilization of a period. to achieve the expected policy changes, mass mobilization becomes essential in the series of advocacy. it is because to get the attention of policymakers and implementers, it requires the appointment of a problem that is felt to be really important starting from the lower levels. the documentation of the activities in mobilizing the mass of lakardowo village in protesting the environmental permit and the existence of the industry can be seen in the picture below (figure 4). figure 4. mobilization of lakardowo village source: pendowo bangkit instagram, 2019 the campaign was also carried out by lakardowo village in various moments such as one of the moments of world water day which was used as a means of action for around 500 lakrdowo villagers to declare that 60% of their regional well water had been contaminated with b3 waste. the pendowo bangkit leader explained that the well water of lakardowo village has tds leve ls above 1000 mg per liter, which has exceeded drinking water quality standards based on health minister regulation number 402 of 2010. the impact of contamination of the water is believed to cause dermatitis or skin irritation suffered by 432 residents of lakardowo village since 2016. in mobilizing troops to keep the spirit of change to create a sustainable lakardowo village, pendowo bangkit often held film screenings entitled “desa lakardowo mencari keadilan” (lakardowo village seeks justice). pendowo bangkit also often fills in activities on campuses that hold seminars that invite them to be speakers to tell about the problems and conflicts occurred in using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 37 lakardowo village. activities to fill out seminars or discussions conducted by pendowo bangkit also endeavor to recruit supporters from academia and students who join in their activities to seek justice for the right to a healthy environment. (figure 5) finance figure 5. pendowo bangkit campaign in university source: pendowo bangkit instagram, 2019 in terms of finance, pendowo bangkit conducted a fundraising activity carried out by the youth of tarang karuna (tarka) in the village who came to the residents’ homes in lakardowo village. besides, they sought a budget by selling souvenirs of pendowo bangkit clothes through instagram and promoting the lakardowo village waste tourism for academics or the wider community who visited the village. other funds they get are sourced from ecoton, which is a non governmental organization in east java. the use of financial resources also becomes important, see in (weible et al., 2011) which in its theoretical findings also maintains the financial aspects of resources as a strategy in advocating for policies carried out by certain groups. leadership in the leadership aspect of the policy advocacy on permits for hazardous and toxic waste processing in lakardowo village, the leader of pendowo bangkit community carried out various techniques that characterize the leadership. for example, the leader of pendowo bangkit always intensely leads routine discussions every week to make strategy and evaluate the policy advocacy series they have done in pendowo bangkit base camp. the leader of pendowo bangkit has always been active in lobbying and negotiating with several stakeholders related to the issue of environmental permits for the processing of hazardous and toxic waste in the village. the leadership aspect becomes an important component that should not be ignored in policy advocacy, as shown by research findings of pierce (2016) that among winning coalition members in the colorado hydraulic fracturing politics, leadership is a great resource for their strategy. based on the explanation, one aspect of leadership in resources and strategy in the advocacy coalition using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 38 framework has been carried out by the pendowo bangkit organization. the leadership aspect becomes important in a series of policy advocacy. this is also in accordance with the research by kingdon (1995) which stated the way to be a leader who can create an interesting vision for the coalition, use strategic resources, and attract new resources to the coalition. policy advocacy result from the various uses of resources and strategies in advocating for environmental permit policies for the construction of waste processing companies, there are several successes and failures in the range of advocacy policies. first, the pendowo bangkit community succeeded in arousing the house of representative of indonesia republic (dpr ri), especially the vii commission, issuing recommendations to urge pt. pria to restore environmental functions by taking landfill on community land exposed to waste in 2016, although the recommendations from the dpr ri have not been fully implemented by the waste processing company. second, the negative result obtained was an environmental permit suit for the waste processing company sued by the pendowo bangkit community which was rejected by the administrative court (pengadilan tata usaha negara) in surabaya. however, this is still not over because citizens and communities are demanding an appeal against the judge’s decision and the policy advocacy activities continue. conclusion this paper discusses a resource and policy advocacy strategy carried out by pendowo bangkit in rejecting environmental permits and demanding the closure of the hazardous and toxic waste industry using the lens of the advocacy coalition framework theory. the resources used as a strategy in conducting policy advocacy are essential because it has been done by community groups in pendowo bangkit in refusing environmental permits related to the processing of hazardous and toxic waste that has been issued by the mojokerto district government and demanding the closure of the company. in carrying out a policy advocacy, the pendowo bangkit uses six resources as their strategy, which includes: formal legal authorities to make a decision, developing public opinion, information and data obtained, mobilized forces to carry out the emphasis, finance in a coalition, and the art of leadership. the results of the policy advocacy that have been carried out have not sided the group that urges it. meanwhile, the hazardous and toxic waste processing company, in this case is pt.pria, still operates amid polemic in the village. this research certainly has limitations. first, because the research on advocacy coalition framework requires quite a long time, the research cannot present optimum results. second, lakardowo villagers struggle to fight for their interests and are still being pursued so that later this research can be continued by other researchers who want to research policy advocacy in rejecting environmental permits for the processing of hazardous and toxic waste in the lakardowo village. based on the case of this incident, the theoretical implications in this study provide the benefit that the application of resources used as a strategy in policy advocacy with the lens of advocacy coalition framework can be used by actors who advocate policy. this research also provides recommendations to actors who advocate policy to seek innovation and strategy outside the strategy that has been carried out as well as appeal to the court and maintain the spirit of using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 39 struggle that has been built for the policy change. meanwhile, other recommendations are also given to the mojokerto district government. recommendations given primarily in environmental problems that in this era of governance, all parties should be involved in the formulation of a policy, including the government, private, and community actors. it is intended to minimize conflicts that exist and is already common in the developing countries such as indonesia. acknowledgment this article can be successful and published well because of the collaboration with various parties who cooperatively cooperated with the author, as well as various parties including the leader of the community lakardowo bangkit (pendowo bangkit) mr. nurhasim, head of gerakan perempuan lakardowo mandiri (green woman), mrs. sutamah, mrs. rumiyati, the organization of the ecological observation and wetlands conservation (ecoton), and head of lakardowo village who have allowed the author to conduct research on policy advocacy of environmental permit of hazardous and toxic waste processing by pt. putra restu ibu abadi (pt. pria). the 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http://walhijatim.or.id/2019/12/negara-korporasi-dan-lembaga-pembiayaan-harushttps://arizona.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/a-quarter-century-of-the-advocacy-coalition-framework-an-introduc https://arizona.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/a-quarter-century-of-the-advocacy-coalition-framework-an-introduc https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11266-015-9603-1?shared-article-renderer https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11266-015-9603-1?shared-article-renderer https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327108514_policy_knowledge_collective_action_and_advocacy_coalitions_regulating_gmos_in_turkey https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327108514_policy_knowledge_collective_action_and_advocacy_coalitions_regulating_gmos_in_turkey https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/jsp/article/view/11046 https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/jsp/article/view/11046 using the advocacy coalition framework to reject the environmental permit for hazardous and toxic waste processing: resources and strategy used by community of lakardowo village jsp | jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol. 11, no. 1 / february 2020 | 42 https://doi.org/10.22146/jsp.11046 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 194 of 207 a comparative political analysis between the new order regime and the reformed era in indonesia: a case study of oligarchy politics in the mining industry of east kalimantan abstract this study analyzes and discusses the democratization of the political oligarchy circle in assessing comparative political oligarchy between the new order (orba) and the reformed regime. the authors used a literature review method, which is through journals and reports that associate the goal of this research and had descriptively designed the study through data obtained from the said sources. findings generated in this study are the comparison between the state of political oligarchy in the new era and the post-reform era. seen over time, the democratization process increasingly shows a paradoxical situation. it illustrates that the political dynamics and democratic freedoms of citizens are being controlled, as a reflection of perplexed democracy perceived with detachment during the new order authoritarian regime. political actors also have taken advantage of the transition building a consolidated political force and repositioning itself into a storefront network of governmental power. however, the transition process aided the rise of a black-market democracy – entrepreneur oligarchs whose hunger for political power and wealth brought them to control the growth and direction of democracy. a problem that this research wants to examine. keywords: new order, reformed era, oligarchy, democratization abstrak studi ini menganalisis dan membahas demokratisasi lingkaran oligarki politik dalam menilai oligarki politik komparatif antara orde baru (orba) dan rezim yang direformasi. penelitian ini menggunakan metode tinjauan pustaka, yaitu melalui jurnal dan laporan yang mengaitkan tujuan penelitian ini dan mendesain penelitian secara deskriptif melalui data yang diperoleh dari sumber-sumber tersebut. temuan yang dihasilkan dalam penelitian ini adalah perbandingan antara keadaan oligarki politik di era orde baru dan era pasca reformasi. dilihat dari waktu ke waktu, proses demokratisasi semakin menunjukkan situasi paradoks. ini menggambarkan bahwa dinamika politik dan kebebasan demokratis warga negara sedang dikendalikan, sebagai cerminan dari demokrasi yang dirasakan dengan detasemen selama rezim otoriteraian orde baru. aktor-aktor politik juga telah mengambil keuntungan dari pembangunan transisi kekuatan politik yang terkonsolidasi dan memposisikan dirinya menjadi jaringan etalase kekuatan pemerintah. namun, proses transisi membantu munculnya demokrasi pasar gelap pengusaha oligarki yang haus akan kekuasaan politik dan kekayaan membawa mereka untuk mengendalikan pertumbuhan dan arah demokrasi. prawira yudha pratama1 prawirayudha96@gmail.com government science mulawarman university samarinda, indonesia budiman2 buchos_unmul@yahoo.com government science mulawarman university samarinda, indonesia mia sarmiasih3 miasarmiasih96@gmail.com department of politics and government gadjah mada university indonesia history received : august 03th, 2019 revised : oct 31st , 2019 accepted : nov 04th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: pratama, et. al. 2019. a comparative political analysis between the new order regime and the reformed era in indonesia: a case study of oligarchy politics in the mining industry of east kalimantan. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(3). 194-207 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:prawirayudha96@gmail.com mailto:buchos_unmul@yahoo.com mailto:miasarmiasih96@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 195 of 207 introduction after the collapse of the post-new order, indonesian citizens hope for the birth of democracy in the country. people celebrated the destruction of authoritarianism and greet 'new life'. the life distant from a despotic government. a government that equips prosperity, justice, and law. during the twentieth year of post-reform, promises were apparently still far from what has been desired. analysts had concluded that the collapse of suharto's rule to democracy is not followed by the collapse of the power of the oligarchs. and suharto's legacy of political oligarchic groups is still entrenched in indonesia’s social and political structures, even those transformed into new forms. local politics are also being influenced by oligarchic groups (hadiz, 2004). such of these local political actors include, but is not limited to local and religious leaders, bureaucrats, politicians, and entrepreneurs. the presumption that the destruction of the oligarchs would bring the birth of democracy turned out to be a mistake. oligarchic groups apparently flourished when decentralization was introduced in indonesia. decentralization ideally give 'carte blanche' concept to the region to establish itself and had become the 'political hide and seek' environment of the oligarchs at the local level. local strongmen have sprung up along with the shift of the constitutional system of centralization to decentralization. hadiz, (2004) even mention that decentralization has been hijacked by the interests of self-interest local government officials. subsequently, though reforms have been enjoyed by people of indonesia for decades, the main logic of political life in the post-collapse of suharto's indonesia is even more struggling to which opportunities for rent-seeking and private accumulation purposes is indeed thriving. this was in line with a report by forbes magazine (2010), after the reform, there are as many as 40 indonesian citizens who control 10.3% of the gdp with total assets of 680 trillion rupiahs, equivalent to the wealth of the poorest 60 million people in indonesia. this is to say that the era of decentralization would lead to a bigger problem where every day oligarchs continues to lurk on public wealth for personal gain. given this scenario, the researchers derived to the statement regarding oligarchic influence within indonesia’s political systems; to what extent the repercussions are; and why does the oligarchs easily handle corruption within indonesia’s government framework. theoretical framework the political reform movement is what comprises the historical events of indonesia’s struggle on leaving its way from the oligarchic structure of power brought about by suharto’s new order regime. suharto's new order government was a symbol of oligarchic power, the people never imagined that one day there will be a demand for political reform (aspinall & fealy, 2010). the political reforms that gave birth to a democratic transition have had an impact on changes in the power structure, institutions of power and democratic institutions, and originally centralized-authoritarian character becomes more democratic and open, even when indonesia became one of the largest democratic countries in the region and the world. the democratization process at this time, as the struggle for democracy efforts of the nation to build a democratic system and leave the oligarchs as a legacy of suharto's regime, must be recognized and should have provided several of the important change impacts, especially in the context of political democratization (aspinall & fealy, 2010). political democratization has laid, among others, changes in the party system which became a multiparty, decentralization and regional autonomy of some local government units and changes in local election proceedings. with these specific changes, it becomes a hope for the people to build a democratic system as the reform aspiration and fought continuously on the right grounding of where should be the life of the nation be directed towards. as the dreams of ideal reforms take place within citizen’s consciousness, there was a reverse slanting process of democratization which was the result of oligarchs framing up democratic principles in their favor. this was evidently seen as untruthful local electoral proceedings occur and political actors manipulating public votes (lay, 2012). therefore, the ending of the new order oligarchy did not automatically lead to the birth of democracy. that brings up problems pertaining substantive democracy, procedural democracy, and black-market democracy failing up and deceiving the indonesian people for their hopes of having a issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 196 of 207 promising regime. procedural democracy staged from elections only led suhartoism or small suharto metamorphosed in the regions, especially in the local political arena. the current political situation resembles a comparable situation as the term referred to by aspinall & fealy, (2010) where political and economic control shifted from a big bandit to a small bandit. in other words, the looters have generally settled through using alias to survive in a long repressive political system that they need to make state property available for a long time. it also explains that people come to enjoy the wealth trickle so no necessary action that could shake the political stability of a country. that is why china is one important example where the so-called bandit concepts are being applied. it is the act of preserving the power and enjoying the treasures of a gleaming state, this is to say that the political elite bamboo curtain the cold war political demarcation between the communist states of east asia, particularly china, and the capitalist and non-communist states of east, south and southeast asia country is ensuring that property remains available and adequate for the people in a state, even if only in a minimal living standard. the explanation is that the collapse of repressive regimes does not necessarily mean the fall of oligarchs. instead, oligarchy persists within the new regime if the transition period is not adequately taken care of (carnegie, 2009). such a phenomenon by aspinall, (2015) is called local bossism or in terms of cassinelli, (1953) and hadiz, (2004) is referred to as local strongmen and predatory. the emergence of local bosses, local strongmen, and predators who accompanied the process of democratization became an endemic phenomenon today. the presence of local bosses and local strongmen developed along with the transfer of governmental authority to the regions (decentralization). in the era of centralization this phenomenon was rarely found because government management was managed centrally and the managerial power is highly centralized. this decentralization was exploited by some local political elites to build political and economic oligarchies that gave rise to strong people at the local level. over time, the democratization process increasingly shows pre-democratic democracy characterized by the behavior of corrupt practices and abuse of power by officials that spread to all levels of government. the increasingly wild democratization process has provided opportunities for political actors to master the stage of democracy in various political forces that are spread from the center to the regions and make the people the object of mobilization and a means of legitimacy to exercise control over political and economic power (slater & simmons, 2010). the democratic transition and prolonged consolidation of democracy, changes in the institutions of power and increasingly liberal democratic institutions, in the name of democratization actually made the political system give birth to oligarchic power. the owners of capital and state robbers (predator), become holders of power and illegally share various concessions and privileges to the political and economic cronies on a massive and systemic scale, from the center going to the regions, and finally to covering various strategic sectors. the emergence of several regional officials after suharto who has a background in business and who had controlled the stage of democracy is what tends to be a logical consequence of the high cost of democracy (cost democracy). since then, it became a political conviction that only candidates with large capital have the chance to win in the elections. this does not mean that the power of money is the only determinant of victory in regional election contestation. capitalization during elections has made money as a political pragmatism that the public and the regional head candidates are exhibiting. a mind pragmatism and a structured public perception that pilkada (regional head selection) is an arena of money distribution (vote politics), buying and selling votes, and various modes to attract the sympathy of the general public (aspinall, 2015). regarding the high cost of local elections, candidates try to find federal funds in various modes, including the mode of making natural resources a transactional basis by actors related to natural resource management licenses, such as mining, palm oil, forestry, and other permits—, as a political strategy in the elections. the regional head selection (pilkada) has been perceived to have been reduced as a transaction pragmatic arena of political actors and the masses. high political costs made democratic parties a ground wherein the exchanging of resources owned by political actors happens (hadiz, 2004). it is also relevant that during that period, elected regional authorities will use power, regulation, policy, and protection in exchange for resources and capital power possessed by entrepreneurs. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 197 of 207 therefore, it is not strange if the local election is only giving birth to regional rulers who perpetuate oligarchic politics at the local level and encourage the widespread practice of shadow state or informal economy in regional government. the process of democratization has slipped into the power of the oligarchy, a group of political elites whose main driving force are based on material and wealth. it is indeed and ironical analysis, but the majority of political party leaders today are wealthy entrepreneurs. candidates for regional leadership and the president do mostly belong and having a background of being wealthy entrepreneurs who are ready to raise their image in the political world. they buy political power with economic capabilities they have — thriving economics rather than highlighting politics in the forefront (carnegie, 2009). oligarchy, as used by robison and hadiz can also be applied in seeing local politics in indonesia. various corruption cases that ensnare local officials, both in the executive and legislative branches, shows how the abuse of authority for personal interests and their oligarchic network works in real-time at the local level. local-level power is divided into the hands of wealthy entrepreneurs; bureaucrats, in result, frequently apply rent politic business, as well as political dynasties have happened in several provinces. winters, (2013) explained the oligarchy emphasizes the strength of material resources as a basis and defense of wealth in themselves. the existence of material inequality then results in the inequality of political power. the term oligarchy itself is taken from the greek language, "oligarchia," which means government by the few, consisting of oligoi and arkhain (governing). but according to hadiz, (2004), a brief understanding of the oligarchy is very problematic and inadequate to define. that is because it still creates a blurring of meaning about the oligarchy itself more when it is pinned only on the concept of a controlled minority. when the concept of oligarchy is based on this, almost every government or government, which places representation in leadership, can be called an oligarchy. conceptually, the term oligarchy has long been known in political studies. this term has emerged from ancient greek times to the present. the concept of oligarchy in the modern era cannot be separated from three indonesian political experts namely (hadiz, 2004);(winters, 2013);(tahir, bachri, ruslan, & abdullah, 2015). oligarchic studies have been represented in their written works entitled “the power of reorganization: political oligarchy in the market age” by hadiz (2004), and the “oligarchy, transforms resources to help politics and strengthen the economy” by (winters, 2013). although these works are theoretically different from the conceptualization of oligarchy, which emerged from the tradition of elite power theory and elite theory in political science and sociology, the said works nevertheless emphasize certain concepts relating oligarchy. hadiz,(2004) wrote the theme of the oligarchy to explain the phenomenon of the political economy in post-suharto indonesia. the oligarchy theory is used to describe the forces that are the core circle in indonesia, which strengthens the economic structure and political structure of indonesia after the new order. while jeffrey a. winters stressed the motive of pursuing wealth in approving oligarchs. while it is given that oligarchs are maintaining political power and wealth. oligarchy, for winter, is not always done on political actions’ turf. in other words, in a trial, winter states that an oligarch does not always have to have a political motive. another study that also focuses on the theme of oligarchy carried out by nimrod raphaeli that speaks in behalf of saudi arabia’s case. raphaeli saw the phenomenon of control of the economy and financial resources by the elite saudi monarchy. in saudi arabia's monarchical political structure, the position of the palace is indeed very centralistic and powerful. this concentration of power does not only occur in politics but spreads to the mastery of capital by the king, prince, and relatives (ford & pepinsky, 2014). from some of the literature above, it can be explained that oligarchs can be seen from two sides. first, from the political side, oligarchy is a concentration of power on a handful of elites who manage government with their connections. cassinelli, (1953) highlights about the iron law of oligarchy or stories about authoritarian regimes such as saudi arabia or indonesia's new order era. second, in terms of political economy, oligarchy is a power relation that focuses on economic resources on a handful of parties. in this context, the relationship between the capital owner and the political elite is mutually beneficial. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 198 of 207 research methodology in terms of procedure and the pattern adopted by the researchers, this study adopts a qualitative research approach. bogdan and taylor were quoted as stated by moleong (2012) to define the qualitative methodology as a research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of words written or spoken from people and behaviors that can be observed. so qualitative research is research that leads to the conclusion that describes in detail the data and not produces the data in numeric terms. in line with the above definition, kirk and miller, through the words of moleong, further described that qualitative research, in particular of the tradition of social science, is fundamentally dependent on observations in humans both in the region and in their terminologies. nevertheless, the research is using an exploratory descriptive pattern that "aims to describe the state or the status of the phenomenon." the pattern of research that describes in detail or about the state of the research objectives or phenomenon and not to seek generally applicable conclusions. result and discussion figure 1. comparison of era orba political oligarchy and post reform issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 199 of 207 based on the chart describing the writer’s analysis of the political oligarchy system between the new era and reformed era, the oligarchs in the new order era had done a run nomo (one) political oligarchy power so that the political monopoly of power will be still in their favor. these are the political actors who possess political connections that are close to that of soeharto as the commander in chief. the cendana family, suharto family, the military, bureaucracy, and the functional group (golkar) which can be abbreviated abg are one of those actors who monopolize political power within their hands. interestingly, the system is founded in a systematic and structured way so that it becomes a powerful force that cannot be easily subjugated by many counterparties against the political policies of soeharto. the new order last for decades, historians say the new order had survived for 32 years. and in 1997, young activists and the political elites countered the policy of suharto’s regime and tried to bring a fresh breeze to carry a new era with the implementation of true democracy by reforming the government. government to governance is a concept that is executed to change the authoritarian system into a democratic system – good governance. however, the reform was perceived by a number of activists as a political elite move in spreading its power even further. therefore, the author analyzes the reforms became a fermentation (split) politics (winters, 2013). this is evident from the four actors involved in the oligarchic scheme which includes actors on capitalist or market (private), government (bureaucracy or incumbent), political elites (a cluster of political parties) as well as civil society (ngo). the four actors create a system of political dynamic who competes over during the reformed era regarding the economic and political policies that has overlapping implementations. the political battle in terms of political contestation is interesting and reasonable because it creates checks and balances in a certain policy implementation processes (winters, 2013). in accordance, winters (2013) stated in his book entitled “oligarchy” that if there are no significant changes, it then means that change does not exist as well. and the oligarchs will continue on exploiting the government power for their benefit. keeping a nation in directing its way towards progress should also have to do with affecting the political attitude of the authorities. thus, electing phronetic leaders. oligarchy’s journey in indonesia toward the plutocracy system? twenty-one years have passed since the reformation. democratization taps have been opened, and in a flash, several restructuring projects and the institutions of government machinery are in progress. starting from the procurement of a multiparty system, changes to the electoral system that allows direct elections for the president, the regional heads and legislators at the national and regional level, the implementation of "decentralization", and the establishment of new institutions that are expected to avoid the sprout of authoritarian system and create checks and balances. however, institutional reforms that have occurred did not holistically change the socio-political environment and the economy in a better way. the setting is somehow comparable during the post-reform wherein societies are still confronted by several cases of collusion involving the relationship between the political authorities and entrepreneurs who use the facilities' rentier state to accumulate and retain wealth. of blbi which allegedly cost the state rp. 84.84 trillion, the case of lapindo mudflow estimated state losses reached rp. 27.4 trillion to be borne by the state through the state budget, to the bank century case that cost the state rp. 7.4 trillion (aspinall & fealy, 2010). the difference that this research tries to convey is that in the reformed era, there is still an oligarchic practice but is not being monopolized by one person like the case of suharto during his new order regime. the patronage system is no longer centered on one single power umbrella. jeffrey winters called it a regime of "oligarchy wild," where the strength of the economy (business cronies) are fragmented in line with the fragmentation of political power results from the process of democratization. among the power of the oligarchy itself is to compete in the arena of electoral democracy in a multiparty system (carnegie, 2009). while the process of decentralization or regional autonomy produces what is called by john t. sidel as a local bossism or in terms of migdal and vedi hadiz referred to as local strongmen, where issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 200 of 207 decentralization is used by most of the local political elite to build political and economic oligarchy, thus giving rise to powerful people at the local level, the local strongmen often take advantage of the bureaucracy to garner votes, getting funding from government projects, and arrange officials to fall to families or cronies and attachments to the election management area to make him take advantage of business licensing natural resource management. in other words, the opposite of a decentralized mechanism of rent-seeking. cases like ratu atut chosiyah, all this makes the results of the reform did not lead to a robust civil society and improving people's welfare, such as what is aspired in the beginning of reforms. detailing more on post-reform, the gap in inequality had risen even higher. based on a survey of financial institutions credit suisse in 2017, 1 percent of the wealthiest people in indonesia control 49.3 percent of the national wealth. this condition makes indonesia the 4th country with the highest inequality in the world (hadiz, 2004). the magnitude of inequality has also been mastered and learned by rich people in the banking sector. deposit insurance agency data shows that out of a total of 187.24 million accounts, 97.8 percent have a nominal under $ 100 million. while deposits with a nominal rp 5 billion, only 80 829 account, or about 0.04 percent of the total deposit account. however, land ownership data also showed high rates of inequality. based on data from the central statistics agency (bps), disparities in land ownership in 2013 reached 0.68. this means that only 1 percent of indonesia accounting for 68 percent of the land resources. in the current era of reform, there are still people, especially the poor, who do not get access to an ideal education. in 2015, the central bureau of statistics found that about 52 percent of poor people over the age of 15 years can have the chance to graduate in elementary. in fact, 31 percent are not able to cover the elementary school level. only 16.7 percent of the poor can avail education up to high school level or higher. whereas in the current democratic era, gaining access to quality education is a prerequisite for people to participate in the democratic process and make democracy more adept and capable. instead of bringing change, democratic electoral reform results reinforce the tycoons became ruler cycle: politics became wealthy and affluent for the sake of political power (agustino, 2010). this is reflected in the results of research on the indonesia corruption watch (icw), which shows that of the 560 members of the house of representatives from 2014 to 2019 period, there were 293 people (52.3 percent) who have backgrounds in entrepreneurship and business. of the 288 business entities that are identified, icw found as much as 11 percent or 32 companies have a potential conflict of interest directly to the office, authority, and duties of members of parliament concerned. instead of bringing change, democratic electoral reform results reinforce the tycoons became ruler cycle (carnegie, 2009). this situation is increasingly directing public policy that it should act to improve people's welfare and that the common good being hijacked is prone to private business that listens to the interests of a few. plus the procedural requirements (political party law, 2011) requires that the necessities for establishing a political party are to have the leadership at 100 percent of the province, 75 percent of districts/cities and 50 percent of the districts of the district/city concerned and the party must have a permanent office at the central, provincial, and district/city until the final stage of elections. all of this would require substantial funds (bathoro & kosandi, 2017). also, terms of sound acquisition threshold (parliamentary threshold) are 4 percent and 20 percent for the presidential threshold and encourage cartel and only strengthen the political power elite and oligarchs that have a muscular and capable capital strength. all of this increased pressure on our political system leads to plutocracy, where political power is in the hands of a few wealthy (plutocrat) people, which ultimately negates competition and close spaces for all citizens that are willing to participate in politics. furthermore, the political impact is now lost as the pursuit of social justice and the common good has been turned into just a tool for wealth accumulation and maintenance of power (aspinall, 2015). seeing this problem, oligarchy made in indonesia will change the system of government to the plutocracy, such as those ran by the american state in running the government. it appears that plutocracy patterns that occur in the united states can be seen from the influence of the billionaire in the us (some examples of cases: the koch brothers undermining democracy), (aspinall, 2015). with the said statement, this then shows the fact that the plutocrats used a vast wealth that owned them to influence or alter the regulation of existing policies and laws to suit their political interests and issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 201 of 207 needs. as an excerpt from a book compiled by stuart soroka and christopher wleizen, a political scientist at mcgill and temple, entitled "degrees of democracy: politics, public opinion and polity." declared that "if there is a whiff of plutocracy in the american system, it is here, in the shadows of public ignorance and indifference, where the political business of politicized capitalism is conducted. the plutokrats that exerts an influence will control his fortune by co-opting local politicians to channel the interests of capitalists without terdeksi carefully by people mostly because of these policies by the us people are considered not harm them (aspinall, 2015). the impact of political oligarchy in various regions in indonesia the grip of political oligarchy threatens the very existence of democracy as budi hardiman put it, "oligarchy is a scandal of democracy." bernhard limbong even mentioned that the beginning of the occurrence of oligarchy in local power originated from the rapid feasts of democracy. prospective authorities will be supported by business people and project owners from among their families or relatives as well as political brokers from activist circles. they can “buy” voters' voices by using the power of money. after being elected, only a handful of them will control the various resources in the area and control the policies of the regional government. the behavior of the oligarchs not only affects the widening gap between the rich and the poor but also damages constitutional democratic values that require free elections by the people without being disturbed by matters outside themselves (budiardjo, 1998). the behavior of the oligarchs makes the quality of our democracy increasingly declining and no longer substantive. mahfud md in the topic relating to “democracy and constitution in indonesia” put forward the concept of constitutional democracy, which requires the limitation of the ruling power. it cannot be separated from the notion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law that intends to implement government based on popular sovereignty accompanied by legal limits of power. the emergence of local political oligarchs certainly hurt the meaning of constitutional democracy adopted by indonesia. furthermore, in addition to having an impact on decreasing the quality of democracy at the local level, political oligarchy also invites growing corruption in the region. political oligarchy allows the family circle and relatives to control the policies of the regional government as a whole. it is thus fostering the development of political dynasties. with this method of political manipulation, it blurs which party will become a supervisor or controller. many references have discussed the correlation of the local political oligarchy with a high level of corruption in the region (tahir et al., 2015). the emergence of the jawara group in banten as a local elite group that exercised economic control, including in terms of the development of family networks and essential positions in the business field, was the most famous example of the politics of oligarchy. taken by this example, it can be stated that such continuation of oligarchy cannot be quickly taken down together with the collapse of suharto’s power. scholars even perceived that the collapse of such power has encouraged and consolidated oligarchic strength. tahir et al., (2015) describes the jawara group building social networks, money politics, intimidation, and mastery of government development projects to build 'political politics.' the power of political consolidation they have is extreme because it can control strategic institutions in the economic and political fields, such as the regional construction services development agency, regional kadin, deputy governor, mayor, a village head, to the village head. political orientation is needed for economic interests, so the jawara group needs to maintain its political legitimacy. the strong network of javanese oligarchs in banten makes them very hegemonic and challenging to conquer. determination, under the influence of the jawara group, banten province was never named one of the most corrupt provinces which caused state losses of 71.59 billion in 2001-2013 (tempo, 2014). indonesian corruption watch (icw) also cited the value of corruption in the education sector carried out by banten province which received the highest rating in indonesia, namely 209 billion rupiahs (republika, 2014). corruption values only cover the health and education sectors, not including other strategic fields.the high level of corruption in banten is caused by the hegemony of the jawara group, which leads to minimum supervision and control from other state institutions (lay, 2012). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 202 of 207 political oligarchy is a real threat to the existence of democracy at the local level. also, it is one of the determinant factors causing high rates of inequality in some regions. thus, it is important to fight the political oligarchy hegemonic, especially to welcoming the 2018 regional election. some social and political science researchers express their concern about the 2018 simultaneous local elections which will only be a game of a handful of central and regional political elites or subsequent elections. this concern is based on kpu regulation no. 9 of 2015 article 38 paragraph 2 which states that political parties must include decisions of leaders of central-level political parties regarding the approval of candidates for regional heads. the regulation provides space for the central political elite to take local democratic rights that should be the authority of the region. with this detailed information, it can be seen that the practice of local political oligarchs in indonesia will be increasingly ambiguous and endless, as has happened in banten, madura, klaten, and several other regions (cahyono, 2010). politics in the reform era in indonesia (the political oligarchy case of the mining industry in east kalimantan) in the current slant of situation under the framework of party politics, the oligarchy determines who becomes the choice, and then the people choose through democracy. to be specific, it is money politics – used as a concept and a tool of power in the party determines who becomes the choice. influential figures and oligarchs are not subject to law, but it is the law that is submissive to oligarchs. the principles of democracy are crushed by the principle of profit and loss that is deeply embedded in capitalism. the oligarchic mastery of the party makes the party leaders no longer leading; oligarchic acts do dominate a party’s operational rules in order to gain personal interests, and the party’s political principles start to blur into the seams. personalization in politics, which is also compatible with oligarch individualism, is then combined with populism by a direct electoral system. the problem of the failure of the party's representation function and public distrust of the party has no direct connection, and cannot be solved through the direct election model. the root of both problems is an oligarchy. winters, (2013) asserts that taming oligarchs has nothing to do with freedom or political participation of the community. taming oligarchs can only be done through the rule of law, and it must be realized that democracy is not always synonymous with the rule of law. indonesia is an example of democracy without the rule of law, so it is described in winters' terms as criminal democracy, inversely proportional to singapore, which he called "authoritarian legalism." winters, robison, and hadiz argued that the level of political change needed to destroy the relationship between wealth and political power in indonesia (or in other countries) could, in fact, only be achieved through revolution. on the other hand, democracy has slipped into the vortex of oligarchs. oligarchy is only stable in conditions of society that are economically and politically weak. poverty and political equality in society are the key ingredients to the success of oligarchy. oligarch politicians will continue to produce their wealth and hegemony through procedural democracy. however, despite being very strong, oligarchs still have points of weakness. one of which is that oligarchy will not grow and develop very actively in a robust and knowledgable civil society because that particular society understands the dangers of oligarchs. winter describes that the most needed thing to break the cycle of oligarchy and form a new social order is a comprehensive social and political revolution, both in the liberal and on other paths (winters, 2013). democracy promises hope for political freedom through various procedures, areas. however, essential determinants and instruments of democracy are being seized by a handful of people who have a lust for power and hinders the metamorphosis of the indonesian government towards a sustainable and durable kind of governance. the practice of political oligarchy, as a common and, is a shared ideology in many other countries, is more oriented to the accumulation and expansion of wealth and the increasing influence of family dynasties or political ties in controlling government policies (winters, 2013). in the context of the latest indonesian politics, it is increasingly felt how democracy stages itself in the grip of political oligarchy, both represented by the power of old political actors in the new order issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 203 of 207 products and the political products of the reformation order. the style and influence of oligarchs are not only in the whirlpool of national politics but also in the turbulence of local politics (hadiz, 2004). hadiz, (2004) stated that decentralization in indonesia paved the way for the revival and consolidation of "local oligarchs." the subject is the survival of the legacy of the new order, which is an active group of predators who control state power (institutions and resources) and are accompanied by independent non-organizational social movements in the era of decentralization in indonesia. decentralization actually strengthens the economic and political position of savage "local oligarchs" rather than strengthening local communities. over time, the process of democratization has increasingly shown a paradoxical situation. in the midst of political dynamics and freedom of democratic citizenship that is almost uncontrollable, as a reflection of the release of democratic democracy felt during the new order authoritarian regime in power. political actors have taken advantage of the democratic transition to build a consolidation of political power or position themselves in the existing window of government power networks when the democratic transition process has produced a black market for democracy, an arena in which the stage of democracy has been controlled and hijacked by actors politics or oligarchs who have a background as entrepreneurs or people who have the power of money. the direct election of regional heads as a blessing from the democratization process has made pilkada an arena of political gambling and contestation of naked eroticism in the midst of a limited understanding of democracy. for some citizens, the understanding of pilkada and the meaning of democracy in the arena of betting on political power played by political actors who work with political porters (entrepreneurs or owners of the power of money) can be seen in the case of mining in east kalimantan (tahir et al., 2015). the era of reform, oligarchs, or rich people who control wealth to maintain or increase personal gain and attain a privileged social position collectively in electoral democracy is condemning and preventing indonesia from having its favorable position in bettering its politics. including aspects such as establishing or becoming part of party supporters, funding the birth of a policy or, if necessary, advancing and enhancing the indonesian laws. conversely, what has been felt was a never-ending plunged and undisciplined act of governance that was, and is still – straightforwardly practiced by a politician, a member of parliament, and government officials (jatam, 2019). source: jatam, (2019) figure 2. list of names of political and government elites who have shares in east kalimantan issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 204 of 207 based on the description of figure 2 above, the presence of the oligarchs can be seen from the history of some rich indonesian people who became party officials as well as the government and have multiple layers of status. some examples of mining oligarchs in indonesia, especially in east kalimantan, are: 1. jusuf kalla, part of businessman kalla group, chairperson of the golkar party (2004-2009), ministers (1999-2004) and vice president (2004-2009 and 2014-2019). 2. abu rizal bakrie, the richest man in southeast asia in the 2008 version of globe asia, the owner of the largest coal mine in indonesia, became the minister of president susilo bambang yudhoyono (2004-2009) and served as chairman of the golkar party (2009-2015. abu rizal bakri owns shares in east kalimantan prima coal (kpc), a subsidiary of bumi resources (bumi). 3. in kutai kertanegara district, there is rita widyasari who has a personal asset of around rp.436 billion, a coal mining entrepreneur, chairperson of the east kalimantan golkar party (2016-2021). he was the regent of kutai kertanegara for two periods (2010-2021) before being arrested by the corruption eradication commission (kpk) last year because of a gratification case, one of palm oil plantation licenses owned by heri susanto (abun). several companies affiliated with rita's family, namely : pt sinar kumala naga (skn), pt alam jaya bara pratama (ajb) dan pt lembuswana perkasa (lp). 4. general tni (purn.) luhut pandjaitan is a four-star general of the army special forces command (kopassus ad) who transformed into a successful businessman by establishing pt toba sejahtera. he owns 99.98% shares of the pt toba sejahtera group. based on business detrimental, on the company's official website, the toba sejahtera group is divided into 6 subsidiaries consisting of toba coal and mining (pt toba bara sejahtra tbk (toba), pt admira baratama nusantara, pt indomining. pt trisensa mineral utama pt kutai energi), toba oil and gas (pt energi mineral langgeng, pt fairfield indonesia), toba power, toba perkebunan dan kehutanan, toba industri dan toba property and infrastructure. the subsidiary is divided into 16 companies engaged in various sectors. also, several other retired generals were called the bravo 5 team. it was noted that the number of mining concessions owned by luhut pandjaitan reached 14,019 hectares. all are concentrated in kutai kartanegara. 5. prabowo subianto, listed as the owner of nusantara energy resources, which houses 17 subsidiaries engaged in various fields, forestry, paper and pulp, palm oil, coal mining, and service companies, the names of these companies is pt erabara persada, pt nusantara kaltim coal, pt nusantara wahau coal, pt kaltim nusantara coal, pt nusantara berau coal, pt nusantara santan coal dan pt batu bara nusantara kaltim. nusantara energy resources is also suspected of being involved in the seizure of churchill mining and ridlatama coal mining concessions in east kutai. all this happened because of political and business relations between the then east kutai regent isran noor and prabowo. 6. ferry mursyidan baldan, is a former minister of agrarian and spatial planning, the first period of the jokowi-jk cabinet. now, crossing to prabowo-sandi's stronghold. the ferry family's footprint, especially his wife's, was connected to the coal dredging business in berau and moncer regencies while ferry was still active minister. the shares owned by ferry mursyidan are pt syahid berau bestari, pt rantau panjang utama bhakti serta pt syahid indah utama. in addition to the political and government elites, it turns out that entrepreneurs (private) also play a role in the mining case in east kalimantan. among them are described henceforth: issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 205 of 207 figure 3. list of names of mining entrepreneurs in east kalimantan based on figure 1.2. whereas from businessmen illustrated above is sandiaga salahuddin uno, including business people in palm oil, mining, and coal. its footprint is recorded in several mining companies, starting with saratoga group which is connected with interra resources limited, in the oil and natural gas business. it is also connected with merdeka copper gold which is related to the gold mine of pt bumi suksesindo and pt damai suksesindo in gunung tumpang pitu, banyuwangi, east java. the status of protected forest areas has declined to become production forests and compensated by the swap area also has problems. the company's operation allegedly has an impact on the annual mud flood on merah island and threatens 49,247 residents in the pesanggaran subdistrict, as well as 753 fishing families on lampon, pancer and rajekwesi beaches. sandiaga's footsteps also appear at pt adaro energy, the largest coal mining company in indonesia today. sandiaga is also linked to the pt multi harapan utama coal mine in kutai kartanegara with a pit causing children to die. in the city of samarinda there is one of several oligarchs, namely said amin, a coal entrepreneur and owner of a private security company, who serves as the chairman of the pancasila youth and treasurer of the golkar party. previously, he was the closest person to achmad amin (alm), the district head responsible for issuing most coal mining concessions covering 71% of samarinda, including for abun and said amin (jatam,2019). this means that decentralization has changed the character of the extraction regime. mining licenses in samarinda and east kalimantan were issued the most in 2005, 2008, and 2013, ahead of the regional head elections. exit permits relate to regional head election (pilkada) transactions, permits no longer function to regulate (regulate) but shifted into business transactions for electoral fees, known as political debt (jatam, 2018). electoral politics are high-cost, providing opportunities for transaction space for oligarchs, political parties, and politicians. the corruption eradication commission (2015) explained, to become a mayor or regent, it costs rp20 rp30 billion, could be rp 20-rp100 billion for the governor. the report on the assets of state officials (lhkpn) states that the total assets of prospective regional heads in 2015 had an average of only rp 6.7 billion. these electoral politics, which made it come up short, made the candidates seek sponsors actively. the oligarchs can sponsor other people, or support themselves. the unchanging character of the extraction regime is a combination of development and predatory practices, the state extracting above the costs borne by the people, including poverty, health problems, and environmental damage. in east kalimantan, deforestation for the timber industry reached its peak in the 80s, before the collapse of the timber industry left tremendous forest degradation. declining timber production was welcomed by large-scale oil palm plantation concessions and gold mines in the 90s. the extraction character of the new order was continued in the period of regional autonomy, through coal mining concessions. now, east kalimantan supplies around 54% of indonesian coal (bps kaltim, 2018). the target of predation is no longer rural areas that are far from sight, also densely populated urban areas, one of which is samarinda, the capital of east kalimantan (jatam,2018). hery susanto gun (abun) said amin sandiaga salahuddin uno issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 206 of 207 the city of samarinda has high coal deposits. unfortunately, it is inhabited by 27.6% of the population of east kalimantan (bps kaltim, 2018). some of the people who were impoverished in the dutch colonial period on java were then transferred through the old order transmigration program, one of the swamps in makroman village. the transmigrant families needed more than 20 years to convert the swamp landscape into productive rice fields. later, this location was known as an agribusiness area, rice, vegetables, and fruits that supplied the needs of samarinda residents, before achmad amins syaharie jaang, samarinda highest official issued three coal mining concessions there, one of cv arjuna in 2004 cv arjuna, a coal mining company owned by the rich in jakarta and india, operating in 2006. shortly, in 2008 there was a flood of coal mud from the hills which were demolished, hitting rice fields, fish ponds, gardens, chicken coops and houses in jalan tawes rt13. since then, the community's economy has declined drastically, partly in despair, since the rice fields were damaged and sold to the company. for those who have land, for farm laborers, there are not so many choices available. this agricultural area in 2017 became a dangerous area with eight mining holes cv arjuna. there are 59 villages in samarinda city. makroman's similar story was repeated in 54 other villages that entered the coal mining concession. until 2014, at least 232 abandoned mine pits. also, the abandoned mine pit holes caused many fatalities, and there were 34 fatalities recorded so far precisely in 2019 (jatam, 2018). this is was a proposal led by the head of the political research center of the indonesian institute of sciences or lipi; firman noor said that the strengthening political oligarchy in indonesia originated from two things. first, economic inequality with 0,0000,0002 percent of the population controls 10 percent of indonesia's gross domestic product (gdp). second is the existence of a new order legacy in the political-economic system. political, business and bureaucratic actors form a coalition to get policies far from the people's interests. related to the new order transition to reform, the oligarchic system in the reform era has increased. the strength of civil society does not mean weak, but civil society controlled by a handful of local elites are the elites of local communities (aspinall, 2015). conclusion based on the above analysis regarding the political oligarchy’s comparison to the new era and reformed era, it can be stated that there is no really specific emphasis on the oligarch-central and local oligarchs on its spread pattern during the reform era, which made the oligarchic population massive politically. seen over time, the democratization process increasingly shows a paradoxical situation. the democratization process has spawned a blessing in politics. one political blessing it is direct local elections that are loaded with harshness, the use of money politics and the politically intriguing election of heads of regional elections. oligarchy in indonesia has also made the elections as a political gambling arena whose leading proponents are wealth and connections. political actors do indeed collaborate with the city, which then sets the rhythm of political power during elections in the form of money distribution or goods as a form of political mobilization to influence the choice of the citizens. though based on the rules of act no. 32 of 2014 on local government that with this rule then it will create a government with good governance and clean government so that it becomes an embodiment of the future goals of decentralization. indonesian politics still highly relies and is dependent on the influence of wealthy and entrepreneurial oligarchs that not only controls the country’s politics but manipulate laws to favor its interests and demands. references aspinall, e. (2015). the surprising democratic behemoth: indonesia in comparative asian perspective. the journal of asian studies, 74(4), 889–902. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001138 aspinall, e., & fealy, g. (eds.). (2010). soeharto’s new order and its legacy: essays in honour of harold crouch (1st ed.). https://doi.org/10.22459/snol.08.2010 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.researchgate.net/publication/286486427_the_surprising_democratic_behemoth_indonesia_in_comparative_asian_perspective https://doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815001138 https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/soeharto%e2%80%99s-new-order-and-its-legacy%3a-essays-in-of-aspinall-fealy/2058735bb08b0a5a377c829e048e84b728b3974a https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/soeharto%e2%80%99s-new-order-and-its-legacy%3a-essays-in-of-aspinall-fealy/2058735bb08b0a5a377c829e048e84b728b3974a https://doi.org/10.22459/snol.08.2010 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 3 november 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.103105 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 207 of 207 bathoro, a., & kosandi, m. (2017). emergence of military-based oligarchy in reformation era (the case study of rivalry between sby and luhut b pandjaitan in the nationalization of pt inalum). https://doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.35 carnegie, p. j. (2009). democratization and decentralization in post-soeharto indonesia: understanding transition dynamics. pacific affairs, 81(4), 515–525. cassinelli, c. w. (1953). the law of oligarchy. american political science review, 47(3), 773–784. https://doi.org/10.2307/1952904 ford, m., & pepinsky, t. b. (2014). beyond oligarchy: wealth, power and contemporary indonesian politics. cornell southeast asia program publications, (180), 4. hadiz, v. r. (2004). the rise of neo-third worldism? the indonesian trajectory and the consolidation of illiberal democracy. third world quarterly, 25(1), 55–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/0143659042000185336 lay, c. (2012). democratic transition in local indonesia: an overview of ten years democracy. jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, 15, 13. moleong, lexy j. (2012). qualitative research methodology. bandung: pt young rosdakarya. slater, d., & simmons, e. (2010). informative regress: critical antecedents in comparative politics. comparative political studies, 43(7), 886–917. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414010361343 tahir, a., bachri, s., ruslan, a., & abdullah, f. (2015). the local election and local politic in emboding the democracy. 9. winters, j. a. (2013). oligarchy and democracy in indonesia. southeast asia program publications at cornell university, 96(wealth, power, and contemporary indonesian politics), 11–33. https://www.jatam.org/category/publikasi/produk-pengetahuan/buku/. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.atlantis-press.com/proceedings/icaspgs-icbap-17/25887448 https://www.atlantis-press.com/proceedings/icaspgs-icbap-17/25887448 https://doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.35 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233619912_democratization_and_decentralization_in_post-soeharto_indonesia_understanding_transition_dynamics https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233619912_democratization_and_decentralization_in_post-soeharto_indonesia_understanding_transition_dynamics https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/law-of-oligarchy/ce3513e83abd808564de69e8584e6eb2 https://doi.org/10.2307/1952904 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272367598_beyond_oligarchy_wealth_power_and_contemporary_indonesian_politics https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272367598_beyond_oligarchy_wealth_power_and_contemporary_indonesian_politics https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248949789_the_rise_of_neo-third_worldism_the_indonesian_trajectory_and_the_consolidation_of_illiberal_democracy https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248949789_the_rise_of_neo-third_worldism_the_indonesian_trajectory_and_the_consolidation_of_illiberal_democracy https://doi.org/10.1080/0143659042000185336 https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/jsp/article/view/10915 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249699670_informative_regress_critical_antecedents_in_comparative_politics https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414010361343 https://www.jstor.org/stable/23418840?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents https://www.jstor.org/stable/23418840?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259749439_oligarchy_and_democracy_in_indonesia https://www.jatam.org/category/publikasi/produk-pengetahuan/buku/ jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 124 of 142 assessment of fiscal decentralization in ethiopia: the case study of selected basic sectors of sibu sire woreda, east wollega zone, oromia regional state abstract this research was conducted on fiscal decentralization in ethiopia with the case of primary sectors of sibu sire woreda, east wollega zone, oromia regional state. to attain the objective, researchers relied on primary data followed by secondary sources. to obtain primary data, a mixed approach with the descriptive design was considered. probability and non-probability samplings were employed to get the sample of size of 96 whereas nonprobability sampling technique was used to select 18 key informants’ interviewees (kiis) and 7 participants for focus group discussion (fgd). the findings of this research revealed that the principle of fiscal decentralization that is the autonomy of sectors is not found in practice. the selected areas were highly dependent on the allocated regional grant and had minimal capacity (null in some industries) to generate internal revenue. the expenditure responsibilities of the five selected sectors in the woreda were limited to recurrent expenditures except for the road sector and some extent water sector. data proved the existence of both vertical and horizontal imbalances in terms of revenue generation capacity and percentage of budget share of each industry that ultimately hinder the fiscal autonomy of the sectors in particular and that of the woreda and local government in general. keywords: fiscal decentralization, fiscal imbalance, fiscal autonomy, revenue and expenditure, sibu sire woreda, oromia abstrak penelitian ini dilakukan pada desentralisasi fiskal di ethiopia pada kasus sektor primer sibu sire woreda, zona wollega timur, negara bagian oromia. dalam mencapai tujuan penelitian, peneliti menggunakan data primer disertai data sekunder. untuk mendapatkan data primer, dilakukan pendekatan desain deskriptif yang dikolaborasikan dengan data sekunder. sampel probabilitas dan non-probabilitas digunakan untuk mendapatkan sampel sebanyak 96 sedangkan teknik pengambilan sampel non-probabilitas digunakan dengan memilih 18 informan kunci dengan teknik wawancara (kii) dan 7 peserta untuk diskusi kelompok fokus (fgd). temuan penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa prinsip desentralisasi fiskal yaitu otonomi sektor tidak ditemukan dalam praktiknya. daerah yang dipilih sangat tergantung pada hibah daerah yang dialokasikan dan memiliki kapasitas minimal (nol di beberapa industri) untuk menghasilkan pendapatan internal. tanggung jawab pengeluaran dari lima sektor terpilih di woreda terbatas pada pengeluaran yang berulang kecuali untuk sektor jalan dan beberapa sektor air. data membuktikan adanya ketidakseimbangan vertikal dan horizontal dalam hal kapasitas menghasilkan pendapatan dan persentase bagian anggaran dari masing-masing industri yang pada akhirnya menghambat otonomi fiskal dari sektor-sektor tertentu dari woreda dan pemerintah daerah pada umumnya. minhaj alam1 debela begna gerbaba2 email: minhajmu@gmail.com department of governanve and development studies college of law and governance jimma university, ethiopia1 department of civics and ethical studies wollega university, ethiopia2 history received : june 13rd, 2019 revised : june 22nd, 2019 accepted : july 9th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: alam, minhaj & debela b.g. 2019. assessment of fiscal decentraliazation in ethiopia: the case study of selected basic sectors of sibu sire woreda, east wollega zone, oromia regional state. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(2). 124-142 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:minhajmu@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 125 of 142 introduction decentralization has become a momentum, especially in the last decade of the 20th century, both in developed and developing countries (kwon, 2002). the reasons to justify decentralization are both economic and non-economic in their types (deribe a., 2015). fiscal decentralization as one of the kinds of devolution deals with the devolution of revenue and expenditure responsibilities down to local governments as well as to institutions of lower governments (abraham, 2011). the constitution of ethiopia 1995 has provided a legal foundation to govern the principles of fiscal decentralization and autonomy of local governments in ethiopia. article 50 (4) of the ethiopian constitution directs the governments of regional states to grant adequate power to the lowest units of government. in the light of given provisions of the federal constitution, the constitution of oromia regional state indicated that district administrations had been assigned revenue sources (desalegn, 2015). world bank (1997) as one of the significant financers to the government of ethiopia asserts the exercise of autonomy to the actors in decentralization like local institutions, committees, elected or appointed officials and individuals or corporates those have certain types of power over revenue sources and expenditure (world bank, 1997; abraham g., 2011). however, the findings of different researches conducted (melkamu, 2004), (demelash, 2011), (tesfaye, 2015) and (alam, m. & girma, 2017) indicated that, fiscal decentralization in ethiopia is constrained by imbalances, lack of capacity, centralization of revenue bases and inadequate devolution of functions. these researches revealed that the challenges of fiscal decentralization in the country at lower levels of government are exacerbated due to lack of autonomy in the sectors. the districts (woredas) in oromia regional state receive more budgets from the local government mainly to finance the expenditure requirements of the areas (fekadu, 2011). on the other hand, there is an argument that the fiscal autonomy of local institutions (sectors) enhances the efficiency of service delivery. it is under this background; this research was conducted to assess the fiscal decentralization in the selected major areas of sibu sire woreda of oromia regional state. fiscal decentralization strengthens federal units, local powers, and local institutions to be autonomous to generate revenue sources and to manage expenditures independently. the sharing of responsibilities between regional and sub-regional levels of government like zonal, woreda, and kebele facilitates the performance of different sectors and ultimately promotes participation in service delivery. as stated earlier, the principle of fiscal decentralization requires fiscal autonomy of various organizations/industries. in ethiopia, expenditure and revenue assignments are given to different layers of government, including the lower administrations. in the case of oromia regional state, district administrations are constitutionally authorized with fiscal power to collect their revenue to meet their respective expenditure (desalegn, 2015). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 126 of 142 however, the problem of concerning the gap between the expenditure needs and revenue capacity at local tiers of government matters (meheret, 2007). even though district administrations have been constitutionally guaranteed of fiscal powers, there are different challenges. the challenges include economic gap, lack of adequate revenue bases, lack of capacity, etc. as pointed out in the works of (melkamu, 2004) and (tesfaye, 2015) that the prevalence of horizontal and vertical imbalance is the main challenges of fiscal decentralization in ethiopia. on the other hand, there is inequality or disparities among major sectors at a lower tier of government (alam, m. & girma, 2017). from the perspective of this research, in addition to the above challenges, the challenge of fiscal decentralization includes the weak capacity of sectors at district (woreda) level. the manifestation of this inadequate capacity includes little activity to generate own revenue from locally available resources, and thereby it evidences a mismatch between revenue and expenditure responsibilities to different sectors at the district level. this results in dependency on areas of woreda on regional government. this dependency syndrome creates both vertical and horizontal imbalances among sectors as challenges of fiscal decentralization. therefore, this research assessed the fiscal decentralization in sibu sire woreda, with particular emphasis on selected sectors. review of related literature conceptual framework different scholars define the term decentralization in different ways, but there is a consensus among scholars that it refers to the transfer of authority and responsibility including fiscal responsibility down to lower levels of government and governmental institutions which are responsible for providing services to people at grassroots (abraham g., 2011). however, to implement and to sustain local autonomy, fiscal decentralization must have necessary provisions along with adequate revenue bases. the revenue sources are not limited to those transferred from the central or regional government, but locally available revenue bases should be harvested. fiscal decentralization can take many forms. one of the forms is that it includes co-financing by the participation of beneficiaries through monetary or labour contributions. thus, it does not only take forms like an expansion of taxes and intergovernmental transfers (deribe a., 2015). theoretical arguments different scholars forwarded their ideas concerning fiscal decentralization. the most crucial benefit of fiscal decentralization is the gain that comes as a result of devolving or making governance closer to the people (bahil, 2009). as pointed out in the work of (demelash, 2011), fiscal decentralization improves the efficiency of the public sector and promotes longterm economic development. the local government is more effective than the central government in drawing up public policy. this idea is justified as the local government does not incur more cost to gather more information about residents’ preference (ibid). similarly, oates argued that local governments have a better knowledge of local issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 127 of 142 condition and preferences than the top level of a government. this is due to physical and institutional proximity local administrations have, and so it enhances economic efficiency than centralization of power and responsibilities (oates, 1972). on the other hand, local government can exercise power over resources and can spend according to local preferences. the principle of fiscal decentralization requires devolving of revenue and expenditure responsibilities down to the local institutions (abraham g., 2011). helen stated that several accepted theories provide strong justification for devolved decision making on the grounds of efficiency, accountability, manageability and autonomy (helen, 2010). as stated above, decentralization in general and fiscal decentralization, in particular, has a bulk of benefits for economic development. however, most of the time, challenges of implementing decentralization matters mainly in developing countries (demelash, 2011). further, helen (2010) put forward the arguments for fiscal decentralization as: a representative government works best the closer it is to the people, and people should have the right to vote for the kinds and amounts of public services they want. according to the principle of corresponding theory, (quoted from oates, 1972), the jurisdiction determining the level of provision of each public good should include precisely the set of individuals that consume it. according to the decentralization theorem, each public service should be provided by the jurisdiction having control over the minimum geographic area that would internalize the benefits and costs of such provision. the principles of fiscal equivalency, from the literature of public choice, also propose equating the political jurisdiction with the benefit area. however, demelash argued that adopting decentralization is not a guarantee to bring economic transformation and failing to decentralize is not necessarily going to undermine development. the author substantiates it as follows: the problem is to devise an appropriately structured system that mandates and provides incentives for responsible local government fiscal behaviour and enables the creation of a climate conducive to private investment and to develop the skills of local government employees to meet the requirements of the system and the abilities of central government officials to assist local governments in the process of their evolution to greater autonomy (demelash, 2011). weingast further provided another role of fiscal decentralization that places sub-national governments in competition with one another. hence, pressure from inter-jurisdictional competition may motivate local governments to be innovative and accountable to their residents and to foster local economic prosperity rather than costly market intervention, service to interest groups and corruption (weingast, 2006). however, kwon pointed out the challenges of implementing fiscal decentralization in developing countries when he argued that the decentralized provision of public goods would increase issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 128 of 142 efficiency in resource allocation might not work in developing countries. the reason is that since they have the non-administrative capacity to carry out their own fiscal decisions, most developing countries do not meet arguments forwarded by fiscal decentralization theory. the author stated that without independent decision-making capacity in determining the quantity and quality of public goods provided and sources of finance that internalize the costs, decentralized provision of local public goods might not increase efficiency (kwon, 2002). similarly, the other argument against fiscal decentralization is that it can reinforce inequities due to imbalances in resources and tax sources and regional disparities in terms of infrastructure, education, health care, climate, culture differences and distance from the centre which may be an obstacle to full use of production factors (demelash, 2011). helen also pointed out that there would be a difference of real implementation of devolved powers and functions between advanced regions and local authorities which have access to more significant resources and dominance on the one hand and backward/more impoverished regions and localities which lack adequate resources. in light of this fact, the regions in ethiopia cannot equally implement fiscal policies and strategies because of inequities in powers, resources, capacity etc. thus, since regions and local powers in ethiopia are not equal in terms of human power, resources, revenue bases, infrastructure and investment opportunities they vary in solving their respective local problems and to practice fiscal decentralization in the real sense (helen, 2010). in many developing countries, as observed by world bank, local governments or administrative units possess the legal authority to impose taxes, but the tax base is so weak and the dependence on central government subsidies so ingrained that no attempt is made to exercise that authority (world bank, 2001). however, to overcome this challenge, the world bank suggested as to how to structure an appropriate balance between local autonomy and central control that would allow regions and local powers to grasp the fruits of fiscal decentralization. fiscal decentralization requires considerable capacity building like the training as well as empowerment to exercise fiscal autonomy, e.g. how to overcome the challenge of useful revenue collection and how to make use of that revenue efficiently (ibid.). fiscal decentralization in ethiopia according to the definition of fiscal decentralization, meselu interpreted that the devolution of functions and responsibilities to woreda government is the primary issue that needs to be addressed in the design of fiscal decentralization (meselu, 2014). she further pointed out that the definition of powers and duties down to the woreda government in ethiopia is evolving and is functioning almost in the absence of a clear legal framework. despite the lack of legal framework, meheret observed that the trend and experience across regions in the country is towards decentralizing essential service delivery functions to the woredas while assigning higher-order functions to regional governments (meheret, 2010/11). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 129 of 142 kinds of literature revealed that district-level fiscal decentralization in ethiopia is substantial by african standards if one takes into account intergovernmental transfers. with the decentralization to local government in 2002, a transparent formula based on a general-purpose grant that gives autonomy to local governments was introduced in four regions: amhara, oromia, snnprs, and tigray. dickovick observed that after 2002 in ethiopia, regions used to allocate grants to woreda based on some criteria like population, development level, and revenue collection effort. these three criteria/principles were used at the time for federal block grant allocations to the regions (dickovick, 2010). however, meselu, 2014 revealed that one of the merits of a decentralized system in ethiopia is that regions are free to choose their criteria for allocation of the block grant to the lower tier of government (i.e. woreda), but it has to be done in a transparent way (meselu, 2014). accordingly, after 2003/2004, the formula is changed to unit cost approach (need-based approach). as meselu indicated, the formula was pioneered first by the southern nations, nationalities and peoples’ region (snnpr) and later followed by other regions. meheret (2007) critically observed that the authority and functions of lower tier of government in ethiopia with respect to the source of revenue is limited. woreda governments do not have the power to decide on the rate and base of taxes. their responsibility and authority is limited to collecting and using taxes and passing a designated portion of it to regional government. regional governments have the primary saying in determining both the tax rates and bases. as a result, mismatch occurred between expenditure responsibilities and revenue needed to cover or discharge those responsibilities that is one of the typical distinctive characteristics of ethiopian district level decentralization (ibid). as mentioned in the work of meselu, this limitation is the initial cause of the obstacles to the fiscal autonomy of ethiopia’s local governments (meselu, 2014). in the absence of low level of private economic activities, the limitation with respect to tax base at woreda level especially in rural areas is exacerbated. this results in dependence of local levels of government on the top level of a government which leads to a heavy reliance on intergovernmental fiscal transfers to finance the bulk of expenditure responsibilities assigned to them (tesfaye, 2015). tesfaye indicated that woredas rely heavily on regional governments’ transfers which range in between 80–90% (ibid). other evidence that realizes woredas are not practicing real fiscal decentralization is the maximum amounts of budgets transferred from the top are generally used for recurrent expenditure, rather than for capital expenditure. as pointed out in the work of meheret (2007) that nearly 91% of woreda’s budget earmarked for administrative and operational expenditures. therefore, most capital activities at the woreda level are financed from donors and aid agencies. on the other hand, the capital expenditures are covered by revenue from specific purpose grants from the region. meheret further pointed out that on these allocated grants, authorities at the lower level do not have much say. this undermines the fiscal issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 130 of 142 autonomy of lower tier of government and it implies that even from the expenditure part only recurrent expenditure is decentralized while capital expenditure rests in the hand of central and regional government (meheret, 2007). different other empirical literature on fiscal decentralizations in ethiopia reveals the same facts. demelash (2011) explained that though theoretical background and general principles of fiscal decentralization are useful in intergovernmental fiscal relations, practical experience shows that country’s specific factors have significant role to play. the practice of fiscal decentralization is determined by conducive environment, capacity and adequate revenue bases which are at large not found at woreda level. in ethiopia, proclamation no.33/1992 is considered as important legal instrument in the fiscal decentralization. as per the proclamation, sharing of revenues between the federal government and federal units is to enable the central government and local governments to carry out their functions and responsibilities and to narrow the gap in development and economic growth between/amongst regions. in practice, the balance between expenditure and revenue generation capacity is rarely achieved and therefore, neither the center nor the region is able to cover its expenditure from its own fiscal resources (eshetu c. , 1994). world bank (2000) also observed the limitation of the capacity of the sub-national and sub-regional government in ethiopia with respect to tax administration often coupled with centralization of productive revenue sources by the central government which results in the emergence of vertical imbalance (world bank, 2000). the study undertaken by fekadu revealed that a high level of dependency of regions on central government and woredas on the regional government resulted in inefficiency problems. the regions and local authorities do not fully internalize the costs of public expenditure. thus, they are supported by transfers from other parts of the country. since regions and local tiers of government are not equal in terms of resources, ability to mobilize revenues and in terms of unequal location of resources, there is horizontal imbalance among them (fekadu, 2011). furthermore, the study conducted by girma chuluke & minhaj alam (2017) indicated that the horizontal imbalances are not only found among tiers of government but also sectors. for instance, the horizontal imbalance between or among sectors occurred when the budget allocation and utilization between/among the sectors is not uniform across the sectors. on the other hand, it is noted by the annual report of world bank (1997) and corroborated by (abraham g., 2011) that actors in fiscal decentralization include: appointed or elected officials, ngos, chiefs, influential individuals or corporate bodies such as communities, cooperatives, and committees. each of these actors is typically located in particular relations of accountability and has certain types of powers. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 131 of 142 this implies that in the local arena, influential individuals and appointed officials can exercise their expertise for revenue generation and expenditure management. accordingly, sector offices should be encouraged to generate some revenues and to cover some part of their expenditure needs rather than depending on the budget from the regional government. figure 1. conceptual framework research methodology the study is conducted in sibu sire woreda, east wollega zone of oromia regional state, western ethiopia. it is one of the districts in east wollega zone and is located 281 km in west from addis ababa and 50 km east from nekemte, the administrative town of the zone. the study area has a total population of 124,304. from this population, 6744 are male urban dwellers, and 6954 are females, whereas 54,920 are male rural dwellers and 55,686 are females. sibu sire district has an estimated population density of 27.8 people per square kilometer. in order to achieve the intended objective of the study, the descriptive design is used because it incorporates both quantitative and qualitative instruments of data collection. there are 33 sector offices in the sibu sire woreda. out of these, five primary sectors were selected by using non-probability (purposive) sampling technique: i) agriculture, ii) education, iii) health, iv) rural road authority, and v) rural water supply. the first reason to apply non-probability is that they are the primary sectors; secondly, these are the sectors where a significant proportion of the woreda budget is allocated. besides, two woreda offices (woreda office of finance and economic development (wofed) and revenue office) were taken into account because their inclusion is vital for undertaken research to assess the challenges and performances of fiscal decentralization at woreda. for determining the sample size, researchers applied probability sampling formula determined by yamane (1967). after the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 132 of 142 determination of sample size, researchers applied probability proportional to size (pps) to obtain representativeness of the population. accordingly, 96 respondents were selected for the questionnaire distribution. n = n 1 + n(e)² where: n = the desired sample size n = universe population e = the level of precision n = 183 1 + 183(0.07)² = 96 table 1. probability proportional to size (pps) s/n. name of the sectors & offices no. of staffs pps 1 education sector 31 16 2 health sector 29 15 3 agricultural sector 31 16 4 rural road sector 9 5 5 rural water sector 13 7 6 wofed office 45 24 7 revenue office 25 13 total 183 96 source: woreda office of finance and economic development (wofed) 2018 after determination of sample size, respondents were selected by considering different criteria like specialized knowledge, service duration, the duty, responsibility and power they have regarding the issue under study, and therefore, non-probability sampling was used to select the questionnaire participants from each sector. table 2. key informants s/n. name of the offices number positions 1 woreda office of finance and economic development 2 office head and expert 2 woreda education office 2 office head and expert 3 woreda administration office 1 woreda administrator 4 woreda revenue office 2 office head, expert 5 woreda health office 2 office head and expert 6 woreda water office 2 head office and expert 7 woreda civil service office 1 office head issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 133 of 142 8 woreda road sector office 2 head office and expert 9 woreda agriculture sector office 2 office head and expert 10 zonal revenue authority office 1 head of the office 11 zofed 1 deputy head and expert total 18 key informants source: designed by researchers, 2018 members of fgd were a mix of respondents from the five selected sectors and from wofed as well as from the office of woreda revenue authority. they were seven in numbers and were heads of planning unit of each sector. this means one participant from each office. collectively, three instruments of data collection were applied: questionnaire respondents = 96, key informants’ interviewees (kiis) = 18 and one focus group discussion (fgd) = 7. in this way, researchers got 121 total respondents for quantitative and qualitative tools findings and discussion data revealed that there are sectors which have some revenue sources and so that the council of the woreda declares the generated revenue by the respective sectors as internal revenue of the sectors. in line with the principle of fiscal decentralization, the finding indicates that the local beneficiaries finance some part of the expenditure requirements of the sectors. the fiscal autonomy of sectors adds undeniable value for the efficiency of the sectors and devolvement of expenditure responsibilities to improve the quality of service delivery which maybe because of the factors like matured age, the experience of service in particular sector and level of education. further, it can be observed that three sectors (education, health and road) out of five in the study area are practising in a way that they can finance at least meagre amount of their expenditure from their revenue. however, the observation of meselu (2014) that the woreda government in ethiopia is evolving and is functioning almost in the absence of a clear legal framework is found in the study area. the respondents said that they are facing the challenges of fiscal autonomy of sectors in terms of independent decision-making of revenue generation and utilization. the number of respondents from selected sectors was 96, and the non-responsive rate was zero. hence, 96 questionnaires were filled and returned with 23 females and 73 males. the distribution of the respondents is shown in the following table below: table 3. characteristics of the respondents for the study sectors/offices sex age service year level of education t o ta l m f below 35 35 & above above 5 diplom a ba/ bsc & above education 12 4 6 10 13 5 11 16 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 134 of 142 health 11 4 6 9 11 6 9 15 agricultural 13 3 4 12 12 4 12 16 road 3 2 1 4 3 2 3 5 water 7 2 5 5 3 4 7 wofed office 17 7 10 14 19 6 18 24 revenue office 10 3 5 8 8 6 7 13 total 73 23 34 62 71 32 64 96 source: field survey, 2018 the prime purpose of the set of questionnaires to triangulate the information gathered from key informants and details of quantitative data of revenue generation and revenue expenditure from the selected offices. table 4.1 above shows the characteristics of the respondents in terms of sex, age, service year and level of education. data indicated that there were 73 males and 23 females. from this, it can be inferred that gender balance in the appointment is low. concerning age, 62 respondents are above 35 years of age, whereas 34 respondents are below 35 years of age. it shows that the majority of respondents are matured enough. experience and level of education, 71 respondents have above five years of experience, whereas 64 respondents are degree holders of either b.a, b.sc and above. the experience and educational background of respondents served the purpose of getting more accurate information about fiscal decentralization in the study area. revenue and expenditure responsibilities in the selected sectors the arguments and principles of fiscal decentralization require the sectors to generate their revenue and exercise adequate expenditure responsibilities. financial decision-making autonomy in particular and decentralization, in general, should be devolved down to sectors to elected or appointed governing bodies. in line with this, the sectors in the woreda under study are assumed to generate revenue internally to cover some portion of their expenses and on the other side to become a backbone for the woreda’s autonomy. trend of budget expenditure in education sector as indicated in the constitution of oromia national regional state (article, 77) that the woreda administration must provide primary education service up to 10th grade. for this purpose, the education sector in the selected woreda depends on different revenue sources like revenue from the regional government through woreda (block grant), own revenue generated by the sector itself and from other sources. in table 4.2 (a) below budget expenditure for the education and the extent of dependency of the sector is described. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 135 of 142 table 4. pattern of budget for the education sector and its fiscal imbalance in (etb) year grants/allocation total (c+r) revenue gap/imbalance % of imbalance recurrent (r) capital (c) 2012/13 15,533,300 169,341 15,702,641 310,566 15,392,075 98 2013/14 16,348,755 _ 16,348,755 297,969 16,050,786 98.2 2014/15 18,764,418 _ 18,764,418 1,170,000 17,594,418 93.8 2015/16 27,112, 693 1,423,296 28,535,989 200,000 28,335,989 99.2 2016/17 28,318,719 886,883 29,205,602 201,730 29,003,872 99.3 source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 etb: ethiopian birr as observed in table 4 above it shows how the education sector depends on the budget allocated by the regional bureau through the woreda. throughout the years under discussion, the sector depends 97.7% on the regional government. on average, the sector covers only 2.3% of its budget requirements. table 4 above also shows that most of the budget expenditure of education sector goes to the recurrent expenditure which proves that there is almost no fiscal autonomy in this sector. table 5. share of education budget out of the total woreda budget (etb) year woreda budget education budget education budget share 2012/13 34, 938,739 15,702,641 44.9% 2013/14 42,620,752 16,348,755 38.4% 2014/15 58,801,002 18,764,418 31.9% 2015/16 78,968,275 28,535,989 36.1% 2016/17 82,943,317 29,205,602 35.2% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 as observed in table 5 the budget allocated for education takes the lion’s share of woreda’s budget expenditure. it takes 37.3% on average. this reflects the high priority that education occupies at the lower level of government. however, the financial discretion of the woreda is constrained by limited financial resources as can be observed from the data. trend of budget expenditure in health sector article 77 of the oromia regional state revised constitution indicated that woreda administration is responsible for the provision of health services for the residents and to construct health centres and posts as well as to administer intermediate primary health establishments. accordingly, woreda government and the sector office are charged with the responsibilities and are highly dependent on grants issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 136 of 142 to fulfil the responsibilities. table 6 shows the amount of budget allocated for the health sector and its extent of dependency on the woreda from 2012/13 – 2016/17. table 6. pattern of budget for the health sector and the fiscal imbalance of the sector (etb) year grants/allocation total (c+r) revenue gap/imbalance % of imbalance recurrent (r) capital (c) 2012/13 3,195,656 148,516 3,344,172 399,200 2,944,972 88 2013/14 4,178,059 23,203 4,201,262 532,113 3,669,149 87.3 2014/15 5,470,600 553,026 6,023,626 1,631,000 5,860,526 97.3 2015/16 7,915,595 1,070,054 8,985,649 950,000 8,035,649 89.4 2016/17 8,494,746 140,000 8,634,746 950,000 7,684,746 89 source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 it can be observed from table 6 that there is a high fiscal imbalance in the health sector of sibu sire woreda, which is negatively correlated with the principle of fiscal decentralization. the primary source of revenue for the sector is the grant, which accounts for 90.2% on an average throughout the years under discussion. this implies that this sector highly depends on the grant for its expenditure requirements whereas its revenue contribution on an average to the total budget of the sector is 9.8%. table 7. share of health budget out of the total woreda budget (etb) year woreda budget health sector budget education budget share 2012/13 34, 938,739 3,344,172 9.6% 2013/14 42,620,752 4,201,262 9.9% 2014/15 58,801,002 6,023,626 10.2% 2015/16 78,968,275 8,985,649 11.4% 2016/17 82,943,317 8,634,746 10.4% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 from table 7, it can be inferred that throughout the consecutive five years under discussion, the health has an average share of 10.3% from the total budget of the woreda. the share of the education sector is 37.3%, which is 3.6 times greater than the health sector. the participants of crucial informants and fgds clarified that the gap between two sectors is because of the priority the government has given to the education sector in the study area. trend of budget expenditure in agricultural sector article 77(d) of oromia regional state revised constitution states that the woreda government has responsibilities to preserve and administer essential agricultural services and natural resources in its jurisdiction and the sector office is responsible for the mandate. thus, to execute the mandated issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 137 of 142 responsibilities, table 8 shows the budget allocated for the agricultural sector in the woreda in terms of recurrent and capital as well the extent of the fiscal imbalance in the sector. table 8. pattern of budget for agricultural sector and the fiscal imbalance of the sector (etb) year grants/allocation total (c+r) revenue gap/imbalance % of imbalance recurrent (r) capital (c) 2012/13 2,260,003 547,486 2,807,489 0 2,807,489 100% 2013/14 3,151,884 634,510 3,789,394 0 3,789,394 100% 2014/15 3,506, 906 594,090 4,100, 996 0 4,100, 996 100% 2015/16 5,338,564 1,012,444 6,351,008 0 6,351,008 100% 2016/17 3,949,418 889,305 4,838,723 0 4,838,723 100% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 it can be observed from table 8, similar to other sectors like education and health that the budget for capital expenditure is low. the recurrent and capital budget allocated for the sector is on an average 83.2% and 16.8% respectively, the difference of which makes the sector to lag in adopting projects for the improvement of the sector. the other fact revealed from the table is the total incompatibility of the principle of fiscal decentralization in the agricultural sector in the study area. according to the key informants, which the sector has not been capacitated to generate its revenue throughout the years under discussion, which led the sector to depend 100% on the grant. they pointed out that farmers are not educated and therefore they lack the willingness to adapt the scientific means of agriculture on the one hand and lack of awareness and training to equip with the modern farming system on the other. all participants of fgd univocally reasoned out that the condition is more or less equal to the subsistence farming in the study area which does not give any scope for revenue generation. table 9. share of agriculture budget out of the total woreda budget (etb) year woreda budget agriculture budget education budget share 2012/13 34, 938,739 2,807,489 8% 2013/14 42,620,752 3,789,394 8.9% 2014/15 58,801,002 4,100, 996 7% 2015/16 78,968,275 6,351,008 8% 2016/17 82,943,317 4,838,723 5.% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 table 9 shows the share of the agricultural sector from the woreda’s total budget from 2012/13 to 2016/17. it can be observed that the share of the budget is much low, that is, on an average 7.4% while comparing with other two sectors discussed previously were education and health share 37.3% and 10.3% issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 138 of 142 respectively from the total budget of the woreda. data further revealed the trends of these three sectors where the education sector shows a decreasing trend; health sector shows increasing trend and agriculture sector shows an almost similar trend with low budget. key informants said that agriculture is not given much priority, which is reflected in the share of this sector from the total budget. participants of fgd further pointed out that this may be one of the factors for nil revenue generation. trend of expenditure budget in road sector decentralization involves the devolution of the provision of roads as part of responsibilities to the local level of government. in line with this fact, it is stated in the work of fekadu (2011) and desalegn chala (2015) that the provision of the road in ethiopia ought to be a shared power and responsibility. they explained that the main factor of relevance in the assignment of expenditure to local authorities in ethiopia is the scope of the benefits of the service. the respondents explained that even though the sector requires more budgets for the expansion of rural roads, the budget allocated from the regional bureau is small. one of the key informants from the sector informs: most of the time, the allocated budget is less than 60% of the planned budget. for instance, in the budget year of 2015/16, the allocated budget for the road sector was 2,466,138 while the planned budget was 4.5 million birr. table 10. pattern of budget for road sector and the fiscal imbalance of the sector (etb) year grants/allocation total (c+r) revenue gap/imbalance % of imbalance recurrent (r) capital (c) 2012/13 303,449 1, 011,203 1, 314,652 1,169,000 145,652 11 2013/14 355,420 912,434 1,267,854 965,258 302,596 24 2014/15 427,732 2,609,043 3,036,775 1,708,602 1,328,173 43.7 2015/16 666,138 1,800,000 2,466,138 811,537 1,654,601 67 2016/17 974,376 1,301,082 2,275,458 500,000 1,775,458 78 source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 table 10 shows that even though the road sector has high dependency syndrome, it has a better capacity of revenue generation comparing to other undertaken sectors. the revenue capacity of the sector shows fluctuation, and on an average, the sector depends 44.74% on the grant for its expenditure requirements. in other words, it means that the sector can cover 55.26% of its expenditure requirement by generating its revenue. on the other side, data shown in table 10 indicated the reality on the ground regarding the accessibility of rural road to residents and because of which capital budget allocation is much higher than other selected sectors of the woreda. key informants pointed out that the given budget issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 139 of 142 for this sector is not sufficient, and it is half of the expenditure requirement. participants of fgd revealed the potential capacity of revenue generation of this sector if it were in proportion to the planned budget. table 11. share of rural road budget out of the total woreda budget (etb) year woreda budget road budget education budget share 2012/13 34, 938,739 1, 314,652 3.8% 2013/14 42,620,752 1,267,854 3% 2014/15 58,801,002 3,036,775 5.2% 2015/16 78,968,275 2,466,138 3.1% 2016/17 82,943,317 2,275,458 2.7% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 table 11 indicated that the share of road sector throughout the years under discussion is less than 3.56% on an average. the share of the sector shows that fluctuation expects little improvement in the year 2014/15. the table further shows that the rural road in the woreda is not getting much attention comparatively. as clarified by the key informants that this sector is one of the least sectors in terms of woreda’s share of the budget, therefore, to minimize the challenge, the sector practices some revenue generation activities mainly by mobilizing the beneficiaries. trend of expenditure budget in water sector one of the assigned responsibilities to the woreda is related to the provision of rural water supply for the residents, which needs an adequate budget for the purpose. budget allocation for the sector and its fiscal imbalance is presented as follows: table 12. pattern of budget for water sector and the fiscal imbalance of the sector (etb) year grants/allocation total (c+r) revenue gap/imbalance % of imbalance recurrent (r) capital (c) 2012/13 404,287 303,680 712,967 0 712,967 100% 2013/14 457,908 317,059 774,967 0 774,967 100% 2014/15 513,395 600,000 1,113,395 0 1,113,395 100% 2015/16 712,345 400,660 1,113,005 0 1,113,005 100% 2016/17 898,722 330,511 1,229,233 0 1,229,233 100% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 from table 12, it can be inferred that the water sector has shown nil in its revenue generation to cover its expenditure. lack of autonomy of the sector exacerbates the dependency of the woreda on the regional government. this situation is explained by the critical informant while giving justification for the mismatch between expenditure requirement and the budget allocation, he says: issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 140 of 142 for instance, in 2017, we had planned to develop 35 springs, and we achieved only 15. even from the 15 springs, only three were covered by the budget allocated for this sector. a fund developed three springs mobilized through community participation besides the support from the regional sector bureau, and world vision developed nine springs in the woreda. every year, we used to face a similar challenge of budget inadequacy. table 13. share of rural water budget out of the total woreda budget (etb) year woreda budget water budget water sector budget share recurrent capital total 2012/13 34, 938,739 404,287 303,680 712,967 2% 2013/14 42,620,752 457,908 317,059 774,967 1.8% 2014/15 58,801,002 513,395 600,000 1,113,395 1.9% 2015/16 78,968,275 712,345 400,660 1,113,005 1.4% 2016/17 82,943,317 898,722 330,511 1,229,233 1.5% source: researchers’ calculation, 2018 as indicated in table 13, water sector’s share from the total budget of the woreda is the least from the sectors under discussion which are 1.72% on an average throughout the five consecutive years 2012/13 to 2016/17. theoretical interpretation of findings the findings supported the theoretical interpretation of kwon who pointed out that most of the developing countries have the non-administrative capacity to carry out their own fiscal decisions and they do not meet arguments forwarded by fiscal decentralization theory. after observing the level of imbalances and autonomy of sectors in the study area, the author has rightly stated that without independent decision-making capacity in determining the quantity and quality of public goods provided and sources of finance that internalize the costs, decentralized provision of local public goods may not increase efficiency (kwon, 2002). the proposition of helen matched with the observation of researchers in the study area in terms of human power, resources, revenue bases, infrastructure, investment opportunities which vary in solving particular local problems and to practice fiscal decentralization in the real sense (helen, 2010). pragmatism of world bank found in the study area because constitutionally, the local government of woreda or administrative units/sectors must possess the legal authority to impose taxes but the tax base is so weak and the dependence on regional/central government subsidies so ingrained that no attempt is made to exercise that authority (world bank, 2001). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 141 of 142 conclusion this research has undertaken two variables to analyze revenue generation capacity and percentage share of revenue allocation/grant of each sector out of the total budget of woreda to check the autonomy of the sector in fiscal decentralization. from the first variable of revenue generation, the average share of five undertaken sectors of education, health, agriculture, rural road and water supply is 2.3%, 9.8%, nil, 55.26%, and nil respectively. this proves that there is a high prevalence of vertical imbalance in terms of revenue generation capacity and expenditure requirement in the study area, which at the same time is antithetical to the principle of fiscal decentralization. concerning the second variable, out of the total budget of the woreda, data revealed that undertaken five sectors of education, health, agriculture, rural road and water supply, the percentage share is 37.3%, 10.3%, 7.4%, 3.56% and 1.72% respectively. it can be observed that there is a high prevalence of horizontal imbalance among the sectors where the highest grant allocated sector is education, and the lowest one is the water sector. based on these two main types of fiscal imbalance found in the study area, it can be concluded that the very purpose of implementing the fiscal decentralization does not fulfil the criteria of fiscal autonomy to the study woreda in particular and the local government in general. references abraham, g. (2011). assessment on the implementation of woreda decentralization in gambella regional state: the case of abobo and lare woredas, ethiopia alam, m. & girma ch. (2017). challenges and opportunities of fiscal decentralization in sidama zone. indian journal of politics, 51/3&4 bahil, r. (2009). promise and reality of fiscal decentralization, georgia state university. demelash, n. (2011). fiscal decentralization in somali national regional state, ethiopia deribe, a. (2015). fiscal decentralization in ethiopia: achievements and challenges;ethiopian civil service university. public policy and administration research,, 5/8. desalegn, c. (2015). district decentralization and service delivery: the study of water supply in chalia, oromia, ethiopia dickovick, j. (2010). comparative assessment of decentralization in africa: ethiopia desk study. usaid. ard, inc. eshetu, c. 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(2010). a critical examination of fiscal autonomy of addis ababa city administration. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive http://etd.aau.edu.et/handle/123456789/12418 http://etd.aau.edu.et/handle/123456789/12418 http://etd.aau.edu.et/handle/123456789/12469 https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/af6f/f5714f7adc66f641e63b855752e9fb95dbd9.pdf http://etd.aau.edu.et/bitstream/handle/123456789/14863/desalegn%20chala%20reserach%20.pdf?sequence=1&isallowed=y https://www.scholars.northwestern.edu/en/publications/comparative-assessment-of-decentralization-in-africa-final-report http://www.ethiopia.gov.et/regional-states1 http://www.ethiopia.gov.et/regional-states1 http://etd.aau.edu.et/handle/123456789/8135 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102101 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 142 of 142 kwon, o. 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(1999/2000). entering the 21st century. world development report 1999/2000 . oxford university press. world bank (n.d.). world bank intergovernmental fiscal relations. retrieved 3, 29, 2019, from worldbank.org _________ (2001). ethiopia, focusing public expenditures on poverty reduction, public expenditure review of oromia region, africa region. world bank, country department 6. world bank country office in ethiopia issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.0275-1100.2003.02304001.x https://etd.uwc.ac.za/handle/11394/3350 https://etd.uwc.ac.za/handle/11394/3350 https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/fiscal-federalism-by-wallace-e-oates-new-york-harcourt-brace-jovanovich-1972-pp-256-795/4a4792497e127d903ce8347afccdb958 https://open.bu.edu/handle/2144/15718 https://web.stanford.edu/~jrodden/weingast.pdf https://web.stanford.edu/~jrodden/weingast.pdf https://global.oup.com/about/annualreport/?cc=us https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/5982 http://www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/decentralization/fiscal.htm http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/977211468250237290/public-expenditure-review-of-oromiya-region http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/977211468250237290/public-expenditure-review-of-oromiya-region jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 109 of 123 capitalization of hatred and mass mobilization: 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election case abstract this paper aims to describe in detail how the capitalization of hatred can effectively be used as a political commodity, especially in terms of mass mobilization to intervene in government policies. by utilizing a theoretical approach of cherian george, the author tries to analyze the campaign process and the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election, which involves a lot of practices of capitalization of hatred especially by using religious narratives so that it successfully raises negative views of certain social groups. this study proves that hatred capitalization has profoundly used to mobilize mass and suppress opposing group voters so that individual candidates can achieve a political gain in the election. keywords: politics, capitalization of hatred, hate spin, mass mobilization abstrak tulisan ini ingin menjelaskan secara detail bagaimana kapitalisasi kebencian secara efektif dapat digunakan sebagai komoditas politik. khususnya dalam hal memobilisasi massa, guna mengintervensi kebijakan pemerintah. dengan mengadopsi pendekatan yang digunakan oleh cherian george, penulis mencoba menganalisis bagaimana proses kampanye dan pemilihan gubernur dki jakarta tahun 2017, yang banyak melibatkan praktik-praktik kapitalisasi kebencian –khususnya dengan menggunakan narasi agama– sehingga berhasil memunculkan pandangan negatif masyarakat kepada kelompok tertentu. dan bahkan terbukti mampu dijadikan ‘modal’ untuk memobilisasi massa –demi menekan kelompok lawan– sehingga kandidat tertentu dapat mencapai keuntungan politik, dari kapitalisasi kebencian tersebut. mohammad fahrizal email: fahrizal@cbn.net.id sekolah tinggi ilmu kepolisian indonesia history received : may 24th, 2019 revised : june 24th , 2019 accepted : june 26th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: fahrizal. 2019. capitalization of hatred and mass mobilization: 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election case. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(2). 109-123 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:fahrizal@cbn.net.id jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 110 of 123 introduction the study of hatred (especially in its manifestations as hate speech) has been widely carried out. hatred is seen as a social phenomenon in society, which can increase further into a violation of the laws governing hate crime. there are various studies on hate speech and freedom of speech, especially in the context of democracy (tsesis, 2009); hatred and hate speech relations with human rights (rosenfeld, 2002), issues of minority rights (johnson & byers, 2003); the spread of hate speech on the internet, or cyber-hate (burnap & williams, 2015 ; warner & hirschberg, 2012; chetty & alathur, 2018), policing hate-crime (perry, 2010; mason et al., 2017), and so on. hatred can also be seen as a political commodity, namely to mobilize collective action (george, 2016: 2956). hate propaganda can be a deliberate strategy, not just a spontaneous spark that occurs randomly. george proposes the term "hate-spin," which is defined as "a two-pronged political strategy of verification or manufactured use as a means of mobilizing supporters and coercing opponents" (george, 2016: 2957). hate spin can apply in the context of differences in religion, race, language, nationality, immigrant status, and other symbols of social identity. in this paper, the same perspective is used to explain how hatred is capitalized as a political modality to move the masses. explicitly, it will be taught how the capitalization of hatred develops in the case of the (special capital region) daerah khusus ibukota (dki) jakarta gubernatorial election in 2017. the series of events stemmed from an official video speech by governor basuki tjahaya purnama, (btp) who was also a candidate to compete in the election, when he spoke in front of the seribu island residents on september 27, 2016. the activity was covered and recorded by the dki jakarta communication and information services (kominfomas) and was published on the dki jakarta provincial government's youtube account. at first, there was no prominent public reaction. but after an edited video that decapitated some of the contents of the video section, several significant mass actions took place in jakarta. the edited video resulted in a violent public outcry against actions that were considered an insult to islam. repeated public pressure occurred, and amplified with massive attacks through social media, ultimately making btp's popularity useless to help him win the governor's seat. public pressure increased and further reinforced by mui's statement, which was signed by the general chairperson dr. kh. ma'ruf amin and secretary general of the mui dr. h. anwar abbas on october 11, 2016. this verdict essentially stated that basuki tjahaja purnama's statement was categorized as: (1) insulting the quran and or (2) insulting the ulama, and therefore was considered subject to legal consequences. however, the special capital region of jakarta election commission on october 22, 2016, consented the pair involving btp and djarot saiful hidayat as the candidates for the special capital region of jakarta governor, who were going to compete against anies-sandiaga and agus-sylvi. what is issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 111 of 123 more, the demand for processing btp-related issues as a contender for islam led to massive mass demonstrations on october 14, 2016, november 4, 2016 (action 411), and december 2, 2016 (action 212), each of which was known as the action of defending islam. continuous and problematic pressures that arose during the trial process made it difficult for btp voters to support him, eventually made him electability sink despite public satisfaction with relatively high performance under his reign. in the end, btp lost the case, and the winner of the 2017 special capital region of jakarta election, subsequently serving as governor and deputy governor were anies baswedan and sandiaga s. uno. a few months later, the verdict against btp was adjourned on may 9, 2017, where he was found guilty and had to serve a 2-year prison sentence. theoretical framework this paper is based on a literature review providing the theoretical framework that explains and analyzes how hatred is capitalized as a political modality, primarily through social media, so that it successfully moves the masses to achieve specific political goals. hatred capitalization in the case of the 2017 governor of dki jakarta election is seen as a series of continuous events, namely starting from the text (the edited video), that reproduced repeatedly and amplified through social media so that it becomes a mass movement. the theoretical framework at work is based on the theory of hate pyramid, as stated by jubany (2016). it accounts for the process of capitalization of hatred driven by political motives concerning the concept of hate-spin (george, 2016; 2017). figure 1. the pyramid of hatred source: jubany, o. (2016). backgrounds, experiences and responses to online hate speech: an ethnographic multi-sited analysis. 2nd annual international conference on social science and contemporary humanity development issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 112 of 123 jubany (2016) proposes a pyramid model to illustrate how "psychology of hate" can develop, starting with the bias of views such as stereotype, jokes, vocabulary that is not inclusive, and so on. furthermore, a preference grows into the prejudice that manifests itself in such actions as bullying, intimidation, giving bad nicknames, separating socially, and so on. at a higher level, individual actions can transform into an institutionalization in society, resulting in discrimination in various fields. finally, at a more severe level, there will be bias-motivated violence, which culminates in the effort to get rid of or even destroy different parties (genocide). also, the study also delves into the impact of using information technology in spreading hatred through cyberspace. the advancement of information technology today provides a new context in which hatred gets a wider space with massive dissemination. information technology enables hate speech metamorphosed into cyber-hate, which is a special form of hatred that is packaged and disseminated through cyber space. cyber-hate is defined as "the use of electronic communications technology to spread anti-semiotic, racist, bigoted, extremist or terrorist messages or information. these electronic communications technologies include “the internet (i.e. websites, social networking sites, web 2.0 usergenerated content, dating sites, blogs, and online games, instant messages, and e-mail) as well as other computer and cell phone-based information technologies (text messages and mobile phones)” (adl, 2014). development of web technology 2:0 has allowed individuals’ autonomy to produce their own content and disseminate it to a wide audience. social media can also be manipulated as a tool to spread hatred, propaganda and victimization. through the internet, the ideas of violence can be spread, and recruitment of radical groups can be done more easily. figure 2. capitalization of hatred and mass mobilization the framework of this study (figure 2) aims to portray the process of btp’s speech controversy, which is analyzed through cda (critical discourse analysis) and how amplification occurs through issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 113 of 123 internet media, which mutually reinforces with mass mobilization taking place in the real world. through this framework, the researchers strive to illustrate how the capitalization of hatred takes place in this case. research methodology the method used in this research is the cda framework, developed by norman fairclough (1989), to guide analysis of hate-speech as a social phenomenon. according to fairclough (1989), the cda assumes that language is an integral part of social life, interconnected with other elements of social life. as such, discourse analysis must take into account issues beyond mere language concerns. this view implies the following notions: (1) discourse cannot be separated from society; (2) discussion is a social process, and (3) the discursive process depends on what is conditioned in society. discourse analysis is primarily intended to reveal the use of language, how discursive practices are developed, and their relation to social practices referred to by a discourse. cda emphasizes a critical approach, where the focus lies on a problem or "social irregularity" found in society. cda intends to display the phenomenon of social inequality so that it can be discussed as a scientific discourse. technically, fairclough (2010: 226) explains that the cda approach consists of four stages: (1) focusing on social irregularities in its semiotic aspects; (2) identifying the obstacles to overcoming social inconsistencies; (3) considering whether the social order "requires" social aberrations; and (4) identifying possible ways to overcome the barriers or to overcome problems. concerning cda perspective, hatred can be seen as a social phenomenon which always involves a linguistic or semiotic aspect and describes how language is used in social practice. at the same time, the discursive practice also explains how social irregularities emerge as a contestation of interests entrenched within a social space. findings 1. hatred as a social irregularity the first stage of cda is to establish a focus on a "social irregularity" seen from its semiotics. according to haryatmoko (2017:19-20), irregularities are perceived as "the aspects of the social system, forms, and structures that are detrimental to shared prosperity and can be improved even though it must go through radical changes from the system." some examples of social irregularities include poverty, inequality, discrimination, and lack of freedom or racism. in this study, the common aberration in question is the development of hatred (hatred) as a social phenomenon in society. in this first stage, semiotic analysis of social irregularities is carried out through four steps: (1) vocabulary analysis or vocabulary and the use of terms; (2) analyzing the use of metaphors; (3) analyzing the structure of the text with the logic of its argument; and (4) analyzing grammatical and textual cohesion. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 114 of 123 to reveal how hatred is developed as a means of mass mobilization in the case of jakarta election 2017, the researcher refers to the transcript of the original btp’s speech. the total expression is 1 hour, 48 minutes, 22 seconds long, and consists of 89 sentences. this text is then compared with the controversial fragment uploaded by buni yani. that piece of speech has triggered pros and cons, and it further has ignited a reaction in the form of mass mobilization in a series of religiously motivated demonstrations. at the vocabulary level, the vocabulary included in the original speech includes: "cultivation", "sea as wealth", "seribu island close to jakarta (as a market)", "ship", "planting banana", "chicken poultry", "planting moringa leaves is also possible", "the group is only for friendship", "cooperative", "profit sharing 80:20", "must be diligent and honest", "kjp (smart jakarta card)", "human development index", "ship transportation subsidies"," bad pns", "dki civil servants’ salaries","budget","program (grouper aquaculture)","regional election","buying cats in sacks", lied using al maidah verse 51", and "debt of gratitude". overall the vocabulary used is a daily vocabulary that is easily understood by lay people. the purpose of the speech was to explain the aquaculture program to the seribu island fishermen groups, although there is an explanation of the political contestation of the dki regional election that will be held shortly, namely planned in early 2017. the metaphorical analysis shows that btp's speech includes various metaphors, which can be grouped as follows: (1) metaphor referring to "economic empowerment" and "government programs"; and (2) "political" metaphor, namely btp's comments on upcoming governor elections. the structure of btp’s speech is shown in table 1. the address can be divided into twelve parts, including the opening and closing. table 1. the structure of btp’s speech no topics sentence number the number of sentences 1 opening 1-2 2 2 comparison between seribu island and belitung, which is the birthplace of btp 3-13 11 3 economic empowerment through the cultivation of poultry 14-18 5 4 economic empowerment through ship assistance and changes to the raskin program (poor rice) 19-23 5 5 about dki jakarta regional election, especially choosing the best candidate based on performance 24-32 9 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 115 of 123 6 explanation of ponds, namely grouper cultivation programs 33-47 15 7 economic prospects of the seribu island in the future 48-52 5 8 about the development of human resources in dki jakarta through education and health 53-62 10 9 ship transportation program to spur the economy of the seribu island 63-70 8 10 the performance of local government officials (pns) must be good. if there is corruption, it must be reported immediately and will be fired 71-78 8 11 about dki election, including fragments of speeches that are considered controversial 79-88 10 12 closing 89 1 total 89 the structure of the speech above highlights two things. first, the part pertinent to talks about the dki pilkada is in two fragments, namely sentence numbers 24-32 (9 sentences) and sentence numbers 7888 (10 sentences), comprising of 19 sentences. in both sections, btp spoke about the importance of vision and mission as well as programs, coupled with performance and track record as criteria for choosing leaders. second, the section uploaded by buni yani, which became controversial, was in the second fragment, namely sentence number 82-84 (three sentences). in full article, the speech in the video uploaded by buni yani is as follows: "(82) so, don't trust people easily. it is very likely that beneath your heart lies the willingness not to vote for me, mainly because you are deceived by surah al maidah verse 51 and stuff, you know. you have the rights to make your choice. (83) yes, so if you feel that you can't vote for me, because you are afraid of going to hell, being fooled like that, it's ok. this is your conscience. this program will proceed. (84). ok! say you don't need to feel sorry in your conscience simply because you can't vote for ahok, or you don't like ahok, but you want the program. if you take the chance, you may feel sorry for me, or say you owe me. please, don't even think about it. if you don't feel right, you will die slowly, you know, because of stroke. " issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 116 of 123 the brevity of video fragments are then scattered, adding a caption in the form of removing the word "use" before the word "surah al-maidah 51", and adding the word "muslim voter" in parentheses, which are not in the original text, namely as follows: "religion blasphemy? ladies and gentlemen (muslim voters) ... you are deceived by almaidah verse 51 "....... (and)" you will go to hell "(ladies and gentlemen) you are also fooled" ...... it seems that something terrible will happen with this video ". the dissemination of the videos and transcripts which did not match the original speech was what subsequently triggered the public emotions so that they placed btp as a "religious deterrent" and demanded immediate law acts. these included several mass mobilizations on a large scale to pressure the law enforcement officials, to sentence btp. furthermore, the grammatical analysis focused on how clauses and sentences are used in a text. in btp's speech, the sentences used were a picture of everyday conversation, according to the type of speech including no book which tended to be sung casually. this can be seen from the use of non-standard grammar. for example, "(2) if i go to pulau seribu, i say i still remember my village". in formal grammar, this sentence might read: "every time to pulau seribu, i always remember the village (page)." the logic of the argumentation in the speech was started from btp’s explanation about the economic potential of the sea from the seribu island and its proximity to the consumers of dki jakarta, which was quite extensive. according to btp, there were two obstacles to actualizing this potential: (1) the use of capture fishermen techniques which was no longer economical, because over-fishing has occurred, so fishermen must be directed to cultivation techniques; and (2) the production of aquaculture which calls forth sea transportation (ships) to transport goods to markets in jakarta. therefore, he proceeded with an explanation of economic empowerment through cultivation, which put forward not only aquaculture through ponds (as well as programs being discussed in speeches) but also other types of civilization such as poultry and agriculture. btp also added the economic potential of seribu island in the future, including in the tourism sector. afterward, he moved on to explaining dki jakarta provincial government program in the fields of education and health. this segment involved nine sentences about choosing leaders, concerning the 2017 dki regional election, namely sentences 24-32. by the end of his speech, btp explained the performance of dki provincial government civil servants, who had already received high salaries so they should not commit corruption again. he then again repeated the details concerning dki jakarta regional election, before the speech was closed with greetings. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 117 of 123 the logic behind the argument compiled in the text structure above conclude that the (controversial) explanation about al maidah verse 51 is only an insertion or interlude of speeches, due to the accidental speech delivered before the contestation of the elections. the relevance is that whatever the people's choice regarding the future governor, btp wants to ensure that the empowerment program through aquaculture is sure to continue. through this first stage of cda, it is clear that semiotically btp's original speech is characterized by neutral discourse, focusing on the problem of economic empowerment of fishing communities, instead of being anchored to provoking controversy about religious issues. indeed, there are two parts of the speech where btp is slightly deviant, alluding to the dki election, although it is still in the context of reminding the public to be wise upon voting. the speech became a controversy in the second part when btp referred to "surah al maidah," as a reference to explain the politicization of religion. however, btp's concern about the issue of politicization of religion is not the first time is not anew; it has existed for a while. in detail, he explained his experience as follows. "during my political career where i registered myself as a new party member, became branch leader, gained the verification to participate in elections, won the recent election campaigns and even succeeded in the governor election, there was a similar verse, which to my knowledge, had been used to divide the people in order to scoop victories by those possessed by "the spirit of colonialism. elite elements deliberately spread the verse because it could not compete with its vision, mission, program, and personal integrity. they tried to take refuge behind the holy verses so that the people with the concept of "faith" chose him. from the elite who took refuges behind the holy verses of islam, they used surah al maidah verse 51. it provoked the public not to vote for christians and jews to be their leaders, with the addition of never choosing infidels to be leaders. the point is that they are invited to choose leaders from the same religion. "(btp, 2008:40) for btp, the politicization of religions is considered unfair because the community ultimately chooses leaders not because of achievements or track records, but solely because of shared beliefs, which does not fit into the context of a democratic and pluralistic country such as indonesia. however, btp did not specifically blame individuals from the islamic religion. according to him, similar people also exist in christianity, and perhaps in some other religions. "what about the elite who take refuge behind the christian scriptures? they use the verse in galatians 6:10. its contents, as long as we still have the opportunity, let us do decent things to issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 118 of 123 everyone, but especially to our friends in the faith. i don't know what is used by elites in bali who are hindus or buddhists. but i believe that, without question, people are preached not to choose people from other religions or other tribes, especially those with other races. in essence, it is imperative to choose those who are fellow believers/neighbors (ethnicity, race, religion, and between groups). "(btp, 2008:41). it turned out that btp's intention to clarify the issue of religious politicization in his speech, especially in the context of nominating himself as a candidate in the 2017 jakarta election, was precisely the trigger of hot political controversy. after the speech recording was cut, given a caption, and published by buni yani in the facebook account, the modified video went viral in the community. this indirectly shows "social irregularities" in the city, echoing the ideas that the problems of politicizing religion are still a sensitive issue. this is a crucial problem, considering that the indonesian people are pluralist communities and refer to democratic values in their political life. in this context, the study also reveals that the phenomenon of "hatred" in society can be triggered by differences in religion, race, ethnicity, and between groups, which are hidden in the language of "blasphemy" as used by buni yani and used in the mass mobilization that followed. 2. the obstacles to social irregularities the social order behind this case can be analyzed from the existence of two different "ideologies" among muslims themselves. the difference in interpretation of btp's speech can be seen as two different ideological views about the role of islam in politics, especially in indonesia. on the one hand, some groups want islam to be formally recognized and get a place in politics. on the other hand, there are groups which assume that islam does not need to be represented officially in politics, but rather in its substantive aspects. the political-formal group in the case of btp's speech succeeded in gaining a superior position because mobilization and mass pressure on this case was finally formalized as the mui's statement of attitude 11 october 2016, which justified their position. discourse battles between the two camps did not take place quickly, but these were laden with debates and controversies driven by their opinions and attitudes. the strengthening can see the "victory" of the islamic-formalistic group of discourses such as "action of defending islam," "movement 212", "mujahid," etc., which was supported by the power of social media and the internet. driven by, among others, a group that calls itself "muslim cyber army (mca) ", the discourse is spread through social media such as facebook and whatsapp groups, as well as internet news sites such as saracen news, saracen cyber team, saracennews.com, and various other groups to attract netizens' interest to partake in the initiative. the dissemination of content echoing the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 119 of 123 opinions to capture and prosecute btp took place not only through cyberspace but also was amplified by a series of actions and mass mobilization. the mass mobilization was commandeered by a group called the gnpf-mui (national movement to safeguard the indonesian ulema council's fatwa), with one of the initiators being rizieq shihab who was the leader of the fpi. he was also known to oppose the idea of btp being appointed as dki governor. as these formalistic islamic groups gained more power, hostility, and hatred towards different groups or groups gain their traction in the discourse of political contestation. hate as a "social irregularity" seems to be obligatory to these groups to win their position and interests. one example was the strategy of "imprisoning btp" through the mistakes he made in the speech, which failed in reducing btp electability. however, the price that must be paid in the long term may be quite high, comprising of decreased tolerance in society, the possibility of social segregation, the potential for polarization and conflict, discrimination against citizens' rights, and the scarcity of democratic maturity at the local level. 3. possible ways to deal with social irregularities prevention of hatred in society is a complicated matter because the causative factors can be multilayered, as shown by the hatred pyramid theory proposed by jubany (figure 1). hatred must be seen as an accumulative process that stems from bias towards different people or groups of people, both in the form of stereotypes, insensitive expressions, degrading jokes, non-inclusive languages, and so on. if it can be nurtured and embedded within the individual level, it will give rise to prejudice actions, which can then develop into various forms of discrimination, be it political discrimination, economic discrimination, employment discrimination, housing discrimination, and so on. discrimination does not occur at the individual level anymore, but rather at the group level. these discriminations can lead to violence that is motivated by bias-motivated force, namely in the form of murder, rape, assault, arson, terrorism, vandalism, and others. therefore, the solution to overcome hatred as social irregularities can be applied in stages. prevention should have started from the beginning, namely to prevent inter-group bias and the existence of prejudices that arise at the individual level. facilities that can be used include school education, family education, work environment, mass media, and other social interactions. if hatred has reached the group level, which is manifested in various forms of discrimination, prevention will be more sophisticated. the case of contempt that developed in the context of the 2017 dki jakarta pilkada, as discussed in this study, tended to result in discrimination, namely political discrimination. furthermore, the phenomenon laden with the controversy in the case of btp’s speech contains references to religious groupings that occur among muslims themselves. as mentioned above, muslims issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 120 of 123 in indonesia can be grouped into two groups, namely islam-substantive and islam-formalistic. if we see the contrast between the differences in the views of the two groups, especially concerning the position of islam in politics, it seems challenging to bridge both parties. this difference of opinion is one of the factors developing intolerance and hatred in society, which is triggered by political contestation. there is a common interest between these two groups, namely fighting for islamic values in social life. this is realized, among others, in the following matters. first, this common objective aims to improve the quality of islamic human resources, through formal education, training, and other general learning assisted by media, such as mass media. it must be admitted that the level of education among muslims in indonesia is still low, making it a common problem, both for islam-substantive and islamic-formalistic groups. second, the commonality is geared to improving the public economy, namely the potential of economic resources never been optimally explored so far. third, it also deals with responding to modernity as a necessity that must be faced by muslims. how muslims enter modernity while maintaining their traditions and beliefs is a question that both groups take into account, although each tends to come up with a different answer. islam-substantive groups tend to be open, inclusive, and consider the modern world as a foe. on the contrary, islamic-formalistic groups tend to look for solutions that are self-closing, exclusive and consider the contemporary world as a threat to diversity itself. these same interests should strive towards empowering muslims to focus on productive issues, so they are not trapped in short-term investments. in reality, to date, such similarities of interests have not succeeded in bringing the views between the two different groups together. in the long run, approaches, discussions, and dialogue between the two groups are needed, to establish a solid basis for dealing with things such as radicalism, intolerance, terrorism, hate speech, and other forms of hate issues as discussed in this study. discussion this study has shown that the controversy surrounding btp's speech was sparked by a statement, which was then edited and given framing by others and published on social media and subsequently became viral. as a result, the resultant segment aroused emotional reactions from several muslim parties. various groups then mobilized the masses in a series of demonstrations, to affirm the image of btp as a "religious deterrent" while demanding that a legal process be carried out immediately against him. however, through cda, it can be seen what behind this series of events, there is a process of capitalization of hatred aimed at winning other candidates in the 2017 jakarta election. the results of the study are in harmony with research by george (2016), mainly concerned with the concept of hate-spin. this concept demonstrates that inter-group hatred in society can be triggered by issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 121 of 123 offense engineering, and it can be subsequently used to mobilize support and suppress opponents in politics. the image of btp as a "religious oppressor" can be seen what a hate-spin process because the real purpose is to defeat the person involved in the contestation of the governor's election. the difference is that the hate-spin concept emphasizes political strategies that use hate propaganda as one of the tools. meanwhile, this research views hatred as a process of social interaction in society, which can be analyzed through the linguistic aspect, namely cda. this study also confirms whitten's research (2018), which also sees the aspects of language as a reference in analyzing hate phenomena. the difference is that whitten examines the dangers posed by hate propaganda as effects that are not only direct, illocutionary forces of action, but also influenced by background and intersubjective relationships, thus explaining the impact of hate speech as experienced from the perspective of the first person. meanwhile, this research does not emphasize individual psychology but focuses on hatred as a social phenomenon which in certain situations can be politicized for specific purposes. in the same vein, the research is in congruence with deveci and kınık’s work (2018), which examines nationalist bias in the discourse of handling law against speeches of hatred in turkey. their study analyzes the murder case of hrant dink, a minority armenian turkish journalist. the study concluded that turkish courts tended to alleviate or not punish those who expressed hate speech to the extent that the statement was consistent with nationalist doctrine. the same thing was seen in btp case, in which minorities tended to experience discriminatory treatment in the context of hate speech. in court, btp was sentenced to 2 years in prison with blasphemy article, among others, due to the public pressure which put forward the majority identity. the difference is that the hrant dink case has developed into physical violence, even deaths, whereas in the case of btp, it has only reached the level of (political) discrimination. conclusion hatred, as a political tool, especially deployed to mobilize collective action, has been put forward by george (2016), namely through the concept of "hate-spin." hatred can be manipulated and twisted to gain a political advantage, either directly or indirectly, and can serve as the politicization of perpetrators and victims of the giving or taking of offense as a political strategy. theoretical analysis in this paper departs from the same view, presuming that hatred in society can develop into a political tool to defeat opponents, or to promote particular interest. the research findings signify a complex process in which texts, contexts, discourse practices, and social practices are interconnected to build hatred in society to accrue certain political benefits in the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102100 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 122 of 123 electoral context. this finding reinforces that hatred is not merely perceived as a legal problem, which, among other things, is regulated through regulations regarding the utterance of hatred and hate crimes. instead, it also denotes a social phenomenon that can emerge from small matters, such as bias and prejudice at the individual level, which can develop into discrimination or even violence involving numerous parties. in the context of a multi-cultural society of indonesia, early education needs to instill values of tolerance and harmony. hatred stemming from bias and prejudice may give rise to discriminatory behaviors towards different parties. therefore, it is crucial to instill these values as early as possible, to eliminate prejudice and discrimination, which may result from the differences in religion, ethnicity, language, and culture. also, social interactions in the community must be prevented from being discriminatory, socially segregative, and susceptible to nullifying tolerance and harmony, in the context of formal and informal social relations. the goal is that the phenomenon of "hatred" remains non-existent to prevent it from threatening the social and national integrity. references anti-defamation league. 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(2010). policing hate crime in a multicultural society observations from canada. international journal of law, crime and justice, 38(3), 120–140. rosenfeld, m. (2002). hate speech in consitutional jurisprudence: a comparative analysis. cardozo law review, 24, 1523–1567. staub, e. (2005). the origins and evolution of hate, with notes on prevention. in: r. sterneberg (ed.) the psychology of hate. (pp. 51-66). washington: apa. tjahaja. (2008). merubah indonesia: the story of basuki tjahaja purnama: tidak selamanya orang miskin dilupakan. jakarta : center for democracy and transparency tsesis, a. (2009). dignity and speech: the regulation of hate speech in a democracy. wake forest law review, 44, 497–532. warner, w., & hirschberg, j. (2012). detecting hate speech on the world wide web. proceeding lsm ’12 proceedings of the second workshop on language in social media, (lsm), 19–26. whitten, s. (2018). a recognition-sensitive phenomenology of hate speech speech. critical review of international social and political philosophy, 00(00), 1–21. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2352(03)00004-7 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijlcj.2010.10.004 https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2007.54.1.23 https://doi.org/10.1525/sp.2007.54.1.23 http://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=2390374.239037 https://doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2018.1511170 layout desember 2008 in the 1990s, but has yet to yield the progress hoped for by the front-runners of the movement. one important reform that remains unmade is that of the bureaucracy in local government. this failure is a signal that the political process which has occurred, more or less, at the community level (in the form of a more democratic society in indonesia) has yet to result in more accountable and responsible local government. according to heather sutherland (1983: 160), these two political and administrative processes are inseparable; a failure in either one triggers failure in the other. bureaucracy is the backbone of local government, and therefore is the public face of local governance. in indonesia it has always faced public distrust, perhaps even worse since the fall of suharto’s regime (agus dwiyanto, 2008: ix). dwiyanto notes protests and demonstrations, as well as occupation, disruption, and destruction of government offices and facilities in many places in indonesia. he states further that public dissatisfaction with and distrust of bureaucracy and local government in indonesia has been triggered by previous public experience with bureaucracy under suharto. the public service had become the political vassals of the regime. suharto was well-known to use the abri (military), birokrasi (bureaucracy), and golongan (political groups) as his tools, and in those circumstances no civic authority could prioritize service to the public. on the contrary, the political elite were the bosses. the reformation movement in indonesia demanded good governance (which means accountable and responsible government among other principles). syarief makhya (2010: v-viii) noted, however, that more than ten years later the movement had not succeeded in implementing the principles of good governance. the government of lampung province, he says, still faces many problems, including: conflicting interests among local districts, maladministration in the government, public dissatisfaction with services, corruption, impractical budgeting, poverty and unemployment, the failure of the local house of representatives to control the local bureaucrats, public skepticism and dissatisfaction with the civil servant recruitment process. ari darmastuti lecturer and chairperson of the masters program in government science in the faculty of social and political sciences, university of lampung, indonesia. email: local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 abstract the dramatic shift in the management of local government in indonesia, from the centralised, authoritarian new order era to the more democratic reformation era since 1996, met public demands for, among other things, more accountability. decentralised local government requires a system that allows the central government to supervise and, at the same time, gives local governments the capacity to carry out their duties. this paper compares the institutional capacity of three regencies in lampung using a ten-part inter-sector performance evaluation method developed by the sustainable capacity building for decentralization , project funded by the indonesian ministry of home affairs. three separate surveys between 2007-2011 used the data from a 10% sample of all civil servants in each rank. we show that local government institutional capacities in lampung province differ not only regionally, but also within inter-sectors functions. all three regencies performed poorly in the inter-sector function of information and communication, and all three performed best in procurement of goods and services. in terms of local autonomy, the single recipe of symmetric decentralization which applies similarly all over indonesia, needs to be replaced, we suggest, with asymmetric decentralization, which is more suited to the local governments’ varied institutional needs. keywords: local autonomy, inter-sector performance based governance introduction the process of reform in indonesia started 170 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ according to budi setyono (2005: 3-7), government and bureaucracy in indonesia have difficulties in accepting administrative change, civil service reform, and privatization. . a team at gadjah mada university (abdul gaffar karim, et .al 2003: 3-159) found that governments, at both central and local levels, face many problems related to local autonomy, such as the authority relationship between central and local governments and the financial relationship between them. indeed, globalization and domestic political democratization have put local governments, in this case local governments in lampung province, in a position where they must meet the demands of both central government and the customers. satisfying one is not easy; it is even more difficult to satisfy both. this paper looks at the capacity of three regencies in lampung province to meet inter-sector performance standards set by the central government of indonesia. theoretical framework scholars in the field of public management have long debated the substance and methodology of assessing government or public management. moorhead and griffin (1995: 180-190), for instance, argue that performance measurement cannot be separated from total quality management and can be measured through individual assessment methods, comparative techniques, and new approaches that use multiple raters and comparative methods. bovaird and loffler (2003: 127-137), on the other hand, state that performance can be measured through some indicators such as economy or cost per employee, productivity, efficiency, effectiveness, cost-effectiveness; or through input, output, intermediate outcome, end outcome, and environmental indicators. to measure those indicators, some statistical methods must be used. nutley and osborne (1994: 125) offered indicators similar to those of bovaird and loffler. they went further and said that measurement of economy is required to ensure that for any given cost level, inputs are maximized; that measurement of efficiency is required in order to ensure that for any given level of output, required inputs are minimized (or that for any given level of inputs, output is maximized); and that measurement of effectiveness is most challenging since this covers the political and strategic decisions about who should get services at all. those three measurements related to a single organization. decentralization and local autonomy cannot be assessed through single organization performance, but must be assessed on the capability of autonomous regions to perform their functions or to achieve their goals. local autonomy is not a new concept; it is sometimes called regional autonomy. in the field of government science, local autonomy is defined as the freedom of an institution to conduct business within its own capability (abdul gaffar karim, et.al, 2003). in indonesia, however, local autonomy is a new concept, “. . . marking a transitional phase from authoritarian rule towards a new democratic sys-tem of government in which civil society played a more prominent role….moreover, accompanied by a process of decentralization, bringing regional autonomy and democracy while making government more transparent” (henk scholte nordholt and gerry van klinken. 2007: 1). local or regional autonomy, therefore, is inseparable from democratization and decentralization and accountable government. some scholars point out that local or regional autonomy can be defined as the right, authority, and responsibility of any autonomous region to selfregulate and self-manage all of its government affairs and all public interests based on the prevailing laws and regulations (m. ryaas rashid, 2002: 31-39; ramlan surbakti, 2002: 41-51; kusumo widodo, 2002: 83-90). this definition contains several important aspects. first, local autonomy means self-regulating and selfmanaging capability. the terms “self-regulating” and “self-managing” are problematic since there is always a debate on whether the regulation should be broad or limited. second, the locus of autonomy must be well defined, at both provincial and regency level. in the case of law number 32/2004 concerning local autonomy in indonesia, the period preceding its promulgation was marked by serious academic debates over autonomy. some academics wanted more authority for provinces while others wanted it at regency level. the issue was settled by giving provinces limited autonomy while regencies have broad autonomy. provincial governments act as intermediary bodies linking central government and the regencies in each province. the new law modeled its arrangement of local autonomy on the previous local government law number 5/1974. under this law, local autonomy was placed on the level local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 171 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of regency and city for several reasons (sudrajat kuncoro, 2002: 3). politically, regencies and cities are considered as having less regional fanaticism, and therefore less incentive to engage in separatism. regencies, in closer proximity to people than the provinces are, provide a better service to the people than the provinces do. also, regencies know people’s interests better than provinces do. finally, kuncoro sees regency level government as having more potential to improve local government accountability (to the people) than provincial level government has. those two different laws, though, have similar paradigms: local autonomy must be real, accountable, and dynamic. “real” means that local autonomy is actually needed “accountable” means that the deliverance of autonomous power to any region is justifiable in the regional and national interest. dynamic means that implementation of local autonomy is a process, getting better with time. (sudrajat kuncoro, 2002: 3). according to wahyudi kumorotomo (2008: 1-5), decentralization as a political act is not always accompanied by fiscal decentralization since it means giving away wealth from the central treasury to the regions. the benefits, however, include improvements in public service, higher economic growth, less poverty, better macro economic management, and better governance all round. a region can never function without money. a region has to be financially self-reliant. the process of giving away power from central to lower government requires supervision, monitoring and evaluation, to avoid fragmentation. several models of performance evaluation have been developed by different institutions. zethami et.al (1990), for instance, propose six variables to be studied: the public’s personal needs, expected service, and perceived service, and the providers’ perception of customer satisfaction, service quality, and service delivery. based on that model, the ministry of civil servant empowerment of the republic of indonesia through ministerial decree number kep/25/m.pan/2/2004 sets standards for the quality of service to the public; they are: simplicity, ease, clarity, accuracy, promptness, responsibility, completeness, accessibility, courtesy, respect, and comfort. one measure of a local authority’s capability is the proportion of regional original-income (pendapatan asli daerah) to central government subsidy in the local budget. fiscal decentralization, as stated earlier, needs to accompany decentralization of authority, to let local governments balance their budgets. the ministry of home affairs has these ways to evaluate local capability: an internal survey audit, and a customer satisfaction survey. the internal survey audit looks at administration, finances, audit trails, legal compliance, structural development, human resource management, information technology and communications, and planning for the future, internal evaluation, and procurement of goods and services. those ten inter-sector functions come from indicators used by scholars in their research. hood (1995: 93-94), for instance, argued that the public sector is sharply distinct from the private sector in terms of organizational continuity, ethos, methods of doing business, organizational design, people, rewards, and career structure. pollitt (2005: 2) compared financial management, human resource management, and planning capability in four european countries. auditing expertise as an indicator of good provincial government was used by gendron, cooper, and townley (2007). tollbert and mossberger (2006) used a different indicator, “e-government”, or information technology (it) and communication capability, to assess trust and confidence. sven modell (2001) studied public sector management. kloot and martin (2000) assessed government performance by financial strength, community participation, internal business processes, and innovation and learning capability. our choice of inter-sector functions above recognises the fact that local governments in indonesia may or may not choose certain sectors to manage as well as the sectors mandated at their establishment. accordingly, the central government must adjust its approach. this model is based on a survey of government officials. different inter-sector performances of three local governments in lampung province comparing the results of surveys in three regencies (east lampung, south lampung and north lampung), it is clear that of the ten functions, it and communication is the most difficult to perform. in the initial survey in the three regencies, information and communication was perceived as bad by the respondents. its rating improved, if at all, no more than to not good. a huge gap yawns local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 172 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ between the standard set by the ministry of home affairs and the capability of regency governments to meet it. the ministry expects offices of regencies to be not only internally linked, but also externally linked and accessible by the public. in short, the ministry specifies total e-government at the regency level. this expectation is beyond the capacity of regencies in lampung province. most regencies lack a stable power supply and do not have a telephone line, let alone an internet connection. another more subtle reason is that since e-government transparency means possible exposure of wrongdoing and less room for corruption, in some regencies there is reluctance to implement it. information and communication definitely relate to transparency, participation, and accountability. failure to communicate affects local governance. people must be able to access and influence policies, activities, and budgets. equally, government agencies need to communicate policies and activities to the people and to get feedback (drake, malik, ying, kotsioni, el-habashy, misra. 2001-2002; mcneil and malena. 2010). in the world bank report entitled demanding good governance: lessons from social accountability initiatives in africa, mc neil and malena (2010: 205-207) concluded that slow table 1. total score for 10 performance parameters by respondents in all offices of east lampung source: surveys in 2006 by ari darmastuti, pujo suharso, nusirwan, and asrian hendi cahya and in 2009 by ari darmastuti, endri fatimaningsih, and suripto. table 2. total score for 10 performance parameters by respondents in all offices of north lampung source: survey in 2007 by a team lead by ayi ahadiat and 2009 lead by ari darmastuti local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 173 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ information and poor information handicap both local and national governments, whether decentralized or not. procurement of goods and services is easier for regencies to perform. the tables below show that this function rated fair and good in all three regencies. the main reason is that procurement of goods and services is clearly guided by formal regulations, namely presidential decree number 80/2003. procurement of goods and services is a critical government activity since it may lead to corruption through disbursement of a large local budget. such money is the instrument to alleviate poverty and improve people’s welfare. therefore procurement must be transparent and accountable (ratnawati in karim, et.al.2003 p. 297). for overall inter-sector functions, north lampung shows the poorest performance, having bad status (anonim, 2006.) and changing only to the status of not good in the second survey. the other two regencies, east lampung and south lampung, on the other hand, show status of not good in the previous survey improving to fair in the second one. overall, east lampung is highest, south lampung came in second, and north lampung was third. the data also show that both east lampung and north lampung fared best in procurement of goods and services while south lampung fared best in program and activity implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. the different performances may be explained by the work culture in those three regencies. respondents in east lampung were always eager to attend fgds (focus group discussions) and interviews, and were very open in answering as well as explaining things in interviews. informants and resource persons in north lampung, on the other hand, tended to be restrained and closemouthed during interviews; it was even harder to hold fgds. we even faced difficulties in finding people to interview. the respondents in south lampung can be ranked in between east and north, not as co-operative and openminded as those from the east lampung, but not as hard and closed as their counterparts from north lampung. however, these answers from civil servants may not be 100% honest, and may not show exactly what the conditions are in each regency. external surveys, that is, customer satisfaction surveys, paint a different picture. according to syarief makhya (informal interview in july 2013), the public in north lampung as customers were more satisfied with government services than the public in south lampung. human resource (hr) management is crucial to performance. delaney and huselid’s survey (1996) of over 590 profit and non-profit organizations, found a positive association between hr and perceived performance. the three regencies clearly show organizational defects here. all of them showed bad or not good hr in the first survey and only one regency improved to fair in the second. interviews revealed that unfair recruitment, quick rolling of officers, spoil system of career have table 3. total score for 10 performance parameters by respondents in all offices of south lampung source: surveys in 2009 and 2011 by a team lead by ari darmastuti local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 174 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ created disatisfaction among government officers of these regencies. another crucial aspect is organizational structure. a big bureaucracy means more spending on staff salaries; a small bureaucracy means more efficient government. efficiency has become the core principle of reinventing government (hindy lauer schachter, 1995). our data show south lampung decreasing from fair to not good, while east lampung improved from fair to good. respondents in north lampung did not see any improvement; in both surveys the category remained the same, fair. in terms of organizational structure, south lampung rated the poorest of the three regencies. conclusion local (or regional) autonomy in lampung province has produced different results in the three regencies. in general, north lampung scores lower than south and east lampung. east lampung shows the highest performance. all three regencies show low performance in it and communication and have high performance in provision of goods and services. south lampung shows the highest performance for program and activity implementation, for monitoring, and for evaluation. the variability of local government capability to perform leads us to consider asymmetric decentralization (kasmiyati tasrin, 2012; andy ramses, 2002) as an alternative to the symmetric decentralization that so far has been the single guideline from the central government. this asymmetric recipe might be more suitable for the varied institutional capacity of local governments in indonesia, at least as shown by this survey of three regencies in lampung province. references darmastuti, ari. tantangan dan peluang reformasi birokrasi dalam rangka peningkatan tata kelola pemerintahan di provinsi lampung (challenges and opportunities of bureaucratic reformation for the advancement of government management in lampung province) “, a paper presented at the national seminar on bureaucratic reformation in indonesia, conducted by general secretariat of the regional representative council of the republic of indonesia and the faculty of social and political sciences, university of lampung, indonesia. bandarlampung, 14 november 2011 balaguer-coll, maria teresa, diego prior, emili tortosaausina. on the determinants of localgovernment performance: a two stage nonparametric approach. working paper presented at economic measurement group workshop 2002 in the school of economics, university of new south wales, sydney bovaird, tony , and elke loffler. 2003, public management and governance. london: routledge. delaney, john t., mark a. huselid. the impact of human resource management practices on perceptions of organizational performance. academy of management journal. 1996. vol. 39. number 4. pp. 949969 drake, elizabeth, ambreen malik, ying xu, joanna kotsioni, rasha el-habashy, vivek misra. 2001-2002. good governance and the world bank. university of oxford: research report. dwiyanto, agus. 2008. reformasi birokrasi publik di indonesia. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. gendron, yves, david j. cooper, barbara townley. the construction of auditing expertise in measuring government performance. journal of accounting, organization, and society. volume 32, issues 1–2, january–february 2007. pp 101–129. heinrich, carolyn j. outcomes-based performance management in the public sector: implications for government accountability and effectiveness. public administration review. november/ december 2002 edition. hood, christopher. 1995. the new public management in the 1980svariation on a theme. journal accounting organizations and society. oxford: pergamon karim. abdul gaffar, et.al. 2003. kompleksitas persoalan otonomi daerah. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. kloot, louise, john martin. strategic performance management: a balanced approach to performance management issues in local government. management accounting research. 2000: 231-251 kumorotomo. wahyudi. 2008. desentralisasi fiskal. jakarta: kencana prenada media local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 175 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ group. kuncoro, sudrajat. 2002. otonomi dan pembangunan daerah. jakarta: 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birokrasi (the formation of a bureaucratic elite). jakarta: sinar harapan. tasrin, kasmiyati. et.al. 2012. kajian pengembangan desentralisasi asimetris. jatinangor, sumedang: pusat kajian dan pendidikan dan pelatihan aparaturi. tolbert, caroline j, karen mossberger. the effects of egovernment on trust and confidence in government. public administration review. may-june, 2006. pp. 354-370. widodo, kusumo. meningkatkan peran serta masyarakat dalam penerapan otonomi daerah di indonesia. jurnal ilmu pemerintahan (journal of government science). number 15/ 2002. pp. 83-90. zethami, v.a., a. parasuraman, and l.l. berry. 1990. delivering quality service: balancing customer perceptions and expectations. new york: free press local autonomy and inter-sector performance-based-governance in lampung province / ari darmastuti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0016 jurnal doi:https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.112118 should the dpd republic of indonesia be preserved? mohammad ilham a hamudy1, muhammadsaidi rifki2 abstract after the reform, amendments were made to the 1945 constitution. one of the fundamental amendments was the formation of the regional representa tives council (dpd), which complements the house of representatives (dpr). however, dpd has many problems. the dpd never carried-out its task of double checking the legislation process. dpd membership is also connected with politi cal parties. this study aimed to reexamine the need for the dpd and determine whether the dpd should be preserved or dissolved. this study was limited and focused on the 2004-2019 period and used the literature study and the de scriptive method in collecting relevant information. the approach used in this study was a qualitative approach, which was appropriate since the existence of dpd was considered to be multidimensional. the results of the study showed the importance of revitalizing the authority of the dpd. there were a significant gap and inequality of authority between the dpr and the dpd, which was not in line with the bicameral system in other countries. the dpd’s affiliation with political parties was very strong, due to multiple interpretations of law no. 7 of 2017 concerning elections on the requirements for dpd membership. as such, it is very urgent to optimize the dpd role.the role of the dpd, as a channel for the region’s political and economic aspirations and needs in the national policy, should be repositioned according to the demands of the law. however, if this role is not achieved, this nation should decide to dissolve the dpd. of course, it should be conducted through a constitutional mechanism, via amendment of the 1945 constitution. keywords: dpd, legislative, constitution, bicameral abstrak setelah reformasi, amandemen dibuat untuk konstitusi 1945. salah satu dasar amandemen adalah pembentukan dewan perwakilan daerah (dpd), yang melengkapi dewan perwakilan rakyat (dpr). namun, dpd memiliki banyak masalah. dpd tidak pernah melakukan tugasnya dalam double-checking proses legislasi. keanggotaan dpd juga terhubung dengan partai politik. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji kembali kebutuhan akan dpd dan menentukan apakah dpd harus dilestarikan atau dibubarkan. penelitian ini terbatas dan fokus pada periode 2004-2019 dan menggunakan studi literatur dan metode deskriptif dalam mengumpulkan informasi yang relevan. pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif, yang sesuai karena keberadaan dpd dianggap multidimensi. hasil penelitian menunjukkan pentingnya revitalisasi kewenangan dpd. ada kesenjangan yang signifikan dan ketimpangan kewenangan antara dpr dan dpd, yang tidak sejalan dengan sistem bikameral di studi p emer in t a han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) 215 affiliation 1,2research and development agency ministry of home affairs, republic of indonesia correspondence: ilhamhamudy80@gmail.com. citation: hamudy, m. i. a., & rifki, m. s. (2020). should the dpd republic of indonesia be preserved.jurnalstudipemerintahan. 11(2). 215-239 article history: received: april 23th, 2020 accepted: june04th, 2020 mailto:ilhamhamudy80@gmail.com vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 216 negara lain. afiliasi dpd dengan partai politik sangat kuat, karena berbagai interpretasi uu no. 7 tahun 2017 tentang pemilihan persyaratan keanggotaan dpd. karena itu, sangat penting untuk mengoptimalkan peran dpd. peran dpd, sebagai saluran untuk aspirasi dan kebutuhan politik dan ekonomi daerah dalam kebijakan nasional, harus ditempatkan kembali sesuai dengan tuntutan hukum. namun, jika peran ini tidak tercapai, bangsa ini harus memutuskan untuk membubarkan dpd. tentu saja, itu harus dilakukan melalui mekanisme konstitusi, melalui amandemen uud 1945. introduction this study is about the regional representatives council (dpd) of the republic of indonesia. the dpd referred to in this study is one of the legislative branch in the indonesian constitutional system whose members are elected through gen eral elections as representatives of each province, in accordance with the 1945 constitution. the study questioned the existence and performance of the dpd, which was seen as less than good (muhtarudin, 2019), although the public expectations after the 1998 reform was quite high. this study aimed to reexamine the need for the dpd and determine whether the dpd should be preserved or dissolved. this study was limited and focused on the 2004-2019 period. dpd was born as a result of the reform, through amend ment of the 1945 constitution between 1999 and 2002. one of the fundamental amendments was the formation of the re gional representatives council (dpd) to complement the house of representatives (dpr). the objective of establishing a dpd within the framework of the indonesian parliamentary system is to form a bicameral two-chamber structure. with a bicameral structure, it is expected that the legislative process can be car ried out with a double-check system that allows the representa tion of all the people in a relatively comparable manner on a broader social basis (pirmansyah, 2015, pp. 163–184). dpr is the political representation, while the dpd reflects the territo rial principle or regional representation. the formation of dpd to represents the regional aspirations in the policy formation process at the central level is contained in article 22d of the 1945 constitution. the constitution states j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) that the dpd’s authority is in the field of legislation: the sub mission and discussion of certain draft laws (ruu) with the dpr; oversight of the implementation of the law that mainly related to regional autonomy, central, and regional relations; the formation, expansion, and merging of regions; management of natural resources and other economic resources; and finan cial balance between the central and regional government. dpd also has the right to provide views and opinions on certain draft of law, considering the draft of law on the state budget and taxes, education, and religion, as well as oversight of the implementation of certain laws (rosidi, 2015, pp. 282–238). in summary, the dpd may arrange a law formation program (prolegnas) within the dpd authority; may submit a particular draft of law as a the dpd initiative proposal that will be treated the same as the draft of law from the dpr and the govern ment; participate in discussing certain draft of law up to the second level discussion/ decision making with the discussion mechanism carried out (supposedly) by the tripartite body (dpd, dpr, and government) that has equal power. this was reinforced by the decision of the constitutional court (mk) through decision no.79/puu-xii/2014 for judi cial review of law no. 17 of 2014 concerning md3. the hope of strengthening the dpd was felt when the people’s consulta tive assembly (mpr) 2009-2014 through mpr decree no. 4/ mpr/2014, recommended amendments to the 1945 constitu tion, and one of the materials was the strengthening of the dpd as the second chamber of the legislative body(dermawan, 2014). but the dpd has many problems. first, the dpd task of double-checking the legislation process has never been carried out. some parties also said, since its inception, the dpd was like a baby born with disabilities (tempo.co, 2017a), because, it does not have a determinative authority. the dpd has the authority in the field of legislation, but the approval depends on the dpr and the president. that authority is very weak(ruliah, 2018, p. 392),, despite the selection process of dpd members that is 217 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 218 through general elections and the objective of representing their regions. without strong authority, that goal cannot be achieved. second, in the 2014-2019 period, the criteria of dpd mem bers have also questioned because it was considered to be affili ated with political parties (kompas.com, 2017). the regulation concerning dpd members was first stated in article 63 letter b of law no. 12 of 2003 concerning the election of the dpr, dpd, regional people’s representative council (dprd). this article states that one of the requirements for a dpd candidate is that the candidate is not a party official for at least four years before their candidacy. however, in 2008, the decision of the constitutional court no. 10/ puu-vi/2008 changed that. in this decision, the constitutional court states that mem bers of political parties may participate in the election as dpd candidates. thus, the regulation prohibiting party officials from becoming a dpd member experiencing a legal vacuum. as an implication of the constitutional court’s ruling, in the 2014-2019 period, there were at least 70 dpd members af filiated with political parties. eight of them are also as party officials. most of them also nominate themselves as dpd mem bers because they are no longer nominated by political parties (tribunnews.com, 2019). allowing members of political parties to become dpd members is indeed a constitutional right for every citizen. however, in reality, dpd members who were also party members, especially those who were party officials, cannot avoid conflicts of interest between their political parties and the interests of the region that they represent. this can be seen during the revision of the 2017 dpd code of conduct which revised the term of office of the dpd leader ship from five years to two years and six months at the time of the deliberation, there was chaos in between the dpd mem bers, although ultimately the code was issued. this new code of conduct resulted in the emergence of factions within the dpd, where each faction wants to seize power, especially factions in which the members were from political parties. an indication j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) of political interests in the dpd can be seen when 28 dpd members became the management of the hanura party. in fact, in the 2017-2019 period, the dpd was led by the chairman of the hanura party, oesman sapta odang (detik.com, 2017). it changed the original intent of the establishment of the dpd as a regional representation into political representation. in the end, the constitutional court granted the petition for the examination of article 128 letter l of law no. 7 of 2017 concerning general elections of the 1945 constitution (kompas.com, 2018). with the granting of the request, the po litical party management was prohibited from becoming a dpd member. however, that does not mean the problem was solved. the dpd chairman was still reluctant to give up his position in the hanura party. he continued to run as a dpd candidate in april 2019 election(detik.com, 2019). third, the legislative products produced by the dpd are also limited because of its limited authority in legislation. in 2019, according to the dpd deputy chairman at the time akhmad muqowam, the dpd only submitted ten drafts of law as part of the 2019 national legislation program (prolegnas) to the legis lative body of the dpr. in 2018 the dpd produced a prolegnas proposal and 23 reports of dpd oversight of the implementa tion of laws. the dpd has also produced six considerations related to the budget and the election of members of the su preme audit board (bpk), eight views, opinions, and consider ations of draft laws, as well as three recommendations on com munity and regional problems. the legal products were the dpd’s responsibility in carrying out its mandate under the law (mediaindonesia.com, 2018). the chairperson of the law drafting committee (ppuu) at the time, i gedepaseksuardika, also emphasized that the dpd only targeted ten laws each year out of the 57 drafts of law dis cussed by the dpd in the five years (2014-2019) period. particu larly related to regional autonomy, the balance of central and regional finances, village budgets, road infrastructure, agricul 219 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 220 tural irrigation, fishermen, and others. at the time, the central government failed to portrayed many regions as a whole. (beritasatu.com, 2014). during its fifteen years of existence, the dpd has tried its best to participate in answering and solving various problems of the nation. however, as a relatively young state institution com pared to the dpr that has existed since the beginning of inde pendence, not much can be done(neraca.co.id, 2015). the 2019 data from the dpd secretariat general showed that since its inception, the dpd only produced 734 decisions, consisting of 103 proposed drafts of the law, 263 views and opinions, 24 con siderations, 85 budget-related considerations, 236 monitoring results, 10 prolegnas proposals, and 13 recommendations. study on the dpd has actually been widely carried out. for example, (wibisono, 2018),(neta, 2014), and (zada, 2015), concluded that the function of the dpd was not fulfilling the people’s expectations, both in terms of the quantity and quality of regulations produced. although the establishment of the bicameral system was intended to double-check the legislation process, budgeting, and supervision. the formation of laws was not carried out in a tripartite manner between the dpr, dpd, and the president, even though the dpd has the same authority as the dpr and the president. related to the limited authority of the dpd, a study by (maiyestati, 2017) and (rosidi, 2015) is quite interesting. the study stated that the limited authority of the dpd was intentional. there was a tug of war between the parties that agree and the parties that do not agree with the formation of the dpd. the birth of article 22d of the 1945 constitution was a compromise or middle ground to accommodate both parties. between the parties who wanted stronger dpd legislative authority as a representation of regional interests, and parties who were worried that the stronger dpd would lead to the federal state, thus endangering the survival of the unitary republic of indonesia.(handoyo, 2018), (andryan, et al, 2015), and (mastu, 2017) in j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) his study suggested that several important issues need to be re vised in strengthening the dpd. amendments need to be made to the 1945 constitution to clarify the indonesian parliamen tary system, which is not clear whether it is unicameral, bicam eral, or tricameral. the arrangement for selecting the dpd members must also be adjusted following the constitutional pro visions. he refers to article 22e paragraph (3) of the 1945 con stitution, which stipulates that the general election participants of the dpr and dprd members are political parties. for a comparison with some studies about dpd mentioned earlier, previous studies on a similar institution as the dpd in several countries that adhere to the two-chamber parliamen tary system also needs to be explored. volden and wiseman (2018)onducted a study on the effectiveness of the senate (an institution in the united states that is similar to the dpd in indonesia) in making laws. the study was conducted on the us congress from the period 1973 to 2015.the study concluded that the us senate was more egalitarian and independent in the process of making laws than the relatively hierarchical dpr. egalitarianism and individualism underlie lawmaking activities in the us senate rather than the dpr. a study on the us senate was also carried out by (lynch et al, 2018). in lynch’s study, the us vice president, who is also the senate leader, was not always considered important by the majority of the senate because the senate leader does not always side with the majority and was considered unreliable. the majority of the senate did not put the senate power in the hands of the senate leader since he was considered less accountable.the implications were that the center of authority was not always directed to the senate leader (vice president). unlike the american bicameral parliamentary system, the senate in pakistan is almost similar to indonesia. a study by (khan, 2017) stated that the senate in pakistan was not functioning well, even though the bicameral parliamentary system has been in place since 1973. senate in pakistan had no power over 221 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 222 the federal budget. some provinces in pakistan also did not have senate representation. not much different from the senate in indonesia and paki stan, the senate in spain was also considered not having an important role in the legislature, even considered as failing to realize the wishes of the people (fernandez, 2015). the senate failed to deliver the demands of the people of catalonia to be come a federal state and was considered to be a barrier that was unable to articulate people’s demands. (fernandez, 2015) suggested a constitutional design with more balanced procedures. a study on the senate also carried out by (mahmood, 2015). he compared the functions of the senate in the united states with those in pakistan. mahmood found the us senate had a strong position in which its decision was almost binding on the government. the senate was able to fully influence the legislative, investigative, and administrative oversight functions, whereas the senate in pakistan was the opposite. the decision and suggestion by the pakistani senate was merely a recommendation. even worst, the executive branch was able to influence the senate from some of the above studies, it can be concluded that some countries with a federal government system similar to the us, with a bicameral system (the senate) which represents its region, has a weak role in defending the interests of its region. in many countries, the emergence of such dysfunction was due to structural problems and forced needs(cerro,2013). the study from (wibisono, 2018), (neta, 2014), and (zada, 2015) only concluded the function of the dpd, without providing a concrete solution for strengthening the dpd. likewise with study conducted by maiyestati(2017) and rosidi(2015) who look more in terms of the interests of the dpr in tackling the dpd so far. the study of (handoyo, 2018), (andryan et al, 2015) and (mastur, 2017), indeed provides a solution to strengthen the dpd, but only provides advice by amending the constitution. in addition, several studies conducted by (volden and wiseman, 2018), j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) (khan, 2017), etc, are clearly different because of the practice of the constitution or dpd in indonesia. this study was important and interesting because few studies specifically review the existence and performance of the dpd, mainly related to its authority, its affiliations with political par ties, and its legislative products, and provide concrete solutions related to what needs to be done to strengthen the dpd. this study was aimed to fill the gap. it was also focused on discussions on revitalizing the dpd’s authority to optimize its role in the bicameral system, dpd affiliation with political parties, and the dynamics of the dpd. method this study was limited and focused on the 2004-2019 period, using a combined descriptive and the desktop study method. the descriptive method is intended to describe the dpd situa tion in the period of 2014-2019 as an analysis unit based on facts as they are presented (sugiyono, 2015). while the desk research method is intended to gather relevant information on the exist ence and performance of the dpd this information was ob tained through reviewing books, scientific works, thesis, disser tations, encyclopedias, internet, and other sources (zed, 2004).the approach used in this study is a qualitative approach. this approach was appropriate since the existence and perfor mance of dpd was considered to be multidimensional (alwasilah, 2003). the collection of facts and data was conducted by tracing the news in mainstream mass media to enrich the analysis. this research was conducted throughout march-august 2019. result and discussion in 1999-2002, the amendment to the 1945 constitution changedthe representative body from monocameral to bicam eral (two chambers), consisting of the dpr representing politi cal parties and the dpd representing regional interests (thaib, 2016). the change was made with several considerations. 223 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 224 first, the two-chambers system was intended as a mechanism of checks and balances between the two chambers in one repre sentative body. second, the simplification of the representative body. one representative body at the central government level, consisting of two elements, the element that directly represents all the people and the element that represents the region. group rep resentation was not needed. the interests of groups were repre sented and channeled through elements that directly represent the people. third, regional representatives become part of carrying out parliamentary functions, such as forming laws, overseeing the government, and establishing the state budget (manan, 2003). thus, all regional interests are integrated and can be carried out daily in parliamentary activities this is one of the factors to strengthen unity and avoid the disintegration of the nation. fourth, the two-chambers system will be more productive. all tasks and authorities can be done by each chamber. there is no need to wait or depend on one body, such as the (then) dpr. according to (patterson and mughan, 1999), apart from be ing born from a long tradition and history, the bicameralism in the system of representation in various countries is generally based on two considerations. first, the need for broader repre sentation than one that only based on the population. in this case, the most important is the consideration of regional repre sentation. second, there needs to be a system that guarantees that important political decisions were discussed in layers so that various interests are considered carefully and deeply. revitalization of authority in the context of bicameralism in indonesia, there is a strik ing authority gap between the dpr and dpd.the dpr role is very broad. it includes the formulation of laws, oversight of the implementation of laws by the president, and preparation of the draft state budget. even in the dismissal of the president, j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) the house of representatives’ role is very instrumental. start ing from the submission to the constitutional court, until the decision making in dismissing the president in the mpr ses sion, since more than 3/4 of the mpr members consist of dpr members. dpd only has a complementary role in the preparation of laws, oversight of the government, and the preparation of the state budget.thus, there are no checks and balances in the legis lative body. instead, the dominance of the dpr over the presi dent in the legislative forum is increasingly stronger in the con stitution. to reach the original objective of the establishment of a second chamber, which is to prevent a hasty and careless formulation of laws, the involvement of a second chamber in the approval of the law is needed. for comparison, in germany, the upper house (the bundesrat) has the authority to approve and veto (reject) a draft law. the basic law has determined which draft of laws are required to obtain the bundesrat approval, which are draft of the law to amend the constitution, relating to the administration of the states, as well as one that affects the state’s financial condition (niedobitek, 2018). the rejection (veto) of the bundesrat against the draft of laws specified in the basic law to obtain the bundesrat’s approval is known as the absolute veto. this type of veto cannot be overruled by the bundestag (lower house). whereas in the uk, the function of the house of lords (the lords) is similar to the function of the commons in terms of legislation, discussing issues, and questioning the executive branch. however, the two important distinctions are: first, the members of the lords do not represent the constituents; sec ond, they are not involved in matters relating to tax and finance. the role of the lords is generally understood as the addition of what has been carried out by the commons, which is as a re viser of a draft of law considered very important and controver sial. all draft of laws must go through both chambers (prime minister, 1998). 225 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 226 in the united states congress, which consists of the house of representatives (the house) and the senate, both the house and the senate have the opportunity to check all draft of laws before they are submitted to the president. thus, in its legisla tive function, the senate has relatively equal authority with the house (congress, 2014). the inequality of authority and position between the dpr and the dpd happened since the start of the amendment pro cess. in 1999 (the first amendment of the constitution), the leg islative and political role of the legislative body was only man dated to the dpr. the exercise of the dpr very powerful au thority made it seems like that the dpr was too dominating over the president. as such, in 2001, at the start of the process of the third amendment to the constitution, the idea for a bal ancing institution over the authority of the dpr appeared, and the dpd was born. at the time, the dpd’s authority which was constructed as a regional representative institution was already mandated to the dpr, from the drafting of laws, approval of the budget, mechanism for dismissing the president, and even the selection processes for state institutions: general election commission (kpu), corruption eradication commission (kpk), judicial commission (ky) and other independent institutions (ulya, 2016, p. 174). therefore, the dpd’s authority was forced into the constitution, but not optimally. for example, in article 22d paragraph (1) of the 1945 constitution stated, that the dprd’s authority is in the field of legislation: a) the submission and dis cussion of certain draft laws with the dpr; b) oversight of the implementation of the law, that mainly related to regional au tonomy, central and regional relations; c) the formation, ex pansion, and merged of regions; d) management of natural re sources and other economic resources; e) and central and re gional financial balances,while article 5 paragraph (1) of the 1945 constitution statedthatthe president has the right to sub mit a draft of law to the dpr. j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) with the authority that is not optimal, the first generation dpd seeks an increase in dpd authority through a proposed amendment to the constitution. in 2008, all members of the dpd initiated an amendment to the constitution. however, the proposal failed since they cannot get the support of at least one-third of the total number of mpr members. the failure of the proposed amendment was due to a lack of support and the substance of the proposal, which focused more on optimizing the dpd’s authority, duties, and position (hukumonline.com, 2007). failed to improve its role and authority through an amend ment to the constitution, in 2013, the dpd sought to improve its role through the intervention of the constitutional court. on march 28, 2013, the constitutional court through deci sion no. 92/puu-x/2012 granted the petitioners’ request (dpd) for some of the articles in law no. 27 of 2009 concerning the mpr, dpr, dpd, and dprd which conflicted with the 1945 constitution. in essence, the dpd now has equal authority with the dpr and the president in drafting laws. however, the ap proval mechanism is of the draft of the law is still carried out jointly by the dpr and the president. it means that even though the position and authority of the dpd in drafting the law is better based on the constitutional court’s decision, but its posi tion is still below the dpr and the president. the dpd should propose a draft amendment not only in the interests of optimizing the dpd institution in the field of legislation but in the broader interest, to move toward a real presidential system that is not interfered with by another gov ernment branch (marzuki, 2008). if it is only for strengthening and optimizing the dpd position to make it equal to the dpr, it will be rejected by the mpr, since the mpr mostly consists of the dpr members and by increasing the dpd position, the dpr is giving up some of its power to the dpd. the construction of a presidential system in the 1945 consti tution is indeed stronger than before. it can be seen from the 227 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 228 procedures for electing the president and vice president and also the term of office. the president and the vice president is directly elected by the people. their term of office is limited to a maximum of two periods of government (10 years). the limi tation of office term is designed to avoid the increasing power of the president, as occurred to two previous presidents, soe karno 1945-1966 and suharto 1966-1998, also to guarantee lead ership regeneration. the other improvement is the mechanism of terminating the president. termination is carried out through three stages. first stage: the dpr must declare its opinion that the president violated the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia. second stage: the constitutional court must exam ine the dpr opinion. third stage: the mpr made a political decision to terminate the president.this mechanism is better than the previous mechanism, which was only carried out by the dpr and the mpr. however, based on the doctrine of trias politica, governmen tal power in a country must be strictly divided between the ex ecutive, legislative, and judicial (karya & savitri, 2015, p. 21). the strict separation of the three institutions of power is referred to as the presidential government system. this characteristic is not in the 1945 constitution yet, because the president, as executive power, also has the power in the legislative field. the checks and balances on the drafting of the law take place between the president and the dpr. it should be between dpd and the dpr. the dpd should socialize the idea of amending the constitution to reflect a realpresidential system. another problem related to the dpd is the inability in pro ducing legal products that are in line between those produced at the central government level and the regional level. dpd un able to be a bridge, between the central government and regio nal governments in formulating regional regulation.they cur rently don’t even have a strategic role to play (nugroho, 2007). the dpd should have a specific area, regarding regional au tonomy, all kinds of laws relating to the central and regional j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) levels, and it has a role to create good quality regional legisla tion formation and in line with legal development at the cen tral level. the less than ideal institution made it unable to play an im portant role as a balancing force in the legislative functions as a channel for the aspirations of local governments (putra, 2008). as a result, there are many problems between the central and regional governments. in terms of legal products, for example, there is plenty of overlapping of authority between central and regional regulations. when the regional legal products are re voked, it undermines the regional autonomy. other problems occur in terms of fiscal and budgetary matters, for example, in terms of regional management or the management of regional government units (or known as the regional expansion, border areas, regional spatial planning). this situation has influenced the poor achievement of the overall regional autonomy. from the perspective of community empowerment, the transformation of the community to be a group that is capable of building supports and demands for the regional executive and legislatures has not occurred. thus, a healthy checks and balances mechanism is not established in the region instead, a strong collaboration of the interests of a handful of executive and legislative elites in the regions con tinue to appear (dpd.go.id, 2010). thus, healthy checks and balances mechanism is not estab lished in the region. instead, a strong collaboration of interests by a handful of executive and legislative elites in the regions continues to appear. this situation can be seen as weak coordi nation and synergy between local policies in the regions and policies in the central government and the region’s limited ac cessibility to the centers of economic growth in its area (hanafi et al., 2018). these factors made the dpd’s role in the imple mentation of the accelerated development program in the re gions very urgent and vital. at least in terms of the formulation of laws relating to the legislative authority of the dpd. 229 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 230 but in reality, the dpd cannot align all the central policies with the region’s policies and programs, even though it is man dated in the constitution (elang, 2019). dpd occupies a central position in regional development.when there is no other way to change the pattern of development in the region by the cen tral government, plus the absence of an affirmative strategic work program on accelerating regional development, carrying out the monitoring function is one that can be the dpd can do.on the other hand, the attachment between the dpd and political parties is another problem. some regulations related to dpd still cause various understandings. dpd affiliation with political parties arrangements regarding candidates for dpd members are stated in article 63 letter b of law no. 12 of 2003 concerning elections of the dpr, dpd, dprd. this article states that one of the requirements for a dpd candidate is not to be an official of a political party for at least four years before the candidacy. but in 2008, the decision of the constitutional court no. 10/ puu-vi/2008 changed the regulation. the constitutional court stated that members of a political party may participate as an individual candidate in the election of dpd members. thus, the regulation which states that the management of political parties is prohibited from becoming dpd members experiences a legal vacuum (putranto, 2018). article 182 letter l of law no. 7 of 2017 concerning elections explains that dpd members must be willing to not practice as public accountants, advocates, notaries, land deed-making offi cials, and not carrying out the work of providers of goods and services relating to state finances and other work that can cre ate a conflict of interest with the duties, authorities, and rights as a dpd member under the provisions of the laws. the phrase “other work” raises multiple interpretations and legal uncertain ties, especially regarding whether political party officials are also included in the phrase “other work.” this is why, in the 2014 j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) 2019 period, there were at least 78 dpd members affiliated with political parties, and eight of them were also the officials of their political party. table 1. number of the dpd members for the period of 2014 -2019 affiliated with political party no. political party number of dpd member percentage 1 hati nurani rakyat (hanura) 28 2 golongankarya (golkar) 14 3 persatuan pembangunan (ppp) 8 4 keadilan sejahtera (pks) 6 5 amanat nasional (pan) 5 6 demokrat 3 7 kebangkitanbangsa (pkb) 3 8 demokrasi indonesia perjuangan (pdi-p) 2 60,6 9 aceh 2 10 nasdem (nasdem) 1 11 gerakan indonesia raya (gerindra) 1 12 damai sejahtera (pds) 1 13 buruh 1 14 nasional indonesia mahaenisme (pni marhaenisme) 1 15 perjuangan indonesia baru (ppib) 1 16 idaman 1 source: from various sources however, to understand dpd’s affiliation with political par ties, we have to see beyond the laws and regulations. there are at least five reasons for the situation. first, dpd was not origi nally designed as a co-legislator on par with the dpr, which caused them to feel inferior, and they would like to be seen as a dpr member instead. second, the definition of regional repre sentation in the dpd is not clearly defined. if a regional per spective is only needed for a consultative process in the forma tion of laws, then there is no need for a dpd to be formed. it is sufficient to absorb regional aspirations through the regional governments or dprd. third, there is no barrier of candidacy between dpd and dpr, which allow the candidates to be nomi nated between the two institutions. what happens is revolving door politics that allows politicians to move in and out of both 231 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 232 institutions freely. many dpd members join the party and elected as members of the dpr in the next election. it is seen as an “upgrade.” on the other hand, a senior politician who had been a member of parliament continued his career as a dpd member to protect his political constituents. fourth, dpd members fully understand that efforts to strengthen the dpd need acceptance from the dpr. the dpr has always narrowed down the scope of the dpd’s involvement in the legislation process. some small victories were obtained by the dpd through judicial review to the constitutional court, but that was not enough to balance the power between the two chambers. the idea of a fifth amendment to strengthen the role of the dpd would never be achieved without the support of political parties in the dpr. fifth, the dpd leadership lack the motivation to fight for the strengthening of the dpd, which caused dissatisfaction among the dpd’s members. considering the above issues, the dpd members’ move to join into political parties that have direct connections with the dpr was an alter native for strengthening the dpd. it can be seen as a response to the dilemma of the dpd’s position in the indonesian consti tutional system. however, it also has some risks. although allowing members of political parties to become dpd members is indeed a constitutional right for every citizen, but dpd members from political parties, especially those who are political party officials, cannot avoid conflicts of interest between the political parties and their region. this conflict can be seen during a revision of the 2017 dpd rules, which revise the term of office of the dpd leadership from five years to two years and five months. during the discussion sessions, there was chaos between the dpd’s members, even though the rule was finally issued (republika.co.id, 2016). the new rules created fac tions in the dpd. each faction seeks to seize power in the dpd, especially those from political parties. an indication of political interests in the dpd can be seen from the move of more than twenty dpd members to be the hanura party officials. the po j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) litical interest also can be seen from the fact that the dpd was led by the chairman of the hanura party, oesman sapta odang, in 2017-2019. this resulted in changes in the original intent (of dpd creation) (tempo.co, 2017b). the many dpd members who became political party members(see purwaningsih & singka subekti, 2017), changed the role of the dpd. by becoming a political party member, the dpd member tends to prioritize the interests of the party rather than the interests of the people in the regions who have elected them to be the dpd member, although dpd is intended to be representatives of their region, not the representative of politi cal parties (wasti, 2017). dpd was formed to fight for the aspira tions of the people who are unable to be represented in the dpr since dpr members are members of the political parties. for example, the aspirations of indigenous peoples and minor ity groups are not the interest of political parties in the dpr. the boundary between the dpr and dpd has collapsed, allow ing politicians to enter and exit the dpd easily. on the one hand, this provides a slight chance to strengthen the dpd insti tution, changing the form of the dpd from within the dpr. however, on the other hand, this experiment paved the way for the migration of dpd members to the “next-door office.” the move of dpd members to join the political parties led to an imbalance. the aspirations of indigenous peoples and minorities are no longer represented by the dpd and the dpr, and both cannot carry out their respective functions. dpd and dpr cancel each other and recruit from one another (fachrudin, 2017). both the dpr and dpd are the embodiment of the people’s voice. the dpr represents the aspirations of the people, while the dpd represents the regional voice. if the dpd is taken over by political parties, there will no longer be a regional repre sentative. dpd members who become political party members and officials must be bound to the regulations and policies of their parties and can no longer voice the aspirations of an inde pendent region. 233 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 234 this situation was further complicated when oesman sapta odang, a dpd member from west kalimantan, was elected as the chairman of the dpd. he changed the dynamics of the dpd. oesman has long sought to appear significant in the na tional political arena. previously through the regional unity party (2002-2010), and the national unity party (2011-2016). fi nally, he gained a position as deputy chair of the mpr (2014) and chair of the hanura party (2016). oesman attracted dpd members who were troubled by the dilemma faced by the dpd. they want a change from within. the situation raised concerns that the dpd would become an extension of the political party faction. many dpd members view their position in the dpd as a transit point in their political trajectories. some of them plan to run in the next election for the dpr seat or become regional heads. some are consistent with their noble duties as regional representatives. thankfully, the constitutional court in decision no. 30/ puu-xvi/2018 dated july 23, 2018, officially forbade the offi cials of political parties from running for the dpd representa tive. the constitutional court viewed that the ban was needed to avoid political distortion.the distortion was in the form of a double representation of political parties in the legislative body.this also includes important political decisions, such as the decision to amend the constitution. the constitutional court stated that article 2 paragraph 1 of the 1945 constitution stated that the mpr consisted of members of the dpr and dpd. ar ticle 3 paragraph 1 of the 1945 constitution stated that the mpr has the authority to amend and issue the amendment to the constitution. thus, if a dpd member is allowed to be a political party official, there will be a double representation of the party in the mpr, where political parties that are already represented in the dpr membership are also represented in the dpd mem bership. this situation would indirectly change the design of the state administration related to the membership of the mpr mandated in the 1945 constitution,that the mpr is formed by j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) political representation and regional representation. conclusion the underlying reason for creating the dpd is the desire to better accommodate regional aspirations while also give a greater role to the region in the political decision-making process, espe cially in matters directly related to the region, without having to adhere to the political preferences of the political parties. ideally, the dpd has the authority to be involved in the leg islative process and the preparation of regional budgets.the level of difficulty in the selection mechanism of the dpd members as a state institution should be directly proportional to their authority. this did not reflect the current dpd. the dpd selection mechanism is extraordinarily difficult, but its authority is mini mal. in the united states, the senate is directly elected by the people, two senators per state, as such, the senators have great authority. but in england, for example, the upper house has less authority because it is merely appointed. in indonesia, the authority of the dpd is minimum, similar to the upper house in england, but they are elected by the people, similar to the united states’ senators. in the united states and britain bicam eral parliamentary structure, the senate and upper house have functions similar to the dpd in the indonesia in essence, the role and function of the dpd are never at the expected point. from time to time, complaints about the powerless dpd surfaced. the budget spent by the state through the state budget for the dpd is always in the range of one tril lion, a figure that cannot be considered as small. however, that number did not correlate proportionally to dpd’s performance and contribution to the development of the nation and state. therefore, changes must be made to clarify the system of representation and improve the quality of policies by ensuring the representation in each formation of legislation. the main idea is to clarify the bicameralism and patterns of relations be 235 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 236 tween them, in particular, to clarify the position and authority of the dpr and dpd so that a complete check and balance system is performed. this is carried out to prevent the domina tion of the dpr on the indonesian government system.at the same time, it aims to strengthen the implementation of the regional autonomy system, in which all regions densely popu lated and scarcely populated regions, natural resource-rich and natural resource-poor areas, are treated fairly. optimizing the role of the dpd is a very urgent matter. the important role of the dpd as a channel for regional political and economic aspirations and needs in the national policy should be repositioned according to the demands of the law. however, if this role is not achieved, this nation should decide to dissolve the dpd. of course, it should be conducted through a constitu tional mechanism, via amendment of the 1945 constitution. that choice is the best rather than preserving a powerless dpd. references alwasilah, a. c. 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communication, including its power for funding political campaigns known as crowdfunding. the success of crowdfunding in several countries, then adopted by west java volunteers to raise funding political campaigns for ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum in 2018 governor election. socialization was carried out by uploading a video on title udunan warga (funding from the residents) which caused politi cal discussion among virtual communities on ridwan kamil‘s facebook. the existence of virtual communities in discussing political fundraising campaign ideas has an important role in supporting crowdfunding success. the reason is virtual communities have a potential to discuss shared interests and are very likely to have shared group consciousness to support crowdfunding move ments. this article aims to explain how the crowdfunding mechanism carried out by west java volunteers and how the process symbolic convergence of netizens related to raise funding political campaign on ridwan kamil’s facebook which presents shared group consciousness. this study uses a case study method and data collection techniques using online observation, interviews and docu mentation. the theory used was symbolic convergence which was popularized by ernest bormann to see the construction of shared consciousness among the netizens after seeing the video of udunan warga (funding from the residents). the results showed that (1) the crowdfunding mechanism carried out involved west java volunteer as fundraisers, the site https://jabarjuara.id as intermediary platform and netizens as donors; (2) the process of crowdfunding symbolic convergence on ridwan kamil’s facebook took place in stages ranging from basic structure, message structure, dynamic structure, communicator struc ture, medium structure and evaluative structure. a rhetorical vision appeared in relation to the basic message, namely “dukung udunan warga demi jabar juara” (support crowdfunding for west java become champions). then rhe torical vision succeeded in raising shared group consciousness which not only supported crowdfunding at the discourse level but also donated their money for the campaign costs of ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum. keywords:symbolic convergence, crowdfunding, virtual community studi p emer in t a han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) 155 affiliation: universitas muhammadiyah jakarta correspondence: rindanaintan001@gmail.com citation: emelia, r. i., & muksin, n. n.(2020).the symbolic convergence of crowdfunding in political campaigns(case study: netizen discussions on ridwan kamil‘s facebook fanpage). jurnal studipemerintahan. 11(2). 155-184 article history: received: december12nd, 2019 accepted: april17th, 2020 mailto:rindanaintan001@gmail.com vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 156 abstrak: saat ini internet memainkan peran penting sebagai media komunikasi politik termasuk kekuatannya untuk menggalang dana kampanye secara online yang dikenal dengan crowdfunding. kesuksesan crowdfunding dibeberapa negara kemudian diadopsi relawan jabar juara untuk menggalang dana kampanye politik ridwan kamil dan uu ruzhanul ulum pada pelaksanaan pilkada 2018. sosialisasi dilakukan dengan mengunggah video berjudul “udunan warga” sehingga menimbulkan perbincangan politik dikalangan komunitas virtual fanpage facebook ridwan kamil. keberadaan komunitas virtual dalam memperbincangkan ide penggalangan dana kampanye memiliki peran penting dalam menunjang keberhasilan crowdfunding. alasannya, komunitas virtual memiliki potensi untuk mendiskusikan kepentingan bersama serta sangat mungkin memiliki kesadaran kelompok bersama (shared group consciuousness) untuk mendukung gerakan crowdfunding. artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana mekanisme crowdfunding yang dilakukan relawan jabar juara serta proses konvergensi simbolik para netizen terkait penggalangan dana kampanye politik (crowdfunding) di fanpage facebook ridwan kamil hingga menghadirkan kesadaran bersama komunitas untuk mendukung gerakan tersebut. penelitian ini menggunakan metode studi kasus dan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan observasi online, wawancara mendalam dan dokumentasi. teori yang digunakan adalah konvergensi simbolik yang dipopulerkan ernest bormann untuk melihat konstruksi kesadaran bersama diantara para facebooker setelah melihat video udunan warga. hasil penelitian menunjukkan (1) mekanisme crowdfunding terdiri dari relawan jabar juara sebagai pencari dana, situs https://jabarjuara.id sebagai platform penghubung dan netizen sebagai donatur; (2) proses konvergensi simbolik berlangsung secara intensif dan berjenjang mulai dari struktur dasar, struktur pesan, struktur dinamis, struktur komunikator, struktur medium dan struktur evaluative. sebuah visi retoris muncul berkaitan dengan pesan dasar yaitu “dukung udunan warga demi jabar juara”. visi retoris ini berhasil meningkatkan kesadaran bersama kelompok yaitu tidak hanya mendukung pada tataran wacana tetapi turut menyumbangkan uang mereka untuk biaya kampanye ridwan kamil dan uu ruzhanul ulum. introduction the rise of internet technology caused almost all people to use it in various activities including political communication channels. the power of the internet and social media used by politicians to gain voter support and raise funds for an online campaign known as crowdfunding. michael sullivan coined the term “crowdfunding” which refers to an audience based fund ing scheme utilizing web 2.0 technology. the term crowdfunding itself is derived from the term crowdsourcing first popular to explain the concept of crowd based resources (hemer, 2011:4). the emphasis of the concept of crowdsourcing is the existence of a community (crowd) willing to perform voluntary tasks (aitamurto, 2012:12; brabham, 2013:3).if crowdsourcing em phasizes open calls for the community to participate online in j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) completing a task, crowdfunding is a collective effort by people who network and pool their money together, usually by internet. the canada media fund defines crowdfunding with an empha sis on the role of social media, namely raising funds through collecting small contributions from the public (known as the crowd) using the internet and social media (nordicity, 2012:4) crowdfunding used to build relationships by fostering open com munication and collaboration with supporters (beaulieu et al., 2015; gerber et al., 2011) this concept used by barack obama in the 2008 and 2012 american presidential elections to raise political fundraising from donors with a small nominal value (elfeky, 2015:18;khoma, 2015:56). crowdfunding used internet and social media can make citizen become more active and involved in political cam paigns than just voting on elections. the successful and experi ences of barack obama were adopted politician in all over the world including in indonesia. the reason is crowdfunding can be a solution to the high cost of political campaigns which charged to politicians or political parties. during the governor’s election in 2018, the team of volunteers ridwan kamil-uu ruzhanul ulum initiated a political fundraising program called udunan warga (funding from the residents). political fundraising from resident conducted by jabar juara volunteer consists of two types. there are offline and online fundraising. west java volunteers organize offline fundraising through several events such as uti lizing car free day or dinner with ridwan kamil. online fundraising or known as crowdfunding is conducted by access ing the site https://jabarjuara.id (gloria vania, 2018). this pro gram takes place from november 2017 to june 2018. total in come of political fundraising is 1,983,177,664 (± 2 billion). west java volunteers socialize crowdfunding by uploading vid eos on several social media volunteers (@rkjabarjuara), includ ing fan page ridwan kamil such as facebook, twitter, youtube and instragram. social media supports the success of crowdfunding because of characteristics that other media do not 157 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 158 have. according to (mayfield, 2008:5), social media has the char acteristics of participation, openness, conversation, community and connectedness.in addition, social media also allows mem bers to interact with each other. interactions occur not only in text messages but also include photos and videos that might catch the attention of other users. all posts (publications) are real time allowing members to share information (nasrullah, 2016:40). from various videos and written texts posted on social media, crowdfunding causes political discussion or interaction from vir tual communities on ridwan kamil’s facebook. the video was posted on february 20 that illustrates the reasons why we should work together for crowdfunding. on may 3, 2018, the video has been watched by 24,439 views and received 2,073 responses (1,934 likes, 102 super, 24 laughs, 7 sad, 1 angry), 648 comments and 169 shares. the number of followers of ridwan kamil’s facebook is 3,318,730 people. the interaction among virtual communities on ridwan kamil’s facebook very likely to create a shared group of con sciousness to support crowdfunding movements. this can be explained through symbolic convergence theory. sct is a gen eral theory of communication, sct explains how humans come to share a common symbolic consciousness (reality). it allows us to look at human talk and explain how collectivities of people build a shared consciousness that provides emotion, meaning, motive, and value for human action (bormann, cragan & shield, 2001:274). this group of individuals can come from groups of people who know each other and interact for a relatively long time, can also come from people who do not know each other and have different ways of interpreting the symbols used but then they communicate so that convergence occurs which creates the same symbolic reality (suryadi, 2010:430-431). in short, symbolic convergence theory examines discussion and explains display of shared group consciousness among communities (heryanto, 2018:190).there are four arguments about the rea sons for discussing symbolic convergence of crowdfunding on j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) social media that are interesting and relevant to contemporary political communication studies: 1. crowdfunding in political campaigns is a new phenomenon in indonesia and still few published studies that discuss this. some previous studies that discussed crowdfunding put more emphasis on the use of social media for politicians to raise political fundraising in several countries (elfeky, 2015; eranti & lindman, 2013; khoma, 2015). then, what makes this article different and important? there are no published stud ies on crowdfunding in terms of political communication us ing symbolic convergence theory. sct is used to complement aspects that have not been studied from previous crowd funding research, how the process of exchanging messages creates shared group consciousness among netizens when crowdfunding videos are shared on facebook’s social media. 2. crowdfunding cannot be separated from the use of social media. the facebook of ridwan kamil helped jabar juara volunteer in socializing crowdfunding to cause interaction among its users. based on a survey released by hootsuite-we are social, the number of facebook users in indonesia in january 2018 reached 130 million (41%). this number makes indonesia the 4th country with the most number of facebook users after brazil, america and india (https://wearesocial. com). thus, the study of symbolic convergence about netizens’ discussion related to political crowdfunding on facebook is relevant. 3. symbolic convergence theory applied in the context of politi cal campaigns to explain how netizens come to share a com mon symbolic consciousness (reality). it allows us to look at netizen discussion and explain how collectivities of netizen build a shared consciousness that provides emotion, mean ing, motive, and value to support crowdfunding movement. 4. shared group consciousness in symbolic convergence theory became stimulant of crowdfunding movement on facebook social media. in short, without group consciousness, 159 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 160 crowdfunding will not mean anything. based on the explanation, there are two problem formula tions, namely: 1. how is crowdfunding mechanism conducted by west java volunteer champion? 2. how is the symbolic convergence process among netizens re garding political crowdfunding on ridwan kamil’s facebook to build a shared consciousness? based on the research problems summarized, there are sev eral research describe aboutcrowdfunding mechanism consist ing of fund seekers, platforms, donors and types of crowdfunding used.the symbolic convergence process among netizens regard ing political crowdfunding on ridwan kamil’s facebook by jabar juara volunteer includes the basic structure, message structure, dynamic structure, communicator structure, medium structure and evaluative structure. literature review &theoretical framework at the theoretical framework level, this study uses the sym bolic convergence theory (sct) from ernest bormann as the main theory. some previous studies that discussed crowdfunding put more emphasis on the use of social media for politicians to raise political fundraising in several countries (elfeky, 2015;eranti & lindman, 2013;khoma, 2015). there are no published stud ies on crowdfunding in terms of political communication using symbolic convergence theory.sct has allowed researcher to explain the impact of the communicative force of fantasy on creating a consciousness that entails meaning, emotion, motive, and value for action for the participants in a chaining fantasy or a rhetorical vision (bormann, cragan & shield, 2001:274). in this case, sct is used to find out the process of shared con sciousness among netizens on the ridwan kamil facebook fan page after watching video, so that they are interested in sup porting the crowdfunding movement. sct is a theory inspired by robert bales’s research on com j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) munication in small groups. ernest bormann borrowed the idea to be replicated into rhetorical actions of the community on a broader scale than just the process of small group communica tion. bormann’s intensive research throughout the 1970s then led to the emergence of the symbolic convergence theory.the team used the word symbolic because the theory dealt with lan guage and fantasy and lots of symbolic (as opposed to material and social) facts. they used the word convergence because the theory’s basic theorem described the dynamic communicative process of sharing group fantasies as the cause of the union of the participants’ symbolic world (bormann, cragan & shield, 2001:276). symbolic convergence 161 theory explains the power of com munication behind the creation of consciousness (symbolic reality) which is called rhetorical vision. this rhetorical vision provides a drama in the form of perspective, ideology and paradigm of think ing (heryanto, 2015:174). based on the table, the sct anatomy elements consist of a ba sic structure consisting of fantasy themes, fantasy types, symbolic cues and sagas. message structure consisting of rhetorical vision, dra matic personae, plotline, scene and sanctioning agent. dynamic structures consist of righteous, master and pragmatic master ana logue. the communicator struc ture consists of fantasizer, rhetori cal community and communica tion styles. structure of the medi um consists of group and public table 1. elements in sct anatomy no symbolic convergence theory 1 basic structure a. fantasy theme b. fantasy type c. symbolic cue d. saga 2 message structure a. rhetorical vision b. dramatic personae c. plotline d. scene e. sanctioning agent 3 dynamic structure a. righteous master analogue b. social master analogue c. pragmatic master analogue 4 communicator structure a. fantasizer b. rhetorical community c. communication style 5 medium structure a. group sharing b. public sharing 6 evaluative structure a. shared group consciousness b. reality link c. fantasy theme artistry source: bormann, cragan, shield (2001) in kartikawangi (2013:76). vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 162 sharing and finally evaluative structure consisting of shared group consciousness, reality link and fantasy theme artistry.the six structure are interconnected and become a unit of analysis that helps researchers understand the sct concept. therefore, ac cording to (kartikawangi, 2013:72), symbolic convergence theory can be used to explain different phenomena with the same prin ciple. some of the previous studies using symbolic convergence theory are: 1. research (heryanto, 2015) titled symbolic convergence in online media: study of netizen discussion about century po lemic in the sby-boediono era.” the study examines the sym bolic convergence of netizens in the sby-boediono era ad ministration regarding the 2013 century case. 2. research (wildan, 2014) titled symbolic convergence in cyber space communications information disclosure in order to reform the bureaucracy in the ministry of ict. this study discusses the implementation of public information disclo sure that is implemented through cyber space communica tion. 3. research (angeline, 2016) titled symbolic convergence in a social movement: a case of “pengumpulan satu juta ktp by teman ahok. this study discusses the important role of the internet in social movements with a case study of collecting one million id cards by ahok’s friend. the three previous studies used symbolic convergence theory to examine discussions with different phenomena or cases. three previous study examined the symbolic convergence with the medium of group sharing. that means, the discussion in volves a more limited group. meanwhile, this study examines symbolic convergence through medium of public sharing or in volving large numbers of people. because fb ridwan kamil is open for everyone to become a member and comment. conceptualization of crowdfunding canada media fund defines crowdfunding with an emphasis j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) on the role of social media, namely raising funds through col lecting small contributions from the public (known as the crowd) using the internet and social media (nordicity, 2012:4) most of the authors distinguish crowdfunding into four types: loan based, donation based, reward based and equity based (massolution, 2015:40); (bradford, 2012:14); (ordanini et al., 2011); (hasnan, 2019:26). the crowdfunding mechanism consists of three parts that are actively involved: there are fundraisers; crowdfunding portal as an intermediary; and donors who support that idea. the fourth is the bank where money is deposited as a passive member in the crowdfunding project (hasnan, 2019:26;hemer, 2011:12). conceptualization of social media according to (mayfield, 2008:5), social media is best under stood as a group of new kinds of online media, which share most or all of the following characteristics: (1) participation, so cial media encourages contributions and feedback from every one who is interested. it blurs the line between media and audi ence; (2) openness, most social media services are open to feed back and participation. they encourage voting, comments and the sharing of information. there are rarely any barriers to ac cessing and making use of content – password-protected con tent is frowned on; (3) conversation, whereas traditional media is about “broadcast” (content transmitted or distributed to an audience) social media is better seen as a two-way discussion. (4) community, social media allows communities to form quickly and communicate effectively. communities share common in terests, such as a love of photography, a political issue or a favourite tv show; (5) connectedness, most kinds of social media thrive on their connectedness, making use of links to other sites, resources and people. in this study, a number of conceptualizations used including: conceptualization of virtual communities (kollock and smith, 1999 in heryanto, 2018:188), characteristics and patterns of 163 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 164 interaction of virtual communities as virtual publics that have variable characteristics and tend to include strong, weak and/or stressful (porter, 2004); the concept of sense of community (mcmillan & chavis, 1986:9); conceptualization of political campaigns (pfau & parrot, 1993 in heryanto, 2018:90); concep tualization of political communication.this is a conceptual frame work drawing from this research that will help readers under stand the process of symbolic convergence of crowdfunding on facebook’s social media. figure 1: symbolic convergence process about crowdfunding on fb ridwan kamil research method this research used a qualitative research approach with case study method. this is consistent with the opinion of (bungin, 2015) which states that experts such as yin and sevilla, put the case study as a descriptive study (bungin, 2015:239). the purpose of descriptive research is to provide an accurate picture or data, find data findings or previous research, do categorization, explain the work sequence, document causality relationships and mechanisms and report the background or context of the research situation (neuman, 2016:44).data collection techniques used online observation, interviews and documentation. online observation is reading and concluding the notes of past discussions from an internet forum (pambayun, 2013:492). the online observation was carried out by observing a video titled “udunan j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) warga” and netizens’ comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook fanpage. the online observation was carried out by observing a video titled udunan warga (funding from the resident), comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook fanpage. because fb ridwan kamil is a medium for the symbolic convergence process. inter views were conducted with 5 informants based on purposive procedures. purposive procedure is the selection of informants according to selected criteria that are relevant to the research problem (bungin, 2015:107). the five informants are: gloria vania as a west java volunteer in political crowdfunding and 4 facebookers with initials ak, dd, ys and anh. the selection of 4 facebookers was based on consideration of certain charac teristics relevant to the design of this study. the characteristics include: (a) having a facebook account and followers of fb ridwan kamil (b) engaging in online discussions at fb ridwan kamil in particular about video and / or (c) reposting animated videos related to citizen foliage. table 2. data collection techniques observation video “udunan warga” and comments from netizens on ridwan kamil's facebook fanpage interview 1. jabar juara volunteer: gloria vania 2. netizen/facebook user ak, dd, ys and anh documentation fundraising reports, kpu regulations and other records 165 the research analysis unit borrows the classification of sym bolic convergence levels from jhon f cragan (1998:99 in (heryanto, 2015:176) which divides the anatomy of the symbolic convergence process into six stucture. the six structure start from the basic structure, message structure, dynamic structure, com municator structure, media structure and finally evaluative struc ture. data were analyzed through three concurrent flows of ac tivity: (1) data condensation, (2) data display, and (3) conclusion drawing/verification(miles, hubermas & sadana, 2014). in ad vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 166 dition, the analysis used the fantasy theme analysis. fta was conducted on a video posted on february 20, 2018 entitled “udunan warga” and netizen`s comments regarding the video. research findings crowdfunding mechanism political fundraising from resident conducted by west java volunteer consists of two types. there are offline and online fundraising. at a glance, the two fundraising activities are no different because they emphasize the process of collecting small amounts of funds from the public (crowd) so, many assume that they can be called crowdfunding. this needs to be straightened out because crowdfunding is a funding process that cannot be separated on internet or social media. this is the definition of the canada media fund (2014:4) that crowdfunding is fundraising through the collection of small contributions from the public (known as the crowd) using the internet and social media. offline fundraising is carried out from small scale called limited environment where the fund collectors generally know each other or they’re under the same institution. on process, fund collection model is also using traditionally way, for example, collected in a bag or envelope and managed by someone. the legal basis for political fundraising refers to pkpu no. 5 article 19 of 2017 where all campaign funds of candidate pairs must be reported the initial campaign funds report “laporan awal dana kampanye” (ladk), the campaign funds donation receipt report “laporan penerimaan sumbangan dana kampanye” (lpsdk) and the campaign funds acceptance and expendi ture report “laporan penerimaan dan pengeluaran dana kampa nye” (lppdk), then audited by the public accountant office. the provision is that the maximum number of individual dona tions is 75 million while the private group or legal entity is a maximum of 750 million following pkpu article 7 of 2017.the crowdfunding mechanism consists of three parts that are actively involved: there are fundraisers; crowdfunding portal as an in j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) termediary; and donors who support that idea. the fourth is the bank where money is deposited as a passive member in the crowdfunding project (hasnan, 2019:26;hemer, 2011:12). fundraisers is jabar juara volunteer. the fundraising idea came from michael viktor sianipar who also initiated a cam paign fundraising program for basuki tjahaja purnama during the 2017 dki jakarta election.the crowdfunding platform as an intermediary is https://jabarjuara.id. the site connects funders with donors. west java champion volunteers using their own platform. its means, fundraisers do not cooperate with crowdfunding site provider company. a crowdfunding platform managed independently because funders have a clear mass base and targets so they choose to publish their own crowdfunding projects. in this case, ridwan kamil is a public figure who is well known and already have a mass base so that it is not too difficult to socialize “udunan warga” program using their own platforms. social media is also used to socialize crowdfunding. west java volunteers use facebook, twitter and instagram with the name (@rkjabarjuara) and youtube channel (jabarjuara). even social media owned by ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum were also used to campaign for this crowdfunding program.another important element of crowdfunding mechanism are people sup port or interested in the community support program. so they able to donors. interested people can participate as donors by transferring a number of funds to a bank account owned by jabar juara and filling in the donor’s data online.the commu nication mechanism during fundraising is also important in sup porting the success of crowdfunding. because the communica tion made presence trusting and emotional ties between donors of funds with fund seekers (haas et al., 2019:14). the communi cation between them can be done by providing information about the progress of crowdfunding to donors (beaulieu et al., 2015;haas et al., 2019:14). this was done by jabar juara volun teer by reporting the results of the fundraising carried out con tinuously for eight months. 167 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 168 based on transaction reports in jabarjuara.id, this fundraising takes place from november 2017 to june 2018 with a total in come of 1,983,177,664 (± 2 billion). the details are: rp 39,307,000 (november 2017 – january 2018), rp 1,367. 482,819 (february 2018), rp 8,260,000 (march 2018), rp 563,767,845 (april 2018), rp 4,370,000 (may 2018) and rp 770,109 (june 2018) (https://jabarjuara.id).the amount of the campaign fund income is a combination of offline and online fundraising. the amount of offline fundraising is greater than online. offline fundraising gets around 1.4 billion rupiah. this is known based on records from the bandung cfd which received 60 million rupiah, a gala dinner in bandung 200 million rupiah and a gala dinner in jakarta 1.2 billion rupiah.crowdfunding is divided into four categories, namely loan based, donation based, reward based and equity based (massolution, 2015:40); (ordanini et al., 2011); (hasnan, 2019:26)(bradford, 2012). based on distribution, jabar juara volunteer using crowd funding donation based. crowdfunding donation base is the same as looking for donations. according to (hasnan, 2019:26), do nation-based crowdfunding is a charity based contribution where contributor does not expect anything except peace of heart and mind by helping a cause. in this crowdfunding, donors who con tribute to rindu political campaign fundraising are not given prizes, refunds or rewards in any form after making a donation. symbolic convergence process the symbolic convergence process of crowdfunding took place during the political campaign period of ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum. the campaign is defined as a consciously de signed, gradual and ongoing process that is carried out over a certain period of time with the aim of influencing the intended target audience (pfau and parrot, 1993 in heryanto, 2018:90). during the campaign period, political communication took place involving west java volunteers and netizens related to crowdfunding programs on social media. according to (mcnair, j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) 2004:4), political communication is defined as purposeful com munication about politics. this consists of (1) all forms of com munication carried out by politicians and other political actors to achieve specific goals; (2) communication shown to political actors by non-politicians such as voters and columnists in the mass media; (3) communication about political actors and their activities which are published and are the contents of news re ports, editorials, and other forms of political discussion in the mass media. referring to (mcnair’s, 2004) opinion, the intentional na ture of political communication can be said to exist in these two categories: (1) communication is carried out by jabar juara vol unteer to socialize video “udunan warga” to facebook user or virtual communities in fb ridwan kamil. the reason is that netizens support and participate in donating campaign funds; (2) facebook user comments related to “udunan warga” then become political communication addressed to ridwan kamil uu ruzhanul ulum.the symbolic convergence of crowdfunding cannot be separated from the presence of virtual communities on social media. definition of virtual community in this study refers to the opinion of kollock and smith which defines a vir tual community as a group of people who share information in cyberspace, discuss common interests, and have the potential to support and solve joint problems (kollock and smith, 1999:16 in heryanto, 2018:188) in this study, the virtual community refers to members or followers of ridwan kamil on his facebook fanpage with char acteristics such as interacting on facebook social media networks, discussing common interests related to “udunan warga” videos and it is very possible to have joint group consciousness to sup port the crowdfunding movement.based on the research find ings, the symbolic convergence process of crowdfunding con sists of six stages, starting from the basic structure, message struc ture, dynamic structure, communicator structure, medium struc ture and evaluative structure. the stages of this symbolic con 169 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 170 vergence process are derived from text written by fb admin ridwan kamil related to crowdfunding videos, narratives from videos of “udunan warga” and 25 comments from selected netizen / facebook user representing 234 comments that can be accessed in this study. the narration or message delivered from the 59-second video is as follows: “ridwan kamil dan uu resmi menjadi calon gubernur jawa barat 2018. dua sosok pemimpin muda yang peduli, merakyat dan berpengalaman ini butuh dukungan kita menuju jabar juara. pemilu di indonesia menghabiskan biaya yang tidak sedikit saatnya kita bantu ridwan kamil dan uu dengan apapun yang kita miliki baik berupa tenaga, waktu, ide dan materi. kita juga bisa bantu dengan cara praktis dan cukup mudah, dengan cara menyumbang uang minimal 10 ribu rupiah melalui udunan warga. udunan warga diproses secara transparan, akuntabel, terpercaya dan efisien dapat dicek melalui website dan dilaporkan pada kpu. dengan kita udunan maka ridwan kamil dan uu akan fokus bekerja untuk cita-cita warga jabar juara. hayu urang udunan. beberes jabar bebarengan.” “ridwan kamil and uu, officially became the candidates for gover nor of west java in 2018. these two caring, popular and experi enced young leaders need our support towards jabar champion. elections in indonesia cost a lot of money. it’s time we help ridwan kamil and uu with whatever we have in the form of energy, time, ideas and material. we can also help in a practical and fairly easy way, by donating a minimum of 10 thousand rupiah through udunan warga (funding from the residents). funding from resi dents are processed transparently, accountably, reliably and effi ciently can be checked through the website and reported to the kpu. with our support, ridwan kamil and uu will focus on working for the ideals of west java becoming champion. let’s go for it (hayu urang udunan). work together (beberes jabar bebarengan). the video titled udunan warga, then led to interactions in j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) the form of netizens / faceboor comments. there are 648 com ments but only 234 comments are publicly accessible. then, we took 25 comments that represented the views of netizens re garding the video. the video and comments of the netizens were examined using the fantasy theme analysis method. basic structure the basic structure of udunan warga video consists of fan tasy themes, fantasy types, symbolic cues and sagas. a. fantasy themes fantasy theme is a dramatizing message that depicts characters engaged in action in a setting that accounts for and explains human experience (bormann, cragan and shields, 2001:282). the fantasy theme in the video is udunan warga. this fantasy theme refers to the title of the video and ridwan kamil‘s program to raise funding political campaign which is named “udunan warga”. b. fantasy type is a stock scenario used to explain new events in a well-known; or the workhorse of rhetorical visions. the fantasy types used in the video are; “need our support” (butuh dukungan kita) and “elections in indonesia cost quite a lot” (pemilu di indonesia menghabiskan biaya yang tidak sedikit). c. symbolic cue is a shorthand indicant or code that stands for a fantasy theme such as a sign or symbol or an inside joke. the symbolic cues in the video is; “transparent, accountable, trusted and efficient can be checked through the website and reported to the kpu”; (transparan, akuntabel, terpercaya dan efisien dapat dicek melalui website dan dilaporkan pada kpu). d. saga is a detailed account of the achievements in the life of a person, group, community, organization, or nation. saga in the video are: the ideals of west java become champions (cita cita warga jabar juara); let’s go for it (hayu urang udunan)and work together (beberes jabar bebarengan) some screenshots of conversations that represent the basic struc ture related to the video on ridwan kamil’s facebook fanpage: 171 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 172 figure 2: comment of facebook user source:netizen comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook about crowdfunding (may 3, 2018) this is a simple description of the basic structure of netizen discussion related to video crowdfunding on fb ridwan kamil figure 3: the bassic stracture of crowdfunding source:netizen comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook about crowdfunding(may 3, 2018). processed for research purposes. j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) in the basic structure, there are 5 basic messages derived from fantasy themes related to udunan warga video: (1) ready to perform fund contributions (udunan warga) and donate imme diately; (2) supporting the idea of udunan warga; (3) ready to contribute but still asking how? (4) commit to choose ridwan kamil-uu ruzhanul ulum’s even though he did not make a charge and (5) not interested in making accusations for several reasons. message structure sct’s major message structure concept is rhetorical vision, that is, “a composite drama that catches up large groups of people in a symbolic reality. thus, a rhetorical vision’s sub structural elements include dramatis personae or characters, plot lines or action, elements of the scene or setting, and sanctioning agent or legitimizer for the rhetorical vision (bormann, cragan & shields, 2001:285) tabel 3. message structure dramatic personae scene plot line sanctioning agen 173 kang emil is an example and a good pioneer for other candidates governor elections of west java elections in indonesia have resulted in significant costs. keep away from corruption. good form of dowry resistance to parties democracy will be better crowdfunding is processed transparently, accountably, reliably, and efficiently can be checked through websites and reported to the kpu source:netizen comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook about crowdfunding (may 3, 2018). processed for research purposes. based on the video and discussion of netizens related to crowd funding, a rhetorical vision emerged, “support crowdfunding for west java champions”. it means that if we support political crowdfunding, the huge campaign costs will be light and rindwan kamil will focus on efforts to realize the ideals of the west java become champion. dynamic structure dynamic structure is a deep structure of rhetorical vision in vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 174 the process of symbolic convergence which consists of 3 compo nents, namely righteous master analogue, social master analogue and pragmatic master analogue. righteous master-analogue rely upon fantasy themes that stress correctness, the right way, mo rality, and so forth. those visions steeped in a social master analogue stress such elements as humaneness, social concern, family, brotherhood and sisterhood, and so forth. those visions steeped in a pragmatic master-analogue stress such elements as the bottom line, what will work, what is expedient, and so forth (bormann, cragan &shields, 2001:288). examples of netizen discussions related to dynamic structures are in the table below. table 4. dynamic structure righteous master analogue fundraising without coercion no need for corruption or debt to find campaign funds sosial master analogue ready. the important thing is to listen to the people's aspirations leaders are indebted to the people because they work to serve the people pragmatic master analogue crowdfunding is processed transparently, accountably, reliably, and efficiently, can be checked through websites and reported to the kpu. crowdfunding is widely used in the us and europe. the mechanism is more accountable, transparent, clear sources of funds. so that it will not depend on party funds whose sources are unclear. source:netizen comments on ridwan kamil’s facebook about crowdfunding (may 3, 2018). processed for research purposes. in general, there is a common thread in the dynamic struc ture that crowdfunding is a solution to the high costs of political campaigns imposed on candidates. communicator structure this structure relates to anyone who shares fantasy themes to create a sense of reality. in this context, there are several concepts of fantasizers, rhetorical community and communica tion style (bormann, cragan & shields, 2001:289). a) fantasizers are a number of individuals who position them selves more readily than others. there are two fantasizers, namely: (1) admin of the fb rk who posted a crowdfunding videos on february 20, 2018. admin of fb rk became an j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) active fantasyzer because he answered several questions re lated to crowdfunding; (2) some members of the rb fb com munity. community members who become fantasizers are basically rows of supporters of ridwan kamil whose job is to block negative news on social media. b) rhetorical community is a participant in a rhetorical vision that shared group consciousness. the rhetorical community that shared consciousness about crowdfunding was netizens who were followers of fb ridwan kamil. these netizens are not just talking but supporting and contributing funds. c) communication style describes the wide use of language from the community that creates discourse. it also describes the feeling of being shared consciousness as part of membership and communication interaction. communication style con ducted by netizens follows the terms and policies related to facebook community standards. this is the communicator structure in the symbolic conver gence process at fb ridwan kamil table 5. communicator stucture fantasizer rhetorical community communication style 175 admin fb ridwan kamil (posted a video related to crowdfunding) and some followers of the fb rk. facebookers who are followers of ridwan kamil on his fb account. terms and policies related to facebook community standards medium structure the structure of the medium consists of two categories. there are group sharing and public sharing. public sharing involves large numbers of people while group sharing involves more lim ited groups. in this study, the structure of the medium is included in the category of public sharing because the facebook fanpage that posts crowdfunding videos belongs to ridwan kamil, where the account is open to the public and one can easily become follow ers so that anyone can basically share information, narratives, meanings, emotions and others. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 176 actually, these followers can easily make comments but the ridwan kamil facebook seems to filter out negative comments, so that the comments cannot be seen. in this case, there were 648 comments related to crowdfunding videos, apparently only 234 comments were accessible. based on research observations of 234 comments, there are 163 positive-pitched comments, 40 negative-pitched comments and the other talk about things out side crowdfunding. evaluative structure in sct, three primary technical concepts enable the evalua tion of the quality and effects (outcomes) of fantasy-sharing among the members of rhetorical collectivities: fantasy theme artistry, shared group consciousness, and rhetorical vision real ity-links (bormann, cragan & shields, 2001:291). a) fantasy theme artistry is related to the assessment of rhe torical creativity, the novelty of the competitive value of fan tasy themes, symbolic cues, saga and rhetorical vision. in this study, rhetorical creativity tends to do a lot of repetition be tween one facebook user and another facebook user and even misinformation from one member who became a fantasizers related to how to send funds if they want to do nate. b) reality link is an evaluative structure that connects rhetori cal vision and fantasy to the objective reality of material facts and public records. in this case, the evaluation of reality link is actually contextual. the discussion about raising campaign funds is very relevant as a solution to the high cost of cam paign funds needed by a prospective candidate during the general election.this refers to a study conducted by perludem that there are 4 types of expenditure that cause high costs for regional election contestation, namely: (1) costs for nomina tion to political parties / joint political party bearers, popu larly called dowry or boat rental fees; (2) costs for campaigns (banners, success teams) and imaging politics; (3) electability j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) survey costs accompanied by winning consultations, and (4) costs for money politics to voters (perludem, 2011:16). c) shared group consciousness is an evaluative concept that re minds one using sct to check for the occurrence of sym bolic convergence. usually, in this context we see the connec tivity of people who have shared fantasy themes or provided some kind of interpretation of the ongoing reality. based on the findings that have been presented previously, in the basic structure, there are 5 basic messages derived from fantasy themes related to video “udunan warga”: (1) ready to perform fund contributions and donate immediately; (2) sup porting the idea of crowdfunding; (3) ready to contribute but still asking how? (4) commit to choose ridwan kamil-uu ruzhanul ulum’s even though he did not make a charge and (5) not interested in making accusations for several reasons. based on the five basic netizen messages, it is known that a minority of facebook users are not interested in crowdfunding for various reasons that they are written in the comments on ridwan kamil‘s fb. this is reinforced by the results of inter views with facebook users (ys and anh) who said that crowdfunding was not the solution to the high cost of demo cratic party.the most facebook users are at the level of support ing crowdfunding (udunan warga). this can be known from the 163 comments that support the four basic structures: (1) ready to perform fund contributions and donate immediately; (2) sup porting the idea of crowdfunding; (3) ready to contribute but still asking how? (4) commit to choose ridwan kamil-uu ruzhanul ulum’s even though they did not make a charge. the group that supports crowdfunding divided into 2 categories: 1. rhetorical communities that shared group consciousness at the level of basic structures, message structures and dynamic structures, namely groups with a variety of fantasy themes, symbolic cues, fantasy types, saga and rhetorical vision but are not followed by a concrete action to raise funds. 2. rhetorical community whose various shared group conscious 177 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 178 ness then led to a concrete action which was to contribute a number of funds. in this context, shared group consciousness in discourse or sharing the idea that the importance of crowdfunding (udunan warga) to be supported is adequate but still lacking practically. the lack of shared group consciousness at the level of the crowdfunding movement can be seen from the results of inter views, conducted with 2 netizens supporting crowdfunding (ak and dd). both netizens stated that they did not donate funds for several reasons. netizen ak stated that he did not know how to send money so he only supported it through comments on fb. netizen dd stated that he did not have enough money but was only able to express support through comments on fb. basically, they were convinced that crowdfunding would con tribute to the ideals of west java becoming champion. this is evidence of the lack of shared group consciousness in the level of movement. discussion crowdfunding cannot be separated from the use of social media. ridwan kamil’s facebook fan page helped west java volunteer champion in publicizing crowdfunding programs. this is due to the potential of social media that allows interactivity between users, namely between fund seekers (west java cham pion volunteers) and potential donors (netizens).social media has the characteristics of being participatory, openness, conver sation, community and connectedness; (mayfield, 2008:5). with the characteristics of social media, fb ridwan kamil is not only a media publication but also a new public sphere that allows the shared group consciousness.symbolic convergence theory proves that fantasy themes can be applied to a wider community than just communication in small groups and the sct is useful in the context of political campaigns. in this case, the west java volunteer made a video titled “udunan warga” to send a mes sage how important crowdfunding to be supported. the fantasy j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) theme in this video then creates a fantasy chain and rhetorical vision for the ridwan virtual community on facebook ridwan kamil. the symbolic convergence process of crowdfunding con sists of six stages, namely the basic structure, message structure, dynamic structure, communicator structure, medium structure and evaluative structure. the basic structure of the discussion of netizens related to the video “udunan warga” in fb ridwan kamil showed five messages: (1) ready to perform fund contributions and donate immediately; (2) supporting the idea of crowdfunding; (3) ready to contribute but still asking how? (4) commit to choose ridwan kamil-uu ruzhanul ulum’s even though he did not make a charge and (5) not interested in making accusations for several reasons. then a rhetorical vision appeared relating the five ba sic messages, namely “dukung udunan warga demi jabar juara” (support udunan warga for west java become champion). a rhe torical vision is part of the message structure that forms rhetori cal communities that support crowdfunding. basically, rhetori cal vision is a collection of various fantasy themes that are shared group consciousness as to present a symbolic reality. saga “west java become champion/jabar juara” derived from the campaign slogan ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum played a role in creating a rhetorical vision. thus, this research implies that po litical campaign slogans or taqlines play an important role for constructing political consciousness in virtual communities to contribute crowdfunding. then this rhetorical vision succeeded in raising shared group consciousness which not only supported udunan warga but also donated their money for the campaign costs of ridwan kamil and uu ruzhanul ulum. research shows the presence of shared group consciousness in discourse is adequate but still lacking practically. netizens were able to share ideas about the importance of crowdfunding to be supported but practically only a few of them directly contrib uted. the indication can be seen from the fundraising results obtained. based on the notes discussed earlier, the results of 179 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 180 raising funds through the offline mechanism are still greater when compared to raising funds online. fundraising with an offline mechanism receives approximately 1.4 billion rupiah from funds collected around 2 billion rupiah (jabarjuara.id) the lack of shared group consciousness can also be seen from the sense of community. according to (mcmillan & chavis, 1986), a sense of community is defined as the feeling that mem bers of a community are related to a sense of belonging to a community, feelings of mutual concern among members and care about their groups, and sharing the beliefs needed by mem bers to be fulfilled with shared commitment. there are four dimensions of sense of community, namely: membership, influ ence integration & fulfillment of needs, shared emoticon con nection. based on these four dimensions, shared emotional connec tions play a role in forming a sense of community. this can be seen from a number of rhetorical communities that support udunan warga using the rindu jabar juara logo on their facebook picture profile as a sign for supporting ridwan kamil and uu ruzahunl ulum as the governor and deputy governor of west java. in addition, this emotional connection is also built when the rhetorical community of various rhetorical visions, fantasy themes, saga or campaign slogan of the rindu is “jabar juara” when giving comments related to udunan warga videos. however, the sense of community is lacking in the elements of membership, influence, integration and meeting the needs of the rhetorical community. (porter, 2004) explains that interactions of virtual communi ties as virtual publics have changing patterns of interaction and tend to include strong, weak and / or stressful ties. this is differ ent from small groups that tend to have close social relations among members, high group interactions, and focus on main taining specific relationships within groups. in this case, ridwan kamil’s facebook fanpage which is public sharing has a positive impact a sense of community and a shared group consciousness j u r n al studi p emerin ta han (journal of g ov ern m ent & politics) in discourse or sharing the idea that it is important to support the community’s support. this becomes relevant given the large number of followers on his facebook and openly providing com ments related to udunan warga videos. in this case, virtual pub lic community has a practical weakness, that it does not guaran tee the commitment of these communities to always support what the account owner wants because the membership is loose even though in this case the community has openly written down their support for udunan warga. this research also shows that the existence of virtual commu nities in social media in the context of political campaigns has the potential tocreates tangible economic value. this is in line with the characteristics of the virtual community that (porter, 2004) stated that the characteristics of the virtual community viewed from the model are conceptualized into 2 levels; profit and non-profit. based to this case, virtual community in ridwan kamil’s facebook fanpage turned out become so potential that give benefits not only to governor electoral but also in economic term (fundraising for political campaigns/crowdfunding). in the end, crowdfunding in political campaigns will be meaningful and successful if it is able to build shared group consciousness in social media. conversely, without shared group consciousness, crowdfunding in political campaigns were nothing. conclusion based on research and discussion results, several conclusions drawn to answer the research objectives: 1. the crowdfunding mechanism cannot be separated from the 3 elements that act actively: fundraisers, platforms and do nors. fundraisers are west java volunteer, the platform used https:// jabarjuara.id, and netizen who are interested in the idea of crowdfunding then become donors. the type of crowdfunding used by west java volunteer is donation based. 2. the results showed that the process of crowdfunding sym bolic convergence in ridwan kamil’s fanpage faceboook took 181 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 182 place in stages ranging from basic structure, message struc ture, dynamic structure, communicator structure, medium structure and evaluative structure. in the basic structure there are 5 basic messages derived from fantasy themes related to udunan warga video, namely (1) ready to perform fund contributions (udunan warga) and donate immediately; (2) supporting the idea of udunan warga; (3) ready to contrib ute but still asking how? (4) commit to choose ridwan kamil uu ruzhanul ulum’s even though he did not make a charge and (5) not interested in making accusations for several rea sons. then a rhetorical vision appeared in relation to the five basic messages, namely “dukung udunan warga demi jabar juara” (support udunan warga for west java become champi ons). this rhetorical vision is part of the message structure that forms group consciousness that support crowdfunding. research shows the presence of shared group consciousness in discourse or sharing the idea that the importance of udunan warga to be supported is adequate but still lacking practically. this is relevant given the large number of follow ers of ridwan kamil on his facebook fanpage and anyone open to commenting on the video. on the other hand, the rhetorical community that is public sharing has practical weak nesses, namely not guaranteeing the commitment of com munity members to always support what the owner wants because membership is loose. indirectly in the context of political campaigns, this study also shows that social media networks and the existence of virtual communities have the potential to bring benefits not only in terms of electoral but also economic, that is crowdfunding. references aitamurto, t. 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https://mti.kominfo.go.id/index.php/mti/article/view/70 http://dx.doi.org/10.17933/mti.v5i2.70 http://dx.doi.org/10.17933/mti.v5i2.70 https://www.mkri.id/public/content/pkpu_pilkada/pkpu%205%20th%202017.pdf https://www.mkri.id/public/content/pkpu_pilkada/pkpu%205%20th%202017.pdf https://www.mkri.id/public/content/pkpu_pilkada/pkpu%205%20th%202017.pdf fanpage%20facebook%20ridwan%20kamil:%20https:/www.facebook.com/mochamadridwankamil/%20situs%20resmi%20jabar%20juara.%20(2018,%20april).%20laporan%20udunan%20warga.%20retrieved%20from%20jabarjuara.id: http://www.facebook.com/mochamadridwankamil/ http://www.facebook.com/mochamadridwankamil/ http://www.facebook.com/mochamadridwankamil/ https://wearesocial.com/blog/2018/01/global-digital-report-2018 layout desember 2008 193 kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 zuly qodir jurusan ilmu pemerintahan universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: zuly_qodir@yahoo.com syahbuddin latief peneliti pusat kependudukan ugm. email : iin_pskk@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this paper is about the sustainability of photographing pelawanan identity politics carried out by civil society in the construction of a civilized democracy. this paper shows that the people in his own way to fight against state policies that are considered political guarantees of political freedoms has occurred despite the 1998 reform. this paper is based on three case study villages in the java community resistance, the imposition of islamic sharia movement in the nad and the liberal islam movement. the writing in this article uses the perspective of identity politics approach to democracy and civilization which presupposes the existence of freedom and public participation. the data, carried out by the method of interviews, documentation and discussion focused. keywords: civilized democracy, liberal islam, islamic sharia movement, and identity politics abstrak tulisan ini memotret tentang keberlangsungan pelawanan politik identitas yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat sipil dalam konstruksi demokrasi yang berkeadaban. tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat dengan caranya sendiri melakukan perlawanan terhadap kebijakan negara yang dianggap tidak memberikan garansi politik terhadap kebebasan berpolitik sekalipun telah terjadi reformasi 1998. tulisan ini didasarkan pada penelitian 194 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tiga kasus yakni perlawanan masyarakat desa di jawa, gerakan pemberlakukan syariah islam di nangroe aceh darussalam dan gerakan islam liberal. penulisan dalam artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan perspektif politik identitas dan keadaban demokrasi yang mengandaikan adanya kebebasan dan partisipasi masyarakat. penggalian data dilakukan dengan metode wawancara, dokumentasi dan diskusi terfokus. kata kunci: keadaban demokrasi, islam liberal, gerakan syariah islam, dan politik identitas pendahuluan tulisan ini hendak dikemukakan bentuk sustensi dan resistensi yang dilakukan oleh masayarakat sipil sebagai bagian dari hak-hak individu yang terdapat dalam masyarakat luas, ketika berhadapan dengan perubahanperubahan sistem politik, ekonomi dan budaya. perubahan ini terutama terjadi akibat kebijakan yang dikeluarkan negara, sekaligus yang muncul karena tuntutan rakyat banyak. selain sustensi dan resistensi yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat sipil sebagai bentuk respon atas terjadinya perubahan-perubahan yang terjadi sebagai akibat adanya proses desentralisasi, dalam bab ini juga akan dikemukakan kendala-kendala yang dihadapi oleh masyarakat sipil dalam proses politik desentralisasi itu. dengan penjelasan ini diharapkan akan dapat tergambar secara jelas apa yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat dalam merespon proses desentralisasi. kerangka teoritik dalam kaitannya dengan democratic civility mengacu heffner (2000) seperti ditunjukkan dalam kasus dibawah ini, sebenarnya lebih dicerminkan dalam bentuk-bentuk partisipasi politik warga negara yang didalamnya menyiratkan, pertama, adanya nilai-nilai yang berprinsip kebebasan, baik kebebasan menyatakan pendapat, berkumpul, berjaringan, berdebat, sampai dengan adanya ruang untuk “protes” terhadap penyelenggara negara atau aparatur pemerintah (baik dari kalangan eksekutif, legislatif, maupun yudikatif). kedua, selain adanya prinsip kebebasan yang berhak diperoleh oleh seluruh warga negara, di dalam proses-proses politik antar seluruh warga negara memiliki kesetaraan atau kesederajatan antara satu dengan lainnya. sebagai warga negara, siapa saja memiliki hak yang sama untuk turut serta terlibat dalam proses politik, tanpa harus dibatasi secara rigid oleh aturan-aturan yang bersifat diskriminatif atau adanya pembatasan hak-hak politik karena berdasarkan jenis kelamin (gender), tingkat pendidikan, etnis, agama dan keturunan. unsurkelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 195 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ unsur pembedaan atas dasar latar belakang etnis, geografis, gender, agama dan ras tidak bisa diterapkan dalam sebuah tata pemerintahan yang mencerminkan adanya democratic civility. dalam konsep democratic civility, semua warga negara memiliki hak untuk “tampil” dan berpolitik sesuai dengan kapasitas dan kapabilitas yang ada. setiap warga negara sederajat di depan hukum negara, sederajat dalam pemberian aspirasi politik, dan sederajat dalam memberikan “hukuman” pada penyelenggara negara. oleh sebab itu, penegakan hukum dalam sebuah negara yang mencerminkan adanya “keadaban demokrasi” harus berjalan, tanpa ini sulit untuk menuju sebuah pemerintahan yang demokratis yang menerapkan prinsip-prinsip good governance. ketiga, sebagai ciri adanya pemerintahan atau negara yang mencerminkan adanya democratic civility haruslah ada di dalamnya apa yang disebut toleransi. toleransi antar elemen dalam masyarakat menjadi prasyarat yang sangat penting untuk sebuah bangsa yang mencita-citakan sebuah negara demokratis, dengan masyarakat sipil yang bisa berperan sebagai penyeimbang kekuasaan negara. toleransi negara atau seluruh kelompok masyarakat atas kelompok lainnya adalah sebagai bentuk riil dari adanya sikap menghargai adanya perbedaan pendapat, menghormati adanya hak dan martabat kemanusiaan yang harus senantiasa diperjuangkan oleh semua warga negara. oleh sebab itu, toleransi menjadi sangat penting untuk dihadirkan dalam proses menuju sebuah tata pemerintahan yang demokratis. tanpa adanya sikap toleran dari pihak penyelenggara negara dan dari elemen masyarakat, yang akan terjadi hanyalah perebutan kekuasaan dan penindasan atas yang lain dengan mengatasnamakan “demi kepentingan negara”. tiga prinsip yang harus tercermin dalam bangunan konsep democratic civility itulah yang akan kita lihat bersama dalam kasus-kasus yang akan dibahas dibawah ini. apakah dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan sebuah kekuasaan negara sudah mengarah pada adanya pemerintahan yang demokratis ataukah sebuah kekuasaan diselenggarakan atas dasar sentimen-sentimen ideologis, rasisme, intoleransi, pemaksaan-pemaksaan kehendak dan otoritarian. dimanakah posisi masyarakat sipil dalam kerangka democratic civility dapat berperan dalam sebuah kekuasaan negara. kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 196 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ apa peran yang dimainkan oleh masyarakat sipil, bagaimana bentuk peran tersebut diartikulasikan, oleh siapakah peran-peran artikulatif dikerjakan sehingga tergambar secara jelas ada dan tidaknya proses perlawanan dalam masyarakat atas negara yang “dituduh” tidak demokratis atau otoriter. untuk menguji tesis yang dikemukakan diatas, dalam tulisan ini akan mengemukakan tiga kasus studi yang berkaitan dengan proses-proses politik yang dapat dikatakan seirama dengan konsep democratic civility. ketiga kasus tersebut adalah: pertama,kasus gerakan islam liberal di indonesia. kedua, kasus pemberlakuan syariah islam di nangroe aceh darussalam. ketiga, kasus protes terhadap pemilihan kepala desa (pilkades) di sebuah desa pada era orde baru. metode penelitian metode dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang mengelaborasi fenomena keberlanggsungan dan keberlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi di indonesia. metode mengumpulan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah menggunakan teknik wawancara, fgd, dan sumber data sekunder yang terkait dengan studi tersebut. sedangkan teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisisis deskriptif dengan interpretasi (kualitatif interpretif). hasil dan analisis 1. gagasan nilai keadaban demokrasi melihat nilai dasar atau prinsip democratic civility yang dikemukakan diatas, bagaimana sebenarnya sebuah negara memberikan ruang pada warganya untuk dengan terbuka, dan bebas dalam mengemukakan gagasan-gagasannya atau idenya menjadi sangat penting untuk dilihat. kebebasan ini sangat penting sebab mencerminkan adanya varian-varian “suara” yang berkembang dan terjadi di masyarakat. suara-suara tersebut apakah dialamatkan langsung dengan negara, vis a vis negara, atau dialamatkan kepada institusi atau kelompok lainnya di luar kelompoknya. namun demikian, varian suara tersebut sejatinya juga dapat dilihat sebagai cara-cara berpolitik warga negara dalam melangsungkan gerakannya itu sendiri sehingga mencerminkan adanya keberlanjutan proses politik yang mengarah pada democratic civility itu sendiri. kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 197 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam kasus gerakan islam liberal, misalnya, gagasan-gagasan yang dilemparkan sebetulnya sebagai upaya untuk menunjukkan adanya sustainability dari gerakan islam liberal sendiri di tanah air, yang embrionya telah dimulai 1980 akhir, dan semakin bersemai pada 1990 sampai sekarang, konteks penelitian ini 2002. bagaimana komunitas atau jamaah islam liberal senantiasa memproduski dan mereproduksi tema-tema keagamaan, khususnya tema ke-islaman di tengah maraknya gerakan keislaman yang semakin jamak. beberapa diskursus yang dikembangkan oleh komunitas gerakan islam liberal sebenarnya bisa dikategorikan sebagai cara-cara mereka untuk merespon atau melakukan perlawanan terhadap penyelenggara negara yang cenderung otoriter, tidak memberikan ruang bagi adanya perbedaan pendapat dalam menafsirkan doktrin-doktrin agama. doktrin agama harus boleh ditafsirkan oleh siapa saja, sebagai hak otonom individu, bukan instruktif. dalam arti, gerakan islam liberal ini hendak menghadirkan adanya “tafsir” alternatif, di tanah air di tengah menguatnya tafsir mainstream yang dimunculkan dan dikelola oleh negara dan didukung oleh kelompok-kelompok islam yang muncul semarak pada awal 1990-an, yakni pasca icmi berdiri. diskursus-diskursus yang muncul pada 1980-an sebenarnya merupakan diskursus yang sangat kentara bersifat perlawanan ketika umat islam berhadapan dengan negara. oleh sebab itu, kita dapat melihat apa diskursus yang berkembang ketika itu. pola-pola diskursus yang berkembang adalah berkisar tentang hubungan negara dan islam, dalam hal ini tentang bagaimana pancasila berhadapan dengan “islam ideologis”, “pembangunanisme dengan islam”, serta “islam dengan transformasi sosial”. dalam banyak wacana yang dikembangkan, cendekiawan muslim tahun 1980-an menempatkan islam senantiasa berhadap-hadapan dengan negara, sebab negara memposisikan dirinya berlawanan dengan umat islam. dengan kondisi seperti ini, maka pada tahun 1980-an umat islam menerapkan politik antagonistik di hadapan negara, sebagaimana dilaporkan afan gaffar (1993). mengapa umat islam (khususnya cendekiawan muslim) sebagian besar yang beraliran modernis bersifat antagonistik, sebab islam ketika itu dikonstruksikan sebagai “ekstrem kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 198 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kanan”, bersejajar secara diametral dengan “ekstrem kiri”, yakni pki yang berarti subversif dan “kucing kurap”, seperti dilaporkan oleh kuntowijoyo (1987) dan bahtiar effendy (1995). gagasan tentang “islam dan negara” adalah masih dominannya keinginan sebagian cendekiawan muslim modernis untuk menghadirkan ideologi islam sebagai dasar negara, sebagai kelanjutan dari kebebasan berorganisasi dan politik. padahal kita ketahui bahwa pada 1980-an awal sampai 1983 adalah masa-masa dimana orde baru sedang berupaya menetapkan pancasila sebagai asas tunggal yang akhirnya disahkan pada 1984 (sebagai asas tunggal partai dan ormas). oleh karena itu, sejak 1984 seluruh partai politik dan ormas islam harus berasaskan pancasila. pada kasus ormas islam, nu dan muhammadiyah menerima pancasila sebagai asas tunggal; setelah sebelumnya ppp, golkar, dan pdi sebagai tiga partai yang merupakan gabungan dari banyak partai di zaman orde sebelumnya telah menerimanya pula. sementara berkaitan dengan “islam dan pembangunanisme” (developmentalism), cendekiawan muslim 1980-an melakukan perlawanan wacana dengan menghadirkan wacana tandingan yaitu “pembangunan yang berkeadilan dan berlandaskan ke-islaman”. cendekiawan muslim seperti dawam rahardjo misalnya, melontarkan perlunya pembangunan alternatif yang lebih mensejahterakan rakyat islam yang dikonstruksikan sebagai transformasi umat islam berdasarkan ekonomi yang berkeadilan (rahardjo, 1993). sementara itu, aktivis muslim seperti adi sasono lebih memilih melontarkan perlunya sebuah paradigma pembangunan yang bersifat membela kaum miskin yang didasarkan pada pemahaman teologi islam yang pada ranah praksis untuk kaum mustadz’afin, ketimbang pembangunan yang mengabdi pada adanya proses-proses sosial yang timpang dengan dukungan proyek-proyek besar dari sumber donor internasional yang eksploitatif. adi sasono tampak sekali hendak merumuskan paradigma alternatif dari pembangunan yang memiliki perspektif teologis kaum mustadz’afin. cendekiawan muslim kuntowijoyo dan moeslim abdurrahman melakukan konstruksi gagasannya dengan mengusung diskursus ilmu sosial profetik dan islam transformatif. gagasan moeslim abdurrahman kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 199 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebenarnya didasarkan pada pemahamannya tentang perlu adanya pemahaman atau tafsir islam yang bersifat transformatif ketimbang yang bersifat ideologis, dengan melakukan pembongkaran-pembongkaran wacana dari sudut pandang analisis kelas. dengan cara demikian akan dapat ditemukan adanya alternatif pembangunan masyarakat yang lebih adil dan transformasi islam akan bisa berjalan (abdurrahman, 1995). sementara itu, kuntowijoyo sedikit berbeda dengan moeslim abdurrahman dalam mengkonstruksi islam dalam proses transformasi pembangunan, yaitu lebih mengedepankan tradisi profetik. alasannya, menurut kuntowijoyo transformasi cenderung pada analisis barat, sementara ilmu sosial profetik lebih didasarkan pada adanya transendensi yang berpijak pada tauhid (kuntowijoyo, 1987). sementara diskursus dalam isu “islam dan modernisasi”, cendekiawan seperti abdurrahman wahid dan nurcholish madjid dapat kita jadikan figur yang mewarnai diskursus ini. abdurrahman wahid misalnya, dalam memandang islam dihadapkan dengan modernisasi senantiasa berpegang pada pendapat bahwa umat islam sudah seharusnya menghadirkan islam dalam konteks modern dengan tanpa meninggalkan tradisi-tradisi lokalitas. oleh sebab itu, abdurrahman wahid mengusung apa yang dia sebut sebagai “pribumisasi islam”. disini tampak bahwa abdurrahman wahid hendak memposisikan islam sebagai bagian dari masyarakat modern, tanpa menghilangkan unsur lokalitasnya. ini yang dia terapkan pada nu sebagai organisasi tradisional tetapi harus berpikiran maju dan terus dinamis (wahid, 1980). nurcholish madjid, sebagai cendekiawan islam terkemuka indonesia, menghadirkan diskursus islam dalam arus modernisasi dalam kacamata tauhid sebagai landasannya. oleh karena itu dalam pandangan nurcholish madjid, sebagai orang beriman tidak perlu merasa khawatir akan adanya arus modernisasi, sebab dengan kita bertauhid itu artinya umat islam harus berpikiran universal, sebab tauhid sendiri di dalamnya mengandung makna universalisme islam yang berdimensi keadilan, kemajuan, dan kemandirian (madjid, 1992). dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, sejak 1990-an sampai 2000 muncullah gelombang pemikiran yang disebut gelombang pemikiran liberal di indonesia. pola pemikiran islam jenis ini sebenarnya bisa dibilang kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 200 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ merupakan kelanjutan dari pola-pola pemikiran yang telah berkembang pada 1980-an dan 1990-an yang diusung oleh cendekaiwan-cendekiawan seperti abdurrahman wahid, nurcholish madjid, djohan effendy, dan ahmad wahib. keempat cendekiawan muslim inilah yang oleh barton (1995) sebut sebagai “peletak dasar” neo-modernisme islam atau “liberal islam” dalam koteks indonesia, dengan mengacu pada adanya pemikiranpemikiran fazlur rahman. ada beberapa pokok pikiran berkaitan dengan diskursus yang dikembangkan oleh islam liberal di indonesia. diskursus yang mereka kembangkan berkaitan dengan tema-tema yang sangat fundamental, sebab menyangkut masalah doktrin islam yakni : kitab suci dan hadits nabi, sejarah umat islam, perjuangan islam (dalam konteks islam dan negara), islam dan toleransi agama, islam dan pluralisme, serta islam dan gender. dalam konsepsi gerakan islam liberal, kitab suci atau doktrin agama diturunkan bukan pada ruang hampa, karena itu jelas memiliki sebabsebab yang menjelaskan mengapa sebuah ayat atau doktrin turun. dengan berpegang pada adanya setting social yang terjadi dan mempengaruhi adanya sebuah ayat atau doktrin, maka komunitas gerakan islam liberal menawarkan pada umat islam untuk “keluar dari benteng otortitas” penafsiran kitab suci. sebab dengan tidak memberikan ruang bagi adanya tafsir yang beragam, yang akan terjadi adalah adanya otoritarinisme dalam memahami agama. padahal, agama dalam konsepsi kaum liberal islam merupakan alat untuk membebaskan umat manusia dari segala bentuk penindasan, keterpurukan, ketidakadilan dan imperialisme-imperialisme budaya lainnya. gerakan islam liberal dalam menjaga keberlangsungan wacana dengan melontarkan gagasan-gagasan tersebut dihadapan publik muslim yang sangat variatif, dari varian fundamentalis-radikal, moderat sampai liberal itu sendiri. gerakan islam liberal menempatkan wacana sebagai bagian dari kampanye besar untuk merubah konstruksi pemahaman umat islam yang selama ini telah menjadi mainstream di indonesia dengan mainstream suni dan ortodoks. dengan tema-tema yang diusung, seperti islam dan kesetraan gender, islam dan negara, islam dan pluralisme serta islam dan toleransi, sebenarnya yang terjadi adalah adanya pendasaran kembali pada hal-hal yang pernah dilakukan generasi cendekiawan muslim kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 201 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebelumnya. hanya saja, tipologi gerakan pemikiran islam liberal lebih masuk lagi pada aras teologis, yang dulu agak jarang dimasuki. untuk menjaga keberlangsungan konstruksi wacana ini, komunitas islam liberal menawarkannya melalui kampus-kampus dengan seminar, diskusi-diskusi, menulis di jurnal-jurnal, maupun bertukar pikiran dan berdebat dalam jaringan milist. ini yang agak berbeda dengan tipologi pemikiran islam sebelumnya. tipologi pemikiran islam modernis dan neo-modenris memamng melakukan kampanye wacana, namun tidak segendar gerakan kaum liberal, yang senantiasa menggunakan media sebagai sarananya. disamping mereka bergerak secara serempak dalam jejaring di seluruh tanah air. sebagai bentuk aspirasi warga negara yang lain, dapat pula kita temukan pada adanya gagasan pemberlakuan syariah islam yang terjadi di nangro aceh darussalam. gagasan pemberlakukan atau formalisasi syariah islam di aceh memang berbeda dengan gagasan islam dan syariah yang diusung komunitas gerakan islam liberal, namun dalam perspektif pluralisme gagasan ini merupakan bentuk lain dari unsure penting dalam democratic civility. gagasan untuk memberlakukan syraiah islam di aceh tampaknya didasarkan pada perda no. 5/2000 tentang pelaksanaan syariah islam, yang sisyahkan oleh gubernur abdullah puteh pada ramdhan 1421 h atau desember 2000 yang lalu. dari adanya perda syariah islam dan pensyahan dari gubernur maka gagasan tentang pemberlakuan syariah islam dianggap menjadi alternatif dalam pelaksanaan hukum nasional di indonesia, khususnya di nad. dimana perda syariah islam ini kemudian dikuatkan oleh uu no 18/ 2001 tentang otonomi khusus bagi provinsi daerah istimewa aceh sebagai provinsi nagroe aceh darussalam. di mana setelah pencanangan dan adanya uu otonomi khusus tersebut, 13 maret 2002 aceh ditetapkan sebagai daerah yang secara khusus boleh menerapkan syariah islam. satu tahun kemudian, setelah deklarasi pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad, pemerintah daerah aceh membentuk lembaga peradilan syariah yang disebut mahkamah syariah, di dasarkan pada qinun no. 10/2002 tentang peradilan islam, bahkan maret 2004 telah ada empat qonun di keluarkan. itu yang menjadi bentuk-bentuk gagasan yang mendukung kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 202 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ adanya keberlangsungan pembelrakuan syraiah islam di aceh. memang ada perdebatan di sana, sekurang-kurangnya dari pihak masyarakat sipil lainnya yang kurang menyetujui adanya pemberlakuan syariah islam di negeri ini, tetapi sebagai bentuk negara yang menunjung nilai demokratis memang tampaknya harus menerapkannya, sekalipun gagasan tersebut berbeda dengan mainstream. hal ini sebenarnya sama dengan gagasan islam liberal yang mengusung diskursus tentang perlunya kebebasan dalam mengemukakan pendapat dan adanya otonomi dalam menafsirkan doktrin kitab suci. munculnya gerakan islam liberal yang mengusung diskursus tentang perlunya otonomi penafsiran kitab suci, dan gagasan tentang pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad pada satu sisi bisa dibaca sebagai protes atas negara dan lermbaga-lembaga yang dibentuk oleh negara atau merasa memiliki ortoritas. tetapi dipihak lain juga sebagai bentuk lain dalam proses menuju negara demokratis yang menjunjung tinggi prinsip democratic civility. dengan mengusung adanya kebebasan menafsirkan kitab suci dalam kontek islam liberal, dan pemberlakuan syraiah islam di nad sebenarnya akan memberikan pola bentuk-bentuk yang memungkinkan adanya kelanjutan dari diskursus yang dibangun selama ini. jika kebebasan dapat berjalan dengan baik, sejatinya diskursus mengenai tidak adanya otorits penafsiran tunggal telah mulai tergeser, dan pemberlakuan syariah dengan sendiri juga menampati posisi yang berkelanjutan. kebebasan individu maupun kelompok pada akhirnya harus dilihat sebagai sustensi atas desentralisasi itu sendiri. bentuk yang sebenarnya hampir sama dengan dua gagasan yang dilakukan oleh gerakan islam liberal dan pemberlakuan syariah islam adalah yang dilakukan oleh kelompok masyarakat desa yang melakukan protes terhadap peristiwa pemilihan kepala desa (pilkades) pada masa orde baru. gagasan tentang protes atas pemilihan kepala desa sebenarnya merupakan suara lain dari warga negara yang bertujuan memberikan pendidikan politik warga negara terhadap penyelenggara negara itu sendiri. pendidikan politik rakyat ini bila dilihat dari sisi democratic civility sangat jelas sebagai bagian dari ekspresi kebebasan yang harus diakomodir oleh kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 203 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pihak penyelenggara negara. rakyat disini dapat diposisikan sebagai kelompok yang tidak setuju atau sekurang-kurangnya kecewa dengan pihak penyelenggara negara yang menerapkan cara-cara tidak demokratis, manipulatif, dan otoriter. gagasan tentang protes warga desa terhadap proses pemilihan kepala desa sebenarnya bentuk riil dari kebebasan berpendapat yang selama rezim orde baru berkuasa telah mengebiri hakhak kebebasan politik warga negara. sebagai gagasan yang merupakan bentuk pendidikan politik warga (civic education), protes atas pemilihan kepala desa juga memiliki makna bahwa sebetulnya rakyat di desa telah mulai memiliki kemandirian dalam berpolitik. rakyat telah memiliki pilihan-pilihan politik yang tidak bisa didikte oleh pihak rezim kekuasaan, dalam hal ini penguasa orde baru. pemaksaan-pemaksaan hak-hak politik terang saja akan bertentangan dengan prinsip democratic civility, sekaligus akan menjadikan rakyat semakin berani untuk melawan di kemudian hari, setelah tumpukantumpukan kekecewaan dan kepenatan mendapatkan ruang untuk mengartikulasikan gagasannya tersebut secara massif. dalam perspektif implementasi kebijakan desentralisasi atau otonomi daerah, gerakan protes pilkades dapat dilihat sebagai bangkitnya demokrasi desa. nilai, spirit, dan praksis demokrasi adalah bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dalam gagasan kebijakan implementasi desentralisasi. kebijakan desentralisasi mengandaikan adanya relasi yang seimbang di antara ketiga aktor utama, yaitu negara (state), rakyat (civil society), dan pasar (market). rakyat yang berdaya akan senantiasa mampu bersikap dan bertindak kritis terhadap setiap kebijakan yang dibuat oleh negara. pada gilirannya para penyelenggara negara “tidak berani” untuk bertindak sewenang-wenang dan represif terhadap rakyatnya sendiri, sebaliknya rakyat juga “dengan senang hati” mendukung pelaksanaan kebijakan negara demi meningkatkan kesejahteraan hidup mereka. dengan demikian, demokratisasi desa penting sebagai arena untuk pemberdayaan rakyat desa. dengan posisi yang seimbang antara rakyat (desa), negara, dan pasar, maka suatu tata pemerintahan desa yang baik (local good governance) dibayangkan akan dapat terwujud. logikanya, dalam suatu desa yang pemerintahannya dikelola secara baik, maka prinsip-prinsip transparansi, kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 204 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ akuntabilitas, keadilan, responsivitas terhadap kepentingan publik akan dapat diwujudkan secara riil. bangkitnya gerakan perlawanan rakyat sebenarnya akan bermanfaat ketika pihak pengelola negara memahaminya sebagai sebuah bentuk kemandirian politik warga yang mendorng bagi terjadi check and balances dalam penyelenggaraan kekuasaan, sehingga kemungkinan terjadinya korupsi dan penyelewengan kekuasaan akan dapat diminimalisasi. akan tetapi menjadi tidak produktif lagi ketika pihak penyelenggara negara melihat adanya aspirasi politik warga yang berbeda dengan mainstream negara sebagai bentuk pembangkangan sipil, sehingga negara melakukan resistensi-resistensi yang lebih kuat atas rakyatnya. akibatnya adalah rakyat tidak memiliki kemandirian berpolitik, hak-hak politik rakyat terkebiri, pemerintahan yang baik dan akuntabilitas menjadi kabur. dengan mengusung adanya ruang untuk berbeda pendapat, maka sejatinya gerakan islam liberal dalam konteks ini bisa dikatakan sebagai bentuk perlawanan terhadap otoritas keulamaan atau penafsiran oleh lembaga-lembaga agama seperti mui yang didukung oleh negara. di samping itu, gagasan tentang kebebasan berpendapat dari gerakan islam liberal sebetulnya juga merupakan bentuk perlawanan terhadapa danya semacam pemaksaan-pemaksaan wacana tunggal oleh kelompokkelompok keislaman yang secara konsepsional dalam memahami islam berbeda dengan komunitas islam liberal. perbedaan pemaknaan atas konsep-konsep yang diambil dari kitab suci misalnya soal negara islam, syariah islam, demokrasi, kesetaraan jender, hubungan antargama, atau toleransi yang di dalamnya terkait isu pluralisme agama akan jauh berbeda dengan pemaknaan yang dilakukan oleh komunitas di luar islam liberal. pemaknaan atas konsep-konsep yang merupakan derivasi dari kitab suci inilah yang kemudian menimbulkan adanya perdebatan antara komunitas islam liberal dengan komunitas di luarnya, termasuk negara, atau lembaga-lembaga keagamaan seperti mui. dalam kaitannya dengan dua prinsip democratic civility lainnya, yakni prinsip kesederajatan atau kesetaraan dan toleransi maka apa yang dilakukan oleh gerakan islam liberal dalam mengusung tema-tema tentang islam dan demokrasi, syariah islam dan negara, pluralisme agama dan hubungan antara agama sudah seharusnya mendapatkan tempat dari kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 205 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pihak negara dan kelompok yang ada di luar gerakan islam liberal. gerakan islam liberal menempatkan tema syariah islam dan negara sangat berlawanan dengan kelompk-kelompok di luar kelompok liberal. mereka meyakini bahwa syariah islam harus dibedakan dengan bentuk negara, yakni negara islam yang diusung oleh kelompok-kelompok seperti majelis muijahidin, front pembela islam, hizbut tahrir indonesia dan forum ahlusunnah wal jamaah. dalam kaitannya dengan negara dan syariah, bagi kelompok islam liberal indonesia tidak perlu secara formal berdasarkan syariah islam atau lazim disebut sebagai negara islam, sebab indonesia adalah note bene sebagai bangsa yang pluralis. resistensi yang muncul atas gagasan kaum liberal dalam mengusung tema tentang “teologi negara sekuler” misalnya, sebagai derivasi dari tidak perlunya negara islam di indonesia, mendapatkan perlawanan yang sangat kuat dari kelompok-kelompok konservatif seperti fpi, mmi, ahlusunnah wal jamaah, hti dan mui sendiri. ada banyak buku ditulis untuk melawan kampanye wacana yang diusung oleh kaum liberal, misalnya tentang fikih lintas agama, penyegaran pemahaman keagamaan di indonesia, dan syariah islam. ahmad jaiz, adalah salah satu tokoh yang melontarkan gagasan “koreksi total” atas gagasan-gagasan fikih lintas agama dan pluralisme yang diusung oleh kaum liberal islam. selain ahmad jaiz, kh athian dai, adalah tokoh lain dari mui jabar ketika menghadapi kaum liberal, khususnya ulil abshar abdalla, ketika melontarkan gagasan perlunya penyegaran pemahaman kembali atas islam. athian dai mengeluarkan “fatwa mati” atas ulil dan kawan-kawan yang dianggap telah merusak dan menghina islam. bahkan, yang menarik perlawanan atas kaum liberal juga muncul dari beberapa personal ormas islam modernis indonesia, yakni muhammadiyah. beberapa personal muhammadiyah merasa perlu menanggapi kaum liberal dengan menbuat seminar-seminar dan pertemuan-pertemuan yang memberikan judgment “perlunya pencegahan penularanvirus liberal dalam muhammadiyah”. seminar yang diadakan di kampus universitas muhammadiyah surakarta, (ums) tanggal 1-2 februari 2004 adalah bukti paling mutakhir betapa resistensinya sebagian kecil orang muhammadiyah atas gerakan liberal islam. seminar itu sendiri mengambil tema “membincangkan virus liberalisme dalam islam dan muhammadiyah”, dengan menghadirkan kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 206 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nara sumber antara prof. ugi suharto, adian husaini, ma, yunahar ilyas, ma, dan dr. yunan yusuf, dua orang terakhir adalah representasi muhammadiyah. inilah perlawanan yang muncul dari luar atas gagasan islam liberal di indonesia. hal yang sama juga berlaku bagi masyarakat nad yang mengusung gagasan pemberlakuan syariah islam di daerah istimewa aceh. gagasan tentang pemberlakuan syariah islam harus dibaca sebagai bentuk gagasan lain yang nilainya sama-sama harus ditolerir doleh negara dan kelompok masyarakat lainnya yang tidak sepaham. kasus yang spesifik lainnya agar negara dan pihak lain mentolerir adalah adanya gerakan protes rakyat atas proses pemilihan kepala desa sebuah desa di jawa. protes rakyat atas proses pemilihan kepala desa sebenarnya merupakan bentuk dari ketidakpuasan warga negara dalam penyelenggaraan proses proses politik. oleh sebab itulah, pihak negara yang merasa berwenang menyelenggarakan harus mendengar protes tersebut sebagai bagian dari hak-hak yang setara dihadapan hukum sekalipun dilakukan oleh rakyat kecil dan bukan pemegang kekuasaan di tingkat desa. dalam konteks kebebasan, kesederajatan dan toleransi, baik yang dilakukan oleh gerakan islam liberal di indonesia, pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad dan perlawanan masyarakat desa di klaten sebenarnya dapat dilihat sebagai bagian dari sustensi yang dilakukan masyarakat dalam membangun democratic civility. jika mereka dapat diterima oleh kelompok lain, termasuk dalam hal ini negara, maka proses menuju democratic civility berjalan dnegan baik, tetapi jika kemudian mengalami penolakanpenolakan yang kuat maka proses menuju democratic civility berjalan muncur, alias berhenti. pendek kata, resistensi dalam konetk ini sebenarnya muncul dari dua belah pihak. dari pihak pengusung liberalisme islam adalah melawan adanya dominasi dan hegemoni wacana keislaman oleh kelompok dan institusi tertentu, dan diphak lain muncul dari mereka yang anti terhadap gerakan liberal islam di indonesia, dalam hal ini adalah kelompok konservatif-radikal di kalangan islam dan institusi negara seperti mui dan lembaga-lembaga “pembangunan lainnya”. dalam perspektif gerakan sosial (social movement), gagasan perlawanan rakyat desa terhadap hegemoni kekuasaan negara dalam kasus penelitian kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 207 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ini berbentuk protes rakyat desa terhadap penyelenggaraan pilkades, dapat dilihat sebagai ujung (apex) dari gerak perubahan dunia yang menuntut tegaknya nilai-nilai demokrasi, penegakan hak asasi manusia (ham), dan pelestarian lingkungan hidup (soetrisno, 1994). di tingkat nasional gelombang pergeseran dunia ini mendorong lahirnya gerakan-gerakan protes sosial dari berbagai kalangan masyarakat atas kesewenang-wenangan negara, penindasan, serta penerapan kebijakan yang tidak adil, yang berujung pada lahirnya reformasi mei 1998. momentum ini menjadi semacam pembuka peluang politik (political opportunity) bagi warga negara (termasuk rakyat desa) untuk memperjuangkan aspirasinya, “suara hatinya” yang telah lama tertindas. di titik ini, peristiwa protes pilkades dapat dibaca sebagai ungkapan partisipasi rakyat dalam arena politik yang baru (atmosfir otonomi daerah) atau perwujudan berbagai ide tentang pembaruan desa, yang meliputi : meruntuhkan aroganisme negara (state hegemony) yang kerap bertindak sewenang-wenang, membalik model penyelenggaraan birokrasi negara yang bersifat feodal, sentralistis (topdown oriented), dan serba seragam (uniform). gagasan-gagasan yang dilontarkan oleh gerakan islam liberal di indonesia, tampaknya tema-tema yang diusung oleh kelompok ini masih dianggap sebagai tema-tema yang elitis, tidak menyentuh kebutuhan masyarakat luas di kalangan umat islam. tema-tema seperti islam dan negara, jelas menjadi konsumsi para cendekiawan muslim itu sendiri bukan masyarakat islam yang awam, sebab masyarakat awam tidak mempermasalahkan apa itu dasar negara. hal serupa juga berkaitan dengan tema islam dan pluralisme, islam dan kesetaraan jender, tampak sekali gagasan islam liberal masih terlihat elitis, sebab masalah pluralisme agama dan toleransi sebenarnya bisa dibilang sebagai tema kelas menengah perkotaan, tema kaum terdidik yang telah mengenal diskursus tentang modernisasi, sekularisasi, sementara masyarakat islam awam setiap hari bergelut dengan kepelbagaian tanpa memahami bahwa hal itu berkenaan dengan pluralisme agama, dan sekaligus toleransi. bahkan, bisa dibilang kendala utama tentang tema-tema yang diusung oleh islam liberal itu datang dari elit islam, seperti yang ada di mui, front pembela islam, majelis mujahidin dan forum ahlu sunnah wal kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 208 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ jamaah yang secara penafisran memang berbeda dengan islam liberal dan masyarakat pada umumnya. antara gerakan cendekiawan islam liberal, dengan institusi-institusi resmi seperti mui, nu, muhammadiyah dan fpi, majelis mujahidin, forum ahlus sunnah wal jamaah berada pada posisi yang berseberangan. nu dan muhammadiyah, sekalipun tidak mendukung gerakan islam liberal, tetapi tidak secara institusional menentang islam liberal, sekalipun beberapa personalnya tidak setuju dengan gagasan-gagasan yang dilontarkan oleh gerakan islam liberal. sementara itu, fpi, mmi, ahlusunnah waljamaah dan hti secara terang-terangan institusional dan individual jelas berseberangan dengan gerakan islam liberal dalam melakukan artikulasi islam di indonesia. apapun yang dikonstruksikan oleh gerakan islam liberal di mata fpi, mmi, ahlusunnah waljamaah dan hti merupakan sesuatu yang dianggap membahayakan akidah umat islam dan kesatuan umat islam, sehingga menurut mereka gerakan islam liberal harus diwaspadai. sebab dalam pandangan mereka gerakan islam liberal merupakan gerakan pemrutadan yang didukung oleh lemabaga-lembaga donor amerika, yahudi dan nasrani. inilah kendala paling serius yang dihadapi oleh gerakan islam liberal dalam mengusung gagasan-gagasannya di tanah air ini. pada tingkat basis massa dalam komunnitas desa (grassroot level), upaya mendorong gerak demokratisasi desa tidaklah mudah. secara historis penduduk desa di indonesia telah cukup lama (sekitar tiga dekade lebih), hilang dari peredaran orbit pergerakan politik bangsa. rakyat desa telah di-exclude, dipinggirkan, di-non faktor-kan dalam panggung politik bangsa selama rezim orde baru berkuasa, melalui penerapan kebijakan massa mengambang (floating mass). kenyataan ini menjadikan rakyat desa, dan warga negara indonesia umumnya, mengalami apa yang disebut sebagai “kelambanan sosial” (social inertia), yaitu keengganan atau ketakutan untuk terlibat dalam urusan-urusan “politik negara” meski hal itu menyangkut kepentingan rakyat banyak. tentu tidak gampang memperbaiki atau mengubah keadaan seperti ini. harus ada kemauan politik yang kuat dari negara untuk membongkar “kemandulan politik” warga ini. selain itu, sudah menjadi rahasia umum bahwa tingkat pendidikan, kesehatan, dan kesejahteraan hidup sebagian besar penduduk desa adalah rendah. kenyataan ini juga berdampak pada lemahnya jaringan sosial komunitas kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 209 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ desa dengan gerakanan pro demokrasi yang berkembang diluar desa. 2. institusi dan mobilisasi gerakan berdasarkan tiga penelitian dengan fokus kajian yang berbeda, maka institusi dan mobilisasi gerakan yang berkaitan dengan sustensi dan resistensi dalam hubungannya dengan democratic civility, dapat dijelaskan sebagai berikut. pertama, kasus gerakan islam liberal. kelompok ini sebenarnya secara institusional tidak ada, tetapi gerakan islam liberal lebih mendedikasikan dirinya pada bentuk-bentuk komunitas atau jaringan intelektual, yang dalam khazanah ilmu-ilmu social lazim disebut sebagai basis epistemis komunitasnya atau epistemic communities yang di dalamnya memuat elemenelemen tentang gagasan atau ide, akto-aktor, komunitas, dan gerakan sehingga sebauh group dapat dinamakan sebagai gerakan yang melibatkan komunitas banyak dengan visi yang sama. gerakan islam liberal dengan berbasiskan kaum intelektual di lingkungan kampus, lembaga swadaya masyarakat, mahasiswa di uin dan beberapa di perguruan tinggi umum berupaya dengan terang-terangan menyuarakan gagasan-gagasan seperti dikemukakan di atas, aktor-aktor yang terlibat, jaringan, dan gerakan pada akhirnya dapat dilihat dimana sebenarnya mereka bermain dan mengambil peran dalam proses sustensi dan resistensi terhadap negara atau pihak yang berada di luar mereka. secara institusional, sekali lagi gerakan islam liberal tidak ada, kecuali yang memang menamakan diri jaringan islam liberal yang dipimpin ulil abshar abdalla, dengan komunitasnya di teater utan kayu jakarta. dengan nama jaringan seperti itu, sekalipun ada koordinator, sebenarnya yang menghidupkan jil itu sendiri adalah mereka yang memiliki kesamaan visi tentang islam indonesia yang lebih demokratis, toleran, pluralis dan menghormati ham. dengan aktor-aktor yang ratarata scholar, jil memang sangat gencar berkampanye tentang tema-tema yang selama ini dianggap “sakral” untuk didiskusikan. namun yang harus diketahui bahwa di luar komunitas yang secara langsung menamakan diri sebagai komunitas islam liberal, seperti jil, ada beberapa komunitas yang sebenarnya memiliki visi dan misi yang sama dalam memobilisasi gerakan di tengah masyarakat. kelompok gerakan kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 210 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ islam liberal yang institusional bisa disebutkan di sini seperti pusat studi wanita di lingkungan uin jakarta dan uin yogyakarta. dua pusat studi wanita ini dapatlah dikatakan sebagai komunitas yang terlembaga, yang sangat kuat dalam menyebarkan visi tentang kesetaraan jender dan hakhak politik kaum perempuan. di luar psw uni jakarta dan uin yogyakarta, ada beberapa ngo yang bergerak dalam memobilisasi tema-tema kesetaraan jender dan demokratisasi politik berkaitan dengan hak-hak politik dan kebebasan berkspresi adalah yayasan rahima di jakarta yang dipimpin shinta nuriyah wahid, dan beberapa aktivis perempuan yang memiliki basis pendidikan keagamaan pesantren dan uin. selain mobilitas social gerakan islam liberal itu bekerja melalui pusatpusat studi wanita dan ngo-ngo yang menaruh perhatian pada isu-isu kesehatan reproduksi, kesetaraan gender seperti diatas, juga ada beberapa lembaga yang secara intens melakukan “kampanye” tentang tema-tema liberal, seperti lembaga kajian islam dan sosial (lkis), di yogyakarta, elsad di surabaya, lakpesdam nu di jakarta, paramadina di jakarta, serta p3m di jakarta. lembaga-lemabaga ini secara rutin melakukan kampanye tentang tema-tema yang tergolong liberal seperti kita ketahui bersama. tema-tema tentang pluralisme agama, toleransi agama, kawin antaraagama dan pribumisasi islam menjadi bagian dari kampanye wacana yang sehari-hari. dalam menyebarkan gagasan-gagasan tentang kesetaraan jender, pluralisme agama, ham dan demokrasi komunitas islam liberal ini secara massif melakukan advokasi melalui media massa dengan menulis, membuat makalah, mengisi ceramah-ceramah dan menulis buku yang sesuai dengan misinya. telah ratusan artikel di tulis untuk “kampanye gagasan” yang menjadi misinya, puluhan buku telah ditulisnya yang sejalan dengan misi gerakan islam liberal. dan tentu saja sebagai bentuk resistensi atas gerakan komunitas islam liberal ratusan artikel pun telah ditulis, puluhan pertemuan dibuat, dan puluhan buku ditulis. ada yang bersemangat melakukan debat secara akademis, dalam arti objek menilai apa yang dikemukakan oleh komunitas islam liberal, tetapi tidak sedikit yang bersifat “penghakiman” in abcentia, sehingga tampak tendensius. dalam perspektif gerakan sosial, suatu protes sosial dapat meletus kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 211 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ biasanya karena adanya dukungan dari berbagai lembaga yang secara efektif dapat melakukan mobilisasi massa, disebut sebagai mobilizing structure (mc. adam, 2003). dalam kasus protes pilkades di sebuah desa di klaten, jawa tengah ini, lembaga-lembaga yang mendukung gerakan protes warga ialah berasal dari dalam dan luar desa. dari dalam desa ialah hubungan ketetanggaan di dalam dukuh dan antar dukuh. hubungan sosial antar dukuh terjalin karena adanya persamaan visi tentang penyelenggaraan pilkades yang tidak jujur dan upaya untuk menuntut keadilan. selain itu, hubungan kekerabatan (genealogis) ikut berperan besar dalam memperat dukungan untuk melakukan protes. dukungan dari luar desa berasal dari jaringan warga desa yang telah sukses diluar desa (kelas menengah kota). selain itu dukungan juga datang dari para aktivis gerakan mahasiswa dan lbh yogya. namun, ada modal sosial terpendam atau faktor laten yang berfungsi sebagai “api dalam sekam” yang turut membakar kekecewaan warga desa (social grievances), hingga mendorong meletusnya gerakan protes yaitu berbagai kasus pemaksaan kehendak dan intimidasi aparat desa terhadap warganya demi melanggengkan kekuasaan negara. misalnya, kasus diskriminasi dalam penyaluran listrik, penarikan pajak tanah yang terlampau memberatkan warga, intimidasi terhadap aktivis parpol ppp. fenomena perang wacana yang terjadi sebenarnya sangat baik dalam era keterbukaan sehingga menjadikan rakyat banyak para pemeluk islam dapat melihat varianvarian kelompok islam yang ada di negeri ini. tetapi, baik pihak komunitas islam liberal maupun di luar komunitas liberal kadang sama-sama mempertahankan argumentasinya sehingga seakan-akan kelompok merekalah yang paling memenuhi syarat untuk diikuti. namun, sisi positifnya sebagaimana dapat dilihat adalah adanya pelbagai varian pendapat tentang memahami islam di indonesia sehingga menjadikan umat islam secara umum lebih bisa memilih islam yang mana sebagai bahan anutannya. perdebatan wacana yang tampil di media massa, media elektronik, buku dan jurnal sebenarnya bila boleh dikatakan adalah melakukan perlawanan terhadap hegemoni wacana yang dilakukan oleh sebuah institusi yang bernama mui, kelompok-kelompok islam kategori radikal seperti hizbut tahrir indonesia, majelis mujahiddin indonesia dan front pembela iskelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 212 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lam dan beberapa kelompok “ulama konservatif’. memang antara komunitas islam liberal dengan mereka tidak atau belum pernah terjadi kontak fisik, tetapi model-model penghakiman, bahkan fatwa mati, fatwa kufur pernah terjadi. resistensi dari kelompok di luar islam liberal atas mereka terjadi secara perseorangan maupun secara institusional. bersyukur dalam kasus islam liberal dengan non islam liberal negara tidak banyak turutcampur secara langsung, tetapi lembaga seperti mui terlibat aktif dalam kampanye “anti islam liberal di indonesia”. bahkan, untuk melawan gerakan mobilitas kaum liberal orams islam seperti muhammadiyah juga melakukan responsnya sekalipun hanya beberapa gelintir sebenarnya, tetapi menggunakan justifikasi organisasi. apa yang pernah dilakukan muhammadiyah wilayah yogyakarta atas amin abdullah dan abdul munir mulkhan untuk “mempertanggung jawabkan gagasannya tentang “pluralisme islam dan toleransi” ketika majlis tarjih pp muhammadiyah mengeluarkan buku “tafsir tematik hubungan antaragama” adalah bentuk mobilitas sosial orang muhammadiyah yang hendak melakukan perlawanan atas gagasan-gagasan liberal kedua tokoh pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah. dua tokoh muhammadiyah pusat ini berkampanye tentang perlunya pemahaman yang lebih memadai tentang pluralisme agama (islam), di samping perlunya mendiskusikan secara terbuka apa yang disebut kawin antaragama, doktrin tentang keselamatan, kebenaran tunggal dan seterusnya, sehingga akan ada titik temu antara pihak yang berada di pihak yang meyakini adanya keselamatan di luar islam, dan yang meyakini kesalamatan hanya dalam islam. perdebatan berlangsung berkali-kali dan berjalan alot, sebab antara pihak yang meyakini keselamatan ada dimana-mana dan yang meyakini keselamatan hanya ada dalam islam berjalan tidak seimbang, bahkan kadang terlihat saling “menghujat” dan memenangkan pendapatnya. namun yang hendak disampaikan disini adalah adanya bentuk mobilitas gerakan antara dua pihak yang “berselisih” dengan sama-sama kuatnya, sehingga proses menuju titik temu kadang sulit terjadi, yang terjadi kemudian adalah adanya kecurigaan-kecurigaan yang terus menerus. dari kajian yang dilakukan ditemukan bahwa pihak-pihak yang kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 213 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “bertikai” dalam mobilisasi gerakan dan institusi yang digunakan ternyata peran negara sebenarnya tidak terlalu doninan, tetapi lebih kentara antara lembaga-lembaga yang berlatarbelakang masyarakat sipil dalam arti seperti kelompok-kelompok keagamaan itu sndiri, dan personal-personal dari organisasi-organisasi islam seperti muhammadiyah, nu, dan mui. jika dari kelompok islam liberal lebih bersifat personal dan jaringan, maka dari pihak lawannya berlatar belakang front atau malah lemabaga permanen yang memiliki struktur kepengurusan secara massif dan berjenjang dari tingkat pusat sampai ranting. kedua, dalam kasus pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad, mobilisasi gerakan yang dilakukan dalam rangka mendukung “proyek pemberlakuan syariah islam” adalah menerbitkan perda, uu dan pensahan yang dilakukan oleh gubernur abudllah puteh. adanya beberapa qonun yang telah dikeluarkan oleh pemerintahan nad adalah bukti-bukti bagaimana proyek syariah islam terus bergerak maju sekalipun ada kontraversi di sana-sini. beberapa qonun yang telah ditetapkan antara lain: qonun tentang minuman keras, khamar dan sejenisnya, qonun tentang perjudian, dan qonun tentang mesum atau bepergian di tempat tersembunyi yang menjurus ke perbuatan zina. pemberlakuan syariah islam ini memang merupakan keputusan yang sangat kabur mengingat ketika itu situasi aceh masih tidak menentu dari segi keamanan. bahkan ada yang berpendapat kalau pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad sebenarnya sebuah keputusan tergesa-gesa sehingga tidak mengakar sama sekali. atau dengan kata lain hanya keputusan politis, pihak pemerintah abdurrahman wahid dan megawati ketika itu karena adanya tekanan-tekanan yang datang dari masyarakat lokal. sementara, syariah islam ditetapkan untuk nad, ada gejolak yang menunjukkan protes atas keputusan-keputusan dan qonun yang telah dikeluarkan. masyarakat nad ternyata, berkenaan dengan menunaikkan shalat jum’at misalnya, tetapi ada sebagian yang tidak mau mengerjakan dengan alasan bahwa ibadah bukanlah karena ketakutan kepada aturan buatan manusia, atau aturan negara tetapi dating dari tuhan. oleh sebab itu, adanya aturan formal dari negara sebenarnya merupakan pengambilalihan aturan tuhan oleh manusia, sehingga nanti akan ada kalkulasi dosa dan pahala, sorga dan neraka dari versi negara. ini tentu kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 214 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ saja bentuk gerakan resistensi yang akan berbahaya jika bekerjanya dapat secara massif, karena akan terjadi pembangkangan sipil yang lebih bersemarak. protes yang dilancarkan masyarakat nad atas pemberlakuan syariah islam adalah soal busana muslim atau jilbab bagi kaum perempuan. menurut hasil penelitian di nad tentang pemberlakuan syariah islam tentang busana muslim adalah di jajaran pemerintahan, polisi dan seluruh departemen tampaknya bukan saja dilatarbelakangi karena sebagai seorang muslim, tetapi juga didorong karena ketakutan akan sangsi social dari masyarakat dan sekaligus dari atasan. ini yang sebeanrnya perlu dicermati apakah pemakaian busana muslimah di nad karena kesadaran sendiri atau ketakutan pada pimpinan negara adalah sesuatu yang menjadikan pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad menjadi penting didiskusikan kembali. penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa sejak si mpr sebenarnya telah banyak perempuan nad yang telah memakali busana muslimah, tetapi juga karena adanya sweeping yang dilakukan oleh kelompok gam pada saat perempuan naik kendaraan bermotor, baik bersama saaudaranya atau sendirian. oleh sebab itu, pemakaian busana muslimah harusnya menjadi perhatian oleh banyak pihak, sebab pemakaian busana muslimah itu termasuk dari bagian ajaran islam yang seharusnya muncul dari diri sendiri, bukan atas dasar pemaksaan dan ketakutann pada pimpinan. gam memang bukan representasi kaum muslim indonesia atau nad, tetapi sebagai bagian dari bentuk gerakan peberlakuan syariah islam di nad keberadaan gam dan pihak pemerintah daerah layak diperhatikan sehingga tidak terjadi apa yang kita khawatirkan yakni kebeban beragama, berekspresi dan kesetaraan menjadi hilang. adapun dalam kasus protes pemilihan kepala desa di sebuah desa di klaten, jawa tengah, kita dapat melihat bagaimana mobilisasi gerakan sebagai bagian dari gerakan massif yang melawan pihak berkuasa, yaitu jaringan birokrasi pemerintah mulai dari tingkat desa hingga kabupaten. secara terang-terangan instansi-instansi pemerintah seperti kantor kecamatan, kabupaten (terutama bagian sosial politik) berusaha membendung dan mengulur waktu kepada para pemrotes agar mengurungkan niatnya menggugat ke ptun. kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 215 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lembaga legislatif (dprd kabupaten) dan juga partai politik jelas sekali berada pada posisi subordinasi kekuasaan eksekutif. lembaga-lembaga politik ini tidak berdaya memperjuangkan aspirasi warganya, tidak berdaya mengawasi pejabat birokrasi pemerintah kabupaten, dan justru terkesan ikut “menindas” dan “melawan”, atau setidaknya menghambat, upaya penduduk desa untuk menegakkan keadilan dari proses pilkades yang dianggap tidak adil (penuh rekayasa). bahkan, lembaga pengadilan pun (ptun di provinsi) nyaris dikooptasi juga oleh pejabat birokrasi pemerintah daerah untuk memuaskan kepentingan pejabat birokrasi. namun, karena penduduk desa gigih mengawal dan memperjuangkan tuntutannya (disertai dampingan dari lbh), maka upaya intervensi birokrasi pemda kabupaten dapat digagalkan, bahkan ptun akhirnya memenangkan tuntutan warga desa. satu kelompok kekuatan negara yang secara menyolok dan dengan tegas berusaha menumpas gerakan protes rakyat ialah aparat polisi (polsek, polres) dan tentara (koramil, kodim). agak berlebihan jika untuk menghadapi demonstrasi penduduk desa terhadap rencana pelantikan kepala desa, didatangkan beberapa truk pasukan tempur dan anti huru hara mengepung desa. ada kesan aparat keamanan over acting atau tidak tahu medan, sehingga ibaratnya “untuk menangkap seekor tikus harus membakar lumbung padi”. aparat kepolisian dan militer secara represif berusaha meneror tokoh-tokoh pergerakan desa dengan cara interogasi dan penahanan sementara. cara-cara ini ternyata justru semakin menghidupkan semangat penduduk desa untuk melawan aparat negara. dalam kasus ini tampak jelas bahwa rezim kekuasaan orde baru dibangun di atas sebuah “istana pasir”, nampak kukuh kuat dengan dukungan militer dan birokrasi yang berjenjang terpusat, namun ternyata mudah patah (getas) dan rapuh ketika menghadapi gelombang tuntutan rakyatnya sendiri (mas’oed, 1999). berkaitan dengan mobilisi gerakan dan intitusi yang ada dalam kaitannya dengan gerakan islam liberal adalah karena gerakan islam liberal ini tidaklah merupakan institusi permanen, tetapi lebih bersifat jaringan atau komunitas, sehingga tingkat mobilitas gerakannya kadang tidak terkontrol dengan baik dan tidak sampai pada tingkat akar rumput (grassroot level). mobilisasi gerakan yang terjadi adalah mobilisasi gerakan kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 216 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pada level “perkotaan” di kampus-kampus, sehingga para penikanya terlalu sedikit. bahkan, yang lebih celaka adalah setiap mobilisasi gerakan yang dilakukan oleh islam liberal senantiasa dicurigai sebagai kepanjangan tangan amerika atau sekurang-kurangnya dituduh sebagai “gerakan yang berkdeok keislaman” tetapi sebenarnya merupakan gerakan pemurtadan dan pengacau pemikiran islam di indonesia. dengan tuduhan seperti ini maka yang terjadi adalah adanya kecurigaan-kecurigaan pada tingkat masyarakat awam (grassroot) dan juga pada level perkotaan, seperti ditunjukkan oleh sebagian kecil orang muhammadiyah, nu, dan dunia kampus. sehingga dianggap sebagai gerakan pengacau akidah dan pemikiran islam, maka yang terjadi kemudian adalah adanya fatwa-fatwa dan penghakiman atas mereka yang dikategorikan sebagai liberal, baik dalam muhammadiyah maupun nu. hal ini dikerjakan secara serempak dengan melakukan kampanye-kampanye di kampus, seperti; universitas muhammadiyah, tingkat pimpinan wilayah, daerah, cabang, dan ranting muhammadiyah. lembaga yang paling gencar menyerang terhadap munculnya kelompk liberal islam adalah majelis ulama indonesia (mui), serta jamaah-jamaah seperti fpi, hti, ahlusunnah waljamaah, mmi sehingga hampir seluruh mobilitas gerakan kaum liberal senantiasa berhadapan dengan mereka. diamana ada gerakan yang dilakukan oleh kelompok liberal, maka disitu akan segera gerakan yang dilakukan untuk melakukan tandingan bahkan perlawanan atau sekurang-kurangnya gerakan “koreksi total” atas gerakan islam liberal. itulah kendala yang sangat riil dihadapi kaum liberal, ketika hendak mengemas ide-ide dalam bentuk masifiats gerakan, sehingga sampai saat ini wacana dan gerakan yang dikerjakan oleh kaum liberal masih sebatas tingkat elit dan pada keomunitas yang sangat terbatas, yakni dunia akademik (kampus) dan beberapa penerbitan saja, seperti lkis, elsad, paramadina, rahima, fahmina, lakpesdam nu, psw dan p3m. ketiga, dalam kasus protes pilkades, kendala utama dalam melakukan mobilisasi massa untuk melawan hegemoni kekuasaan negara (di tingkat desa direpresentasikan oleh kepala desa beserta perangkatnya) terutama kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 217 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ialah adanya faksionalisme dalam tubuh pergerakan pro pembaruan. gejala ini kian menguat dan meledak, justru ketika perjuangan mereka untuk menurunkan kepala desa terpilih telah berhasil. setelah dilakukan pemilihan ulang, dan salah satu tokoh utama pemrotes terpilih menjadi kepala desa yang baru, timbul perpecahan dalam kelompok pemrotes. gejala perpecahan muncul karena adanya sebagian tokoh gerakan yang tidak mendukung proses pembaruan desa secara tuntas (dengan cara membongkar seluruh praktik kkn yang dilakukan oleh aparat desa), sedangkan di sisi lain terutama dari kalangan pemuda menuntut dilakukan pembaruan pemerintahan desa secara tuntas. bibit perpecahan juga muncul akibat terlalu terburu-burunya kelompok pemrotes mendakwa seseorang dianggap sebagai kawan dan lawan, dalam mendukung gerakan protes. namun, secara hipotetis dapat dikatakan bahwa dalam kondisi kelembagaan desa yang tengah mengalami proses transformasi dari lembaga-lembaga yang bersifat komunal-tradisional menjadi lembaga yang bersifat asosiasional-modern, tentu pranata sosial budaya yang bekerja di dalam komunitas desa belum efektif seluruhnya. proses transisional ini berimplikasi pada adanya sekelompok warga desa yang kesulitan menangkap semangat zaman (demokratisasi) di satu sisi, di sisi lain ada sekelompok lain yang telah merasa tiba saatnya unutuk melakukan pembaruan desa secara paripurna. 3. program aksi apa program konkret yang dilakukan ketiga komunitas dalam konteks penelitian ini dalam kaitannya dengan democratic civility. berikut paparan tentang kegiatan aksi yang dilakukan masing-masing komunitas. kasus gerakan islam liberal misalnya, mereka melakukan gerakan dengan program konkret melakukan kampanye tema-tema yang diusung lewat taolkshow radio, memberikan ceramah-ceramah di kampus, seminar, diskusi, menulis artikel, dan menulis di jurnal. disamping itu, gerakan islam liberal melakukan kontak-kontak dengan komunitas lainnya melalui miling list, penyebaran pamlet, tukar menukar informasi kegiatan dan diskusi inrternal di antara mereka. bahkan, mereka melakukan diseminasi gagasan melaui kegiatan-kegiatan yang bersifat kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 218 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “proyek” dengan mengupayakan dari funding agency, atau dengan menjadi researcher felloship dan sejenisnya. mereka juga melakukan training-training tentang tema-tema yang dikampanyekan, serta memberikannya dalam kuliah-kuliah. sementara dalam kasus pemberlakuan syriah islam di nad, program aksi yang dilakukan adalah dengan menerbitkan aturan-aturan dan qonun sebagai landasan untuk bergerak. mereka ada yang menerima tetapi sebagian melakukan perlawanan atas qonuan dan aturan yang telah disyahkan. mereka juga menulis opini di media bagi yang setuju atau yang tidak setuju, hanya saja intensitasnya sangat rendah sebab media massa yang ada tidak terlalu bernai untuk mengkampanyekan pendapat yang menolak pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad, sementara yang mendukung seringkalai harus dimuat. sedangkan untuk kasus protes atas pemilihan kepala desa, program konkret yang mereka lakukan adalah melakukan demonstrasi di tingkat desa, kecamatan, dan kabupaten untuk memprotes kepala desa yang tidak disetujui. selain melakukan protes dengan demonstrasi, mereka juga melakukan pertemuan-pertemuan dengan kelompok pro reformasi di tingkat desa yang berfungsi untuk mengakomodir pendapat-pendapat yang mendukung protes tersebut. disamping itu, mereka juga melakukan pendidikan politik dengan melakukan pelatihan-pelatihan aksi dan demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh atau mengundang para aktivis pro demokrasi. namun, aksi seperti ini dilawan oleh mereka yang mendukung kepala desa terpilih dengan melakukan aksi protes tandingan oleh kelompok pendukung kepala desa terpilih. gerakan islam liberal dalam mengusung tema-tema dan mobilitas gerakan sebenarnya bisa dikatakan sebagai bentuk perlawanan atas dua hal. pertama sebagai bentuk perlawanan atas munculnya gerakan islam yang seakan-akan benar sendiri seperti majelis mujahidin, front pembela islam (fpi), front pembela islam surakarta (fpis), forum ahlusunnah waljamaah dan hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti). kedua adanya bnetukbentuk pembakuan atas penafsiran dotrin-donktrin islam yang dilakukan oleh lembaga-lembaga yang berada di dalam negara seperti mui, serta ormas islam seperti nu dan muhammadiyah. disamping itu, kehadiran islam liberal bisa dikatakan sebagai bentuk kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 219 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ respon positif atas terjadinya perubahan-perubahan di tingkat global yang pada aras tertentu menyebabkan munculnya gerakan-gerakan fundamentalis radikal di kalangan umat islam, seperti yang dilakukan oleh kelompok hamas, jamaah islamiyah, dan para pengikut osamah bin laden. islam liberal melakukan perlawanan adanya hegemoni pemakanaan atas kitab suci yangberdimensi “kekerasan dan peperangan” dengan menghadirkan islam yang berwajah ramah dan warna-warni. sementara dari pihak non islam liberal resistensi dilakukan untuk “menghadang” kampanye yang wacana yang dilakukan oleh kaum liberal, sehingga kampanye wacana melalui media massa, melalui buku-buku, televisi, seminar-seminar dan diskusi-diskusi tidak kemudian merebak ketangah masyarakat islam, terutama kaum awam di pedesaan, bahkan di level perkotaan seperti kampus-kampus. resistensi terhadap protes yang dilakukan oleh sebagian penduduk desa datang dari pejabat pemerintah desa (dalam kasus ini tokoh sentralnya ialah seorang carik atau sekretaris desa), kecamatan, hingga kebaupaten. namun, perlawanan yang paling sengit terhadap aksi protes rakyat desa datang dari aparat militer dan polisi. secara sistematis kedua kelompok aparat negara ini melakukan pengintaian, penangkapan, intimidasi, dan interogasi terhadap tokoh-tokoh utama protes pilkades. selain itu resistensi juga dari penduduk di dukuh dimana carik dan kepala desa terpilih bertempat tinggal. kendala utama yang dihadapi kaum liberal adalah, adanya mainset umat yang telah sekian lama “membeku” sehingga ketika ada gagasan-gagasan baru yang dikemukakan secara segera dituduh sebagai gerakan yang melanggar akidah dan syariah. pola berpikir yang serba monolit dan lurus inilah yang sebenarnya memberikan beban tersendiri bagi gerakan aksi kaum liberal di masyarakat. demikian berat melakukan “pembebasan” wacana pada tingkat masyarakat kampus dan awam sehingga umat islam tetap bisa berkreasi sesuai dengan perkembangan dan perubahan masyarakat. wacana masyarakat sudah demikian lama terkungkung dalam budaya tunggal dan represif sehingga agak sulit untuk berpikir yang multi varian. selain kendala utama seperti itu, karena gerakan islam liberal bukan sebuah gerakan yang terinstitusionalisasi, tetapi lebih bersifat jaringan dan kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 220 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ komunitas maka program aksi yang berjalan juga sangat tergantung dari militansi” yang dimiliki oleh masing-masing individu, komunitas dan jaringan tersebut. disini jelas sekali menguras stamina pada masing-masing individu, jarinngan maupun komunitas ketika harus berhadapan dengan pola piker masyarakat yang sudah terbiasa berpikir tunggal dan hegemoni. terakhir, kendala yang muncul dari gerakan islam liberal adalah adanya tuduhan ditingkat personal yang berlatarbelakang ormas keislaman seperti nu dan muhammadiyah serta lembaga semacam mui yang telah menuduh bahwa kaum liberal islam adalah antek amerika, antek barat, antek yahudi dan kristen sehingga program-program aksi yang dilakukan seringkali tidak mendapatkan dukungan oleh masyarakat luas, tetapi dicurigai dan pelru mendapatkan pengawasan ketat, sehingga bila diperlukan dibuabrkan ketika sedang mengadakan forum, atau sekurangkurangnya ketika mendatangkan pembicara dalam seminar-seminar senantiasa diaintai untuk “dihabisi” di tengah seminar tersbut. akibat yang paling kentara adalah adanya stigma negatif atas kaum liberal dalam mengembangkan program aksinya. setiap program aksi yang didalamnya diidentifikasi oleh kelompok non liberal ada aktor-aktor intelektual kaum liberal maka perlawanan dengan segera akan dimunculkan, dan disebarkan pada publik bahwa apa yang dikemukakan dan dikerjakan adalah sebuah pengkafiran bentuk baru dengan mengusung tema-tema yang dibungkus dengan jargon-jkargon akademik (ilmiah). inilah yang oleh kelompok non liberal sebut sebagai “manipulasi islam dengan bahasa ilmiah”. dengan semangat kecurigaan dari pihak non liberal dan mendapatkan dukungan dari sebagian personal dari kalangan nu, muhammadiyah serta mui, maka gerakan-gerakan seperti fpi, mmi, hizbut tahrir, dan ahlusunnah wal jamaah akhirnya mendapatkan tempat dihati umat islam kebanyakan, ketimbang gerakan islam liberal. tentu saja penghakiman dan kecurigaan yang dialamatkan pada islam liberal masih bisa diperdebatkan, tetapi kajian ini memberikan bukti bahwa umat islam awam masih meyakini bahwa kebenaran berada pada pihak non liberal. sementara pihak liberal islam diasosiasikan sebagai pihak murtadin dan karena sesat tidak boleh diikuti pola pemikirannya. dalam kasus protes pilkades, kendala utama dalam menggerakkan kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 221 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rakyat desa melawan hegemoni dan represi negara adalah persoalan ekonomi warga desa. dengan dukungan sebagian besar buruh tani sebagai basis massa pemrotes, banyak petani yang terpaksa meninggalkan pekerjaan pertaniannya. akibatnya, keadaan ini tidak bisa berlangsung lama. sementara itu dalam setiap aksi demonstrasi (terutama jika keluar kota seperti semarang), mereka bergotong-royong membawa bekal dari rumah. namun harus diakui juga bahwa keberhasilan setiap aksi tidak terlepas dari adanya dukungan finansial/ material dari salah seorang tokoh masyarakat desa yang kebetulan kalah dalam persaingan calon kepala desa (merasa dicurangi). kendala lainnya adalah perasaan trauma terhadap sikap represi aparat negara. intimidasi, teror, dan interogasi dari aparat militer terhadap beberapa tokoh masyarakat desa tak pelak menimbulkan ketakutan bagi sebagian warga desa. itulah gambaran betapa problem dalam penerapan prinsip democratic civility masih perlu mendapatkan perhatian serius, sehingga anganan menuju civil society yang berkeadilan, tanpa ancaman, toleran, beradab perlahan-lahan akan menjadi bagian dasri proses politik yang civilized. kesimpulan dalam proses menuju politik yang mencerminkan democratic civility sekurang-kurangnya harus memiliki tiga prinsip utama, yaitu : kebebasan, kesetaraan dan tolernasi. jika ketiga tidak ada dengan seksama maka sebenarnya proses politik yang berlangsung adalah sebuah roses politik yang masih jauh dari misi demokrasi dan civil society dalam arti sessungguhnya. terdapat beberapa varian dalam mersepon gerakan civil society dan demokratisasi yang dilakukan masyarakat sipil, negara dan aparat kekuasaan. ada yang menggunakan kelompok-kelompok terorganisir dalam jaringan, seperti dalam gerakan islam liberal, ada yang menggunakan alat-alat resmi negara seperti pemda, kehakiman, dan tentara serta polisi untuk kasus pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad. dan ada yang menggunakan cara-cara tradisional dicampur dengan cara-cara modern yakni dengan demonstrasi, pembangkangan, protes, dan membentuk perkumpulan-perkumpulan, seperti ditunjukkan dalam gerakan protes atas pemilihan kepala desa. kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 222 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ada pelbagai varian isu yang dikemukakan berkaitan dengan tema democratic civility, yang jika ditelusur lebih lanjut sebenarnya bermuara pada adanya prinsip kebebasan masyarakat, kesederajatan atau kesetaraan dan toleransi. tiga prinsip ini yang tampaknya hendak dikampanyekan oleh gerakan islam liberal, pemberlakuan syariah islam, dan gerakan protes pemilihan kepala desa. aksi-aksi konkret yang dikerjakan oleh masing-masing elemen masyarakat sipil dalam menanggapi otonomi atau desentralisasi, ternayata terdiri dari beberapa varian; seperti dengan menggunakan sarana tulisan, ceramah, email, membentuk jaringan komunitas akademik, seperti pada kasus gerakan islam liberal. menggunakan pamplet, poster, membentuk jaringan dan gerakan “makar, seperti dalam kasus pemberlakuan syraiah islam di nad. dan melakukan protes tidak menghadiri ibadah, tidak memakai busana yang telah ditentukan, dan tetap bepergian tanpa muhrim atau sendiri bagi seorang perempuan juga dalam kasus pemberlakuan syariah islam di nad. sementara juga menggunakan protes, demonstrasi, pamflet, membentuk dukungan dengan jaringan, pelatihan-pelatihan demonstrasi, mengorganisir massa seperti pada kasus protes atas pemilihan kepala desa di sebuah desa di klaten, jawa tengah. kendala-kendala yang dihadapi pada umumnya bersifat sangat personal, sekalipun ada yang bersifat institusional, baik lembaga dibawah negara atau lembaga di luar negara. untuk kasus ini bisa ditemukan pada gerakan islam liberal, yang mendapatkan tantangan dari personal-personal tetapi mendapatkan justifikasi secara institusional dan kenegaraan. selain itu, kendala yang muncul sebenarnya bukan saja bersifat instrumental, tetapi sangat fundamental, misalnya dalam hal metodologi gerakan, epistemologi isu atau wacana yang di bangun dan basis massa untuk kasus islam liberal. disamping juga kendala yang bersifat penghakiman-penghakiman yang dikemukakan oleh pihak-pihak yang berseberangan dengan kaum liberal islam. disinilah islam liberal benar-benar diuji gerakannya. daftar pustaka abdurrahman, moeslim. 1995. islam transformatif. jakarta. firdaus. amril. 2001. kembali ke sistem pemerintahan nagari di kabupaten solok. makalah seminar internasional ke-2 dinamika politik lokal di indokelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 223 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nesia: politik pemberdayaan. pekanbaru. barton, greg. 1995. gagasan islam liberal di indonesia. jakarta. paramadina. dwipayana, ari dan s. eko, ed. 2003. membangun good governance di desa. yogyakarta. ire press. dwiyanto, agus, dkk. 2002. reformasi tata pemerintahan dan otonomi daerah. pskk ugm-kemitraan bagi pembaruan tata pemerintahanpeg usaid-world bank. eindhoven, myrna. 2002. “translation and authenticity in mentawaian activism”, dalam antropologi indonesia, tahun xxvi, no. 69, septdes. effendy, bahtiar. 1998. islam dan negara. jakarta. paramadina. gani, maulid hariri. 2003. perubahan status dan peran penghulu dalam sistem pemerintahan nagari (studi kasus: nagari kamang hilia kabupaten agam 2002). tesis master pada program studi antropologi. jurusan ilmu-ilmu humaniora fakultas ilmu budaya. yogyakarta: program pascasarjana universitas gajah mada (tidak diterbitkan). hefner, robert (ed.). 2001. democratic civility. philadelpia. imawan, riswanda. 1998. reformasi politik: usulan arah dan strateginya. yogyakarta : bksnt yogya, msi-cab.yogya, museum beteng yogyakarta, 10 oktober. kuntowijoyo. 1987. paradigma islam. bandung. mizan. na’im, mochtar. 1984. merantau: pola migrasi suku minangkabau. yogyakarta. gama press. —————————. 1990. “nagari versus desa : sebuah kerancuan struktural”, dalam nagari, desa dan pembangunan pedesaan di sumatera barat. pedoman penelitian survei governance dan desentralisasi 2002. pskk ugm-peg-usaid-undp-world bank. propenas 2000-2004 uu no.25 tahun 2000 tentang program pembangunan nasional tahun 2000-2004. 2003. penghimpun: redaksi sinar grafika. jakarta: sinar grafika. rahardjo, m. dawam. 1993. intelektual, intelegensia, risalah cendekiawan muslim di indonesia. bandung. mizan. rasyid, m. ryaas. 2002. “otonomi daerah : latar belakang dan masa depannya”. makalah dalam seminar nasional setahun implementasi kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 224 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kebijakan otonomi daerah. program s2 politik lokal dan otonomi daerah ugm, 13 maret. schefold, reimar. 1991. mainan bagi roh. kebudayaan mentawai. jakarta. balai pustaka. scott, james c. 1990. domination and the arts of resistence, hidden transcripts. new haven and london. yale university. sihombing, herman. 1979. mentawai. jakarta : pradnya paramita.undp. 1998. decentralized governance monograph : a global sampling of experiences. management development and governance division, september. wahid, abdurrahman. 2001. prisma pemikiran gus dur. yogyakarta.lkis. kelangsungan dan perlawanan politik identitas dalam bingkai keadaban demokrasi / zuly qodir; syahbuddin latief / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0010 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 31 of 48 ‘spectator’ or ‘player’? labor movements in post new-order indonesian electoral politics abstract this study proves that the change in the structure of political opportunities alone is not enough to provide encouragement for social movements to succeed in electoral politics. the case of the labor movements in electoral politics in post-new order indonesia is proof of this. even though it has a very large number of potential to become a large force of electoral politics and ability to mobilize masses, the labor movements in indonesia is merely a spectator, not a player in electoral politics. there are four factors that cause this failure. the first is fragmentation among labor movements which were created as a result of the opening of political opportunities after the new order. second, labor apathy towards labor parties and labor cadres who run for elections. as a result, none of the labor parties succeeded in gaining seats in three elections in indonesia after the new order. thirdly, repression and negative stigmatization to the labor movements by the new order regime had succeeded in preventing labor movement to consolidate themselves and to gain significant votes in elections. fourth, increasingly severe requirements for party establishment and participation in elections. while in many places the opening of political opportunity structure is a determining factor in the success of social movements in electoral politics, the case of the labor movement in indonesia proves otherwise. the opening up of a political opportunity structure has become a trap that hinders the success of labor movements in electoral politics. keywords: labor movement, labor party, electoral politics, political opportunity structure. abstrak studi ini membuktikan bahwa perubahan dalam struktur peluang politik saja tidak cukup untuk memberikan dorongan bagi gerakan sosial untuk berhasil dalam politik pemilu. kasus pergerakan buruh dalam politik elektoral di indonesia pasca-orde baru adalah bukti. meskipun memiliki potensi yang sangat besar untuk menjadi kekuatan besar politik pemilu dan kemampuan untuk memobilisasi massa, gerakan buruh di indonesia hanyalah penonton, bukan pemain dalam politik pemilu. ada empat faktor yang menyebabkan kegagalan ini. yang pertama adalah fragmentasi di antara gerakan-gerakan buruh yang diciptakan sebagai hasil dari pembukaan peluang politik setelah orde baru. kedua, apatisme buruh terhadap partai buruh dan kader buruh yang mencalonkan diri dalam pemilihan. akibatnya, tak satu pun partai buruh berhasil mendapatkan kursi dalam tiga pemilihan di indonesia setelah orde baru. ketiga, penindasan dan stigmatisasi negatif terhadap gerakan buruh oleh rezim orde baru telah berhasil mencegah gerakan buruh untuk mengkonsolidasikan diri mereka sendiri dan mendapatkan suara yang signifikan dalam pemilihan. keempat, persyaratan yang semakin parah untuk pembentukan partai dan partisipasi dalam pemilihan. sementara di banyak tempat pembukaan struktur peluang politik merupakan faktor penentu dalam keberhasilan gerakan sosial dalam politik pemilu, kasus gerakan buruh di indonesia membuktikan sebaliknya. pembukaan struktur peluang politik telah menjadi jebakan yang menghambat keberhasilan gerakan buruh dalam politik pemilu. introduction tunjung sulaksono1 kuskridho ambardi2 email: mas_tunjung@yahoo.com univeristas muhammadiyah yogyakarta indonesia history received : february 22th, 2019 revised : february 24th, 2019 accepted : february 25th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: sulaksono, t & ambardi. k. (2019). ‘spectator’ or ‘player’ labor movements in post new-order indonesian electoral politics. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(1). 31-48 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& mailto:mas_tunjung@yahoo.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 32 of 48 introduction the study of electoral politics is one of the most fertile domains in political science, as is the study of social movements. unfortunately, there are not many studies that have dialogue with these two domains. social movements are frequently explained through their role in the context of democratization by using theories of political opportunity, resource mobility, framing processes as well as contentious politics, while studies of electoral politics are dominated by electoral systems, coalitions, and political party strategies in winning elections. therefore the study of social movements in electoral politics is very interesting to discuss since it offers novelty which is still very broad to be explored. the social movements involved in electoral politics are interesting to elaborate since they have the potential to transform democratic practices and institutions. they offers models of newer and participatory party organizations, and more accountable governance in countries whose democratic institutions are inherently weak and dominated by elite groups (collins, 2006: 4). labor is one of the few social movements that are considered to play an important role in the democratization process because of at least three of the following important reasons: first, workers have more ability to mobilize their masses to carry out political movements. mobilization of workers is often driven by collective awareness, even class consciousness, after experiencing exploitation in industrial relations. second, the labor movement is different from the student movement, for example, because it can have a broader economic impact on the company and the macro economy of a country in the form of cessation of production. third, the labor movement can trigger the emergence of new socio-political problems, especially in areas of industrial concentration, and can even impose regime change or changes in political structure. (edwin, 2003). it is no exaggeration if rueschemeyer argues that the working class is the main prodemocratic force. (rueschemeyer, et. al., 1992: 459). indonesia is a very interesting locus to study the labor movement in electoral politics for several reasons. first, the potential of workers to succeed in electoral politics is great because of the huge number of workers. second, the opening up of political opportunity structures should be utilized optimally by labor movements in the fight for their mission. third, the long history of the labor movement in electoral politics in indonesia which should provide strength in the form of a party organization experience for labor movements. these three variables should potentially bring the labor movement to succeed in electoral politics by transforming into a formidable political party. after the new order, almost no public office and no political process run without the intervention of political parties. in article 5 of the constitution of the republic of indonesia, laws are produced by the function of legislation whose processes are in the hands of the house of representatives (dpr) and the president. in the political recruitment system in indonesia, the president and members of the dpr are positions that can only be filled by people from political parties. as an organization, political parties are ideally intended to activate and mobilize the community, represent certain interests by giving a compromise to competing opinions, giving rise to political leadership and as a tool to gain power and to govern. this shows that political parties have an orientation towards realizing the aspirations of the community while fighting for public interests. (amall, 2012: 19-20). unfortunately, political parties in indonesia are currently experiencing significant changes in political behavior. policy is no longer born of ideological party talks, but shifts to more concrete conversations relating to the interests of the distribution of power and economic resources. (ambardi, 2009). the interests of workers issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 33 of 48 are often excluded because they have never been included in the priorities and calculations of political parties. by transforming into a political party, workers have the opportunity to give a new color to parliament which is ultimately expected to encourage the emergence of pro-labor policies. unfortunately, the labor movement failed to take advantage of these opportunities. the existence of parties originating from the labor movement has just become ‘spectators’ in the electoral politics arena in indonesia. there were three times the participation of labor parties recorded, and none of the seats were produced. with open political opportunities after the fall of suharto, with its ability to mobilize the masses, and with its experience in electoral politics before the new order, the labor movement should have great potential to transform into a strong political party. but these three factors have not been able to give birth to any formidable political parties that specifically represent the interests of workers. therefore, this paper tries to answer why the labor movement failed to become a force of electoral politics in post-new order indonesia. the labor movement which had transformed not only failed to get significant votes, but the party also failed to maintain its existence in the party system of indonesia. important findings from this study are the four factors that led to the failure of the labor movement in post-new order electoral politics, namely the fragmentation of the labor movement, labor apathy towards the workers' party and workers' candidates, repression and negative stigmatization toward labor movement, and four, increasingly severe conditions for party establishment and participation in elections. these findings at the same time cast doubt on the postulate of the political opportunity structure theory which states that social movements will develop when there are changes in the structure of political opportunities (tarrow, 1998: 19-20). in fact, the opening of political opportunity became a trap when the labor movement mismanaged the opportunity. literature review and research focus references on social movements and electoral politics are not widely available when compared to various studies of social movements and electoral politics. studies that involve both in one analytical framework are relatively few. as a result, the most recent literatures in each study rarely integrate the latest views of both or about how they influence each other (kruszewska, 2016: 1). therefore the study of electoral politics and social movements is also one of the fields of cultivation that is relatively still lagging behind when they stand alone. one of the fundamental reasons for this lag is the inherent tension between the logic of activism and the logic of electoral politics (mcadam & tarrow, 2010). many social movement theorists see the antiinstitutional views underlying the social movement and the formalization views that underlie electoral politics that cannot be reconciled (piven & cloward, 1979). in fact, both of them can empirically approach each other. politicians often need to maintain the mobilization of their constituencies due to several intersecting goals, while the study of social movements also draws towards formalization when it begins to discuss stabilization of mobilization when actors no longer have incentives to increase the level of contingency. protests will decline, replaced by forms of routine interaction (koopmans, 2004; smelser, 2011). thus the realm of institutionalization is often the meeting point between social movement studies and electoral politics. few studies of social movements in electoral politics have been found to be classified into two categories, namely first, studies that focus on how social movements are transformed into political parties, issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 34 of 48 and second, studies that focus on social movements that do not transform into political parties . literature that focuses on the transformation of social movements has at least three different perspectives, namely perspective that elaborate on the types of parties resulting from transformation, perspective that focus on aspects of relations between social movements that are the parent parties and formed political parties, and perspective driving factors for the transformation of social movements into political parties. in the second category of writing, there are at least three emphases, namely studies that look at the strategies of electoral politics of social movements, studies that emphasize the emergence of substantive participation of non-elite communities in electoral politics, and studies that focus on the relations between the labor movement and political institutions. table 1. references classification on social movement in electoral politics no. focus of study variation of perspective writers 1. transforming into party resulted party types schwarz (2016) relations between social movement and the party (zollner, 2016); pratiwi (2018) factors causing the transformation anria (2013), subono (2017); mikecz (2015); nasiwan (2015) 2. not transforming into party electoral strategy of social movement savirani (2016) the emergence of substantive participation of non-elite community in electoral politics ford (2014) relations between social movement and political institutions lee (2006); schiavone (2007) studies conducted by anria (2013), subono (2017), mikecz (2015), and nasiwan (2015) represent the category of studies of social movements that are transformed into political parties. their writings focus on the factors that caused these movements to transform into political parties. anria (2013) tried to observe the transformation process that took place in the body of movimiento al socialismo (mas) in bolivia. subono (2017) wrote about the transformation of the indigenous movement into a political party by comparing two cases in latin america, namely mas in bolivia and conaei in ecuador which transformed into mupp. mikecz (2015) wrote about the party movement in hungary, and nasiwan (2015) wrote about the transformation of tarbiyah moement into justice and prosperous party (partai keadilan sejahtera, pks). all authors agree that the opening of political opportunities is one of the factors that drives the transformation of the movement into a successful political party. of the reference categories about social movements that are not transformed, some writings that are indeed interesting to review include the writings of savirani (2016), ford (2014), lee (2006), and schiavone (2007). savirani (2016) writes about labor go politics, an experimentation of labor organs in bekasi indonesia in organizing and mobilizing their cadres to plunge into the 2004 and 2009 electoral arenas with the spirit of anti-money politics. ford (2014) writes about unions labor and electoral politics in batam indonesia between 2004 and 2009, and saw it as something interesting because the arena of electoral politics in post-suharto indonesia was always dominated by political elites and the role of money politics, while yoonkyung lee (2006) completed this second category by writing about variations in labor politics in northeast asian democracies. lee compared trade union relations with political institutions, especially political parties, in issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 35 of 48 korea and taiwan, while schiavone (2007) sees relations between trade union movements and parties in south africa and the philippines which are also interesting as illustrations of the category. this study seeks to complement the study of the transformation of social movements into parties. this position was taken because even though the writing group on the transformation of the movement into the party above has several dimensions of difference between one another, each of them has enriched the references of social movements in electoral politics, but in general, between these two categories of writing that the opening of political opportunities is considered to be an important factor that drives the success of social movements. none of the writings can answer the important question of why transformed social movements into parties in a democratic country fail to become an electsoral political force that is taken into account precisely when political opportunities are wide open. this question is important to ask because even though social movements are in a political space that provides an incentive structure and political opportunity for social movements to morph into political parties, the labor movement in indonesia fails to show its success in electoral politics. the structure of political opportunity in the form of freedom of association and partying does not necessarily make the labor movement a significant electoral political force. the experimentation of the labor movement after the new order failed to place the labor movement as a notable political force. likewise the ability of mobilization possessed by workers has not been able to make workers the main actors in the electoral political process in indonesia. research method this study was conducted using social movement in electoral politics as its research approach. the theoretical tools that will be primarily used are political opportunity structure. this theory sees the development of social movements due to the opening of political opportunity structures. to answer the questions raised, this study uses qualitative research design. data collection is done through documentation study methods and in-depth interviews. documentation studies include analysis of books, news, and documents about the labor movement in electoral politics in indonesia. the interviews were conducted with activists, movement leaders, journalists, and labor observers who had information related to the data needed. conclusion drawing of this study uses the model of miles and huberman (1984) which includes the stages of data reduction, data presentation stage, and the stage of drawing conclusions. result and discussion 1. experimentation of the labor movement in post new order electoral politics at the beginning of the new order, political parties were still able to move freely. but that freedom did not last long because the 1971 elections, the first election of the new order, were won by golongan karya (golkar) – regime’s political machine thus giving golkar full legitimacy to power. of the ten contestants who fought, none of them are labors’ party. the issuance of the party fusion policy by the new order regime further limited the opportunities of the labor movement in electoral politics, resulting the simplification of the party system by forcing political parties other than golkar to fuse. since then there have only been three election participants in indonesia, namely golkar, the united development party (partai persatuan pembangunan, ppp), and the indonesian democratic party (partai demokrasi indonesia, pdi). ppp is a fusion of islamic-based parties, namely the nu party, parmusi, the psii, and the perti. the pdi was a fusion of the issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 36 of 48 pni, the supporting association of indonesian independence party (ipki), indonesia christian party (partai kristen indonesia, parkindo), and the catholic party (partai katolik). labor movements that were affiliated with political parties then lost their parent organizations. this situation was exacerbated by the politics of labor law carried out by the new order regime which was characterized by the following three arrangements. (uwiyono, 2001: 107). first, government policy in relation to efforts to maintain a single union form since 1973. second, government policy in relation to efforts to create harmonious labor relations through the pancasila industrial relations doctrine as the basis for labor relations that do not recognize the right to strike. third, government policy in relation to prohibiting, preventing or overcoming strikes. in connection with this, the new order regime often suppressed labor movements by using the issue of communist latent danger. about a month after the labor organizations lost their parent organization, on february 20, 1973 a single forum was created for workers, namely the all-indonesia labors' federation (federasi buruh seluruh indonesia, fbsi). with the formation of the single union, the old unions were dissolved. government control of this single union was very strong, as evidenced by the appointment of a number of military members to occupy key positions in fbsi, intensive supervision by intelligence officers and security forces on their activities, and by incorporating them into golkar (bourchier, 2015: 172). in 1985 fbsi transformed into the all indonesia workers union (serikat pekerja seluruh indonesia, spsi). in 1995 the spsi structure with 13 federations changed from unity (centralization) to a federation (decentralization) under the name of the all indonesia workers union federation (federasi serikat pekerja seluruh indonesia, fspsi) (amin, 2011:51). fspsi remains the only federation recognized by the ministry of manpower. the minister of manpower at the time stated that the trade unions formed must be affiliated with the fspsi, and the government would not recognize any unions outside the federation. in 2001, fspsi turned to confederation of all indonesia workers union (konfederasi serikat pekerja seluruh indonesia, kspsi). although the repression of the labor movement at that time was very strong, labor ngos eventually succeeded in provoking some labor activists to bring up independent labor movements during the new order (ford, 2003; 2006). the first was the setia kawan free trade union (serikat buruh merdeka-setia kawan, sbm-sk) led by hjc. princen, then the indonesian prosperous labor union (serikat buruh sejahtera indonesia, sbsi) led by muchtar pakpahan, and the indonesian labors' struggle center (pusat perjuangan buruh indonesia, ppbi) led by dita indah sari (anta, 2017). at the beginning of the reform, the sbsi had arrived at indonesian democratic party-struggle (partai demokrasi indonesia-perjuangan, pdip). nevertheless, differences in the vision concerning outsourcing between sbsi and pdi perjuangan forced pakpahan to pull out sbsi from pdip, and then formed the national labor party (partai buruh nasional). in addition to the national labor party, there were three more parties carrying workers or labors' names, namely the indonesian workers' party (ppi), the workers' solidarity party (partai solidaritas pekerja, psp), and the all indonesia solidarity workers party (partai solidaritas pekerja seluruh indonesia, pspsi) which competed in the 1999 election. all of them failed to get a significant vote because they were only able to gather less than one percent of votes in the 2004 election, the social democratic labor party (partai buruh sosial demokrat, pbsd) which was the result of a metamorphosis from the national labor party became the only labor party to fight in the election second election. the three other labor parties that had accompanied the national labor party in the issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 37 of 48 1999 general election failed to keep their presence in the next elections. the pbsd failed to get a single dpr seat. the 2009 elections witnessed the last appearance of the labor parties in indonesian electoral politics. in this 2009 election pbsd was transformed into labor party (partai buruh). there were two parties that bear the labor name in the 2009 elections, namely the labor party and the indonesian employers 'and workers' party (partai pengusaha dan pekerja indonesia, pppi). in this election, both of them failed to get a single dpr seat, completing the bad fate of other labor parties after the new order. the fate of the labor party became increasingly unclear when the last general chairman of the labor party, sonny pudji sasono, actually joined the working party (partai berkarya) as chair of the election winning body. pppi surfaced in october 2017 when its general chairman, daniel hutapea, registered the pppi to indonesian electoral commission (komisi pemilihan umum, kpu) as a participant in the 2019 election. unfortunately, the party failed to pass administrative examination by the kpu (nadir, 2018). 2. factors of the failure of labor movement in electoral politics a. fragmentation within the labor movement in indonesia the fall of suharto brought dramatic changes in industrial relations in indonesia. legally, a reform milestone in the political arena of labor in indonesia, starting with the issuance of minister of manpower regulation no. 5 of 1998, concerning trade union registration which also ended the era of a single trade union controlled by the fspsi (federation of all-indonesia trade unions). the end of the era was initiated since the b.j habibie short government (1998-1999) through ratification of ilo convention no. 87 concerning freedom of association. two years later, under abdurrahman wahid's administration (2000-2001), the era of single state-controlled trade unions was terminated in 2000 with the promulgation of freedom of association through the trade union/labor union act no. 21 of 2000 on august 4, 2000. this law regulates the formation, membership, notification and registration, rights and obligations, finance and wealth, dissolution and other matters concerning trade unions. the freedom of association became euphoria among the labor movement. since then, beginning with the breaking up of the fspsi into the fspsi and the fspsi-reformasi, new labor unions have emerged. since 2000, the new unions growth has been like mushrooms growing in the rainy season. thousands of trade unions at various levels emerged and registered themselves to the ministry of manpower and transmigration. data from 2002 released by fes showed that the population of trade unions was in a situation where the number of union members reached more than eight million and the unionization rate was nine percent of the total workforce or 25 percent of the total workforce in the formal sector. as of june 2007, there were 3 confederations, namely kspsi (confederation of all indonesian trade unions, ksbsi (confederation of all indonesian trade unions, and kspi (confederation of indonesian trade unions), 86 federations, and dozens of thousands of factory-level unions. of the three confederations, kspsi is the largest union confederation which states that it has 16 federations and more than four million members. the second position is occupied by kspi with 11 federations and members of more than two million, and ksbsi with members reaching nearly two million in third place. kspsi remained the largest confederation with 16 federations of trade unions, although, like the other two confederations, it suffered a significant decline in the number of members from year to year (tjandraningsih, 2007). issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 38 of 48 in general, fragmentation of trade unions in indonesia can be seen from several aspects, including ideological aspects, political aspects, and organizational aspects. by referring the history of labor movement before the independence, rekson silaban, former ksbsi president and former ilo governing body suggested that ideologically, it must be admitted that the "dna" of the labor movement in indonesia is plural. (silaban, personal communication, august 8th, 2018). ideologically classified, the labor movements according to alfa gumilang can be breakdown into at least three categories, namely socialist-leaning labor movement, including kasbi, kpbi, and ksn; the labor movement which was oriented towards democratic socialism included ksbsi, kspi, kspn; and the conservative labor movement, namely kspsi (gumilang, personal communication, august 14th, 2018). this information is reinforced by the movement's international affiliation. kasbi for example, has a tendency towards socialism (left), because it joined the wftu. while kspi and ksbsi joined the icftu labor movement which known as the international non-communist labor confederation. fragmentation can also be observed from the position of the labor movements in facing the electoral politics. first is the political labor movement. this kind of movement welcomes electoral politics with various strategies. some were transformed into parties, for example sbsi which later turned out into the ksbsi which at the beginning of reform formed the national labor party; there is also a labor movement that diligently conducts political experimentation with several maneuvers, among others by supporting presidential candidates, or by encouraging its cadres to enter electoral politics by becoming legislative candidates or local government heads. this group is still divided into movement that has passions to form parties and movement that do not has passion to form parties. the movement that wants to form a party is, among others, kspi, while the movement that does not want, or has little desire to form a party, is yoris raweyai’s kspsi. kspi, especially with its flagship federation fspmi, made post-new order electoral politics a training ground for their potential cadres. fspmi, initiated the "labor go politics" movement in bekasi as an expansion to enter into the realm of electoral politics. in "labor go politics," workers in bekasi try to reject money politics by organizing and mobilizing movement cadres as the backbone of their campaigns (savirani, 2016: 184). but this diaspora strategy has its own vulnerabilities. because the labor movement formed an alliance with no particular parties, the votes of the labors would not be fully accumulated. the votes of the labors who should have been able to produce seats failed because this support flowed to many parties. in addition, olle tornquist also reminded that efforts to create a political bloc by supporting political parties would actually make the labor movement in indonesia trapped in transactional politics. many unions are trapped in short-term populist movements of transactional politics of older elites. they even lost their medium-term strategy in the direction and standpoint of achieving transformative democratic politics (sumandoyo, 2017). secondly, the apolitical labor movement. this kind of movement is relatively cynical to electoral politics as well as movements which carry out political experimentations. elections and political parties they regard as products and arenas for capital owners. what can be included in this category are kasbi, ksn, and kpbi. in general, they recognize the significance of the labor party as a means of their struggle. but they are actually preoccupied with internal strengthening agenda. they also made a discourse about the alternative party platform as a vehicle in electoral politics to fight bourgeois domination in the electoral arena, but unfortunately, the idea did not materialize. issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 39 of 48 kasbi is focusing on building the awareness of the working class in the next few years. after class consciousness is formed a clearer political attitude will be issued by this organization. (sunarno, personal communication, august 14th, 2018) although the kpbi is in the same political position as kasbi, it seems that its political attitude seems to be more moderate because it is willing to cooperate with labor movements such as kspi, ksbsi, and kspsi in developing rri. while organizationally, the fragmentation of the labor movement in indonesia can be seen from the increasing number of labor confederations and federations. ironically, the number of unionized workers has declined. if at the beginning of the reform there were only 3 confederations, at the end of 2018 there were 14 confederations. internally, trade unions also have problems. kspsi, which is often regarded as the largest confederation today, is de facto fragmented into three leaderships, each claiming to be legitimate leadership, namely kspsi under andi gani nena wea (agn), kspsi under yorris raweyai, and kspsi 1973 under syukur sarto. andi gani is acknowledged for his closeness to pdip, while yorris is known to be close to the golkar party. table 2. the development of labor/worker union, federation, and confederation 2014-109 no. organization format jumlah 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 1 confederation 7 8 14 14 14 2. federation 99 101 112 115 120 3. union 11.852 7294 7294 7294 7294 source: indonesian ministry of manpower, 2018 (unpublished data) in general, the fragmentation was caused by the euphoria of freedom of association after the new order lulled the labor movement which for three decades was confined to its freedom. the labor movement forgets that there is still another agenda that can only be done by uniting the steps of the trade unions. the post-new order labor movement is still in a stage called sukarno as a politieke toestand, a political situation that allows the labor movement to be free of association, free to gather, free to criticize, and free to speak. this politieke toestand gives space workers the opportunity to fight and fight stronger. but the labor movement cannot just stop there. the labor movement must follow up the politieke toestand with machtvorming, the process of development or accumulation of power, through preservation of every action and resistance of the workers in trade unions, holding political courses, printing and disseminating publications, establishing labor cooperatives, and so on. (silaban, 2014). unfortunately, the politeke toestand enjoyed today are used by labor movements to establish many labor organizations and compete to become labor leaders. the defeat of someone in the congress was the beginning of the formation of a new union by bringing old supporters out of the previous organization. pragmatic differences in the sense that they are caused more by practical things than principles are more coloring the cause of union divisions. generally splits are followed by struggles or division of members. there were times when members did not even know that at the national level the union had broken out. the issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 40 of 48 decision of members to join one of the broken unions is based more on personal closeness with the administrators than on organizational principles. the fragmentation of the labor movement must also occur ahead of the presidential election. the kspi under said iqbal since the 2014 and 2019 elections consistently supported prabowo. while in the 2014 and 2019 elections, kspsi, both under andi gani a pdip cadre and under yoris raweyai a golkar cadre, clearly brought his carriage closer to jokowi. ksbsi which originated from the sbsi, in the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections also provided support to jokowi. this fragmentation is a big problem in the transformation of the labor movement into a party. the split was the weak point of the workers' struggle in indonesia. large agendas make the labor movement a balanced power of capitalism can fail due to declining member strength, political influence, and financial capabilities. (silaban, 2014). the ambition of labor leaders and low organizational ability among the labor movement itself which ultimately led to fragmentation became one of the characteristics of the post-new order labor movement. without the cohesiveness of the movement, sahat lumbanraja said that it is impossible for a formidable labor party to be formed (s. lumbanraja, personal communication, august 6th, 2018). b. labor apathy towards labor parties and candidates from workers the participation of labor parties in three elections after the new order which ended tragically provided important lessons for the labor movement. likewise the failure of candidates from the labor party to get votes from the region that should provide victory for legislative and executive candidates from the workers. the important lesson is that mobilizing the masses in elections is far more difficult than mobilizing the masses in demonstrations. why does the party from the labor movement fail to get a significant vote in the election, even though the potential of the votes they have is extraordinary? muchtar pakpahan, a labor activist and founder of the labor party, revealed the fact that failure to gain votes was because the workers themselves had very low support for the labor party. (pakpahan, personal communication, august 14th, 2018). the presence of a labor party which clearly brought the aspirations of the workers was apparently not welcomed with the provision of support by the workers themselves. there are two reasons why the workers' party failed to attract the sympathy of the workers themselves. first, workers' apathy towards labor parties. parties formed especially at the beginning of the reforms were regarded as elitist parties, so they did not emerge from the workers themselves. eventually the workers preferred to cast their votes to several other parties even though their partiality to the workers was not very clears. the voice of workers is divided into so many parties competing in elections since the beginning of the reform. this is in line with the belief of hefner (2007:459), for example, who considered that the small number of votes of the labor parties was due to the apathy of the labors who saw that none of the labor parties born in those periods were purely pro-workers. the workers' apathy towards labor parties is inseparable from the reality that the parties were initiated only by the labor elite, are top-down, and not based on the labor movement, so that the sense of belonging to the party carrying the name of labor was very low. although pakpahan had claimed that at the beginning of the reform of the number of party cadres in indonesia reached 1.7 million people (pakpahan, personal communication, jakarta, august 14th, 2018) in reality the party had never grown. in the 1999 election, this party only received 140,980 votes or 0.13 percent of national legitimate votes. even the other labor parties are not much different from their destiny. in the issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 41 of 48 1999 election, the national labor party (partai buruh nasional (pbn) only received 140,980 votes or 0.13 percent of national legitimate votes. the indonesian workers party (partai pekerja indonesia, ppi) was only able to collect 63,934 votes or 0.06% of national legitimate votes. the fate of the all indonesia solidarity workers party (partai solidaritas pekerja seluruh indonesia, pspsi) was not much different. this party was only able to collect 61,105 votes or 0.06% of national legitimate votes. the last position among the labor party is occupied by the workers' solidarity party (partai solidaritas pekerja, psp). this party was only able to get 49,807 votes or 0.05% of the national legitimate votes. in the 2004 elections there was only one party left, namely the social democratic labor party which was a metamorphosis of the national labor party which only managed to get 636,056 votes or 0.56%. in the 2009 elections, there were two competing parties, the labor party, which was a metamorphosis of the social democratic labor party and the indonesian workers and entrepreneurs party, all of which failed to get seats in the dpr. for the 2014 election, the labor party was absent from the bustle of electoral politics. second, the phenomenon of the decline in the number of unionized workers. in the early days of reform, there were around eight million workers who were members of the union. in 2007, the number of unionized workers was known to be around 3.4 million, or only 5.5% of the total formal workers reaching 49 million. (tjandraningsih, 2002). this amount is more or less the same as the 2010 data. however, at the end of 2018, only around 2.7 million were left. this clearly shows that there is a decrease in the pockets of workers' votes, because unorganized workers will be more difficult to mobilize for the victory of the labor party. the last defeat of the labor party in 2009 was very likely also due to reduced support due to the large number of workers who did not organized. tabel 3. the result of labor parties inpost-new orderelections no party pemilu 1999 2004 2009 votes % dpr seats votes % dpr seats votes % dpr seats 1. labor party (partai buruh, 2009)* 140.980 0.13 0 636.056 0.56 0 256.203 0.25 0 2. indonesian worker’s party (partai pekerja indonesia) 63.934 0.06 0 not participated not participated not participated 3. all indonesia solidarity workers party (partai solidaritas pekerja seluruh indonesia) 61.105 0.06 0 not participated not participated not participated 4. partai solidaritas pekerja 49.807 0.05 0 not participated not participated not participated 5. partai pekerja dan pengusaha indonesia not participated 745.625 0.72 0 notes: *in 1999 as partai buruh nasional (national lanor party); in 2004 as partai buruh sosial demokrat (social democratic labor party) the decrease in the number of unionized labors is caused by two things. first, during the first half of the freedom of association, the emerging trade unions were still focused on the manufacturing sector and issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 42 of 48 had a tendency to 'fish in the same pond,' by recruiting members who were members of other trade unions (tjandraningsih, 2002). the second cause is the diminishing interests of workers to union because of the flexibility regime. outsourced employees are afraid of being fired, even though there is no prohibition for them to organize. (triyono, 2013). third, the exclusivism of the labor movement. because the labor movement is fragmented into many organizations and orientations, each has its own priority in their activities. when in 1999, 2004 and 2099 there were several labor parties who tried to contest in the electoral arena, other movements did not consider the party to be a representative of the labor group they had to support. when there are parties that try to experiment through other political parties, other movement groups will look suspiciously. sunarno, the general secretary of kasbi, argued that the action as a form of infidelity between the labor movement and the authorities (sunarno, personal communication, jakarta, august 14th, 2018). as a result, the involvement of some of these movements in electoral politics with the inclusion of labor candidates in electoral politics through "mainstream" political parties is often considered not part of the labor movement, so it does not need to be supported by giving votes to these candidates. c. new order repression and stigmatization of the labor movement the negative stigma attached to the labor movement is also a negative branding of political workers. the new order systematically labeled "left" in the labor movement for decades. in indonesia, stamped as left becomes a big problem, because the left does not merely refer to socialism or resistance to the bourgeoisie, but also means the ideology of communism that is radical, justifies everything to gain power, and anti-god. with that stigma, the new order tried to silence the labor movement. this stigma has a broad impact on three domains, namely labor, trade unions, and the society. first, for the workers, the left stigmatization which has been attached to the new order for decades has influenced the way of thinking of workers towards trade unions. the low number of workers involved in trade unions was influenced by this stigmatization. they take distance from the union, for fear of being regarded as left. finally, they only joined the union when they encountered problems in their industrial relations. labor thus does not see unions as a tool for collective struggle, but only a body that provides advocacy for cases they deal with. by this such perspective, it is understandable if union density in indonesia is low. secondly, for the labor movement, the repression and left stigmatization by the new order regime had cut off the labor movement from its historical path. ma’ruf, the general secretary of kpri believed that there was a breakdown in the organization of workers in indonesia (ma’ruf, personal communication, march 10th, 2018). workers who should have decades to organize and consolidate movements cannot do so optimally. the labor movement had to start all over again for internal awareness and consolidation of the movement, something that should have been completed decades ago. third, for the society, the negative stigma attached to the labor movement does not automatically disappear when the new order collapsed. the stamp of being a radical movement and harming society, according to anwar sastro ma’ruf, the general secretary of kpri, is still being reproduced to this day to the labor movement. (anwar ‘sastro’ ma’ruf, personal communication, jakarta, march 10th, 2018). alfa gumilang, the editor in chief of ‘kabar buruh’, a non-mainstream media, said that the stigma also continues to be preserved by the mainstream media, which often uses negative framing in covering workers' actions. issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 43 of 48 (gumilang, personal communication, jakarta, august 7th, 2018). as a result, the indonesian society still looked cynical about the labor movement. this of course has implications for the party that bear the labor name, because people will apparently rethink when they have to vote for a party that has such a negative image. d. increasingly difficult conditions for establishing parties and taking part in elections the next factor that made the labor movement difficult to become a major force in electoral politics in indonesia was the increasing weight of the requirement to establish political parties from the elections to the next election. in general, there are two stages that the labor movement must go through to take part in elections. first, the stage of establishing a political party. this stage is divided into two phases, namely the phase to get a notary certificate and the phase of obtaining the status of a legal entity from the legal ministry. the notary deed will be a requirement to be able to obtain status as a legal entity. only parties that have legal entities can participate in the election. however, parties that have legal entities do not automatically become participants in the election. to become a participant in the election, the party must meet the requirements set out in the election law. at the beginning of the reform period, the terms of party's establishment were felt to be very easy. that was what made the sbsi at that time succeed in forming the national labor party (pakpahan, personal communication, jakarta, august 14th, 2018). this convenience can be seen in the provisions of law number 2 of 1999 concerning political parties, where the establishment of political parties only requires a minimum of 50 people with a minimum age of 21 years as founders without limitation on the distribution of provinces, districts / cities or sub-districts. even in the law it is not regulated the necessity for party managers to have offices. that is why at that time there were many political parties established. as of april 1999 there were 181 political parties, of which 141 parties subsequently registered as participants in the 1999 election. nevertheless, in the end there were only 48 parties considered eligible as participants in the 1999 election (masyrofah, 2013: 169-170). the next law, namely law number 31 of 2001, has increased the level of difficulty because it has begun to provide a minimum limit on the distribution of management, which is at least spread in 50% of the province, 25% of districts / cities in the province, and 25% of districts/cities concerned. this law also provides a requirement that in order to be a legal entity, each level of party management must have a permanent office. although the level of difficulty increases, but there are still many parties who are able to fulfill this requirement. at the beginning of registration there were 150 parties who registered with the department of justice and human rights. but this number decreased to 50, and finally only 24 were left as participants in the 2004 election after the examination was carried out by the kpu (ananta, arifin, suryadinata, 2005). the conditions for the establishment of the most recent political parties are contained in article 2 of the 2011 political party law. one of the conditions stipulated in the law is that political parties must be established by at least 30 indonesian citizens who are 21 years old or married from each province . that is, if there are now 34 provinces in indonesia, it is necessary to have at least 1020 party founders spread evenly across the provinces. this requirement is more severe than the previous political party law, namely law no. 2 of 2008, where only 50 indonesian citizens who were 21 years old were needed as founders of political parties. issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 44 of 48 the requirement to make the party a legal entity is even tougher. in accordance with the provisions of article 3 of the law on political parties in 2011, one of the conditions is to have management in 100% of provinces, 75% of districts / cities and 50% of districts from the relevant districts / cities. in addition, the party must have a permanent office at the central, provincial and district / city levels until the final stage of the election. the requirements stipulated in this law are heavier than the requirements to become a legal entity in the 2008 political party law which has also been tough, namely having management in 60% of provinces, 50% of districts / cities and 25% of districts from the relevant districts / cities. as for party offices, the 2008 political party law only states that parties must have a permanent office without further details. table 4. terms and conditions to establsh political party conditions law no. 2/1999 law no. 31/ 2002 law no. 2/2008 law no. 2/2011 terms of establishment of the party with a notary deed at least 50 indonesian citizens which minimally has aged 21 political parties are established and formed by at least 50 person who is a citizen of the republic of indonesia 21 years old political parties were established by at least 50 indonesian citizens who were 21 years old political parties are established by at least 30 indonesian citizens who are 21 years old or married in each province requirements to get status as a legal entity a. political parties are established by notary deeds; and b. registered to the ministry of justice of the republic of indonesia. a. have a notary deed b. have management of at least 50% of the province, 50% of districts / cities in each province concerned, and 25% of subdistricts in the district / city concerned; a. has a notary deed; b. have management at 60% of provinces, 50% of districts / cities in the province concerned and c. 25% of subdistricts from the relevant districts / cities a. has a notary deed, b. have management at 100% of provinces, 75% of districts / cities in the provinces concerned, and 50% of districts from the relevant districts / cities unregulated yet have a permanent office. have a permanent office. must have a permanent office at the central, provincial, district / city level until the final stage of the election source: law no 2/1999 about political party; law no. 31/2001 about political party; law no. 2/2008 about political party; and law no. 2/2011 about political party once the status is a legal entity, political parties must face the next examination. to be able to become a participant in the election, the party must meet the requirements stipulated in the electoral laws. to be able issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 45 of 48 to take part in the elections, the election law no. 7 of 2017 requires, among others: a) political parties to be incorporated; b) has management in all provinces; c) has management in 75% of districts / cities in the province; d) has management in 50% of the number of sub-districts in the district / city; e) include at least 30% of women's representation in the management of central political parties; f) having a membership of at least 1000 people or 1/1000 of the population in the management of political parties in the regency / city as evidenced by ownership of membership cards; and g) have a permanent office for management at the central, provincial and district / city levels until the last stage of the election. the severity of the requirements to take part in the 2019 election can be seen from the very few political parties that register with the kpu ri. there were only 27 parties registering to take part in the 2019 election, far lower than at the beginning of the reform. the complexity of the requirements for entering electoral politics in indonesia, made martin walecki, an expert on polish political parties, in one of his lectures in jakarta in 2016 and said that the requirement to become a legal party and an election political party in indonesia was one of the the most heavy, complicated, and most expensive in the world. along with the increasing weight of the requirements for the establishment of political parties, the labor movement will be increasingly difficult to fulfill these requirements. (kumparan, 2017) there are at least two factors that make it difficult for the labor movement to fulfill these requirements. first, the labor movement has limitations in terms of distribution. labor is only concentrated in areas that have industrial estates. not all regions in indonesia are industrial estates. in areas that are not difficult industrial estates, it is expected to have a labor base as strong as in industrial areas. as a result it is difficult for a labor movement to be able to fulfill the requirements set by the laws of political parties and electoral laws. second, financial factors. the requirement to have an office still means that the labor movement must pay not a small amount of money to buy or rent office buildings and the operational costs which are very large in number and multiply according to the provisions of the law. the labor movement ideally relies on membership dues. but the facts show that contributions from these members cannot be relied upon for various reasons, one of which is the low awareness of workers to pay membership fees. thus, without any changes in regulation, it will be difficult to expect the appearance of the next labor parties in the upcoming elections. conclusion political democracy that accompanied the transition from the new order's authoritarian regime to a more democratic regime should provide greater political opportunities for the labor movement to succeed in electoral politics. but in reality, the labor movements actually failed to take advantage of these opportunities optimally. this failure is caused by four factors, namely the fragmentation of the labor movement, workers' apathy towards political workers, stigmatization and repression of the new order against the labor movement, as well as increasingly severe conditions for party establishment and participation in elections. the political opportunity turns out to be not a blank check that can be filled at will by the recipient. the political opportunities enjoyed by the labor movement at the beginning of the reforms turned out to be a trap that was very detrimental to the labor movement. freedom of association and liberalization of electoral politics ultimately succeeded in dividing the labor movement both institutionally and as a potential electoral force. issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10196 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 46 of 48 this study concluded that political opportunity would not necessarily be a factor that determines the success of the labor movement in electoral politics. political opportunities do provide freedom for workers to form labor organizations and establish parties. but later, this convenience became a trap for the struggle of the labor movement because the ease of forming trade unions resulted in fragmented labor movements into many organizations that differed in their views on electoral politics and to whom their support would be given. this fragmentation is the root of the problem so that the labor movement in electoral politics is difficult to be expected to grow and expand. for this reason, the temporary labor movement must be satisfied only as a spectator, and not yet become a player in the electoral political arena in indonesia. references books amal, ichlasul (ed). 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https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2014/05/01/1217264/pergerakan.buruh.indonesia https://historia.id/politik/articles/sobri-bukan-sobsi-p4eox https://tirto.id/banyak-serikat-buruh-terlibat-politik-transaksional-cogt https://www.solidaritas.net/partai-buruh-indonesia/ https://kumparan.com/@kumparannews/syarat-jadi-parpol-di-indonesia-dinilai-terumit-dan-termahal-di-dunia https://kumparan.com/@kumparannews/syarat-jadi-parpol-di-indonesia-dinilai-terumit-dan-termahal-di-dunia http://indoprogress.blogspot.com/2007/08/serikat-buruhserikat-pekerja-di.html http://kependudukan.lipi.go.id/en/population-study/employment/66-problematika-buruh-outsourcing layout desember 2008 introduction the problem of corruption has been one of the major areas of inquiry among many scholars for a long time now because of its broad impact to the political and economic situations of a country. corruption is commonly defined as the misuse and abuse of public office for private gain (undp, 1997). according to nye (1976), this act involves a complex range of practices which encompasses behavior which deviates from the formal duties of public role. however, de guzman et al., (1979) assert that the parties involved in corruption may be internal or external to the bureaucratic organization. corruption is considered pervasive and a universal problem afflicting developed and developing countries alike (shleifer and vishny, 1993; pedro jr., 2001). in fact, shleifer and vishny (1993) argued that the structures and political processes of weak governments result in high corruption levels especially in the developing countries. corruption is considered today as anti-development, being the primary obstacle to social and economic growth in poor countries (undp, 1997: andvig et al., (2000) despite its functional side. mauro (1993), for instance, found out that countries with higher levels of corruption have lower ratio of both total and private investments to gdp. the complex nature of this phenomenon necessitates the determination of its context, nature, characteristics, patterns and organizational structure in effectively addressing the problem. sulpecia l. ponce, domshell john b. cahiles, mohammad naif s. pimping, jonathan a. jangao, amabelle a. embornas, myrma jean a. mendoza msu-iligan institute of technology philippines; email: april27_sol@yahoo.com corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 abstract this study attempts to explore the involvement in graft and corruption among elective barangay youth officials in a city in southern philippines. using a qualitative research design employing a case study method, 10 informants were included in this study and were selected using snowball sampling technique. the findings indicated that the informants were aware of the forms of graft and corrupt practices stipulated in the anti-graft and corrupt practices act in the philippines (ra 3019) and other legal documents. however, despite this, most of them admitted to have been involved in any of the following irregular acts while in public service: malversation of public funds, evasion of public bidding in the purchase of supplies and equipments, forgery, bribery, making ghost projects and payrolls, abuse of powers, among others. it was known also that corruption was caused mainly by bureaucratic dysfunctions especially in the delay of budget releases and political socialization with older and corrupt barangay officials who passed on the techniques of corruption to the young leader informants. the policy implications of the study demands further strengthening of governmental structures and processes that would ensure observance of good governance among public officials both at the barangay ( local) and national levels. keywords: barangay, bureaucratic dysfunction, graft and corruption, political socialization, sangguniang kabatataan corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 245 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in the philippines, corruption is rampant. the transparency international 2010 report says that the level of corruption in the philippines has worsened in the last three years, with the country being perceived as 12th most corrupt in a field of 178 nations (http://cpi.transparency.org.). according to amorado (2007), the corrupt bureaucratic structure of the national government has penetrated the local government unit (even at the barangay level which is the base and smallest political unit of the country) upon the implementation of the 1991 local government code of the philippines (republic act 7160). under this law, the barangay local government unit (blgu) was then able to receive its annual internal revenue allotment (ira) from the national government. the devolution of power to the lgu was believed to produce empowerment of the political base of the country. the youth through the sangguniang kabataan (sk) has been highly encouraged to participate in politics and governance starting at the barangay level and gets 10 % of the barangay ira. the sk council comprising of 1 chair and 7 members are elected by the youth voting population 15 to 17 years old. the council appoints among its members a secretary, treasurer and committee heads. the philippine government is the only nation in the world which has a mechanism of involving the youth sector in governance (undp, 2007). this is in response to the call of the united nations’ convention on the rights of children to create an avenue wherein they can actively represent their sector in the affairs of the local government and in the country as a whole. the need to examine the experiences of these elected youth leaders especially their involvement/ non-involvement in graft and corruption deserves scholarly attention since this is an unexplored area of study based on literature of corruption in the philippines reviewed by the authors (madlangbayan, 2008; aban, 2009; laut et al., 2012, javier, 1998). the participation of the youth in local governance is a good starting point to examine whether these youth leaders have imbibed the ideals of clean government or, just like the involvement of traditional political leaders in corruption; they too are following the same path. this study intends to examine whether the youth leaders in iligan city are involved in graft and corruption practices at the barangay level. specifically, this study aims to obtain information on the following: roles of the sk in local governance, budgetary allocations, notions of graft and corruption, nature/type of graft and corruption practices experienced , their reasons for involvement/ non-involvement in corruption practices, the people involved , extent of corruption undertaken, and their perception as to how this practice affects them at the personal level and the sk organization level/youth governance. in this study, there are two approaches used in understanding corruption. the first one is to view this practice at the agent-actor level being the one who defines his experiences from his own perspective. in this approach, homan’s exchange theory and bandura’s social learning theory are used as tools for understanding corruption practices. exchange theory conceptualizes social interaction as an exchange of tangible or intangible goods and services, ranging from food and shelter to social approval or sympathy. people choose to participate in an exchange after they have examined the costs and the rewards of alternative courses of action corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 246 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and have chosen the most attractive choice (ritzer, 2000). the more satisfied they are with the outcomes of exchange, the more likely they are to repeat their participation. involvement of the sk members in corruption is assumed to be the result of repeated actions in the past or deprivations that direct them to do the act in anticipation of a goal which could be money, property and other desired ends. on the other hand, how is corruption learned? it is through the assumptions laid down by bandura that can supply the possible answer. according to him, “most human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others, one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a guide for action” (bandura, 1969). the second approach is to look at corruption at the organizational level. in this approach, corruption could be seen as a dysfunction of an ideal bureaucratic structure governed by rational leaders that are guided by the values of logic, efficiency and reason. corruption is argued to be the antithesis of the bureaucratic objective towards attaining efficiency, calculability, and predictability in decision making. bureaucratic laws, rules and regulations derived their legitimacy from the consistent, disciplined, rationalized and methodical calculation of optimum means to given ends (weber, 1947). on the other hand, corruption may operate in a different manner as it is usually governed by collusion and secrecy that is, hidden from public view. however, the objective conditions set by the organization or society may be very stringent that people are unable to obtain their goals using institutional means. using merton’s anomie theory, the anomic person may become an innovator in his conscious desire to obtain an end which he could not fulfill through legitimate means. thus in a bureaucratic set up, this person may resort to illegal means, hence corruption, because opportunities offered to him in the organization to obtain a goal is thwarted or limited by bureaucratic regulations (merton, 1957). the schematic diagram below shows that the sk as an organization has defined roles and budgetary allocations in the barangay which could serve as the starting point to analyze the structural conduciveness of the sk to corruption. at the personal level, the sk informants have notions about the forms of graft and corruption that exist not only in the local/ barangay level but also in the government bureaucracy. similarly, their personal profile (age and sk position) might have relevance in their participation in corruption being young or not receiving monetary incentive relative to their position. these organizational and personal conditions are assumed to contribute certain weights on the reasons of their involvement/non-involvement in graft and corruption viewed in the following dimensions: form of corruption undertaken, people involved in the act and extent of involvement in terms of the monetary rewards obtained. their perception of the effects of their involvement in corruption personally (like values and motivation) and organizationally (role performance and budgetary aspects, etc.) define the meanings they constructed based on their experience in public service. this is helpful in understanding how corruption might end, being passed on or fermented in the minds of these young leaders who could possibly be the future leaders of the country. corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 247 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ research methods this study utilized a qualitative approach employing a case study method. primary information was derived from 10 key informants comprising of 5 sk chairs and 5 sk councilors who served office from 2007-2010 and were selected through snowball sampling method. they were also mostly college students, single, 20 years old and served 3 years (full term) in their position. out of the 44 barangays in iligan city, 10 were included out of which 6 are urban and 4 are rural barangays represented each by these 10 key informants. the identity of the barangays and informants were secured through assigning them with fictitious names to abide with the ethical principles in conducting research. informed consent was also secured prior to the interview proper. content analysis was the method used in organizing and classifying data and thematic approach was also employed in the data analysis. table 1 below shows the profile of the barangays in the study showing their income (ira), population, land size and sk allocation which is 10 % share of the ira of mother barangay. ira is determined according to population size and land area of the local government unit, in this case, the barangay. as shown in the table, the top 4 barangays with the highest ira are urban and figure 1. schematic diagram of the study corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 248 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (with the exception of barangay go and hd which are urban) the rest are rural. discussions and results 1. budget allocation and roles of the sk officers in local governance before discussing the roles of sk, it is significant to present its budget allocation and distribution as basis for us to understand the source of corruption in the organization. aside from the 10 % ira received by the sk from the general fund of the barangay (sec.329, 2001 sk by-laws), it can also hold fund-raising activities (sec. 426c) or solicit contributions (sec. 433b). the breakdown of the sk budget is as follows: green brigade program ( 10%), capability building program ( 10%), antidrug abuse campaign program( 10 %) , 58% for the development programs such as education, health, disaster and calamity management, sports, infrastructure and legislative work, and 2% for the annual dues for the sk national federation program (source: 2001 sk constitution and by-laws ). sk is mandated by its constitution and by-laws to initiate programs designed to enhance the social, political, economic, cultural, moral, spiritual, and physical development of the members. however, upon examination of the research data, it was noted that there is often a disparity between the youth’s most pressing needs and interests, such as livelihood and education, and the sk’s projects which tend to focus more on sports, culture, and the environment. sk should also promulgate resolutions necessary to carry out the objectives of the youth in the barangay but the responses indicated that the sk’s performance in the legislative function was generally weak. however, it is interesting to note that clean brigade program, education program in the form of lakbay aral (educational exposure of sk) and sports activities become the major sources of corruption in the sk. table 1. profile of the barangays included in the study source: department of interior and local government, iligan city, 2007 corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 249 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. notions about graft and corruption awareness about graft and corruption practices is prevalent among the informants. in fact, they believed that corruption is part of an organization/ system making it an inevitable and normal daily operation. they argued that even the well-meaning political leaders cannot avoid corruption. graft and corruption practices can be in the form of overpricing the cost of office supplies, kickbacks, forging signatures, false transparency, abuse of power, stealing public money, bribery, malversation of funds, ghost projects, getting late in a meeting, among others. corruption is bad, but it is needed for the survival of a political career (like stealing government money to buy votes) or getting away from bureaucratic red tape and inefficiency. the philippine government bureaucracy is ridden with corruption that pervades in all levels, that is from the national to the local government up to the smallest political unit which is the barangay. they considered this practice as unfair because only the politicians enjoy the government resources while the majority of the filipinos are wallowing in poverty. however, corruption cannot be avoided but can be minimized through laws. 3. reasons for involvement in graft and corruption practices except for one sk councilor who was strongwilled and had spared himself from committing the act, nine of the key informants said that they were involved in graft and corruption during their terms. corruption was resorted to by these young public officials because of the benefits it offered to them; making money or saving them from an unfavorable situation (especially budget deficits during travels). the personal motivation to engage in corruption occurred among them especially if they get monetary incentive for their involvement or if they want to retrieve the personal money they had taken from their pocket especially on the part of the sk chair who shared his honoraria with the sk councilors. since it is only the sk chair who receives a monthly honorarium equivalent to the honorarium given to barangay councilors, the sk councilors also feel that they all deserve an incentive from the sk funds. this is the reason why they find any possible means to get money and compensate for their efforts/labor during their term through conducting irregular activities that will surely yield monetary returns. organizationally, corruption happens because of delayed budgetary release of a forthcoming project, as source of honorarium for the sk councilors, purchase of much needed materials needing immediate funding or to facilitate the release of urgent papers, among others. in particular, the illegal nature of the act involves secrecy on the part of the participants since it could become a reason for blackmailing the involved parties in the future once the sk official refused to enlist his involvement in the illegal activity. the clean brigade fund is the usual funding source for the honorarium of the sk councilors the amount of which varies by barangay. in here, there is interplay of both personal motives and organizational loopholes that find its way to corruption. the moral judgment of the informants is generally weak because they were young then. all these would have implications to the kind of moral recovery and educational programs to be directed at the institutional levels which should start at the family. on the other hand, modifying legal provisions in the operation of the sk organization may address corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 250 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the organizational conduciveness of the sk to corruption. 4. type of corruption undertaken the following discussions involve a categorization of the corruption practices done by the informants while in office. the classification may overlap but the common denominators of all of them are dishonesty/fraud, abuse of power, absence of transparency and integrity. a. embezzlement/diversion of funds some amount of the budget in the sk allocated for a particular purpose is diverted to other uses. this comes in the form of purchasing laptop for the money originally allotted for books, using budget for the sk council tour for the tour of the sk chair’s family, or using money intended for the payment of clean brigade cleaners to offset the deficit in the conduct of cultural activities. these practices are commonly identified in the local and national studies on corruption that had been done so far (madlangbayan, 2008; aban, 2009; laut et al., 2012, javier, 1998). b. payroll padding/ghost employment in order to obtain honorarium for the sk councilors which is not provided by law of any monetary benefit while in office, the money is taken from the 10% clean brigade fund. this is done by preparing a proposal for the conduct of an environmental cleanup activity where the budget for the workers is stipulated. this proposal is going to be endorsed by the sk council (with their signatures) to be submitted for approval of the mother barangay. in some barangays, the sk members will personally do the cleaning and had to prepare their daily time record (dtr) for their services in order to be paid. in others, they simply hire people to do the labor but they include their names in the list of workers without having to personally engage themselves in the activity. the sk members involved will collect their salary together with the salary of the ghost workers they listed in the payroll. the amount involved ranged from php 1,000.00 to php 4,000.00 monthly. in the law, it was not permitted that the sk chair will receive a double compensation. what one sk chair did was to list his younger brother’s name in the payroll but he was the one who collected the amount. if we look at the at embezzlement and payroll padding as forms of corruption practices, the anti-corruption laws in the philippines especially section 3, paragraph (b) of ra 3019 (anti-graft and corrupt practices act) and article 217 of the revised penal code of the philippines strictly prohibited the conduct of these acts among public officials. looking at the situation from the theoretical stance of merton, these practices are the result of the failure of the bureaucracy to provide the sk a constitutional provision that allows the sk council to obtain monetary benefit for their involvement and participation in youth governance. because of this, they look for manipulative ways to get what they want through payroll padding and related means. c. fraud during travel/tours and abuse of power falsification of public documents occurred during travels/tours of sk officers. in order to save on the travel cost and offset travel budget deficit, over declaration of expenses was commonly observed in the liquidation of expenses for transporcorruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 251 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tation and foods, and other items stipulated in the itinerary. in certain occasion, the sk chair pocketed the travel budget of the sk councilors who joined a tour which is a clear case of abuse of power. there were situations in the conduct of cultural activities wherein the sk members played corruption by charging entrance fees but the proceeds were not liquidated but, instead, were divided among themselves. d. fraud in the award of contract: overpricing, absence of public bidding and kickbacks corruption is costly to the government resources if mismanaged. the law provides that a public bidding shall be conducted in purchasing government supplies and equipment in order to pick up the lowest bidder. this is the juiciest form of corruption since the corrupt official simply looks for a supplier of a good to be purchased and awards the contract without bidding in anticipation of at least 10 % commission from the supplier. a piecemeal purchasing strategy whereby small quantities of supplies are bought in continuous process is resorted to by the canvasser in order to do away with the bidding process. because it took some times for the payment to be given especially if the budget is delayed, the supplier usually charged an overpriced cost of the items in order to cover up for the commission of the canvasser. however, there was also a case when overpricing of items was done in order to get money to pay for the services of the sports referee whose honorarium was missed in the budget. the process described above, violates the requirement in open public bidding in the awarding of contract (sec 3, ra 3019). it is also a moral, social and cultural problem in a society that perpetuates personal dealings through the practice of reciprocity, debt of gratitude and patronage. in the language of amorado (2007), he called these cultural breeders of corruption especially with the tendency of the filipinos to utilize connections to facilitate “fixed” transactions. r.a. 6713 (code of conduct and ethical standards for public officials and employees) has more comprehensive provisions on conflict of interest. the law and its implementing rules say that public officials cannot have a direct or indirect financial or material interest in any transaction requiring the approval of their office. an official is said to have a financial or material interest if s/he is a substantial stockholder, member of the board, or officer of a corporation (coronel and tirol, 2002). e. prize manipulation and forging signatures prize manipulation usually happened when budget proposal for the sk cultural/sports event is not approved. this is done by not giving the exact amount of prizes to the winners so that the extra money then could be used in other events, or they can pocket it. in the voucher, a higher amount is indicated but in the awarding of prizes, the winners will receive only lower amount. what will be passed to the treasurer for liquidation report will be a forged voucher in order to hide the anomaly. in another case, the fund for the clean brigade was released involving an amount of php16, 000.00 without the knowledge of the sk council. this amount was intended for an activity which the mother barangay never permitted the sk to undertake. so the sk chair forged the signatures of the sk members in the payroll so that he can get the money. corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 252 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the above cases are in violation of section 3, paragraph (b) of r.a 3019. also, these practices are considered criminal acts as defined by article 171, section iv of the revised penal code of the philippines. in fact, some barangay officials in iligan city are already sued for violating these provisions based on the reports of the informants. f. corruption in the use of government properties there seems to be a failure among the young public officials to distinguish what is a private and a public property. according to rose-ackerman (1978), corruption is an interface of the public and private sectors or in the language of heidenheimer et al. (1989), the transaction between these sectors makes the actors illegitimately convert public goods, which are collectively owned, into private goods. as gathered, majority of the sk council members looked at public properties purchased during their terms as their own. for example, most of them used personally the laptop of the office, motorbike, cellular phone, sports equipment, school supplies, computer set, among others. in fact, a few admitted to have subdivided among themselves and brought home parts of a computer set to include a monitor, cpu and printer. there is failure on their part to consider public accountability in governance especially in the use of public properties for official purposes. the revised penal code of the philippines and the previously stipulated laws (ra 3019 and ra 6713) cited provisions for defining acts of public officials which are punishable under these laws. g. bribery bribery could occur in three levels. the first level is for the sk chair to bribe the sk councilors so they would approve his/her project proposal. the next level is for the sk chair, with or without the participation of the sk councilors, to bribe the barangay officials (the barangay chair, treasurer or head of the finance committee) for their approval of an sk project proposal. however, in order that the liquidation of the money released would not be problematic, the next level is for the sk chair/ council to bribe the personnel or auditor of the commission of audit (coa) for a smooth sailing approval of the liquidation report. the coa being the financial watchdog of the local government unit (lgu) is strict about how the finances are allocated and spent. once the coa questions the liquidation report, future budget releases of the lgu, including the sk, would be suspended. for instance, in the previous example cited on the “secret” release of p16, 000.00, the sk chair bribed the barangay treasurer and chair of the barangay finance committee for their approval. he was also able to seek approval from coa that some funds under the clean brigade program will be converted as sk councilors’ honorarium. in most cases, if there were projects that needed to be rushed, some amount shall be given to the commission on audit (coa) auditor and workers in order to facilitate the transaction. sometimes, aside from the ‘grease money” given, material things like cakes during birthdays, roast pig (lechon) are demanded in exchange for the approval of the transaction. bureaucratic corruption involves outright robbery of the treasury (kleptocracy). this situation is aptly captured by mushtaq khan who looks at corruption as “behavior that deviates from the formal rules of conduct governing the actions of someone in a corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 253 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ position of public authority because of private motives such as wealth, power, or status” (khan 1996:12). in the philippine case, an ordinary citizen cannot grossly rely on the transparency and accountability of public officials because even the watchdogs of the financial resources of the government like the coa personnel are parties in corruption. the network of support established by the youth leaders, which could be considered as their social capital, becomes the breeders of corruption. the bribed party allowed illegal activities of the sk officials in order for them to obtain personal gain from the anomalous transaction. when viewed at a macro perspective, hope (2000) argues that widespread corruption is a symptom of a poorly functioning state, failure of ethical leadership, democracy and good governance. however, it has to be stressed that the philippines is not bereft of laws that protect the resources of the government and to fight against corruption. the only problem is the aggressive implementation of these laws by imposing grave penalties on violators caught. 5. people involved corruption and their participation as cited earlier, those involved in corruption are public officials in the barangay who are involved in the monetary transactions of the sk as approving officers like the sk council, barangay treasurer, barangay chair and head of the barangay finance committee. these are the horizontal connections or the local corruption network. private individuals are also involved like the supplier of goods for public use. on the other hand, the coa is considered as an inter-agency corruption partner responsible for the audit of the liquidation report of the sk official. 6. extent of monetary involvement this study was able to document that an sk official got at least php 500.00 to php 144, 000.00 after serving 3 years in the office. the sk chairs have higher monetary involvement than the sk councilors because the latter have limited access to the financial resources of the barangay. other sk councilors got php 1,000.00 to php 4,000.00 monthly the amount of which was taken usually from the clean brigade fund. on the other hand, the sk chair got php 25,000.00 to more than p100, 000.00 aside from his honorarium from the mother barangay. this would indeed indicate that huge amount of money is really lost to corruption which the transparency international (2010) estimated to be 20% of the philippines’ annual budget. if translated to monetary terms, this is equivalent to php 250 billion a year (http:// www.transparencyreporting.net). 7. the breeders of corruption transmitters of the culture of corruption were identified in the study. these persons could be fellow sk or barangay officials, notably the barangay treasurer, or coa personnel. they taught the informants the mode of operation in doing corruption. the techniques involved in doing the act include getting the right connections and false transparency because it is mandatory that all the paper transactions done in support of money embezzled shall appear legitimate. also, the informants claimed that they were taught, helped, and protected by the above-mentioned corruption partners. corruption is also learned by the informants themselves when they faced some problems to corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 254 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ finance their activities or tempted not to report the money they collected from income-generating activities like solicitations and entrance fees for sports and cultural activities. they reported that corruption is a matter of a change of attitudefrom being guilty at first to being comfortable with it every time you do it. furthermore, learning corruption from a parent who is a barangay official also surfaced. the corruption networks cited above are indeed startling facts as these would mean dismantling the complex avenues for corruption which cut across institutional spheres, including the family. 8. perceived effects of corruption in governance at the personal level, corruption is seen by the informants both in the positive and negative angles. the immediate personal monetary gain plus their realization that corruption is part of the system make them lenient about the practice. the others admitted that they were then young, vulnerable and lacked wisdom that is why they committed the act. on the other hand, some believed that in whatever form and reason, morally, corruption is bad—and politics is the dirtiest game to play. in fact, the people who said this would not engage in politics anymore having seen how corruption had plagued politics. at the organizational level, corruption saves the sk a few times especially when faced with budget deficits, delayed budgetary releases, or obtain budget for the sks honorarium. the bureaucratic delays and legal restrictions forced the sk officers to find for viable but illegitimate means to operate under limited resources and difficult circumstances. the integrity and accountability of the young public officials are adversely affected because of the organizational loopholes and structures that promote the practice of graft and corruption in the barangay local government unit. conclusion corruption has many facets, causes, reasons and functions in various contexts. worldwide corruption is seen by hope (2000) as symptom of poorly functioning state, failure of ethical leadership, democracy and good governance. among the young public officials in the study, their involvement in corruption is just a reflection of a bigger national corruption problem of the philippine government which could be the result of moral decay, misuse of public power, and weak governance. sad to say, these youth leaders are not spared from this problem as they are a microcosm of the national situation. young leaders as they are, they are now following the tracks of corruption laid by the older political officials in the barangay. their public consciousness and idealism which are the basic ingredients in sparking the zest for political change, responsible leadership and moral transformation are now at stake. the theoretical assumptions posed in line with homan’s exchange theory, has found some support in the data. for instance, the estimation of rewards (financial gain) outweighs the costs (like guilt) in participating into the corruption practices. also, those involved in the act of corruption are considered innovators (using merton’s typology) who wanted to obtain a goal (like money, public goods) by not following the institutional means. the ideals of bureaucracy as advanced by weber are challenged by corruption. in this study, corruption even facilitated efficiency and prompt service corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 255 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ that derails/dismantles bureaucratic red tape. corruption also circumvents the law in favor of the corrupt actors since the rigidity and legality in the operations of the bureaucracy is hard to penetrate. however, despite the upside of corruption to the bureaucratic operations, its downside is devastating at the macro level. corruption is costly on the part of the government. the money lost to corruption could have been used for productive projects that benefit the poor. the overlap of private and public sectors result in plunder of public goods. corruption that involves the government’s internal control, audit, and financial watchdogs result in financial drain of the limited budget of the local government units, including the sk. this study has implications to strengthening the campaign against corruption thereby promoting good governance as subsumed in the platforms of the aquino administration. democratic participation of the people, civil society organizations, non-government organizations, and media, among others could facilitate exposures of corruption among government leaders as bold moves to curb the act. amendment in the sk constitution and bylaws to address issues on transparency and accountability, leadership morals and ethics are of primary importance in order to teach these young leaders the value of responsible and clean government. references aban, m.( 2009). the attitudes of sangguniang kabataan of barangay ubaldo d. laya toward corruption, year 2007-2009. undergragraduate thesis. msu-iligan institute of technology.iligan city. amorado, r. v. ( 2007). fixing society: the inside world of fixers in the philippines. davao city: research and publications office. ateneo de davao university. andvig, j. c., fjeldstad, o. h. ( 2000): research on corruption:a policy oriented survey. final report, chr. michelsen institute (cmi) & norwegian institute of international affairs (nupi). bandura, a. (1969). principle of behavior modification. new york: holt, rinehart and winston. carino, ledivina v. (1979). the definition of graft and corruption and the conflict of ethics and law. philippine journal of public administration. vol. xxiii nos. 3 & 4. coronel, s. and tirol, l. k. (2002). “investigating corruption a do – it – yourself guide, a philippine center for investigative journalism.” manila:advocate book supply. de guzman, r. p., vineza, r., de leon, j. h. (july – october 1979). bureaucratic behavior and development: a case study of supply management in a philippine government agency. philippine journal of public administration. vol. xxiii, nos. 3 & 4. department of interior and local government . ( 2007). iligan city. heidenheimer, a. j., johnston, m. , levine, v. t. (1989). political corruption: a handbook new brunswick: transaction publishers. homans, g. c. (1974). social behavior: its elementary forms. (rev. ed.) new york: harcourt brace jovanovich. hope, k. r. (2000). corruption and development in africa. in k. r. hope, sr. and b.c. chikulu (eds.) corruption and development in africa.lessons from country case-studies. new york: st. martin’s press. javier, e.b. (1998). pork and other perkscorruption corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 256 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and governance in the philippines. manila:advocate book supply khan, m. (1996). a typology of corrupt transactions in developing countries. ids bulletin, vol. 8, no. 5. laut, a.l., mariano, a. g. , ontolan, f. b. ( 2012). graft and corruption practices among sected public officials in mindanao, southern philippines. undergraduate thesis. msu-iligan institute of technology. iligan city. madlangbayan, m. u. (2008). patterns of corruption in selected government offices in iligan city: a preliminary case study.masteral thesis. msu-iligan institute of technology. iligan city mauro, p. ( 1993). country risk and growth. in corruption. a. shleifer and r.w. vishny (eds.). the quarterly journal of economics, 108(august): s. 599–617. merton, r.k. ( 1957). social theory and social structure. free press:glencoe nye, j.s. (1967). corruption and political development. american political science review, vol. 61,no. 2, pp. 417-427. pedro, a.c.( 2001). combating corruption in east asia.”yunchero center for east asia. de la salle university. ritzer, g.( 2000). modern sociological theory. boston: mcgrawhill companies house inc. rose-ackerman, rose (1978). corruption. a study in political economy. london/new york:academic press. sangguniang kabataan constitution and by-laws.( 2001). shleifer, a. . vishny, r.w. (1993). corruption. the quarterly journal of economics, 108(august): s. 599–617. united nations development programme. ( 1997).corruption and good governance. new york: management development and governance and division, bureau for policy and programme support undp. united nations development programme. ( 2007). the impact of the youth participation in local developmentprocess: the sangguniang kabataan experience. commissioned by unicef in partnership with the department of the interior and local government. weber, m. (1947). the theory of social and economic organization (tr. henderson and parsons), new york. online sources: corruption clock.http:// www.transparencyreporting.net/. corruption perception index 2011. http:// cpi.transparency.org. republic act 3019 anti graft and corruption practices act. http://www.ombudsman.gov.ph. republic act 6713 code of conduct and ethical standards for public officials and employees. http://dilgbicol.org. revised penal code of the philippines. act. 3815. december 1930. . http://www.un.org/ _revised_penal_code.pdf corruption practices among young elective public officials (sanggunian kabataan) in iligan city, southern philippines / sulpecia ponce, domshell cahiles / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0014 layout februari 2016 the implications of gated society in jakarta metropolitan region: a multiple-case study in tangerang district, banten, indonesia indah surya wardhani affiliated to research centre for politic and government, at department politics and government (polgov), universitas gadjah mada, email: indahsuryaw@gmail.com abstract this paper argued that the gating system intensifies existing divergence of the gated communities and the kampung communities. the significant dissimilarities between the residents and the dwellers strongly indicate social inequality. the notion of gated society at the neighborhood level remains problematic. the existence of fortress raises some ethical questions whether the rich, the high-level professional, and the famous have right to fort to themselves and keep other citizens out, whether they have privilege to set the boundaries and live separately from society as well as maintain the amenities exclusively. the gated society inevitably brings enormous policy consequences. this paper recommend housing policy as social legislation to regulate the notion of gated society. the long term practices of exclusion within fortress, and public space privatization will impede the function and very idea of the future citizenship. beyond social redistribution, the principle idea of housing policy is promoting inclusive right for sustainable development. the absence of the inclusiveness results in a decline of democracy. keyword: gated community, social segregation, inequality, housing policy, citizenship introduction the setting of boundaries is always a political act since boundaries determine space and membership thereby to facilitate the purposes of political, economic, and social life (blakely, e.j. and snyder, recieved 11 january 2016; accepted 16 january 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 129 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 m.g., 1997). gated community is the dramatic forms of the new residential space that was previously integrated with the larger shared civic space. it is believed that dispersion of gated communities throughout jakarta metropolitan region (jmr) has been associated with emerging of new towns development in the last two decades. they are built in the urban periphery and constructed largely as exclusive residential with excellent infrastructures and urban lifestyle amenities, as well as 24-hours security system. despite of economic crisis in 1998, new towns development has been promising property businesses spreading toward the outskirt. the number of new town in jmr is growing vividly in the las decade. there had been 23 new towns projects by nearly 260 developers ranging from 500 to 6,000 ha in size at the end of 2001 (firman, 2004). a decade later, real estate indonesia (rei), an association of indonesia’s corporate housing developers, claimed that there are 25 new towns covering very more or less 21,000 ha size in total (ganie, 2010). the earliest new town project apparently responded the instruction of president no 13/1976 of development of jakarta metropolitan area.1 the policy prescribed enforcement of secondary growth centers in outskirts of jakarta by generating investments for trade and industry activities as well as residential in suburbs. the policy positively enhanced industrial estates to develop new town as selfcontained neighborhoods (kota mandiri) complete with urban and employment centers to decline congestion in city center of jakarta in 1980s. the several highway projects of jmr were launched in the early 1980s and law no 4/1992 of housing and settlements fertilized the spreading of new town enriched conurbation area.2 as can be seen, the first policy fostered opening access of suburbs increased the absorption of investment while the second boosted broad expansion of private industrial estates. those polihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 130 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics cies result consequences, including reducing carrying capacity of the metropolitan core and increasing carrying capacity of the fringes on the one hand, as well as highlighting privatization of planning on the other hand (hudalah, d. and firman, t., 2012). the following figure shows magnitude of new town and its gated communities in generating new spatial pattern of residencies in jmr. figure 1: spread of new town in jmr source: (herlambang, 2011) the notion of new towns and gated communities spread throughout the outskirts of jmr positive as well as negative externalities. it may have desirable effects at the sub-national and district level of administration, by increasing average income in suburbs and decreasing economic gap with dki jakarta. moreover, the dispersion http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 131 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 of gated communities often comes along with the development of amenities and utilities, such as streets and commercial business districts. however, the implications of gated community at the neighbourhood level tend to bring disadvantages since it disperses vastly in the villages, which are the original kampungs of native ethnic. based on the research, this paper explains the implications of gated communities in jakarta metropolitan region. the research on a multiple-case of gated communities with varying continuum of disclosure at tangerang district, province of banten provided evidences on how gated communities intensify differentiation and inequality in the society, decline social integration, and discourage the authority of local government. hence, this paper attempts to argue the undesirable impacts of gated community at the neighborhood level, notably social segregation and withdrawal citizenship. theoretical framework gated community has been defined in varies ways. basically, it is identified by the setting of boundary and territory. they define gated community as residential areas with restricted access in which security developments with designated perimeters, usually walls or fences and controlled entrances (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). similar definition, a gated society is defined as a residential development surrounded by walls, fences, or earth banks covered with bushes and shrubs, with a secured entrance (low s., 2003, p. 11). unlike the condominium building or apartment, gated community are different in terms of their fences, boundaries, and territories, precluding public access to streets, playground, sidewalks, parks, beaches, rivers, and all utilities, which without fences will be open and shared by all citizen of a locality. regarding the fortress and enclosure, gated communities are often associated with a ‘culture of fear’ and risk experienced within the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 132 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics city center. the discourse of urban fear encodes other social concerns including class, race, and ethnic exclusivity as well as gender (low s. m., 2001). security zone and gating system defend of crime and outsider (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). considering the continuum of enclosure, there are eight classification of gates based on two common appearances, i.e. how the marking of boundary and how the existing control of the main entrance (grant, j. and mittelsteadt, 2004). wall creates “demarcation” which restricts access of undesirable people or subgroups as part of response to the fear of crime, violence to people, and poverty (thorns, 2002). not only reflecting the fear, the fortified enclave is treated as a spatial expression of increasing urban conflict (manzi, t. and bowers, b.s., 2006). hence, to live within the fortress and wall might create the sense of community. the communities perceive collective identity of themselves by encouraging sense of collective life naturally like in local area and also selective act of imagination like the same impulse life (sennett, 1976). gated community is categorized into three typologies based on the functions, i.e. lifestyle community, prestige community, and security zone community (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). the important social values in residents’ consideration are sense of community, exclusion, privatization, and stability. it reflects not just feeling but also participation in the social life of a place that implies sharing of territory, particularly social interaction, including identity, values, desires, and common goals as well as maintaining social ladder. furthermore gated community has been classified as residential with legal agreements consideration, which tie the residents to a common code of conduct and collective responsibility. a legal framework means allow the extraction of monies to maintain of common utilities and services combine with a physical structure, which include gated and walls enclosing space (atkinson, r. and blandy, s., http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 133 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 2006). this definition also considers as economic terms as a conceptualization of holding property right developed through collective action of individual for individual. in similar definition, gated community is clarified as club goods due to the excludability of use by its pricing and membership requirements (manzi, t. and smithbowers, b., 2006).the privatized enclosures of public space aimed community homeowner control. they intensify exclusionary land use practices in place shows how struggles emerge between communities and districts over tax payments for public services that have been privatized behind the gates and walls of such communities (low s., 2003). to sum up, the setting of boundaries is always a political act since boundaries determine space and membership. it is underlined the gated community brought policy consequences since it is clarified as club goods which has legal framework which allows some citizens have economic and social privilege, sets walled territory, excludes others citizens as well as withdrawals from public contact. the implications of gated communities on segregation are persistently discussed since the experiences and externalities had different effects on different levels of administration. gated community has positive externalities such as improving a physical environment, job opportunity, a modern image toward surrounding area (alvarez-rivadulla, 2007), reduce the scale of residential segregation between city centre and suburbs by increasing land price, spreading middle-upper income groups throughout the city, decreasing economic gap, and promoting some forms of urban facilities (salcedo, r. and torres, a., 2004) (sabatini, f. and salcedo, r., 2007). it is believed that gated community brings high investing on urban infrastructure, highways, fibre optic and telecommunication networks (hudalah and firman 2012, sabatini and salcedo 2007). the development stimulates the dynamic of the contemporary subhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 134 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics urban in outskirts of metropolis jakarta as a global trend of postsuburbia (hudalah and firman 2012). despite urban sprawl, new town has been claimed creates new opportunities, which involves concentration of hi-tech industries and multinational companies, converting formerly neglected rural hinterland into suburban industrial estates. new town reflects cultural integration since the residents mostly are migrants from other regions in indonesia, even expatriates, who have cultural diversity of ethnic and religion (leisch, 2002). on the contrary, these undesirable impacts became evidences in neighbourhood level. gated community implies negative consequences as a kind of a new housing market, which is a symbol of metropolitan fragmentation (le goix, 2005). a walled quarter associates with urban inequality (vaselinov et al. 2007) and separation with social context and different social groups (le goix 2005, atkinson and flint 2004). the dispersion of gated communities indicates how the private interests take over public space by zoning, taxes and incorporation of gated communities (low, setha, 2006). the expansion of new towns development in jmr also parallels with gentrification by rising land prices in the periphery and in some cases displaces established communities. the massive developments of new towns in outskirts of jakarta denote land speculative by private developers, facilitated by government, which has been a vast land ownership transfer from the previous landowners, mostly disadvantage farmers to the new town developers. they tend to invade suburban areas where are home or original village of betawi or sundanese ethnics indigenous ethnic inhabiting in bogor, depok, tangerang, and bekasi (firman 2004). in brief, the existing knowledge could not answer precisely the implication of gated community on social-spatial segregation since gated communities brought different evidence at different levels of governance. gated communities as the private communities is a http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 135 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 response to national and sub-national governments’ (municipal and district level) failure to provide adequate neighbourhood services and supply services in rapidly growing areas. however, the dispersion of gated communities in neighbourhood level tend to brought undesirable impact since it invades kampungs and often displaces the native communities. the idea of public sphere as an arena of political deliberation and participation is fundamental to democratic governance. in habermas’ account, the ideal of public sphere is supposed universal and thereby in any meaningful sense, spatially undifferentiated. it is implies that the spatial changing has impact to the public deliberation in the public space (low, s. and smith, n. (ed), 2006). in other words, there are the relationship between public space and the public sphere (harvey, 2006). equally important, the notion of citizenship is very complex that characteristic and dimensions remain open for competing conception. a critical geography introduced the political continuum of space from territory, scale, to sphere – has formed the interconnected dimensions of the citizenship, notably membership, legal status, rights, and participation (stokke, 2014). with this intention, the implication of gated communities has emerged by a critical geography of space that brought into studies of citizenship, social policy decision making, and setting up the “right to the city”. the contemporary political economy has underlined the importance of understanding the space, which identity politics, citizenship, and political agendas are articulated and struggled over (mccann, 2002, pp. 77-79). it is believed that the patterns of gated communities have demonstrated some of the ways that public sphere is affected by physical urban forms of residential organization (donoso, 2009). furthermore, the property right permits association of residents enhances self-governance in maintaining common utilities by prichttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 136 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ing and exclusive membership requirements (atkinson, r. and blandy, s., 2006) (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). here the issue is less one of replacing failing city services that controlling residential space (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). it is not surprising that those who can afford to turn public services to private service provision do, such as privatizing their streets and buying security, and other services on the private markets. in other words, space privatization by fortress and enclosure provides the sense of community for those who are ‘members’ rather than ‘citizens’. the setting of boundaries is always a political act since boundaries determine space and membership (blakely, e.j. and snyder, m.g., 1997). gated community is clarified as club goods due to the excludability of use by its pricing and membership requirements (manzi, t. and smith-bowers, b., 2006). in the long run, gated communities brought consequences on public sphere due to their wall and legal status. the privileges in political economy constructs exclusion brought inequality issue that hampered the citizenship. research method the scope of the study is to examine the implications of gated society at the neighborhood level, and to what extent gating impacts on citizenship. this study is based on gated communities locate at three private estates territories in tangerang district. the three territories are close each to other, established on the total area up to 5,000 hectares. those are in the outskirt area, where are around 25 kilometers from jakarta city center. the selected cases have different features on marking the boundaries and continuum controls of the main entrance. the three cases are block thin islamic village with enable-gating case, sector 7 a/ b gading serpong with semi restricts gating, lestari cluster lippo karawaci with full restrict-gating case. the following table presents http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 137 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 the continuum of enclosures and varying features differences on the cases. table1. the features of gated communities3 source: (wardhani, 2012) this research is an exploratory one, as it attempts to elaborate the implications of gated community as a contemporary phenomenon toward a context of social segregation in jmr. since the boundaries between the phenomenon and the context are not evidence, this research applied a multiple-case design to strive optimum exploration on phenomenon of gated communities (yin, 1991). hence, the slightly different outcomes are expected, which every case serves a specific purpose within the overall context of inquiry. to describe the phenomenon, the study aims for objective analysis. hence, the study applies a set of instruments to construct a triangulation of data (yin, 1991). the applied instruments for data collection methods are below: http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 138 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics participant observation using semi-structured observation guide: it intends to capture dynamic of the communities, how each community perceiving identity, sharing tract, and activities of intragroup and intergroup relation in the daily life. survey using structured questionnaires. questionnaire is considered as an efficient way for assembling responses from a large sample prior to quantitative overview analyses (saunders et al. 2003). targeted households are selected by simple random based on their site plots of the house. the targeted respondent to answer the questionnaire is member of the household, who has minimum age 17 years old or already married. in-depth interview with semi-structured questions. it is mainly looking for qualitative data in capturing rich understanding of perception and more insight of causal processes. targeted respondents of in-depth interview are selected purposively determined by snowball methods. secondary resources are from documents, such as regulation, publications, etc. the study applies a multiple-case design with three selected cases of gated communities within the three private estate territories in tangerang district. this study took sample purposively on one clustered residence, which is close to the native sub village (kampung). each case compounds of a gated community and a kampung community in its vicinities. each case can provide a valuable insight despite the limitation is more difficult to justify extending the results and conclusion to larger population (black 1993b). the selected cases are: (1) block thin and kampung kalipaten in the islamic village; (2) sector 7 a/b and kampung cicayur kaler in gading serpong township; (3) lestari cluster and kampung peusar in lippo karawaci township. to select the respondents, the study applies two sampling methhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 139 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 ods. first is the simple random sampling on the location of houses to get total 167 respondents (not including 23 respondents, who rejected). second is the snowballing sampling to seek 30 respondents in three cases, as well as 5 respondents from the authority’s side for answering semi-structured questions of in depth interviews. findings and analysis this part presents findings and the analysis. it confirmed that quantitative data from the survey brought the general pattern of the gated communities in terms of state of opinion and attitude of people as quantitative data while qualitative data from in-depth interview captured the rich understanding beyond the general pattern. the statistic tests the influence of explanatory variable (x) and dummy variable (d) to dependent variable (y) the opinion toward enclosure. it confirmed that opinion toward enclosure tend to be neutral (mean 3.4/5.00), in terms of gating: walled territory, cctv monitoring, 24-hours security, and checking gates for visitors. statistic tested how strong the influence of explanatory variable (x) and dummy variable (d) of the affected variable (y). with the stepwise, only six of 14 variables which can be analyzed further as it have a strong correlation with the affected variable (y). here are the results of multiple regressions to the processing of correlation x and y. t (0,788) (0,001) (0,000) (0,001) (0,043) (0,014) (0,024) se (0.215) (0.162) (0.062) (0.60) (0.124) (0.072) (0.179) r² (0.454) * the variations of explanatory variables (x) and dummy variables (d) or model explained 45.4 % toward enclosure (y). the rest may be explained by the others. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 140 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics * durbin watson = 1,626 (1<dw<3) indicated there is no autocorrelation. * f test = 0,00 explained the significant of variable for analysis * t test < 0.10 explained the significant of variable at 90 % confidence level * vif below 1 indicated no multicorrelation. regression equation: y = -0.058 + 0.241x1 (– 0.202x2) + 0.177x3 +0.555d1 + 0.253d2 – 0.407d3 y = state of opinion toward enclosure “ = constant x1 = perception toward developer x2 = trust to the neighbour in same neighbourhood (intragroup) x3 = perception toward amenities d1 = home location d2 = gender d3 = religion the equation indicated that the gating is acceptable due to some consideration. the behavior and attitude influencing the acceptance of the enclosure are following: the opinion toward enclosure (y) is influenced by perception toward developer (x1), degree of trust in intragroup relation (x2), perception toward amenities (x3), and various dummy variables (demographics), notably the home location, gender, and religion. the higher level of perception toward developer (x1), the more level of acceptance toward enclosure with other variables held constant the lower level of trust among intragroup relation (x2), the more level of acceptance toward enclosure, with other variables held http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 141 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 constant. the higher level of perception toward amenities (x3), the more level of acceptance toward enclosure, with other variables held constant. there is difference in the level of acceptance toward enclosure among respondents living in the cluster and in the kampung amounted 0.555, with other variables held constant. there is difference in the level of acceptance toward enclosure among men and women respondents amounted 0.235, with other variables held constant. there is difference in the level of acceptance toward enclosure among respondents who are muslim and not muslim amounted 0.407, with other variables held constant as comparative study, the research revealed similarities and dissimilarities in terms of highlighting indicators. the gated communities and the kampung communities obviously have spatial differences in terms of gating. the spatial differences lead how they perceive themselves as the community. the data presentation responds to three questions, which aimed to answer the main research question, what are the effects of gated communities on social segregation in jakarta metropolitan region. q1: what are the perceptions of established community toward gated community and vice versa? this study revealed that perception toward other group is often formed based on dissimilarities rather than similarities. the survey showed that the gated communities and the kampung communities have significant dissimilarities, in terms of physical, economic, and social aspects. the gated communities are heterogeneous by ethnicity and religion, but homogenous by class and status while the kampung comhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 142 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics munities are homogenous by ethnicity (sundanese) and religion (islam). only block thin is gated community, which is also homogenous by religion. furthermore, two groups have perception to identify themselves on the highlighting dissimilarities in terms of physical aspects (housing and spatial separation), economical aspects (main occupation, level of expenditure) and social (education level, religion, and ethnicity). both of the groups often notice these dissimilarities as stereotype to perceive the other group. the gated communities tend to consider the social ladder and behaviour to label the kampung communities. they have the perception that kampung communities consist of uneducated people, who typically have unmannered attitudes. the lack of economic capacities is merely caused by low achievement due to avoiding competition, consumerism, and unorganized family finance. these perceptions are different with the kampung communities, who are more sensitive to economic class and social identity differences. they perceive the gated communities as the elite circles, who have power and money. in terms of identity, the kampung communities often perceive the gated communities according to the ethnic or religion majority. chines ethnic identity is remaining perceived as the “others” group, which is different from other indonesian ethnicities. furthermore, the various gated communities have different type of gates and security measures. these create varying sense of feeling secure within the gates, which influence how the gated communities perceive the kampung territory as their vicinities and vice versa. in general, the gated communities perceive the walls as a physical measure to protect the family and property. they feel more secure within the gates but feel less secure when they consider surrounding kampungs. the full restricted gates create a strong sense of feeling secure within the gated community compared to the others type of gating. at the same time, the full-restricted gates reflect more http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 143 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 anxiety to its kampung vicinities compared to the other type of gating. on the contrary, the kampung communities perceive the gates differently. security became issue in kampungs since the walled residencies spread over. high security measurement does not increase the security of kampung and the residence even often attracts the threats to its surrounding. considering symbolic value, the kampung communities perceive the gates restrict their access to their economic resources and the gates as a boundary of other space, where people have different norms and customs. the gating facilitates the existing differentiation in the two groups. q2: what are the interactions between established community and gated community; and what are the interactions among gated community? the varying features of gates influence how the gated communities maintain the intra and intergroup interaction. the social life of both the gated communities and the kampung communities are concentrated within their own-neighborhood (intragroup) but the gated communities have less intimate relationship with their neighbors compared to the kampung communities. this implies that the gated communities and the kampung communities have dissimilarities in their intragroup interaction. since the social lives are concentrated within the own group, the gated communities and the kampung communities have less interaction with each other (intergroup). the interactions between the two groups tend to be functional rather than intimate. they are often related to economic exchange or institutional social events. some social values influence the dynamic of the interaction at the individual level, such as religious or humanism value. the relationships between the two groups reflect and reproduce the social and economic inequalities. furthermore, the dissimilarity of the social system between the gated community and the kampung communities is witnessed also http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 144 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics in the varying governance types. the gated communities, which adopted rt/rw system similar with the kampung communities, they have worse participation compared to the kampung communities. the gated community, which applies private governance system unlike the kampung communities, has better participation compared to the kampung community. however, the private governance system consequently reduces intensity of the intergroup interaction between the gated community and the kampung community. the private governance system also tends to decrease the role of informal leaders, who facilitate the interactions between the two groups like often appear in the rt/rw system. q3: what are the obstacles and the forces for interactions, and how is the social segregation mitigated? the dissimilarities between the gated communities and the kampung communities strongly indicate the social segregation. in addition, the low interactions between the two groups also strongly indicate the social segregation. the gated communities and the kampung communities have different perception about the issue. the variation in gating influences how the gated communities perceive empirically the existing segregation. the open gating community tends not to perceive the segregation issue empirically since there is no physical barrier between the gated community and the kampung community. the less restricts gating community tends to be more sensitive to the segregation issue compared to the full restricts gating community. this is because the less restricted gating community tends to associate segregation with the security concern, which raises threats of thieves. whereas the full restricted gating community tend not associate the segregation issue with the security concern since feels more secure within the fortress. there are two forces, which mitigate the social segregation by encouraging interaction between the gated communities and the kampung communities. first, the dispersions of the gated commuhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 145 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 nities in the suburbs area inevitably bring spill over effects to the kampungs. these often make the economic gap and social segregation tolerable for the kampung communities. second, some actors, who are mostly from the gated communities’ side, play essential roles to facilitate and embrace the intergroup interaction. the actors also have crucial position to ease the awkward situation between the gated communities and the kampung communities. these actors are able to create sharing activities, which can transform vicinities consideration into the proximities as a based of trust, like showed security coordination between the gated communities and the kampung communities during jakarta riots 1998. however, there are four obstacles, which encourage the social segregation. first, the physical dissimilarities strongly discourage contacts between the gated communities and the kampung communities. the physical dissimilarities are not only the physical barriers (e.g. walls, arm swing gates) but also the spatial separation, which the gated communities live within the exclusive enclave whereas the kampung communities live within the native kampungs. second, the economic gap and social differences create an awkward situation, which hampers interaction between the gated communities and the kampung communities. both groups face uncomfortable situation to initiate interactions between them. third, the gated communities are criticised for creating insufficient opportunity for vertical social mobilization. the professional jobs require certain level of education and specific skill, which often form obstacles for the kampung communities and further reproduce the inequalities between two groups. fourth, the private governance system in the gated community strengthens the dissimilarities between two groups since the local government legitimizes the private governance system is equal with the rt/rw system. this situation also discourages the institutional contacts between the government apparatus and the citizen. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 146 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics discussion in general, this study of gated communities is compatible with the existing literature. however, this study also noticed different evidences from the existing literatures. those differences occur within the interactions between the gated communities and the kampung communities at the neighbourhood level and individual level. those differences are presented as follow: first, these studies found that in general, the gated communities aware of the security concern. the gated communities are the security zone community, which the gates defend for fear of crime and outsiders (blakely and snyder 1997). this implies that the gated communities feel secure within their gates but unsecure with the kampung in vicinities outside the gates. conversely, one case of this study revealed kampung community feels unsecure living close to the gated community since the threats of thieve toward the gated community disperse to the native kampung. second, the gated communities are classified as club goods, which the holding of property rights has capacity to apply exclusion of use as stated by manzi and smith-bowers (2006). it brings consequence that private policy of the gated communities allows some citizen to separate from public contact and exclude others from their economic and social privilege. this study found that the local social economic context influences how the gated communities apply their private policy to their vicinities. the research also found that gated communities have double standards in applying the enclosure. on the one hand, the gated communities put restriction in the walled quarters to protect the housing of residents. on the other hand, gated communities open other private territories for public. regarding the vicinities, the gated communities share amenities and create spatial interaction with the kampung communities, particularly to share the road utilities however it aimed to reduce the tension of potential conflict. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 147 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 third, prior studies perceived gated communities as the upper middle class communities, who built fortress for seeking exclusivity, prestige, security (blakely and snyder 1997). gates and walls encode class relation and segregate permanently in the built spatial identities and spatial power (low 2001). this study revealed that the gated communities do not exactly withdrawal from the native community since they facilitate economic interaction between the gated communities and the kampung communities. the economic exchanges between the gated communities and the kampung communities are essential mechanism to reduce segregation despite further reproduce some patterns of social inequalities and economic stratification. the economic exchanges occur at two levels of interactions. at the neighbourhood level, economic exchanges can be designed as job opportunities within the private territories such as security guards, or opportunities to run informal business such as motor taxi (ojek). at the individual interactions, the economic exchanges are often shaped as the master and labour relationships. the study revealed that the economic exchange at the individual level is more complex than it appears in the neighbourhood level. it is often coincide with the social exchange, which contains religious values and local customs. this makes the kampung communities are often dependent to the gated communities. four, some evidences from latin america showed that the dispersions of gated communities towards the city do not always cause segregation. they even reduce the scale of residential segregation (sabatini and salcedo 2007). however, at the lower level, this study revealed that the gated communities effects social segregation in the neighborhood level. the gating facilitates existing differentiation between the gated communities and the kampung communities and thus hampers the interactions between them. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 148 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics conclusion presenting the conclusions of this study, this final part consists of two sections. first section presents the results to answer the main research questions: what are the implications of gated communities. second section attempts to link the study’s conclusions to the existing literature. this study revealed that gated communities create undesirable impacts at the neighbourhood level. it confirmed that the gating facilitates cognitive differentiation, which exists between the gated communities and the kampung communities. the experiences of the three cases show that development of the gated communities in the suburbs area mainly motivated by the desire for amenities and security measures. the gated communities are voluntarily segregated themselves within the exclusive quarter to live separately from the kampung communities. there are significant dissimilarities between the gated communities and the kampung communities, which strongly indicate social segregation between the two communities. furthermore, the low interactions between the two groups also indicate segregation. the variation in gating influences how the gated communities perceive the segregation issue. the open gating community tends not to perceive the segregation issue since there is no physical barrier between the two groups. the less restricts gating community tends to be more sensitive to the segregation issue compared to the full restricts gating community. the variation in gating further influences the perceptions and the interactions between the gated communities and the kampung communities. the gating raised four highlighting issues, including: first, the gating facilitates the physical, economical, and social dissimilarities between the gated communities and the kampung communities. in this case, the gated communities are heterogeneous by ethnicity, but homogenous by class and status whereas the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 149 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 kampung communities are established communities, which homogenous by ethnicity (sundanese) and religion (islam). the physical barriers and the spatial separation reflect the cognitive differentiation in two groups and further influence perception toward each other. these situations accumulate into an uncooperative situation between the gated communities and the kampung communities. second, the gating discourages integration between the gated communities as the migrant communities and the kampung communities as the receiving communities. the three cases revealed that interactions between the two groups tend to be functional, which often related to economic exchange between the employers and the employees. on the one hand, economic interactions decrease social segregation and make the dissimilarities tolerable for the kampung communities. on the other hand, the economic interactions do not exactly diminish the social segregation by reproduce some patterns of social inequalities. third, regarding the security concerns, the open gating spreads sense of insecurity to the vicinities. one experience of the case revealed that the threats of thieve toward the gated community disperse to the native kampung thus make the kampung community feel unsecure living close to the gated community which on the contrary operates high-measurement of security. fourth, the full restricted gating discourages interaction between the gated communities and the kampung communities by applied private governance system. one experience of the case revealed that the private governance system of the gated community strengthen the legal administrative separation with the kampung territory, which applies rt/rw system. since the local government admits the private governance system equals with the rt/rw system, the gated community perceives legitimation to privatize the space and exclude outsiders to access amenities. this situation also discourages the institutional contacts between the government apparatus and citihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 150 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics zens. all things considered, this paper argued that gating created spatial segregation that raised social segregation and discouraged the authority of local government. the long term practices of gating will impede the function and very idea of citizenship. this paper intensely recommend social legislation to regulate the notion of gated society. housing policy is essential to control the implications of exclusion within the walled quarters and privatization of space in the long term endnotes 1 rosalina, p. 2011, “penjalaran kota yang membawa masalah baru”, kompas, monday, 8 augustus, p. 27. 2 triana, n. 2011, “tantangan besar menata jabodetabek”, kompas, tuesday, 26 july, p. 27. 3 the observation table is developed based on the types of gated communities (grant and mittelsteadt 2004) 4 it is not stated on the official website, but empirically the station is existing close to the site 5 it is not stated on the official website, but empirically the station is existing within the site reference manzi, t. and smith-bowers, b. 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(2002). urban social inequality and social exclusion. in d. c. thorns, the transformation of cities, urban theories and urban life (pp. 149-177). hampshire: palgrave macmillan. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 152 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics wardhani, i. (2012). thesis: implications of gated communities to social segregation in jakarta metropolitan region (jmr): a multiple case study in tangerang regency, banten province, indonesia. rotterdam: ihs of erasmus university. yin, r. (1991). designing single and multiple-case studies. in r. yin, designing single case study research design and methods (pp. 19-54). newbury park: sage. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0025 128-152 a a history of modern indonesia ai weiwei amporn tamronglak athumthani university aulus wirotomo autonomy b badan layanan umum bambang wahyu sudarmadji bangkokthonburi universit banten beijing occupy bekasi biswar-diener blacksburg manifesto perspective brian smith bulletin of indonesian economic studies c cambridge camilo valderrama canada censorship central java charoen pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 270 affiliation: 1 university of muhammadiyah jakarta, indonesia 2 droupadi research institute, indonesia correspondence: umam.noer@umj.ac.id citation: noer,k.u.,&madewanti,n.l.g. (2020).toomany stages,too littletime:bureaucratizationand impasseinthe socialsafetynet program in indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 11(3),270–300. article history: received: june 26, 2020 : accepted: october 23, 2020 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113120 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp too many stages, too little time: bureaucratization and impasse in the social safety net program in indonesia khaerul umam noer1 ; ni loh gusti madewanti2 abstract since its first announcement in march 2020, the number of positive confirmed patients as well as patients under surveillance has increased exponentially. rec ognizing the impact of covid-19 on the poor, the government reallocated expenditure budget by increasing the amount of aid to the community. this paper focuses on social safety net policies, mainly in sembako program as non cash social aid. this aid is actually not any new programs, as it have been around since 2017, but the covid-19 pandemic is adding to the economic burden of the household so the aid is increased in amount. this paper puts the emphasis on how the actual social safety net policy must be implemented, not only look at how policies are carried out, but also look at how policies should be carried out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. it is undeniable that the problem of bureaucratization always comes up in every policy, with no excep tion for social aid policy. by mapping out obstacles, this paper provide a number of key solutions for resolving the problem keywords: covid-19, social safety net, social aid, poor family, sembako card introduction on march 2, 2020, at the national palace, the presi dent of the republic of indonesia, joko widodo, together with the minister of health of the republic of indone sia, terawan agus putranto, announced the first covid 19 case in indonesia. since then, up to april 30, there have been more than 10,118 confirmed cases, with 792 deceased, and 1,522 recovered, and these data are only the confirmed data of people suffering from covid (idham 2020). outside of this data, the missing data numbers are suspected to still be very large. since its inception, mailto:umam.noer@umj.ac.id https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113120 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7476-1679 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7476-1679 jurnal studi pemerintahan the number of people with covid has increased exponentially, and they are spread in almost all provinces in indonesia, with jakarta as the epicenter. with so many regions confirming posi tive patients with covid, the government has had to take sev eral important policies to stop the spread of covid, especially in the society. the government’s policy to stop the spread of covid was not only carried out by the central government, but also the provin cial government. among the various policies taken, one of the most impactful is large-scale social restrictions, promoted by minister of health (2020). this policy, simply speaking, instructs everyone to stay at home, limit all social activities, dismiss schools, close all entertainment venues, limit public transportation, and ask offices to close their activities – with exception to very im portant things like hospitals, government agencies, food supply stores, logistics, fuel and banking. with a large-scale social restriction policy in place, which is a continuation of various policies to ask everyone to work from home and learn from home, the impact is immediately felt in the community, especially for the poor whose income is highly dependent on daily wages (djalante et.al 2020). preventing greater turmoil in the community, then on march 20, the presi dent of the republic of indonesia issued a presidential instruc tion 4/2020 on refocusing activities and reallocation of budgets that focused on the government’s efforts to change the portion of the budget, which was initially more towards infrastructure and human resource development, into a budget for disaster management. these budgets will be reallocated to the covid-19 prevention budget and the provision of social safety nets in the form of social aid, both cash and non-cash. there are three interesting focuses of this presidential in struction: loosening of interest payments and installments for one year for lower class people who take vehicle loans and stimulus of giving subsidies on interest difference for those taking subsi dized home ownership loans. this stimulus policy was taken 271 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 272 because the impact of covid which significantly slowed down the economy, in addition to the government’s efforts to main tain people’s purchasing power. in addition to providing hous ing credit stimulus, the government also provides a social safety net in the form of direct cash aid and non-cash aid to encourage household consumption (sugianto 2020). the government pro vides additional aid with the amount of fifty thousand rupiahs, so that each family who receives a kartu sembako (basic needs card) will receive two hundred thousand rupiahs per month for six months. in addition, the government has allocated more than ten trillion rupiahs, through the kartu pra-kerja (pre-em ployment card) scheme, where each card holder will get an in centive of one million rupiah per month for three months. one of the most major policies is the hope family program (program keluarga harapan/pkh) and the sembako program (see suharto2015, suleman & resnawati 2017). the two programs are actually different, but are interrelated with one another. both of these programs are implemented by the indonesian ministry of social affairs as part of the social safety net pro gram intended for poor households in indonesia. for the hope family program, as of april 15, the government has distributed a budget of 16.4 trillion rupiah, out of a total ceiling of 37.4 trillion rupiah. the distribution of the budget has calculated the additional target families of as many as eight hundred thou sand households. as for sembako program, the amount distrib uted will reach 14 trillion rupiah, covering the distribution pe riod of may 2020. the budget has also included the addition of targeted families of beneficiaries in the midst of the covid emer gency period (astuti 2020). as states in the regulation of ministry of social affair 10/ 2017, the hope family program is a conditional social aid pro gram aimed for poor families determined as beneficiary fami lies (keluarga penerima manfaat/kpm or just simply stated as family). the central statistics agency stated that the number of poor people in indonesia in september 2019 numbered to jurnal studi pemerintahan 24.79 million, with the number in urban areas reaching 9.86 million and in rural areas amounting to 14.93 million. in order to receive benefits from the program, the recipient must meet several existing criteria. criteria for hope family program ben eficiaries are intended for the poor and vulnerable families reg istered in the integrated data of poor people category han dling program (victoria 2020, putri & noer 2020). in addition to hope family program, the state also provides non-cash food aid known as the sembako program. the program began in 2016, and is effectively running since 2017 by provid ing non-cash food aid (bantuan pangan non-tunai/bpnt) to family, since the beginning of 2020, this program has been de veloped as a basic needs program (sembako program). in addi tion, the sembako program expands the types of commodities that can be purchased so that they are not only rice and eggs as in the previous non-cash food aid program. this is an effort of the government to provide family an access to staples with other nutritional content. this condition was later changed based on the latest instructions (presidential instruction 6/2020), that the initial aid fund of one hundred fifty thousand per month was raised to two hundred thousand rupiah, including the real location of school operational aid (bantuan operasional sekolah/ bos) and village funds (dana desa) for handling covid-19 in the community. although it has been done since 2017, moreover with the large amount of aid funds provided, no significant problems should occur in channeling aid to poor families in indonesia, but the factual condition shows it is not the case. as will be explained further, the social safety net policy, on paper, is very good and beneficial for the poor. but factually, to obtain this aid, it requires one to go through a bureaucracy and very long and tiring stages, so that often the aid is not on target. this paper focuses on the social safety net policy for poor families, mainly the sembako program. this paper puts the em phasis on how the actual social safety net policy must be imple 273 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 274 mented. at this point, this paper not only look at how policies are carried out, but also look at how policies should be carried out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. by de scribing the related policies, the next step is to map the obstacles and problems, especially in the earliest stages of policy imple mentation: in the data collection process and validation. by look ing at these two aspects, this paper will open the perspectives and further research opportunities, that in the efforts to deal with covid-19, the indonesian government is still confused and trapped in an impasse over the bureaucratic process which actu ally makes the problem of poverty to never be resolved. social safety net, revisited research on social safety nets can be divided into three cat egories: how programs are implemented, the role of facilitators, and criticism of programs. the first category, focus on the model of policy implementation and praise that the program is run ning very well and actually reduces poverty in the community. nazara & rahayu (2013), suharto (2015), nainggolan & susantyo (2018), and sasmito & nawangsari (2019) for example, their studies support the role of the hope family program as a social protection program, which is very successful in overcom ing poverty in indonesia. with a focus on income support scheme through conditional cash transfer, this program contributes to poverty alleviation, especially in improving access to education and health. this research tends to ignore that not all recipients are poor groups who really need help, because they are more focused on how policies are implemented, how the mechanism for transferring funds, and how the recipients respond to the assistance provided. another studies by suryana, sugiana & trulline (2016), marnah, husaini, & ilmi (2016), putri & noer (2020), and razali & putri (2020) examine how program recipi ents respond in education and health services. in this case, they tend to see two different sides: on the one hand, how beneficia ries use the full potential of the program, and on the other jurnal studi pemerintahan hand how recipients are actually reluctant to use the assistance they receive. this happens for two reasons: first, the recipient’s ignorance of all the potential assistance they have, so they do not use the services and facilities provided. second, refusal to use assistance can arise from organizers who carry out discrimina tory actions, for example refusing to serve until deliberately slow ing down services, so recipients of assistance are reluctant to use the services available. the second category is research that focuses on field assis tance teams. research by aminuddin & sari (2016), aminuddin & syirah (2016), and rahmawati & kisworo (2017) for example, explains that the program facilitator team must carry out four main points: facilitator, educator, community representative, and have knowledge of various technical matters related to the pro gram. these studies found major obstacles that were often faced by the team, including difficulties in verifying and validating recipient data that had to be done manually, moving locations of assignments that often made the process of adaptation to the new environment, information and/or policies that often changed suddenly, and locations of assistance that were difficult to access. the third category focuses more on criticism of social safety net policies. research from lee & hwang (2016), suleman & resnawati (2017), restianti (2017), ayuningtyas & rahaju (2018), dehani, hernawan, & purnamasari (2018), miranda, sunyata, & arifin (2019), alexandri (2020), and wulandari, muchsin, & khoiron (2020) criticized the program only as a top-down policy, from the government to the people. as the community is a pas sive recipient of the policy, so the policy tends to fail to lift pov erty in the community. this happens because of the lack of com munity social participation in implementation and supervision. in beneficiary data collection, for example, although this pro gram has significance in providing access to education and health services, in its implementation many poor families who should receive assistance are missed due to invalid data. likewise in 275 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 276 monitoring and evaluation by the community, because this pro gram is not a bottom-up program, there is no participation and involvement of the community in this program, which, in most indicators used by the government, can be a successful policy indicator. on the other hand, some studies tend to blame the poor as recipients of the program, which still makes the assis tance provided be limited to short-term assistance for example to pay debts, not in the long term. so, that the process of pov erty alleviation is only patching the holes, rather than solving the root of the problems. the most crucial issue is, the various studies above missed one crucial point: bureaucracy. the implementation of the pro gram, the process of implementing the social safety net created by the state, how the executive apparatus implements the policy, how the policy actually helps the poor, and the obstacles that arise in the process are the consequences of the bureaucracy. the critiques that programs are not on target, wasteful in the budget, lack of community participation in preparing the policy agenda or overseeing the course of the policy. such criticism is indeed necessary, but ignores one fundamental phenomenon: that a very long bureaucratization process is a universal phe nomenon and inherently within policy. so criticizing policies without understanding how a policy should be carried out, and how the policy makers and policy implementers respond when problems arise is careless and arrogant. on the other hand, to add to the complexity of the problem, this study will look at how a policy must be implemented in a quick time, especially in a pandemic such as now, which in a certain degree, will add to the complexity of the implementation problem of the policy itself. schmidt, shore-sheppard, & watson (2016) note that when discussing food safety in the social safety net program, it is im portant to discuss the technical matters discussed in field imple mentation. the study of mutchler, li, & xu (2018) for example, uses an elderly index, seeing that social safety nets are not very jurnal studi pemerintahan successful in establishing a stable economy and benefiting the wider community, especially for older people. how does the policy actually close access for the elderly because of the com plexity of the bureaucratic issues. at this point, research on so cial safety net policies must not only look at how policies are carried out, but must also look at how policies should be carried out, as well as predict their impact when they are done. so that the resulting criticism will be able to provide input for improve ment, especially when a policy must be carried out immediately. research method initially, this research was not actually intended to study the social safety net within the framework of covid-19, because this research had been carried out since 2018. this research looked at on how the implementation of the sembako program were being carried out. this program is not new programs that are deliberately created to help the community in the midst of the covid-19 pandemic, as the program have been around since 2016 and have started running since 2017. however, the programs are currently in the spotlight, because it becoming the backbone of the social security program for poor people that were directly affected by covid-19. by making this program as the main social safety net programs, it is important to see how policies are for mulated and must be implemented in various regions. to sup port the research, we collected various policy documents, talked with sembako program officers and implementers of data verifi cation and validation, and interviewed various stakeholders in four cities: depok city, bekasi city, bogor city, and south tangerang city in relation to the implementation of this pro gram, before covid-19 and when the covid-19 pandemic took place. social safety net policy social security is basically an institutionalized intervention designed by the government and the private sector to protect 277 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 278 the community from various risks arising from themselves, as well as from their environment. conceptually, social security consists of social aid and social insurance. social aid, or what is often referred to as public aid, can be in the form of money, goods or social service benefits without regard to contributions or premiums from the beneficiary. while social insurance is a guarantee that is only given to participants in accordance with their contribution, namely premiums or savings allocated (hill et.al 2017, hardy, smeeding & ziliak 2018). social safety nets are general policies taken by the state to protect citizens, both from the impact of poverty that is structurally present, or pov erty that arises as a result of natural disasters that directly affect the household economy (brinch, hernæs, & jia 2016, hardy 2016, basu 2017). according to the law 40/2004 on national social security system, the government is obliged to organize social security pro grams, from social health insurance such as the national health insurance (jaminan kesehatan nasional), where there are certain groups whose contributions are covered by the government, to social security in the form of social aid both cash and non-cash. the government has various social aid programs, such as direct cash aid (bantuan langsung tunai), which was first given in 2004 to prevent the decline in people’s purchasing power as a result of the conversion of kerosene to natural gas fuel for households. but this direct cash aid model has drawn a lot of criticism because it is often not on target. the social aid model currently used by the government is the provision of conditional social aid through sembako program, running by the ministry of so cial affairs of the republic of indonesia, and other program such as direct cash aid – coordinated by ministry of interior. the program target poor families, aimed at maintaining the economic survival of the family. the sembako program provides aid that is converted into food products that can be purchased at outlets or e-warung that have been previously designated, both in terms of place and amount of goods. jurnal studi pemerintahan presidential decree 76/2013 management of public service complaints presidential decree 63/2017 distribution of non-cash social assistance the sembako program is a nutrition social protection of the community provided in the form of food social aid to benefi ciary families from low income groups/poor people and vul nerable families. this program is based on nine main regula tions, namely: table 1. regulations on sembako program regulation number focus 279 law 20/2019 state budget and expenditure fiscal year 2020 presidential decree 82/2016 national inclusive financial strategy the minister of finance regulation 254/pmk.05/2015 expenditures for social assistance for ministries and institutions the minister of social affairs regulation 5/2019 integrated social welfare fund management the main output of the program is food social assistance aimed to reduce the expenditure burden of poor and vulnerable fami lies in meeting their food needs (ministry for human and cul tural development 2020). this program was previously known as rastra (prosperous rice/beras sejahtera) subsidy, and began to be transformed into non-cash food aid (bantuan pangan non tunai) in 2017 in 44 selected cities. furthermore, in 2018 the rastra subsidy program was completely transformed into a so cial food aid program that was channeled through the non-cash scheme and the rastra social aid programs. at the end of 2019, the food social aid program in all regencies/cities will beimple mented using a non-cash scheme. the non-cash food aid is an effort by the government to transform forms of aid into cash the minister of social affairs regulation 11/2019 amendment to ministry of social affairs regulation 11/2019 law 40/2004 national social security system the minister of finance regulation 228/pmk.05/2016 amendments to the minister of finance regulation 254/pmk.05/2015 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 280 less through the use of electronic cards given directly to benefi ciary families. the social aidis channeled by using the banking system, which can then be used to obtain staple food in e warung, so that beneficiary families can also get more balanced nutrition. the issue of nutrition becomes very crucial in the provision of social aid. based on data from the central statistics agency, the food poverty line (garis kemiskinan makanan) has a major contribution to the formation of the poverty line (garis kemiskinan). in addition, the price stability of staple food affects the reduction in poverty. the existence of the sembako pro gram will reduce the burden of spending on poor families in terms of food, so as to ensure that some of the basic needs of the poor are met. on the other hand, the development of the type of food obtained from this program will be able to improve the nutrition/intake of the community, especially children from an early age so that it will have an influence on reducing stunt ing in the future. social safety net programs, in particular the sembako program, aim to: (a) increase food security at the family level as well as social protection and poverty reduction mechanisms, (b) increase the efficiency of distribution of social aid, (c) increase public ac cess to financial and banking services, (d) increase non-cash trans actions in the agenda of the national non-cash movement, (e) increase economic growth in the regions, especially micro and small businesses in the trade sector, and (f) in the long run, pre vent stunting by fulfilling nutrition in the first 1000 days of life. the sembako program is not provided in cash, but is trans ferred to the accounts of each family. the amount of the ben efits of the sembako program is rp150.000/family/month. the aid cannot be disbursed in cash and can only be exchanged for food that is determined for the sembako program at the e warung. however, during the covid-19 pandemic, the amount was raised to rp.200.000/family/month for six months. the payment instrument used as a medium for distributing jurnal studi pemerintahan the sembako program aid funds is the sembako card. the card thus functions as a transaction tool, so that at the time of the utilization of the aid, it must be brought by the recipient of the program. the sembako card stores the value/amount of the benefits of the groceries program owned by family, then they must utilize the entire sembako program aid fund, because the sembako program aid funds cannot be disbursed in cash. as is usually the case with atms issued by banks, sembako card also contains the names of family administrator, sembako card number, distributor bank names, and complains hotline. the usage of this card utilizes personal identification number which is the full responsibility of family administrator, because are not allowed to be held and kept by parties other than benefi ciary families. how this program has to be run? the social safety net policy through social aid is basically aimed at all poor people in need. however, bearing in mind that this aid is not provided free of charge, but rather conditional aid, there are a number of criteria that must be met so that families, not individuals, are entitled to receive this aid. the beneficiary unit of the social aid program is the family. however, for distri bution needs, the family must determine one name, especially women, in the family card as the administrator who will be the owner of the food aid account. the beneficiaries of the sembako program are the family with the lowest socioeconomic conditions in the implementation area whose names are included in the list of beneficiaries (daftar penerima manfaat/dpm). this list was established by the budget user authority at the ministry of social affairs, sourced from integrated social welfare data that can be accessed by the pro vincial government and city governments through the next generation social welfare information system (sistem informasi kesejahteraan sosial next generation/siks-ng) application in the food social aid (bantuan sosial pangan/bsp) menu. the list 281 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 282 in sembako program which has been examined and finalized by the local government and approved by the regent/mayor is reported to the ministry of social affairs through the integrated application. the implementation of this program is carried out in stages, going up from the neighbourhood level to the central govern ment, and back down to the family as program beneficiaries. there are two phases so that the beneficiary family can receive social assistance, and each phase has its own stages. the first phases is the data collection and coordination carried out at the government level, this phase is carried out within six stages (table 2) stages tas k table 2. co llec ting and coo rdinating phase 2 the city/regency ask social aid facilitator to collect the data 3 the collection of data by visit the prospective beneficiaries, the process of collecting and verifying the data begin 4 prospective beneficiaries provide a number of personal data 5 the social aid facilitator provide all the data to the city/regency level government, then the city level forward it to provincial level 6 the data then collected by the ministry of social affairs 7 the ministry of social affair coordinates with the ministry of finance, ministry of interior, and channeling banks 8 the ministry of finance transfers social assistance funds source: ministry for human and cultural development (2020) the collection of beneficiary families is conducted at the beginning of the year, starting in january-march. at this stage, the data collection is not only aimed at families who have previ ously received assistance and are still entitled to receive further assistance, but also to receive new assistance. if the data collec tion process is carried out for continued recipients, then a vali dation process is carried out by the social assistance facilitator. 1 instructionfor the data collectionfrom ministry of social affairsto all level of government, from provincial level to city/regency level jurnal studi pemerintahan assuming that the data collection process runs smoothly, all data must have been entered into the next generation social wel fare information system in march so that the process can pro ceed to the next stage: coordination at the ministerial, provin cial and city level. it is clear that the coordination phase must be carried out in stages and carried out at the latest for three months, starting from april to july, so that the funding needs for social assistance can be budgeted in july, which will be in cluded in the state revenue and expenditure budget submit ted in august for next fiscal year. this stage of coordination becomes very crucial, because through this stage policies are made and coordinated with all stakeholders. in the coordination phase, the first step is coordination at the central government level, carried out between the ministry of social affairs and related ministries through the central food social aid coordinating team forum and reported/consulted to the controlling team. coordination is done to obtaininput and direction related to program implementation policies. in addition, coordination is carried out to ensure the implementa tion and consistency of legal basis, mechanism and stages of pro gram implementation, as well as various other administrative procedures. after the process is complete, the program is brought down to the provincial level. after that, the provincial government through the provincial level food social aid co ordinating team forum coordinated in stages with the city gov ernment level in regards to every stage of managing and imple menting the sembako program in the local community, starting from funding support through city budget, budget ceiling coor dination and beneficiary family data verification, socialization, complaints handling, monitoring, and other support needed. after that, the program was further brought down to the city level through the city level food social aid coordinating team forum coordinate in stages with districts and villages/sub districts for all stages of program implementation, starting from preparation of regional budget funding and/or village funds, 283 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 284 verification and validation of candidate data in the next gen eration social welfare information system menu, sembako card registration and distribution process, checking the existence of recipient, education and socialization, monitoring, and com plaints handling. the city government then coordinates with the channeling bank to arrange the registration schedule or sembako card distribution in each village/sub-district and en sure the involvement of village/sub-district officials in the pro cess. figure 2. distribution of sembako card process source: ministry for human and cultural development (2020) the city government provides support for facilities and infra structure, education and outreach, ease of permission, exemp tion or relief of permit fees and tax facilitation to e-warung in accordance with statutory provisions, and coordinates with the channeling bank regarding location mapping and selection of food traders to become the e-warung. the implementation of the sembako program at the city level is coordinated by the city level food social aid coordinating team. implementation at the district level is coordinated by the district level food social aid coordinating team. implementation at the village/sub-dis trict level is supported by the local village/sub-district apparatus and social aid facilitators. assuming that all processes are com pleted in june, then in july, the entire budget will be submitted to the ministry of social affairs to be submitted as part of the ministry of social affairs budget for the next fiscal year. at the same time, around may-june, the social assistance budget sub jurnal studi pemerintahan mitted in the previous fiscal year was transferred from the min istry of finance to the ministry of social affairs. the second phase is the distribution of social assistance from the ministry of social affairs to beneficiary families. this phase consists of seventeen stages which can be divided into three parts: verification and re-validation of beneficiary data, the distribu tion of basic food goods, and reconciliation of basic food goods (figure 2). the verification and validation of beneficiary data is carried out for one month, and in the process, there are ten stages that must be passed. it starts with the city level food social aid co ordinating team, village/sub-district apparatus, and food so cial aid facilitators facilitating the channeling bank during the sembako card distribution process to family. education and socialization can be done simultaneously during the distribution process. the family administrator that must be present from at the time of card distribution are those who are determined as administrator, which is the name that is listed as the owner of the food aid account. if administrator is not present during distribution, the village/sub-district apparatus and food social aid facilitator actively check the existence of family with special treatments. in order to verify, the administrator must bring supporting documents such national id card, family card and/ or other documents which may proof the actual identity of per son concerned. during the distribution process, channeling bank officer checks the appropriateness of the data with documents provided. if the data in the sembako card matches the identity documents, then the administrator must complete and sign the account opening form provided by the channeling bank. ifthe data on and the identity documents are not appropriate, for example there are differences in the names, addresses and/or identity numbers, the distribution bank officers coordinate with village/ sub-district apparatus to match the data with the population administration data in their area. if the administrator is proven 285 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 286 to be the right person, then the village/sub-district may provide a statement related to this matter. with a certificate from the village/sub-district, the channeling bank officer gives a form for opening a food asistance account to be completed and signed by administrator to obtain a sembako card and pin. after going through ten stages, which must be completed within one month, the next stage is the distribution of basic food cards. the deadline for the end of the distribution process is determined by the ministry of social affairs, this process is usually determined no later than five weeks. if the sembako card distribution exceeds the specified deadline, the food so cial aid coordinating team sends a letter of approval request that is accompanied by a report on the reconciliation results of the sembako card distribution to the ministry of social af fairs. the process of distributing the sembako card can be con tinued after the ministry of social affairs issues their approval. the last stage is data reconciliation. after the sembako card distribution process ends, for data reconciliation, the channel ing banks in the regions submit reports on the results of the sembako card distribution to the regency/city food social aid coordinating team and the channeling bank at the cen tral [headquarter] regarding: (a) list and number of adminis trator that have obtained the sembako card and its accessories, (b) list and number of administrator that have failed to be given and its accessories along with the reasons. this process is carried out no later than two weeks. the sembako card that are not distributed are deactivated and deposited by the chan neling bank in the regions, and kept for up to one fiscal year or until the completion of inspection by the audit team. tiered data collection and its implications in term of policy, social assistance is carried out every month by transferring to a family account that can be accessed by the administrator, although in practice, assistance is given every two to three months. the issue of social assistance can be traced at jurnal studi pemerintahan 3 integrated database id number in integrated social welfare data 7 family card number 13 name of the head of family every stage, especially the issue of data collection and coordina tion between institutions which takes longer than it should, caus ing an impasse in the process of distributing aid. in this case, there are two impasses that arise: first, the data collection pro cess and very long tiered coordination cause the data used as a reference becomes invalid. second, the emphasis is that the re cipient must have an identity card that practically eliminates poor families without an e-national id card to receive assis tance. the first crucial stage lies in the process of registering of family into the next generation social welfare information system owned by the ministry of social affairs. in order for a family to be registered as a beneficiary family, they must record all the information needed. there are sixteen data items that must be owned by each family, which must be listed in the siks-ng (table 3). table 3. data components that must be collected by the family no data required 287 2 administrator id number in social welfare integrated data 4 social aid account number, if any 6 administrator name (prospective account holder) 8 place of birth of family administrator 10 maiden name of biological mother ofthe administrator 12 hope family program status, if applicable 14 names of other family members 16 area code (province, regency/city, district, village/sub-district) source: ministry for human and cultural development (2020) 15 family residence address 11 hope family program participant number, if any 9 date of birth offamily administrator 5 sembako card number, if any 1 population identification number (nomor induk kependudukan/nik) of administrator vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 288 this data collection process must be carried out immediately in february-march so that existing data can be directly inputted into the system. when the ministry of social affairs, usually at the end of january, sends a circular to all social aid facilitators to start collecting data, the data collection process must becarried out immediately. the main challenge begins when the circular which requires the data collection process is often late in the hands of social aid facilitators. although the circular was signed in mid-january, the letter was only received in mid-february, or even in the beginning of march. in chasing against the deadline, the social aid facilitator must immediately record all family in their area. in general, each sub-district has two social aid facilitators as person in charge, most of them only have one. the main challenge lies in the size of the work area. sawangan district, depok for example. it has 160,856 inhabitants spread across 142 hamlets and 618 neighboourhoods. if each neighbourhood has five poor fami lies, it means that in sawangan alone there are 3,090 families which must be record, verify, and validate in only 60 days. the problem is even more complicated when the policy requires that the recipient of assistance must be women in the family. at the very beginning, this social aid was intended for any one representing the family, but since 2017, the aid has been specifically intended for women as the administrator. the ad ministrator is determined in the following priority order: (1) prioritize on behalf of women in the family, either as head of the family or as the partner of head of the family, (2) if not, then a family member of women over the age of 17 years old and have an e-id, (3) if the family does not have any female member over 17 years old, then the administrator is a male head of the family, (4) if there is not any, then male family mem bers over the age of 17 and have an e-id, (5) if the family does not have any family members aged 17 years and over and has a population identity document, then the family can be repre sented by other family members in one family card or guard jurnal studi pemerintahan ian who has not been registered, (6) for family who are hope family program recipients, what is meant by the family of this program is refering to individuals who have been designated as hope family program administrator. along with the data collection process for new beneficiaries, the data verification and validation process was also carried out for beneficiaries whose names were already in the system. these data are then sent to the population data center of ministry of interior. the family management data that has been registered must then be verified by the existing population system at the ministry of the interior, thus data from the ministry of social affairs would be brought over and validated. if the data passes the validation process, then the data will be returned to the ministry of social affairs for verification and validation by so cial aid facilitator by conducting a field visit. if the family is declared to have passed verification and validation, then the data will be forwarded to the channeling bank to open the aid account. the data is used as a reference for the channeling bank to open a food aid account for each family collectively and print a prosperous family card or sembako card. assuming that data entered into the system is valid and can be processed immediately, this process is often only completed in the mid to late april. consequently, the coordination time at the ministry level will be delayed because they have to wait for incoming data, which usually only takes place in mid-may. this resulted in setbacks at the provincial and city level also ex perienced a setback, usually coordination at the provincial level only took place at the end of june, and coordination at the city level in mid-july. the results of coordination at the lower level will be brought back to the ministry level to be included in the state revenue and expenditure budget which must be approved in august, so that delays at the lower levels will have a serious impact on the budget budgeted by the ministry of social af fairs. in line with time, and the difficulty in conducting validation 289 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 290 and verification required by the policy, what happens on the ground is that the latest data on beneficiaries are not used be cause they have not passed the verification and validation stages. this occurs when the data collection, verification, and valida tion stages are carried out simultaneously, causing confusion of data at the lower level, resulting in data being mixed up in the system. because the state revenue and expenditure plan had to go to the house of representatives at the end of july, the incoming data was not validated and verified. this causes double data, the recipient has died, and the family that has entered the welfare category but is still included in the list ofbeneficiaries. the curse of national id card one of the main obstacles in the process of data collection, verification, and validation actually lies in the basic policy: that social assistance is only given to indonesian citizens as evidenced by identity cards and is categorized as poor. both of these pre requisites are basic provisions that must be fulfilled so that the beneficiary family can enter the beneficiary list. the owner ship of national id cards, especially e-id, is a classic problem in population data collection in indonesia. one crucial problem is that not all indonesians have id, not to mention an e-id which is the main prerequisite for the family to be recorded as a list of beneficiaries. various studies have shown that although the national id is mandatory, the ownership, especially in rural areas, is still very low (nurtjahyo 2014). one of the reasons is the requirement based on marriage registration. the popula tion registration model in indonesia is based on the assumption that all marriages must be registered, and become one of the prerequisites for making a id, both for the parent id card and the child identity card (kartu identitas anak/kia) (irenes & setiamadani 2019). marriage registration in indonesia is a classic problem that cannot be resolved, especially with the number of child mar riages and marriages that are not recorded (see grijns et.al 2019). jurnal studi pemerintahan a serious consequence of unregistered marriages is that the marriage is not recognized by the state, and therefore every child born cannot obtain a birth certificate and cannot be entered into the family card. as a consequence, the children cannot obtain their civil rights as well as other rights as citizens. at the family level, unregistered marriages also cause vulnerability for women, one of which is that women, especially from poor fami lies, cannot get social aid. if the issue of id cards ownership is still a crucial issue, then another problem that is also similarly serious is that priority is given to residents with id cards coming originally from that region. this is inseparable from the data collection model car ried out by neighbourhood level in their respective regions. in depok and bekasi, for example, housing and settlement com plexes are mostly filled by migrants who work in jakarta. these workers are very rarely at home, even though one of the pre requisites for obtaining aid is verification and validation of the data through face-to-face meetings and interviews conducted by the social aid facilitation team. as a result, because the house is always empty, and because the related neighbourhood appara tus do not want to be bothered with data collection of residents who are migrants from other regions, their names are not in cluded in the list of beneficiaries. another scenario is that, even though their names are included in the list, but since at the time of the verification and validation process, which is only one time, it failed to be conducted, the name of the prospective beneficiary is considered not passing the verification and data validation. the data verification and validation process is a processthat must be carried out by each beneficiary candidate. this process will look directly into the condition of family by seeing whether they are truly incapable, or as the law 52/2009 stated as the pre-prosperous family (keluarga pra-sejahtera). pre-prosperous families are families that do not meet one of the six prosperous family indicators, or indicators of basic family needs, which in 291 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 292 clude: (1) family members generally eat twice a day or more, (2) family members have clothes that are different for occasions at home, work/school and traveling, (3) a house occupied by the family has good roof, floor and walls, (4) if a family member is sick then he/she is taken to a health facility, (5) if a couple of childbearing age wants to have a family planning they can af ford to go to contraceptive service facilities, and (6) all children aged 7-15 in the family go to school. if the candidate does not meet any of these indicators, the name will be included in the list to be submitted as a beneficiary family. the problem is, if you follow the six established poverty crite ria, it will be very difficult for social aid facilitators to register, because they not only have to visit each house, but make sure each family is truly worthy of assistance by visiting the kitchen, bedroom, and bathroom. in practice, with very limited time, all that is done is checking the physical form of the house and a brief interview that focuses on daily income, daily expenses, and the number of family members. on the other hand, there are many stories of how people outsmart these regulations by mak ing one of the ugliest houses in the neighborhood and claiming it as his own, or making up stories about daily income and rou tine expenses. because there is no obligation of the facilitator to check the truth of the story, all the results of the interview, supported by outdated housing, directly make the interviewee’s family a poor person who deserves help. often families whose names are listed as beneficiary lists have died, or no longer live there and are replaced by relatives or others. initially, in terms of rules, the person could not get help because it was the name of another person that was re corded, but since 2019 there were rules that allowed the change of name of beneficiaries. although there is a policy that admin istrator has the right to be replaced by other family members, or family can move their domicile, but in practice, the imple mentation of this policy requires the administrator to follow the process from the beginning again, which means it will take jurnal studi pemerintahan a very long time to carry out all stages from the beginning. in some cases, when the validation process was carried out by the social aid facilitator, it was found that the family was actually able and was no longer entitled to the aid program, but when the aid was stopped the family raised a protest to the neighbourhood apparatus and the facilitator team, and again, due to reluctance to cause greater commotion, the channeling continued. the fragmented policy the social safety net aid policy launched by the central gov ernment through the sembako program is basically aimed at helping poor families to maintain their household financial con dition, especially in the current pandemic. but this policy is very bureaucratic, with almost no room for any maneuver. this policy provides a very narrow space for implementers in the field; so cial aid facilitators only have until the end of april to complete the entire validation and verification process, especially for new recipients. although sembako card funds have been transferred from the central government, but in its implementation in the field, it takes two weeks for the fund to arrive from the central to reach the recipients. thus, it takes more time for family to be able to get the social aid they really need. the data verification and validation process is carried out periodically, generally at the beginning of each year.specifically in covid-19 conditions, this process is hampered because this process is usually done by gathering several family recipients or prospective recipients at the neighbourhood level to be inter viewed together. after the interview process is carried out, field monitoring is carried out directly to the beneficiary’s home. within the framework of the current large-scale social restric tions, it is not possible to conduct a validation process at the neighbourhood level, which has an impact on the data valida tion process at the home level that it cannot be carried out, thus the current sembako program is using the data from the previ 293 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 294 ous year. consequently, there are a lot of middle-income vul nerable households, who as a result of covid did not get any income, actually should be categorized as poor but were not re corded as list of beneficiaries because the data used was the previous year. the government is not unaware of this problem. the minis try of villages, disadvantaged regions and transmigration (2020) has issued a policy to open up opportunities for the use of village fund to provide aid. some municipalities act quickly by relocating village fund budget for social aid. in depok for ex ample, in each district there are on average more than two thou sand names of potential recipients of social aid, both from the reallocation of village fund as well as regency/city social aid pro gram. but the problem goes back to that of data, that the names must be rechecked again by social aid facilitator, because there are overlapping names in the data. the village ministry requires that the beneficiaries are those not registered as list of benefi ciaries who get routine fund aid from hope family program, thus the field officers must list the names registered as recipi ents of aid for later verification and validation, which if passed the process, then these names will be submitted to the city gov ernment for aid. for social aid facilitators, time is a luxury they don’t have. because all social aid policies in indonesia are based on invalid and unreliable data, which makes the social aid facilitators to do multiple function, and be thebackbone of data collection from below while ensuring aid is channeled to each family. on the one hand, social aid facilitators are required to administratively be obidient and orderly, by carrying out all administrative pro cedures in the form of field verification and validation to all beneficiaries. on the other, the large-scale social limitation policy is an obstacle that appears precisely in the midst of a very narrow time period of verification and validation. this raises problems in the field and opens up the potential for the aid to not be received on time and on target. jurnal studi pemerintahan in practice, as can be predicted, what happens is overlapping assistance. there is a possibility that someone will get double assistance, a basic food card and direct cash assistance that comes from village funds, and there is also the possibility that someone who is actually eligible will not receive any assistance. in some areas, to facilitate the distribution of aid, assistance is not provided in the form of money transferred into the recipient’s account, but is directly converted into a number of items with a nominal equivalent to the amount that must be received by the beneficiary family. the policy taken by this lo cal government violates the central government policy, that aid must be transferred to the recipient’s account, not converted into food. to solve the problem of social assistance impasses, there are actually several stages that can be cut. the most important thing is to make several stages of data collection run in parallel, with out the need to wait for the process of verification and valida tion of data at each stage. the ministry of interior actually has population data integrated through e-id data records. using this data, the ministry of social affairs can immediately begin the process of data verification and validation, without having to ask for the names of recipients deposited by each region. in the same process, the ministry of social affairs can communicate with the channeling bank, or through the ministry of state owned enterprises, bearing in mind that all channeling banks are state-owned banks. at the same time, because beneficiary data is in the next generation social welfare information sys tem that is connected with the channeling bank, it is not nec essary to do initial data collection from the neighbourhood level. this will save time up to 45 working days, and greatly save costs, because the data collection is only done for new recipients, not for families who have previously received. if the problem from the ministry of social affairs is to ascertain how the use of so cial assistance is carried out by aid recipients, the easiest and fastest solution is to consolidate data from a service provider 295 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 296 bank. the bank is certain to store expenditure data for each recipient, due to the use of an atm card system that is only used in certain stores. by consigning data at the local level, it can be seen carefully how the use of the sembako cards by fam ily. on the other hand, the manual data collection model is in tended to see the condition of the recipient directly, which is done through home visits by social aid facilitators. in this case, the main actor is not the ministry of social affairs, but the ministry of villages, underdeveloped regions and transmigra tion and the ministry of interior. the ministry of villages and the ministry of interior, through the village consultative body, annually hold village development meetings. in this activity, which was attended by many elements of the village peoples, ranging from the village government, the community, to reli gious leaders, could be scheduled to discuss the data collection on the poor in the village. the problem is, in the village devel opment plan deliberation activities, the subject of discussion is the village fund allocation, which is almost entirely ascertained to be used for infrastructure improvement. if this activity is sched uled to build integrated data on the poor in the village, by or dering all neighbourhood heads to report the poor population in their area, then this will greatly facilitate the social aid facili tators, because all that is left is to request data from the village government. or if the ministry of social affairs insists that the data collection process must be carried out by the facilitator, then the ministry of social affairs must increase the number of social aid facilitators, not at the village level, but at the hamlet level. so that simultaneous data collection can be faster and easier to do. so the final problem lies in the policy that social assistance can only be given to those who have an e-id. the only solution for this is to change the policy, which originated from the min istry of social affairs itself. without changing its position, it will be very difficult to get out of the legality trap of beneficiaries of jurnal studi pemerintahan social assistance, even though the ministry of interior has openly acknowledged that e-id data has problems in collecting data. so using data that is clearly problematic will only create potential new problems in policy. conclusion so, what can be learned from the impasse in the implemen tation of social safety net in indonesia during this pandemic period? at this point, the social safety net policy developed by the government actually faces its biggest challenge ever: time and energy. when the sembako card program aid policy was implemented, it was not imagined before that time was a very non-negotiable condition. the data collection model that must be carried out periodically, every social aid facilitator that must carry out formal data collection every year, with various forms to be filled in, pages of documents to be signed, and hundreds of data that must be verified and validated. each social aid facili tator produces an average of more than one thousand docu ments annually, and these documents must be kept for cross checking by the ministry of social affairs and the audit board of the republic of indonesia. bureaucratization model with tiered stages, both in data col lection, implementation, and reporting provides very limited space for maneuver, especially in pandemic conditions that re quire policy issuance in quick time. this was slowly responded by the state when issuing a social safety net policy. when the president decided to reallocate the budget, what was envisioned as a quick response, turned out to take more than thirty days to be done, and even then with the risk that the aid provided was not necessarily right on target. when the state decides on real location, the state often forgets the bureaucratic problems that are actually made by the state itself. then it becomes an inter esting question to explore in the future, how to model the data collection of the economically poor citizens so that when the pandemic happens again, the state does not need to waste a 297 vol. 11 no. 3 october 2020 298 long time to provide aid to its citizens. on the other hand, social assistance policies in indonesia show a phenomenon that is almost never finished: fragmenta tion between ministries. various ministries choose to go their own way, not coordinating let alone sharing data. this causes each ministry to have its own database which is a waste of time and energy. this can actually be avoided, especially in a pan demic like today, where time is a luxury that is not owned by government. thank you notes we would like to thank all social aid facilitators in depok, bogor, bekasi and south tangerang regions for their informa tion, as well as to all family recipients who were willing to be interviewed during the distribution process. references alexandri, mb. 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fix ok achmad nurmandi 1 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi inovasi pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta achmad nurmandi jurusan ilmu pemerintahan universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id abstract innovation in government organization through managing knowledge is important current research results. this research objective were to look at knowledge management in improving public services, particularly in public licencing process. research problem was how sense making, knowledge creating and knowledge sharing in public licencing services of yogyakarta city. research found that knowledge sharing and creating took place in midlle and bottom of organization level. stages of innovation at the licensing agency began with the formulation of the problem, which consists of thousands of service files can not be known with certainty the level of completion. in the next stage, a member organization consisting of experienced employees who tried to solve by making the development of information systems. licensing office of the types of organizations can be categorized as a deliberative democracy 'adhocracy' an organization with the type of environment, where there is high public participation and concern in the licensing service. keyword: innovation, knowledge sharing, knowledge creation, autonomy abstrak inovasi dalam lembaga organisasi pemerintah melalui pengelolaan pengetahuan merupakan hasil penelitan mutakhir yang penting. tujuan penelitian ini adalah melihat pada pengelolaan pengetahuan dalam meningkatkan pelayanan publik, terutama dalam proses perizinan publik. hasil penelitian ini menyatakan, bahwa penciptaan dan berbagi pengetahuan terjadi pada level menengah dan bawah organisasi yang terdiri dari ribuan file pelayanan yang tidak dapat diketahui dengan pasti tingkat penyelesaiannya. pada tahap berikutnya adalah pengorganisasian anggota yang terdiri dari karyawan-karyawan berpengalaman yang mencoba menyelesaikan dengan membuat model pengembangan sistem informasi. perizinan kantor jenis organisasi dapat dikategorikan sebagai bentuk demokrasi deliberatif ‘adhocracy’ sebuah organisasi dengan tipe lingkungan, dimana ada partisipasi publik yang tinggi dan kepedulian dalam pelayanan perizinan. kata kunci: inovasi, berbagi pengetahuan, penciptaan pengetahuan, otonomi jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 2 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta pendahuluan sejak 2000, pemerintah kota yogyakarta telah mencanangkan peningkatan pelayanan publik dalam bidang perizinan dalam bentuk reorganisasi perangkat daerah ke dalam satu koordinasi unit pelayanan terpadu satu atap (uptsa). pembentukan unit ini dimaksudkan untuk memudahkan masyarakat di dalam pengurusan izin, seperti izin mendirikan banguan, izin gangguan, pendaftaran perusahaan, izin penelitian, izin pendirian apotik dan lain-lain. namun unit yang terbentuk pada 2000 ini mempunyai beberapa masalah, antara lain (kabid perizinan pada diklatpim iv yogyakarta, 15 desember 2007). status kelembagaan uptsa belum mandiri, sehingga koordinasi pelayanan perizinan/non perizinan terhambat birokrasi. unit ini lebih merupakan lembaga koordinasi yang mengumpulkan unit-unit pelayanan perizinan yang tersebar di semua dinas. selama kurun waktu lima tahun, sejak 2000 sampai 2005 telah dikeluarkan berbagai kebijakan perubahan untuk memperkuat kelembagaan uptsa. pada 2002, dikeluarkan instruksi walikota dengan membentuk tim asistensi uptsa. selanjutnya dikeluarkan keputusan walikota no. 13/2003 tentang pemberian kompensasi bagi pegawai uptsa. selain itu, dilakukan pelimpahan kewenangan dari dinas-dinas teknis ke uptsa. akhirnya pada 2005, dprd dan pemerintah kota berhasil mengeluarkan peraturan daerah no. 17/2005 tentang pembentukan dan susunan organisasi dan tata kerja dinas perizinan. dalam proses pengambilan keputusan ini, pejabat publik memerlukan data dan informasi yang akurat. namun, sebagai manajer organisasi pelayanan publik, setiap pejabat birokrasi pada dasarnya selalu menghadapi masalah pada tahapan implementasi dari perubahan kebijakan pelayanan, karena adanya kesenjangan antara apa yang mereka ketahui dengan masalah yang dihadapi di lapangan. pada tahap ini, para aktor harus mengoperasionalisasikan inisiatif kebijakan baru. tekanan-tekanan dari lingkungan seperti dari lembaga swadaya masyarakat, media, pemerintah pusat dan lain sebagainya. dalam proses ’pembelajaran kebijakan’ (policy learning) ini, para aktor mengelola berbagai isu secara terperinci, melaksanakan tugas-tugas rutin dan menyusun kodifikasi pengetahuan. inisiatif pejabat publik untuk mengatasi kesenjangan antara kebijakan dan realitas sangat dipengaruhi oleh karakter organisasi pemerintahan yang bersifat hirarkis. liebowitz jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 3 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta dan chen (dalam shanifuddin and rowland, 2004), menemukan “knowledge sharing” dalam organisasi pemerintah mempunyai beberapa kendala pokok, yakni; karakter organisasi yang hirarkis dan birokratis membuat penciptaan pengetahuan menjadi sulit dan banyak birokrat yang enggan untuk membagi pengetahuannya karena mereka menjaga jarak yang aman dengan pemegang kekuasaan. organisasi, termasuk organisasi publik, seharusnya mengidentifikasi dimana pengetahuan tacit dan explicit ketika mendesain strategi dengan tujuan untuk menjamin pengetahuan diciptakan dan ditransfer kepada individu yang benar (shanifuddin and rowland, 2004). proses komunikasi yang berkesinambungan antarpimpinan dan bawahan dalam suatu organisasi ”menjadi proses pembelajaran terhadap hal-hal yang baru dan menciptakan pengetahuan baru”. informasi mengalir dari satu pihak ke pihak yang lain dari dalam organisasi ke luar organisasi dan seterusnya menjadi suatu proses yang berkelanjutan. studi liebowitz dan chen (dalam shanifuddin and rowland,2004) menemukan kenyataan bahwa di dalam suatu pola berbagi pengetahuan (knowledge sharing) pada organisasi pemerintah terdapat beberapa kendala pokok, yakni; karakter organisasi yang hirarkis dan birokratis membuat penciptaan pengetahuan menjadi sulit dan banyak birokrat yang enggan untuk membagi pengetahuannya karena menjaga jarak yang aman dengan pemegang kekuasaan. organisasi, termasuk organisasi publik, seharusnya dapat memilah mana pengetahuan yang ”secara diam-diam” (tacit) dan mana yang ”secara tegas” (explicit) terkandung di benak para anggota atau aktor organisasi ketika mendesain strategi kebijakan untuk menjamin pengetahuan diciptakan dan ditransfer kepada individu secara tepat (shanifuddin and rowland,2004). faktor lain yang mempengaruhi keberhasilan pelayanan publik adalah kemampuan membangun jaringan dan kerjasama dengan organisasi-organisasi lain, baik pemerintah maupun swasta serta masyarakat. keberadaan mekanisme ini akan menjadi ajang pembelajaran untuk menghasilkan pengetahuan dan menghilangkan pengulangan (duplikasi) dan pemborosan (inefisiensi) anggaran. informasi dari masyarakat dikumpulkan dan dianalisis untuk lebih mengetahui kebutuhan riil mereka, kemudian informasi ini diberikan konteks dan menjadi pengetahuan penting untuk mengambil keputusan dalam manajemen pelayanan yang tepat. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 4 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta metode penelitian dampak perubahan struktur organisasi pada proses proses sense making, penciptaan dan pembagian pengetahuan antaraktor dalam organisasi, peran kebijakan dan program terhadap pembagian pengetahuan, proses pengubahan penciptaan pengetahuan dalam organisasi dan assessmen terhadap lingkungan pengetahuan dalam organisasi, maka pilihan pada paradigma penelitian pun sangat penting untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut. perspektif penelitian menggunakan perspektif “complex responsive processes (crp)” yang lebih menghendaki metode penelitian yang bersifat kualitatif dan partisipatif.. dalam bahasa stacey (2000) paradigma yang digunakan adalah teleologi transformatif. praktek mengacu kepada tindakan dan tindakan selalu berbasiskan informal dan teori yang tidak terartikulasikan tentang dunia sekitar. oleh karena itu, teori bukan sesuatu yang diaplikasikan dalam dunia nyata, tetapi lebih pada sesuatu yang melekat (embodied) dalam praktek dunia nyata (toumi, 1999; 64). sedangkan untuk memetakan hubungan sebab akibat perubahan struktur organisasi menggunakan pendekatan systems thinking yang menurut stacey (2000) dikategorikan sebagai teleology formatif. oleh karena itu, dalam proses penelitian, dua cara berpikir ini dikombinasikan untuk menjelaskan fenomena pengelolaan pengetahuan. penggunaan dua paradigma tersebut diasumsikan saling melengkapi untuk menjelaskan fenomena inovasi atau perubahan organisasi pemerintahan daerah. pendekatan pertama lebih melihat organisasi sebagai sebuah mesin yang mudah dipetakan; sedangkan pendekatan kedua menekankan tentang pentingnya menginterpretasikan proses sense making, knowledge creating and sharing yang berlangsung. kerangka teoritik dengan kewenangan yang cukup luas terutama dalam bidang pelayanan publik, sebenarnya banyak perubahan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah dalam rangka melaksanakan otonomi daerah melalui pengelolaan pengetahuan yang ada. pengelolaan pengetahuan menjadi sangat penting dengan tujuan untuk: (a) meningkatkan kualitas pengambilan keputusan pelayanan publik; jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 5 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta (b) membantu partisipasi publik dalam pengambilan keputusan; (c) membangun kapabilitas modal sosial dan intelektual; (d) mengembangkan tim kerja manajemen pengetahuan (karl m. wiig, 2002). rob shields dan kawan-kawan dalam penelitiannya tentang implementasi manajemen pengetahuan (knowledge management) di pemerintah federal kanada mengatakan bahwa: “the goal of knowledge based initiatives in the public service is to provide better service delivery through the sharing of “knowledge” between government and the public and between government actors at all levels. it explicitly seeks to address these challenges in an environment of rapid change. for example, at health canada knowledge and information management are seen as processes that will ensure that knowledge is captured, created, shared, analysed, used and disseminated to maintain and improve service delivery and/or business goal” (rob shileds, 2006). upton dan swinden (1998) mencatat bahwa dalam abad informasi, organisasi pemerintah telah berubah menjadi semacam joint-up government atau citizen-centric government yang menyebabkan pelayanan publik lebih berorientasi pada konsumen. pengetahuan menjadi faktor penting dalam organisasi publik. walaupun konsep manajemen pengetahuan merupakan konsep yang baru dikenal dan disebarluaskan pada beberapa tahun belakangan ini, namun organisasi pemerintah sebenarnya telah lama menggunakan manajemen pengetahuan untuk membuat keputusan atau memberikan pelayanan pada masyarakat. tidak ada organisasi yang dapat hidup tanpa menciptakan, mengemas dan menyebarluaskan pengetahuan pada karyawannya (praba nair, 2003). chun wei choo (1998; 111-114) dalam penelitiannya di organisasi who memberikan klasifikasi pengetahuan dalam organisasi, baik privat maupun publik menjadi: a. pengetahuan secara diam-diam (tacit knowledge). pengetahuan ini adalah pengetahuan implisit yang digunakan oleh anggota organisasi untuk melaksanakan tugasnya yang ditunjukkan dengan kecakapan dalam tindakan (action-based skill) dan tidak dapat diverbalkan. pengetahuan ini diperoleh melalui pengalaman yang panjang dari melaksanakan tugas rutin. b. pengetahuan tegas dan terbuka (explicit knowledge). pengetahuan ini dieskpresikan dalam bentuk sistem simbol dan dapat dikomunikasikan dan didifusikan, baik yang jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 6 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta berbasiskan pada objek maupun aturan. pengetahuan yang berbasiskan pada objek ditemukan pada spesifikasi produk, foto, prototype, database dan lain-lain. pengetahuan yang berbasiskan pada aturan terdapat pada aturan rutinitas atau sop. cyert dan mayer (dalam chun wei choo, 1998; 112) membedakan empat jenis pengetahuan yang berbasiskan pada aturan, yaitu; aturan kinerja tugas (task performance rules), aturan untuk memelihara kearsipan organisasi (record-keeping rules), dan aturan tentang penanganan informasi (information-handling rules), serta aturan yang berkaitan dengan perencanaan (planning rules). c. pengetahuan budaya (cultural knowledge) adalah struktur afektif dan kognitif yang digunakan oleh anggota organisasi untuk mempersepsikan, menjelaskan, mengevaluasi dan mengkonstruk realitas. pengetahuan ini juga mencakup asumsi dan kepercayaan yang digunakan untuk mendapatkan nilai dan informasi baru. chun wei choo (1998) melihat proses penciptaan pengetahuan organisasi dimulai dengan perilaku yang dinamakan pencerapan (sense making). kemampuan organisasi memproses informasi tergantung kepada aliran logistik informasi dan kapasitas menafsirkan informasi tersebut. tuomi (1999) melihat dari perspektif konstruktivisme, yakni kemampuan penafsiran (interpretasi) dilihat dari proses persepsi holistik yang disebut dengan pencerapan (sense making), yaitu proses mengkonstruksi dunia, dimana seorang aktor hidup berbeda dengan interpretasi, understanding dan atribusi. weick (1995) mendeskripsikan bahwa proses sense making dimulai ketika seseorang mengobservasi sebuah situasi yang memiliki kesenjangan dengan tanda-tanda tertentu. selanjutnya individu memperhatikan tanda-tanda tersebut dengan membandingkan dengan pengalamannya. akhirnya individu mencari penjelasan yang masuk akal untuk menjelaskan tanda-tanda tersebut dan mengurangi kesenjangan. oleh karena itu, secara rinci untuk melihat penjelasan mengenai sense making dapat dilihat dalam lima asumsi dasar, yaitu: pertama, adalah individu secara sistematis cendrung meminimalisisr kesenjangan. kedua, diskontinyuitas dan kesenjangan dapat digeneralisir, baik karena semua hal dalam realitas tidak saling terkait dan juga terus berubah. ketiga, informasi tidak berdiri sendiri dan kemanusiaan adalah produk dari observasi manusia. keempat, menanggapi terhadap dan dipengaruhi oleh perubahan kondisi-kondisi situasional. kelima, sebuah proses komunikasi. achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta hasil dan analisis 1. latar belakang organisasi persepsi pegawai terhadap latar belakang organisasi yang menjadi kondisi pendorong (enabling) penciptaan pengetahuan diketahui bahwa dinas perizinan dalam kategori ”baik”, dengan skor rerata sebesar 3,00. aspek aspek rekrutmen pegawai, kemampuan dinas di kerja, kepemimpinan kepala dinas dan komunikasi dengan pimpinan keterangan: 0 < = 0,99 = tidak baik; 0,99 <= 1,99 = kurang baik; 1,99 <=2,99 baik; sumber: data primer, 2007 gambar 1. persepsi pegawai pada organisasi dinas perizinan dari respon pegawai semua bidang dan bagian tata usaha diketahui bahwa lingkungan organisasi dinas perizinan dalam kategori baik sebagai mendorong lahirnya pengetahuan baru, seperti kemampuan memecahkan masalah, lingkungan kerja, komunikasi dengan pimpinan dan kerjasama. aspek yang paling rendah dinilai oleh pegawai adalah rekrutmen peg berdasarkan keahlian meskipun pada saat ini dalam kategori baik masalah dalam proses pengembangan teori baru merupakan sumber ilmu pengetahuan. masalah berusaha dijawab dengan teori dan selanjutnya diramal serta diuji dengan eksperimen (wuissmann; 22 dalam pelayanan perizinan akan diawali dengan kesadaran dan formulasi masalah. langkah pertama yang penting dalam menciptakan pengetahuan baru adalah kesadaran akan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta organisasi persepsi pegawai terhadap latar belakang organisasi yang menjadi kondisi pendorong ) penciptaan pengetahuan diketahui bahwa dinas perizinan dalam kategori ”baik”, dengan skor rerata sebesar 3,00. aspek-aspek yang dinilai dalam penilaian pegawai adalah aspek rekrutmen pegawai, kemampuan dinas di dalam menyelesaikan masalah, lingkungan kerja, kepemimpinan kepala dinas dan komunikasi dengan pimpinan keterangan: 0 < = 0,99 = tidak baik; 0,99 <= 1,99 = kurang baik; 1,99 <=2,99 baik; dan 2,99 <=4,00 sangat baik. . persepsi pegawai pada organisasi dinas perizinan dari respon pegawai semua bidang dan bagian tata usaha diketahui bahwa lingkungan organisasi dinas perizinan dalam kategori baik sebagai mendorong lahirnya pengetahuan baru, seperti; aspek-aspek sumber rekrutmen pegawai, kemampuan memecahkan masalah, lingkungan kerja, komunikasi dengan pimpinan dan kerjasama. aspek yang paling rendah dinilai oleh pegawai adalah rekrutmen peg berdasarkan keahlian meskipun pada saat ini dalam kategori baik masalah dalam proses pengembangan teori baru merupakan sumber ilmu pengetahuan. masalah berusaha dijawab dengan teori dan selanjutnya diramal serta diuji (wuissmann; 22). oleh karena itu, deskripsi penciptaan pengetahuan dalam pelayanan perizinan akan diawali dengan kesadaran dan formulasi masalah. langkah pertama yang penting dalam menciptakan pengetahuan baru adalah kesadaran akan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 7 persepsi pegawai terhadap latar belakang organisasi yang menjadi kondisi pendorong ) penciptaan pengetahuan diketahui bahwa dinas perizinan dalam kategori ”baik”, penilaian pegawai adalah dalam menyelesaikan masalah, lingkungan dan 2,99 <=4,00 sangat baik. dari respon pegawai semua bidang dan bagian tata usaha diketahui bahwa lingkungan organisasi dinas perizinan dalam kategori baik sebagai lingkungan yang aspek sumber rekrutmen pegawai, kemampuan memecahkan masalah, lingkungan kerja, komunikasi dengan pimpinan dan kerjasama. aspek yang paling rendah dinilai oleh pegawai adalah rekrutmen pegawai masalah dalam proses pengembangan teori baru merupakan sumber ilmu pengetahuan. masalah berusaha dijawab dengan teori dan selanjutnya diramal serta diuji . oleh karena itu, deskripsi penciptaan pengetahuan dalam pelayanan perizinan akan diawali dengan kesadaran dan formulasi masalah. langkah pertama yang penting dalam menciptakan pengetahuan baru adalah kesadaran akan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 8 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta masalah yang dihadapi dan bagaimana organisasi memformulasikan masalah tersebut. sebagai organisasi yang baru, dinas perizinan berusaha untuk melakukan sense making terhadap lingkungannya. 2. sense making di dalam organisasi, sense making mempunyai beberapa fungsi, yaitu; mengurangi ketidakpastian dan meminimalisir keganjilan (dissonance), membangun identitas, dan menciptakan makna. sebuah organisasi pada hakekatnya adalah sebuah jaringan makna bersama antarindividu (a network of inter-subjectively shared meanings) yang dikembangkan melalui pengembangan dan penggunaan bahasa yang sama dan interaksi sosial sehari-hari. weick (1976) sebagaimana dijelaskan sebelumnya menggunakan tujuh karateristik sense making, yaitu; sosial, identitas, retrospektif, cues, ongoing, plausible dan enaktif. kriteria digunakan dan dijelaskan secara naratif. sesuai dengan masalah studi yang ingin menjawab bagaimana proses sense making, maka analisis ditujukan pada proses deliberasi kebijakan dalam bentuk pembicaraan organisasi (organizational conversation) atau dialog tentang pelayanan perizinan. deliberasi pelayanan perizinan adalah status kelembagaan, kualitas pelayanan, dan tanggapan pada perubahan lingkungan. organisasi memulai untuk bertindak, dan melihat tanda-tanda pelayanan perizinan dalam konteks sosial, dan hal ini membantu mereka untuk mengadakan retrospeksi apa yang sedang terjadi, apa penjelasannya dan apa yang dilakukan dimasa yang akan datang. proses sense making dapat dilihat secara historis dari proses pendirian dinas perizinan sebagaimana diuraikan walikota yogyakarta menyatakan bahwa pada tiga tahun pertama lebih banyak memberikan makna pada situasi lingkungan dan masalah pelayanan perizinan. interpretasi dan konstruksi lingkungan internal dan eskternal untuk melakukan inovasi pelayanan perizinan ini, sangat mempengaruhi inovasi organisasi pada tahun-tahun berikutnya. sedangkan sense making dalam tindakan dalam bentuk kebijakan secara jelas dikemukakan oleh walikota: “saya memahami otonomi daerah diarahkan kepada pembangunan partisipatif. untuk itu diperlukan trust antara masyarakat dengan masyarakat dan masyarakat dengan pemerintah. trust lebih lanjut membutuhkan keterbukaan dan komunikasi. komunikasi yang intensif ini jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 9 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta dipelukan karena pemerintah tidak atau belum tahu apa yang di alami oleh masyarakat, pemerintah tidak mampu, pemerintah tidak mau” (wawancara walikota, 26 oktober 2006) pernyataan walikota tersebut menunjukkan bahwa jajaran eksekutif di lingkungan pemerintah kota harus berusaha mengetahui masalah-masalah pelayanan publik, terutama persoalan pelayanan perizinan. secara implisit, walikota menghendaki organisasi pemerintah kota yogyakarta dapat mengelola pengetahuan. makna pemerintah belum tahu dipahami sebagai perlunya semua pejabat di lingkungan organisasi untuk berinisiatif mencari tahu. sense-making organisasi pemerintahan kota yogyakarta dalam pembentukan dinas perizinan sebagai inovasi pelayanan perizinan dimulai dengan sense making. proses sense-making dimulai dengan kegiatan enactment, seleksi dan retensi. memberikan keyakinan pada orang lain dan berargumen serta menyampaikan harapan (arguing and expecting). tabel 1. proses sense-making organisasi pemerintah kota proses mental proses aksi berargumen (arguing): anggota tim mengevaluasi dalam kordinasi tim asistensi uptsa, mengharapkan (expecting):pegawai di uptsa, bag organisasi menyeleksi dan menginterpretasi data dan pengalaman mereka membuat komitmen (committing): semua pegawai uptsa memiliki komitmen untuk mendukung perubahan status kelembagaan memanipulasi (manipulating): negosiasi dari kabag organisasi untuk pembentukan dinas, outsourcing studi dari prosumen mandiri. sumbar; data primer,2007 proses sense making dimulai dengan sikap walikota yang memang menyadari bahwa pelayanan publik sebagai objek yang selalu dipantau oleh masyarakat. saluran komunikasi yang disediakan dalam bentuk upik dan surat pembaca selalu dipantau oleh badan informasi daerah (bid). wawancara dengan walikota berikut ini menunjukkan langkah enaktif organisasi pemerintahan dalam pelayanan perizinan. “kita bekerja selalu dipantau oleh masyarakat, setiap hari ada aja masalah yang harus diselesaikan. kalau masyarakat mengeluh lewat upik kita harus menyelesaikan cepat. memang tidak semua pegawai kami siap. demikian juga kritik lewat media massa di yogyakarta ini sangat penting bagi kita, dan kadang-kadang kita keteteran melayani mereka. selain itu masyarakat kota yogyakarta dikenal terdidik dan kritis sehingga kita harus mengimbanginya” (wawancara walikota, tanggal 26 oktober 2006). setelah dinas perizinan terbentuk, seluruh anggota organisasi berusaha memberikan identitas atau posisi pada organisasi, baik secara internal maupun eksternal. secara jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 10 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta internal, dinas ini sudah tentu membangkitkan kecemburuan di kalangan dinas-dinas lain yang kewenangannya hilang, karena dilimpahkan ke dinas perizinan. secara eksternal, masyarakat yang sebelumnya memperoleh pelayanan di uptsa belum merasakan perbedaan pelayanan perizinan yang diberikan. oleh karena itu dinas perizinan perlu memperjelas identitas kolektifnya. “sebagai dinas baru kami berusaha memberikan pelayanan terbaik kepada masyarakat kota yogyakarta, yang dikenal sebagai masyarakat terdidik dan kritis terhadap semua pelayanan pemerintah. pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta harus terbaik, murah, tidak bertele-tele dan tepat waktu”. (wawancara dengan pontjosiwi, 11 januari 2007). identitas kolektif organisasi ini disimbolkan dengan penataan ruang (lay out) seperti perusahaan swasta dan seragam (uniform) yang berbeda dengan seragam pegawai negeri pada umumnya. penataan ruang dibuat sedemikian rupa seperti lay out kantor bank. sedangkan seragam yang digunakan pegawai seperti seragam pegawai bank dan menggunakan dasi untuk menunjukkan profesionalitas. proses sense making, penciptaan dan berbagi pengetahuan lebih jelas dengan menganalisis perilaku organisasi dinas perizinan di dalam memberikan pelayanan imbb pada korban gempa bumi 27 mei 2006. oleh karena itu, sense making bersifat sosial, maka diskusi dan dialog merupakan metode untuk menjelaskannya. interaksi antarpejabat di dinas perizinan menghasilkan pengalaman baru dan membentuk dan klarifikasi sikap bersama, nilai dan struktur organisasi yang membantu kelompok untuk bertindak secara terkoordinasi. wawancara dengan kepala bidang pelayanan perizinan dijelaskan bahwa setiap masalah kita rembug bersama dalam pertemuan informal. tiap pagi kita ada apel pagi, kepala dinas langsung memberikan pengumuman, bahwa si a, si b rapat dimana, ada permasalahan apa yang perlu dibahas, jika ada yng punya ide langsung disampaikan, karena menurut, kepala dinas jika punya ide bisa langsung disampaikan, biar tidak lupa. bawahan langsung dapat menyampaikan langsung ke atasan yang lebih tinggi biar tidak menghambat dan dapat mempercepat ide (wawancara dengan kabid. bidang pelayanan perizinan, 11 januari 2007). hasil wawancara diatas, menunjukkan bahwa proses sense making merupakan proses sosial yang diterapkan di dinas perizinan melalui diskusi, debat, dan persetujuan antaranggota organisasi untuk memecahkan masalah yang dihadapi setiap hari. perilaku jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 11 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta organisasi selalu mencerminkan identitasnya, baik yang ditunjukkan oleh individu maupun kelompok secara kolektif. sebagai organisasi baru, dinas perizinan berusaha membentuk identitas diri. “kita juga banyak belajar dari masyarakat untuk menjawab persoalan yang muncul seperti gempa ini ada kelompok masyarakat yang mengatakan cara yang baik di lapangan seharusnya seperti ini, maka kita ikuti. intinya kita tidak bisa berhenti untuk belajar dan jangan merasa benar, kita ketahui pemerintah sebagai pelayan masyarakat”. “tim pembina kelembagaan, ada tim kebijakan dan tim teknis, untuk menjadi sebuah dinas perlu adanya kewenangan yang harus dicermati karena dinas yang dulu melekat dengan dinas yang lain, kesiapan dari uptsa dulu kepalanya adalah asisten, kemudian kabag perkotaan, maka ada evaluasi dari tim kebijakan kalau begitu perlu orang yang berkonsentrasi yang ditempatkan disana, tapi ada pemikiran jika hanya ditempatkan tanpa diberi kompensasi, maka tidak ada yang mau. oleh karena itu, dikeluarkan sebuah kewenangan untuk mendapatkan kompensasi serta adanya kewenangan, misalnya cek lapangan. (wawancara dengan kabid. pelayanan perizinan, tanggal 5 januari 2007) restrospektif adalah elemen sense making yang mengacu kepada kesadaran apa yang telah dilakukan, melakukan imajinasi dan apa yang akan terjadi dimasa yang akan datang bilamana melakukan hal tersebut. informan ditanya tentang pengalaman masa lalu yang berkaitan dengan tugas-tugas sekarang. “kalau pihak internal dengan kepala dinas sering berkoordinasi terkait banyaknya masalah yang muncul. dengan petugas lapangan sering melaukan koordinasi dengan bidang-bidang lain, kalau tidak begitu tidak selesai, bahkan pihak lapangan sering menyampaiakan berbagai permasalahan, jika seperti ini bagaimana”. (wanwancara dengan kepala tata usaha, 6 januari 2007). kesadaran ini muncul dari pengalaman selama ini bahwa koordinasi merupakan hal cukup sulit dilakukan di masa lalu. oleh karena itu, walaupun dinas perizinan sudah memiliki wewenang yang besar, namun kesadaran akan koordinasi menjadi hal yang penting untuk memecahkan masalah. organisasi selalu berusaha menginterpretasi dan menanggapi informasi yang diterima. dinas perizinan menangkap tanda-tanda adalah pada respon masyarakat pada layanan yang diterima. protes terhadap pelayanan perizinan merupakan tanda-tanda yang harus direspon oleh pegawai. pengurusan imbb untuk korban gempa bumi, sebagaimana hasil wawancara sebagai berikut. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 12 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta “kita juga sering koordinasi dengan pihak pertanahan masalah skpt, misalnya; skpt tidak menunjuk peta yang mana menggunakan skpt” (wawancara dengan kabid pelayanan perizinan, tanggal 5 januari 2007). sense making adalah proses yang tidak pernah berhenti dan di mulai. seseorang selalu berada di tengah situasi kompleks dan mereka berusaha untuk memecahkannya dengan membuat asumsi-asumsi baru atau merevisi asumís-asumsi yang ada (dilthey, dalam rickman, 1976). kejadian masa lalu di review dengan kejadian sekarang dan memori masa lalu digunakan untuk menginterpretasi situasi sekarang. organisasi selalu berusaha memperoleh informasi untuk membuat keputusan. dinas perizinan dan organisasi pemerintahan kota yogyakarta pada umumnya membuat skenario untuk menjelaskan makna dari tanda-tanda dan bagaimana merespon serta membuat keputusan. hal yang didapat adalah penjelasan yang masuk akal yang menjelaskan sebuah situasi dan mengarahkan tindakan yang dianggap koheren, kredibel dan diterima secara sosial. setelah ditimpa oleh gempa bumi pada 27 mei 2006, dinas perizinan bertugas membantu warga gempa di dalam membangun rumah dari dana bantuan rekonstruksi. diskusi informal telah dilakukan hampir setiap hari di ruang kepala dinas setelah apel pagi dan melaksanakan rapat pleno seluruh pegawai dinas sekali dalam sebulan. dalam diskusi ini, masing-masing peserta membagi masalah dan berusaha menginterpelasikan dan memberikan makna, agenda identitas dinas perizinan sebagai organisasi yang baru. forumforum informal diskusi secara rigkas dapat dilihat pada tabel dibawah ini: tabel 2. metode formulasi masalah no. metode peserta tujuan dan pemegang peran 1 apel pagi semua pegawai informasi pekerjaan hari ini dan masalah yang harus diselesaikan 2 diskusi informal kepala dinas dan kepala bidang atau dinas atau pegawai terkait pemetaan masalah formulasi masalah 3 rapat pleno semua pegawai pemetaan masalah sumber: data primer, 2007 dari diskusi informal dengan pegawai di lingkungan kepala bagian dan kepala bidang di lingkungan dinas perizinan diformulasikan masalah yang harus diselesaikan adalah: achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta 1. perlunya pelayanan izin yang cepat. 2. banyaknya surat permohonan yang masuk sekaligus 3. penanganan korban gempa harus selesai januari 2007. 4. kurang optimal kerja petugas lapangan dalam hal pendataan imbb 5. ketidaktahuan perjalanan proses perizinan internal dinas perizinan, pada tanggal 13 januari 2007, pkl 9.00 lima point diatas merupakan hasil interpretasi bersama anggota dinas perizinan tentang masalah yang dihadapi. masing berdasarkan pada pengetahuan dan pengalaman mereka. kesadaran ak pada poin 4 didalam rapat pertama kali diajukan oleh kepala bidang pelayanan, sutarto sebagai pejabat menengah yang setiap hari bergelut dengan penyelesaian imb penduduk korban gempa. sedangkan masalah kurang optimalnya petugas lapangan dalam membuat gambar situasi, karena mereka adalah siswa smk yang belum mempunyai pengalaman kerja yang cukup. selain itu petugas lapangan juga kesulitan dalam membaca surat-surat hak kepemilikan tanah. walikota dan kepala dinas. dalam proses pengambilan keputusan memang posisi kepala bagian pelayanan, sutarto, sangat sentral. beliau mempunyai pengetahuan dan mendalam. dari pemetaan jalur informasi antara petugas lapangan dan petugas administrasi menunjukkan posisi sentral tersebut. sumber: data primer gambar 2. jaringan sosial pegawai administrasi pelayanan 1 seperti diketahui di provinsi daerah istimewa dikuasai atau digunakan oleh penduduk atau tanah jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta perlunya pelayanan izin yang cepat. banyaknya surat permohonan yang masuk sekaligus + 4000 izin penanganan korban gempa harus selesai januari 2007. kurang optimal kerja petugas lapangan dalam hal pendataan imbb ketidaktahuan perjalanan proses perizinan (data partisipasi observasi didalam rapat internal dinas perizinan, pada tanggal 13 januari 2007, pkl 9.00) lima point diatas merupakan hasil interpretasi bersama anggota dinas perizinan tentang masalah yang dihadapi. masing-masing anggota berusaha menafsir berdasarkan pada pengetahuan dan pengalaman mereka. kesadaran ak dalam rapat pertama kali diajukan oleh kepala bidang pelayanan, sutarto sebagai pejabat menengah yang setiap hari bergelut dengan penyelesaian imb penduduk korban gempa. sedangkan masalah kurang optimalnya petugas lapangan dalam membuat gambar situasi, karena mereka adalah siswa smk yang belum mempunyai pengalaman kerja yang cukup. selain itu petugas lapangan juga kesulitan dalam membaca surat hak kepemilikan tanah.1 sedangkan poin pertama sampai ketiga adalah dari walikota dan kepala dinas. dalam proses pengambilan keputusan memang posisi kepala bagian pelayanan, sutarto, sangat sentral. beliau mempunyai pengetahuan dari pemetaan jalur informasi antara petugas lapangan dan petugas administrasi menunjukkan posisi sentral tersebut. 2. jaringan sosial pegawai administrasi pelayanan seperti diketahui di provinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta dikenal tanah kesultanan ( dikuasai atau digunakan oleh penduduk atau tanah-tanah negara yang dikuasai oleh perusahaan negara. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 13 data partisipasi observasi didalam rapat lima point diatas merupakan hasil interpretasi bersama anggota dinas perizinan masing anggota berusaha menafsirkan lingkungan berdasarkan pada pengetahuan dan pengalaman mereka. kesadaran akan klaim masalah dalam rapat pertama kali diajukan oleh kepala bidang pelayanan, sutarto sebagai pejabat menengah yang setiap hari bergelut dengan penyelesaian imbb rumah penduduk korban gempa. sedangkan masalah kurang optimalnya petugas lapangan dalam membuat gambar situasi, karena mereka adalah siswa smk yang belum mempunyai pengalaman kerja yang cukup. selain itu petugas lapangan juga kesulitan dalam membaca sedangkan poin pertama sampai ketiga adalah dari walikota dan kepala dinas. dalam proses pengambilan keputusan memang posisi kepala bagian pelayanan, sutarto, sangat sentral. beliau mempunyai pengetahuan tacit yang luas dari pemetaan jalur informasi antara petugas lapangan dan petugas ogyakarta dikenal tanah kesultanan (sultan ground) yang tanah negara yang dikuasai oleh perusahaan negara. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 14 dari sepuluh pegawai bidang ad penelitian pada jaringan sosial, menunjukkan bahwa dra. ratih ekaningtyas merupakan pihak yang paling sering dihubungi oleh mereka, dibandingkan dengan dra.mk.pontjo siwi dan kepala seksi koordinasi dan penelitian tingginya frekuensi komunikasi antara pegawai b disebabkan karena jabatannya. walaupun demikian, jaringan sosial antara pegawai bidang administrasi dengan bernadito saosa dan sutar mereka dengan ratih ekaningtyas. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa peran pengetahuan tacit dan pengalaman lapangan dari dua orang pejabat tersebut memegang peran penting di dalam memecahkan masalah yang dihadapi. sumber: data primer, 2007 gambar 3. jaringan sosial petugas lapangan jaringan sosial antara sembilan orang petugas lapangan yang dijadikan sampel karena dianggap memiliki pengetahuan serta pengalaman lapangan adalah drs. sutarto dan bernadito mariano saousa, wawancara dengan salah seorang petugas lapangan sebagai berikut: ”kami sering berkomunikasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito, be karena mereka memiliki pengalaman lapangan dan pengetahuan t kami daripada orang lain. kami petugas lapangan ini mempunyai tugas yang berat dan dikejar deadline waktu dan enak teman soekirno, 16 januari 2007) proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta dari sepuluh pegawai bidang administrasi perizinan yang dijadikan sampel penelitian pada jaringan sosial, menunjukkan bahwa dra. ratih ekaningtyas merupakan pihak yang paling sering dihubungi oleh mereka, dibandingkan dengan dra.mk.pontjo siwi dan kepala seksi koordinasi dan penelitian lapangan, bernadito mariano saousa, be. tingginya frekuensi komunikasi antara pegawai bidang administrasi dengan kabid disebabkan karena jabatannya. walaupun demikian, jaringan sosial antara pegawai bidang administrasi dengan bernadito saosa dan sutarto hampir menyamai intensitas hubungan mereka dengan ratih ekaningtyas. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa peran pengetahuan tacit dan pengalaman lapangan dari dua orang pejabat tersebut memegang peran penting di dalam memecahkan masalah yang dihadapi. , 2007 3. jaringan sosial petugas lapangan jaringan sosial antara sembilan orang petugas lapangan yang dijadikan sampel karena dianggap memiliki pengetahuan serta pengalaman lapangan adalah drs. sutarto dan ano saousa, be sehingga pihak-pihak inilah yang sering dihubungi. wawancara dengan salah seorang petugas lapangan sebagai berikut: ”kami sering berkomunikasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito, be karena mereka memiliki pengalaman lapangan dan pengetahuan teknis. mereka mempunyai empat kami daripada orang lain. kami petugas lapangan ini mempunyai tugas yang berat dan dikejar waktu dan enak teman-teman di kantor.” (wawancara dengan petugas lapangan, ) achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan perizinan di kota yogyakarta ministrasi perizinan yang dijadikan sampel penelitian pada jaringan sosial, menunjukkan bahwa dra. ratih ekaningtyas merupakan pihak yang paling sering dihubungi oleh mereka, dibandingkan dengan dra.mk.pontjo siwi lapangan, bernadito mariano saousa, be. idang administrasi dengan kabidnya disebabkan karena jabatannya. walaupun demikian, jaringan sosial antara pegawai bidang to hampir menyamai intensitas hubungan mereka dengan ratih ekaningtyas. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa peran pengetahuan tacit dan pengalaman lapangan dari dua orang pejabat tersebut memegang peran penting di jaringan sosial antara sembilan orang petugas lapangan yang dijadikan sampel karena dianggap memiliki pengetahuan serta pengalaman lapangan adalah drs. sutarto dan pihak inilah yang sering dihubungi. ”kami sering berkomunikasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito, be karena mereka memiliki eknis. mereka mempunyai empati yang lebih pada kami daripada orang lain. kami petugas lapangan ini mempunyai tugas yang berat dan dikejar wawancara dengan petugas lapangan, achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta jaringan sosial diantara petugas lapangan lebih sering berkoordinasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito bila dibandingkan dengan dra ratih ekaningtyas (walaupun menjabat sebagai kepala seksi pelayanan) pola kerja dan budaya kerja sendiri dan berbeda dengan komunitas pegawai yang dikantor. petugas lapangan ini memiliki otonomi yang tinggi sesuai dengan keahliannya, namun pengetahuan mereka cukup sulit untuk distandarisasi. pengalaman yang panjang tentang pengurusan izin gangguan dan mendirikan bangunan sangat spesifik dan seringkali berhadapan dengan kasus yang berbeda sedangkan masalah ketidaktahuan tentang perkembangan proses perizinan, karena jumlah permohonan yang mencapai 6000 pemohon yang paling banyak secara berurutan adalah izin penelitian, izin ho, imbb, dan izin siupp. formulasi masalah adalah ”tidak diketahuinya perkembangan proses pembuatan izin”. bagaimana organisasi mengetahui mendaftar atau berapa jumlah berkas yang telah diteliti oleh petugas lapangan. oleh karena itu, masing-masing bidang harus saling berkoordinas pembelajaran individu merupakan salah satu aspek penting penciptaan pengetahuan sebagai lembaga baru, pegawai dinas perizina dengan melakukan pembelajaran. aspek pengalaman merupakan salah satu sumber pengetahuan, penguasaan bidang pekerjaan lai dan belajar dari masalah yang dihadapi keterangan: 0<= 0,99 = tidak baik; 0,99<=1,99 = kurang baik; 1,99<=2,99 baik; dan 2,99 <=4,00 sangat baik sumber: data primer gambar 4. indeks rerata persepsi pada pembelajaran individu dari 72 pegawai dinas perizinan, mayoritas menyatakan bahwa “pengalaman merupakan sumber pengetahuan” dengan rerata indeks diatas 3. data ini sesuai dengan jaringan sosial antara pegawai administrasi dan petugas lapangan dengan narasumber jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta antara petugas lapangan lebih sering berkoordinasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito bila dibandingkan dengan dra ratih ekaningtyas (walaupun sebagai kepala seksi pelayanan), ini merupakan operating adhocracy erja dan budaya kerja sendiri dan berbeda dengan komunitas pegawai yang dikantor. petugas lapangan ini memiliki otonomi yang tinggi sesuai dengan keahliannya, namun pengetahuan mereka cukup sulit untuk distandarisasi. pengalaman yang panjang tentang usan izin gangguan dan mendirikan bangunan sangat spesifik dan seringkali berhadapan dengan kasus yang berbeda-beda walaupun aturannya sama. sedangkan masalah ketidaktahuan tentang perkembangan proses perizinan, karena jumlah permohonan yang mencapai 6000 sampai dengan 7000 per tahun dengan jumlah pemohon yang paling banyak secara berurutan adalah izin penelitian, izin ho, imbb, dan izin siupp. formulasi masalah adalah ”tidak diketahuinya perkembangan proses pembuatan izin”. bagaimana organisasi mengetahui berapa jumlah pemohon yang baru mendaftar atau berapa jumlah berkas yang telah diteliti oleh petugas lapangan. oleh karena masing bidang harus saling berkoordinasi. embelajaran individu merupakan salah satu aspek penting penciptaan pengetahuan sebagai lembaga baru, pegawai dinas perizinan dituntut untuk meningkatkan kapasitasnya dengan melakukan pembelajaran. aspek-aspek yang dieksplorasi adalah kesadaran akan pengalaman merupakan salah satu sumber pengetahuan, penguasaan bidang pekerjaan lai dan belajar dari masalah yang dihadapi. keterangan: 0<= 0,99 = tidak baik; 0,99<=1,99 = kurang baik; 1,99<=2,99 baik; dan 2,99 <=4,00 sangat baik. primer, 2007 indeks rerata persepsi pada pembelajaran individu dari 72 pegawai dinas perizinan, mayoritas menyatakan bahwa “pengalaman merupakan sumber pengetahuan” dengan rerata indeks diatas 3. data ini sesuai dengan jaringan sosial antara pegawai administrasi dan petugas lapangan dengan narasumber jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 15 antara petugas lapangan lebih sering berkoordinasi dengan drs. sutarto dan bernadito bila dibandingkan dengan dra ratih ekaningtyas (walaupun operating adhocracy yang memiliki erja dan budaya kerja sendiri dan berbeda dengan komunitas pegawai yang dikantor. petugas lapangan ini memiliki otonomi yang tinggi sesuai dengan keahliannya, namun pengetahuan mereka cukup sulit untuk distandarisasi. pengalaman yang panjang tentang usan izin gangguan dan mendirikan bangunan sangat spesifik dan seringkali beda walaupun aturannya sama. sedangkan masalah ketidaktahuan tentang perkembangan proses perizinan, karena sampai dengan 7000 per tahun dengan jumlah pemohon yang paling banyak secara berurutan adalah izin penelitian, izin ho, imbb, dan izin siupp. formulasi masalah adalah ”tidak diketahuinya perkembangan proses berapa jumlah pemohon yang baru mendaftar atau berapa jumlah berkas yang telah diteliti oleh petugas lapangan. oleh karena embelajaran individu merupakan salah satu aspek penting penciptaan pengetahuan. n dituntut untuk meningkatkan kapasitasnya aspek yang dieksplorasi adalah kesadaran akan pengalaman merupakan salah satu sumber pengetahuan, penguasaan bidang pekerjaan lain, keterangan: 0<= 0,99 = tidak baik; 0,99<=1,99 = kurang baik; 1,99<=2,99 baik; indeks rerata persepsi pada pembelajaran individu dari 72 pegawai dinas perizinan, mayoritas menyatakan bahwa “pengalaman merupakan sumber pengetahuan” dengan rerata indeks diatas 3. data ini sesuai dengan jaringan sosial antara pegawai administrasi dan petugas lapangan dengan narasumber jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 16 informasi yang diperlukan di yang mempunyai pengalaman atau “masalah yang dihadapi di lapangan” mer besar pegawai menyatakan setuju dan sangat setuju. juga yang menjadi faktor penting bagi organisasi dinas perizinan untuk memecahkan masalah pelacakan permohonan perizinan. murdiyanto, kepala bidang data dan pengembangan, menjelaskan bahwa pa perizinan yang dimulai dengan identitas pemohon dan selanjutnya tahapan harus dilalui, sebagai berikut: tabel 2. manual klaim pemecahan masalah pengendalian proses tahapan diisi dengan kegiatan-kegiatan yang harus dilalui dalam perizinan sumber: data primer, 2007 selanjutnya draft awal disempurnakan. diskusi pun terjadi untuk menyempurnakan dengan menambahkan sejumlah kegiatan-kegiatan yang relevan dan selama ini dilaksanakan, yakni pendaftaran, pengecekan lapangan, pengecekan oleh koordinato pencetakan draft sk, koreksi oleh kasie pelayanan, persetujuan oleh kepala dinas dan administrasi pemanggilan dengan kabid. data dan pengembangan, 17 januari 2007 diskusi kelompok dan berbagi penget pegawai dinas perizinan menjadi salah satu langkah penting di dalam pemecahan masalah. dari 76 orang yang diminta tanggapannya tentang dua aspek tersebut diperoleh jawaban sebagai berikut. sumber: data primer, 2007 gambar .5. indeks rerata persepsi pada pembelajaran kelompok proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta iperlukan di dalam menyelesaikan pelayanan adalah pejabat atau orang yang mempunyai pengalaman atau tacit knowledge. selain itu diketahui pula bahwa “masalah yang dihadapi di lapangan” merupakan sumber belajar individu kan setuju dan sangat setuju. belajar dari masalah yang dihadapi juga yang menjadi faktor penting bagi organisasi dinas perizinan untuk memecahkan masalah pelacakan permohonan perizinan. murdiyanto, kepala bidang data dan pengembangan, menjelaskan bahwa pada awalnya dia membuat semacam “sketsa” tahapan perizinan yang dimulai dengan identitas pemohon dan selanjutnya tahapan harus dilalui, sebagai berikut: tabel 2. manual klaim pemecahan masalah pengendalian proses waktu paraf kegiatan mulai temuan awal tersebut dimodifikasikan dalam forum in-house training disempurnakan. diskusi pun terjadi untuk menyempurnakan dengan menambahkan kegiatan yang relevan dan selama ini dilaksanakan, yakni pendaftaran, pengecekan lapangan, pengecekan oleh koordinator lapangan, koreksi oleh kasie n draft sk, koreksi oleh kasie administrasi perizinan, pengesahan oleh kabid pelayanan, persetujuan oleh kepala dinas dan administrasi pemanggilan data dan pengembangan, 17 januari 2007) k dan berbagi pengetahuan antarteman memang diakui oleh pegawai dinas perizinan menjadi salah satu langkah penting di dalam pemecahan masalah. dari 76 orang yang diminta tanggapannya tentang dua aspek tersebut diperoleh jawaban gambar .5. indeks rerata persepsi pada pembelajaran kelompok achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan perizinan di kota yogyakarta dalam menyelesaikan pelayanan adalah pejabat atau orang . selain itu diketahui pula bahwa upakan sumber belajar individu dengan sebagian belajar dari masalah yang dihadapi juga yang menjadi faktor penting bagi organisasi dinas perizinan untuk memecahkan masalah pelacakan permohonan perizinan. murdiyanto, kepala bidang data dan da awalnya dia membuat semacam “sketsa” tahapan perizinan yang dimulai dengan identitas pemohon dan selanjutnya tahapan-tahapan yang tabel 2. manual klaim pemecahan masalah pengendalian proses keterangan temuan-temuan house training untuk disempurnakan. diskusi pun terjadi untuk menyempurnakan dengan menambahkan kegiatan yang relevan dan selama ini dilaksanakan, yakni pendaftaran, r lapangan, koreksi oleh kasie korlap, erizinan, pengesahan oleh kabid pelayanan, persetujuan oleh kepala dinas dan administrasi pemanggilan (wawancara teman memang diakui oleh pegawai dinas perizinan menjadi salah satu langkah penting di dalam pemecahan masalah. dari 76 orang yang diminta tanggapannya tentang dua aspek tersebut diperoleh jawaban achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta hampir semua pegawai menyatakan setuju dan sangat setuju pengetahuan antarteman dan diskusi kelompok merupakan sumber pengetahuan. diskusi kelompok juga diformalkan dalam bentuk pel dalam pengajaran dan pelatihan). 3. informasi dan respon organisasi pemerintahan respon organisasi pemerintahan pada masalah perizinan terutama dapat dilihat dari bagaimana perilakunya di dalam merespon keluhan m pelayanan publik yang kompleks, maka akuisisi informasi dilakukan oleh organisasi pemerintahan. akuisisi informasi merupakan salah satu langkah strategis dalam rangka menciptakan pengetahuan baru. sebuah organisasi dapat mengaqu lingkungan pemerintah kota atau masyarakat dengan survey ikm dan keluhan, atau informasi dari lsm dan perusahaan konsultan sumber: data primer,2007 gambar 6. akuisisi informasi semua bidang mengakui bahwa keluhan penting didalam mengaquisisi informasi, guna menciptakan pengetahuan baru. sebagaimana diketahui bahwa pemerintah kota yogyakarta memiliki sistem pengolahan informasi dan keluhan masyarakat yang disebut dengan upik. kel 2006 dapat dilihat dari tabel berikut jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta hampir semua pegawai menyatakan setuju dan sangat setuju teman dan diskusi kelompok merupakan sumber pengetahuan. diskusi kelompok juga diformalkan dalam bentuk pelatihan internal (yang dijelaskan lebih lanjut dalam pengajaran dan pelatihan). informasi dan respon organisasi pemerintahan respon organisasi pemerintahan pada masalah perizinan terutama dapat dilihat dari bagaimana perilakunya di dalam merespon keluhan masyarakat. dengan karakter pelayanan publik yang kompleks, maka akuisisi informasi dilakukan oleh organisasi akuisisi informasi merupakan salah satu langkah strategis dalam rangka menciptakan pengetahuan baru. sebuah organisasi dapat mengaquisisi informasi dari dinas ota atau masyarakat dengan survey ikm dan keluhan, atau informasi dari lsm dan perusahaan konsultan. semua bidang mengakui bahwa keluhan masyarakat menjadi sumber informasi penting didalam mengaquisisi informasi, guna menciptakan pengetahuan baru. sebagaimana diketahui bahwa pemerintah kota yogyakarta memiliki sistem pengolahan informasi dan keluhan masyarakat yang disebut dengan upik. keluhan masyarakat selama 2006 dapat dilihat dari tabel berikut jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 17 hampir semua pegawai menyatakan setuju dan sangat setuju bahwa berbagi teman dan diskusi kelompok merupakan sumber pengetahuan. diskusi atihan internal (yang dijelaskan lebih lanjut respon organisasi pemerintahan pada masalah perizinan terutama dapat dilihat dari asyarakat. dengan karakter pelayanan publik yang kompleks, maka akuisisi informasi dilakukan oleh organisasi akuisisi informasi merupakan salah satu langkah strategis dalam rangka menciptakan ari dinas-dinas di ota atau masyarakat dengan survey ikm dan keluhan, atau masyarakat menjadi sumber informasi penting didalam mengaquisisi informasi, guna menciptakan pengetahuan baru. sebagaimana diketahui bahwa pemerintah kota yogyakarta memiliki sistem pengolahan uhan masyarakat selama jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 18 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta tabel 3. jumlah informasi dan keluhan, 2006 no keluhan yang diminta jumlah 1 perhubungan 520 2 ketertiban 387 3 kimpraswil 362 4 lain-lain 280 5 naker/kepegawaian 227 6 pendidikan 144 7 sosial 143 8 humas & informasi 125 9 pengelolaan pasar 62 10 perijinan 58 total 2308 sumber: upik, kota yogyakarta selama 2006, jumlah keluhan yang masuk lewat sms, fax, e-mail dan telpon berjumlah 2308, dari jumlah yang paling besar adalah bidang perhubungan dengan jumlah sebanyak 520. sedangkan keluhan perijinan yang masuk sebanyak 58 kali. peran upik ini di dalam merespon keluhan masyarakat cukup efektif, karena dipantau secara terus menerus oleh walikota. pernyataan seorang kepala dinas tentang upik sebagai berikut: “upik sangat penting bagi pejabat di lingkungan kota yogyakarta untuk mengetahui dengan cepat masalah yang dihadapi masyarakat. bilamana kita lambat merespon upik, maka langsung ditegur oleh walikota” (wawancara dengan kepala dinas perizinan dan kepala dinas ketertiban, 23 februari 2007) sedangkan di dalam memecahkan masalah pengendalian proses perizinan, bidang sistem informasi mengaquisisi informasi dari dj net guna mendesain sistem informasi pengendalian. evaluasi klaim dan evaluasi klaim masalah sebenarnya merupakan bentuk pengetahuan baru yang lahir dari proses penciptaan pengetahuan. pengalaman masingmasing individu yang diekspresikan di dalam menjawab pertanyaan dalam angket, seperti kebebasan pegawai menanyakan aturan dan sop yang ada untuk memecahkan masalah, pelaksanaan pemecahan masalah, ide serta usulan dihargai dan pegawai mempunyai kewenangan dalam memecahkan masalah dilapangan. pengetahuan baru pada organisasi publik adalah pengetahuan yang dihasilkan untuk mempersempit kesenjangan antara aturan dan sop yang telah ada dengan fakta di lapangan. achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta penilaian pegawai tentang aspek menjelaskan bagaimana partisipasi pegawai di dalam menciptakan bentuk usulan sop baru atau kebebasan mereka dalam menyelesaikan masala sumber: data primer gambar 7. indeks rerata persepsi pada formulasi klaim masalah pengetahuan baru yang dihasilkan dalam pelayanan perizinan adalah pengetahuan yang terkodifikasi (codified knowledge claim kota yogyakarta no. 503/1155 tentang sistem dan prosedur pelayanan perizinan pada dinas perizinan kota yogyakarta dan lembar berikut ini: tabel 4. pengetahuan baru yang diciptakan no klasifikasi 1 manajemen 2 pengendalian 3 teknologi 4 penegendalian 5 hubungan dengan masyarakat sumber: data primer lembar manual ini sudah tentu sangat membantu di dalam memantau berkas permohonan yang banyak, namun hal ini belum bisa menyelesaikan masalah sejak berdirinya uptsa. dalam rapat internal jaringan internal. selanjutnya bidang sistem informasi membu kendali yang berisi proses pengendalian dari awal sampai akhir. sistem ini diterapkan pada awal 2006 dengan proses uji coba kabid. sistem informasi, 20 januari 2007 slip, yang dapat memecahkan masalah: jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta pegawai tentang aspek-aspek diatas, dapat dijadikan petunjuk untuk menjelaskan bagaimana partisipasi pegawai di dalam menciptakan pengetahuan baru dalam entuk usulan sop baru atau kebebasan mereka dalam menyelesaikan masala gambar 7. indeks rerata persepsi pada formulasi klaim masalah pengetahuan baru yang dihasilkan dalam pelayanan perizinan adalah pengetahuan codified knowledge claim) dalam bentuk peraturan kepala dinas 503/1155 tentang sistem dan prosedur pelayanan perizinan pada dinas perizinan kota yogyakarta dan lembar-lembar kerja yang ada, dapat dilihat dalam tabel tabel 4. pengetahuan baru yang diciptakan pengetahuan baru pengetahuan metode kerja satu lembaga yang berwenang memberikan perizinan metode kerja banyak lembaga 15 hari 42 hari teknologi manual touch screen informasi dan antrian tidak ada upik dan ikm tidak ada embar manual ini sudah tentu sangat membantu di dalam memantau berkas permohonan yang banyak, namun hal ini belum bisa menyelesaikan masalah sejak berdirinya uptsa. dalam rapat internal diusulkan menggunakan teknologi informasi dan jaringan internal. selanjutnya bidang sistem informasi membuat program hasil lembar yang berisi proses pengendalian dari awal sampai akhir. sistem ini diterapkan pada awal 2006 dengan proses uji coba serta perbaikan terus-menerus (wawancara dengan sistem informasi, 20 januari 2007). lembar kendali ini kemudian dinamakan , yang dapat memecahkan masalah: jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 19 dapat dijadikan petunjuk untuk pengetahuan baru dalam entuk usulan sop baru atau kebebasan mereka dalam menyelesaikan masalah. pengetahuan baru yang dihasilkan dalam pelayanan perizinan adalah pengetahuan ) dalam bentuk peraturan kepala dinas perizinan 503/1155 tentang sistem dan prosedur pelayanan perizinan pada dinas lembar kerja yang ada, dapat dilihat dalam tabel pengetahuan lama metode kerja anyak lembaga 42 hari manual tidak ada tidak ada embar manual ini sudah tentu sangat membantu di dalam memantau berkas permohonan yang banyak, namun hal ini belum bisa menyelesaikan masalah sejak diusulkan menggunakan teknologi informasi dan at program hasil lembar yang berisi proses pengendalian dari awal sampai akhir. sistem ini diterapkan pada wawancara dengan . lembar kendali ini kemudian dinamakan routing jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 20 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta a. keterlambatan proses izin; b. ketidakjelasan proses perizinan; c. kinerja pegawai (wawancara dengan kepala dinas, 6 januari 2007). sejak dinas perizinan dibentuk, beberapa pelayanan masih menggunakan sistem dan prosedur izin yang lama (uptsa), seperti kontrol terhadap proses pembuatan izin yang masih menggunakan lembar kontrol kertas. kenyataannya sistem ini tidak efektif karena masih ada beberapa petugas yang menangani proses perizinan menggunakan pencatatan manual (wawancara dengan pak murdiyanto dan pak dodit sugeng, mbak laras, 22 februari 2007). sop ini tidak dapat berjalan karena banyak pegawai yang malas untuk mencatat, akibatnya tidak ada kontrol terhadap petugas yang memproses pembuatan izin, sehingga banyak izin yang mengalami keterlambatan dan kesulitan mencari izin lama yang belum diproses. untuk meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan perizinan, dibutuhkan sebuah sistem yang dapat mempermudah dan mempercepat tugas pelayanan. berdasarkan hasil diskusi baik non formal maupun formal (rapat rutin antar bidang, rapat koordinasi maupun inhouse training) maka dibuat sebuah inovasi yang merupakan adaptasi dari lembar kontrol kertas tetapi dibuat dengan teknologi informasi. kerjasama dalam pembuatan routing slip ini merupakan hasil kerjasama antara bidang administrasi –administrative adhocracy-(pegawai kantoran) dengan bidang operasi—operating adhocracy-(lapangan) (joan woodward, dalam henry minzberg; 437). pembahasan ini melibatkan semua bidang di dinas perizinan yaitu bidang tu, bidang pelayanan, bidang data dan pengembangan serta bidang sistem informasi dan pengaduan (sip). kemudian bidang sip membuat aplikasi program dengan pihak ketiga dj net dan menggunakan local area networking (lan), sehingga setiap bidang dapat mengontrol proses pembuatan. kontrol yang dilakukan berupa persyaratan dan waktu pengerjaan izin yang telah ditetapkan dalam sk kepala dinas mengenai lamanya waktu proses perizinan. routing slip saat ini ditangani oleh beberapa karyawan yang ditunjuk dan dilatih. karyawan yang menangani routing slip baru 9 orang, 4 orang dari bidang pelayanan selebihnya dari bidang administrasi dan tu yang ikut membantu. ke depannya program jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 21 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta routing slip ini akan ditangani orang lain dari tenaga ptt maupun pihak ketiga (out sourching). routing slip digunakan kepala dinas untuk menilai kinerja pegawai. komputerisasi routing slip memiliki beberapa informasi yang akan didapat oleh operator. hak akses tidak semua diberikan kepada pegawai tetapi hanya diberikan kepada pegawai yang masih dibawah pemantauan bidang sistem informasi. proses penciptaan pengetahuan yang dijelaskan di atas dapat dilihat dalam gambar berikut ini. sumber: data primer gambar 8 . jaringan informal penciptaan routing slip berbagi pengetahuan (knowledge sharing) dalam pelayanan perizinan seperti disebutkan diatas, pengalaman dari masingmasing pegawai dikombinasikan ke dalam satu dinas untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. sebagaimana diakui oleh kepala dinas perizinan bahwa petugas lapangan adalah nyawa dari pelayanan perizinan. pada masa sebelumnya, pengolahan data oleh petugas lapangan dilakukan di masing-masing dinas teknis, tetapi setelah dinas perizinan terbentuk, semua proses dilakukan di satu lembaga. dapat dikatakan bahwa kepala dinas mempunyai tugas berat dalam membentuk tim-tim baru yang beranggotakan pegawai dari beberapa dinas teknis yang biasa bekerja dalam tugas pokok dan fungsi pemberian izin sejenis. pernyataan kepala dinas pada waktu masa-masa awal organisasi baru beroperasi sebagai berikut: “pada masa awal dinas terbentuk, kami mengalami kesulitan di dalam menggabungkan berbagai petugas lapangan dari latar belakang berbeda (keahlian dan pengalaman dari petugas lapangan yang berasal dari berbagai dinas teknis). oleh karena itu kami mengadakan injurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 22 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta house training dari mereka untuk mereka. bagaimana “kebiasaan dan kemampuan yang dimiliki” pada waktu di dinas sebelumnya digunakan pada pola pelayanana perizinan yang baru”. (wawancara dengan dra. pontjosiwi, 13 januari 2007) proses yang terjadi pada dasarnya merupakan pengembangan tim lapangan di dalam dinas perizinan, yang dimulai dari pembentukan, konflik baru, penyusunan norma, pelaksanaan dan pembubaran tim. namun tahap terakhir sudah tentu tidak diharapkan. membentuk tim lapangan gabungan konflik-konflik baru antisipasi akomodasi penyusunan norma tim p e n g e m b a n g a n t im penerimaan pelaksanaan kerja tim lapangan sumber: modifikasi dari grez stewart, et al, 1999; 90. gambar 9. pengembangan tim lapangan pembentukan tim gabungan ini memerlukan waktu kurang lebih 3 bulan, mulai dari pembentukan tim lapangan gabungan sampai menjadi tim kerja. proses sosialnya melalui konflik-konflik, karena dari berbagai latar belakang, selanjutnya penyusunan norma-norma tim lapangan, seperti pembagian tugas untuk mengejar target yang telah ditetapkan. proses pembentukan tim petugas lapangan membutuhkan waktu kurang lebih 3 sampai 6 bulan, diikuti dengan pertukaran pengalaman antar mereka, baik formal maupun informal dalam bentuk pelatihan internal. jumlah pelatihan “in-house” lebih banyak dilakukan daripada pelatihan yang narasumbernya dari luar organisasi, yakni tujuh (7) kali dalam 2006. narasumber dalam pelatihan adalah pegawai yang berasal dari dinas-dinas teknis yang mempunyai pengalaman dalam pelayanan perizinan tertentu, misalnya pelayanan imbb yang disampaikan oleh ir. sugiri yang berasal dari dinas tata kota. achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta sumber: dinas perizinan,2007 gambar 10. persepsi pegawai pada pelatihan dan pendidikan selama 2006 jumlah pelatihan yang dilakukan oleh dinas perizinan sebanyak 11 kali, yang mengutamakan berbagi pengalaman dan pengetahuan menguasai proses perizinan imbb, ho, usaha wisata, dan daftar perusahaan dalam bentuk in-house training. sebagaimana disebutkan di depan bahwa dari forum inilah dilahirkan dan pematangan ide routing slip untuk kemudian diprogramk tabel 5. jenis dan jumlah pelatihan di dinas perizinan no narasumber dari luar 1 pelayanan prima 2 manajemen konflik 3 manajemen mutu 4 penampilan menarik 5 6 7 jumlah sumber: data primer persepsi pegawai di lingkungan dinas perizinan menunjukkan bahwa pelatihan pelatihan yang diadakan memberikan nilai tambah bagi pegawai, dan memenuhi kebutuhan untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang dihadapi sehari kontribusi pelatihan pada pengenalan teknologi baru dan pembelajaran dianggap baik. penyimpanan data di dinas perizinan menggunakan teknologi informasi, yang pertama kali disetting pihak ketiga, jogja media net. setelah itu, dikelola oleh bidang informasi. sistem informasi tersebut memuat web, kendali dan jaringan dengan upik. sedangkan metode rapat dan breifing yang digunakan adalah apel pagi dan rapat informal yang dilakukan setelah apel pagi. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta gambar 10. persepsi pegawai pada pelatihan dan pendidikan selama 2006 jumlah pelatihan yang dilakukan oleh dinas perizinan sebanyak 11 kali, yang mengutamakan berbagi pengalaman dan pengetahuan dari petugas lapangan yang menguasai proses perizinan imbb, ho, usaha wisata, dan daftar perusahaan dalam bentuk . sebagaimana disebutkan di depan bahwa dari forum inilah dilahirkan dan untuk kemudian diprogramkan. . jenis dan jumlah pelatihan di dinas perizinan, 2006 jenis pelatihan narasumber dari luar organisasi (aquisisi infromasi) narasumber dari dalam organisasi (group learning) pelayanan prima perizinan imbb manajemen konflik perizinan ho manajemen mutu perizinan usaha wisata penampilan menarik perizinan reklame perizinan usaha angkutan perizinan perusahaan perizinan saluran air limbah 4 kali 7 kali primer, 2007 ersepsi pegawai di lingkungan dinas perizinan menunjukkan bahwa pelatihan pelatihan yang diadakan memberikan nilai tambah bagi pegawai, dan memenuhi kebutuhan untuk menyelesaikan masalah yang dihadapi sehari-hari. di lingkungan bidang kontribusi pelatihan pada pengenalan teknologi baru dan pembelajaran dianggap baik. penyimpanan data di dinas perizinan menggunakan teknologi informasi, yang pertama kali disetting pihak ketiga, jogja media net. setelah itu, dikelola oleh bidang informasi. sistem informasi tersebut memuat web, touch screen, data pemohon, sistem kendali dan jaringan dengan upik. sedangkan metode rapat dan breifing yang digunakan adalah apel pagi dan rapat informal yang dilakukan setelah apel pagi. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 23 selama 2006 jumlah pelatihan yang dilakukan oleh dinas perizinan sebanyak 11 kali, dari petugas lapangan yang menguasai proses perizinan imbb, ho, usaha wisata, dan daftar perusahaan dalam bentuk . sebagaimana disebutkan di depan bahwa dari forum inilah dilahirkan dan 2006 narasumber dari dalam perizinan usaha angkutan perizinan saluran air limbah ersepsi pegawai di lingkungan dinas perizinan menunjukkan bahwa pelatihanpelatihan yang diadakan memberikan nilai tambah bagi pegawai, dan memenuhi kebutuhan hari. di lingkungan bidang pelayanan, kontribusi pelatihan pada pengenalan teknologi baru dan pembelajaran dianggap baik. penyimpanan data di dinas perizinan menggunakan teknologi informasi, yang pertama kali disetting pihak ketiga, jogja media net. setelah itu, dikelola oleh bidang sistem , data pemohon, sistem kendali dan jaringan dengan upik. sedangkan metode rapat dan breifing yang digunakan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 24 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta basis data dan penelitian yang digunakan untuk memanfaatkan pengetahuan organisasi adalah dengan melakukan survey bulanan indeks kepuasan masyarakat (ikm) pada pelayanan perizinan yang pemohonnya banyak, seperti imbb, izin gangguan, izin tanda daftar perusahaan, izin usaha perdagangan, dan izin penelitian yang dilakukan oleh bidang data dan pengembangan. pegawai front office membagikan kuesioner survey kepada pemohon dengan jumlah pertanyaan sebanyak 14 item, yang terdiri dari pendapat pemohon tentang kemudahan prosedur, kejelasan, disiplin petugas, kemampuan petugas, kecepatan pelayanan, keadilan perlakuan, keramahan, biaya, kenyamanan dan keamanan pelayanan. bentuk lain penyempurnaan pelayanan adalah masukan ataupun penelitian yang dilakukan oleh pihak luar dalam hal ini lsm, seperti survei yang dilaksanakan oleh jppr terhadap bentuk pelayanan publik kota yogyakarta yang didapatkan hasil 63% responden menyatakan pelayanan publik belum berjalan dengan baik (radar jogja, selasa 29 mei 2007). berbagi pengalaman dan pengetahuan tacit memang menjadi sumber inovasi pelayanan perizinan sejak dinas ini terbentuk. berikut ini disajikan jaringan komunikasi antar pegawai lapangan. sumber: data primer, 2007 gambar 11. pihak yang diminta pendapat dalam menyelesaikan masalah 9.soebagyo 10.antonius ambaryanto,cn 11.supriyadi,s.pd 13.darmanto 2 5 4 4 4 2 4 2 2 5 2 3 4 2 4 2 2 5 4 1 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 2 2 5 2 4 2 4 2 2 5 2 1 4 4 2 2 5 2 1 2 2 4 2 5 2 1 2 2 4 2 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 5 4 2 2 2 4 2 2 5 4 2 2 4 2 2 5 4 1 2 2 3 2 2 5 5 4 2 2 2 2 5 5 2 2 2 2 2 0 1 2 3 4 5 sutarto heru w darmono busana supriyadi heru budi rahardja darmanto surono hasan giri subowo 1. giri subowo 2. busana 3. darsana 4. darmono 5. sri heru wuryantoro 6. heru budi raharjo 7. surono hasan 8. yuli suprapto 12.wiji karsono 14.sukirno jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 25 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta hasil angket menunjukkan bahwa petugas lapangan lebih sering berkomunikasi dengan sutarto dan bernadito sebagai orang yang dianggap mengetahui fakta lapangan daripada kepala dinas dan kepala seksi administrasi pelayanan. 4. pengetahuan pelayanan perizinan deskripsi dan analisis diatas menunjukkan bahwa proses penciptaan pengetahuan dalam kasus routing slip, sebagai hasil kombinasi kerja antara 3 jenis pegawai berpengetahuan di lingkungan dinas perizinan, yaitu; pejabat berpengetahuan (knowledge officer), manager berpengetahuan (knowledge manager), dan praktisi lapangan (knowledge practicioner). yang menarik adalah peran pegawai berpengetahuan, seperti murdiyanto tidak berdasarkan pada jabatannya, tetapi pada keahliannya sebagai orang yang menguasai konsep mengenai pengembangan dan peningkatan pelayanan, hal ini didapat dari pengalaman murdiyanto yang lama bekerja di bappeda, sehingga dipercaya mempersiapkan hardware dalam pelaksanaan routing slip. sedangkan yang mendesain software adalah dodit sugeng, sip yang sebelumnya bekerja di kantor pengolahan data dan elektronik (kpde). hasil rapat terbatas sepakat untuk menggunakan pihak ketiga, yaitu; perusahaan it untuk mendesain program routing slip, dan tetap disupervisi oleh bidang sistem informasi. berikut ini klasifikasi dan daftar pejabat yang berpengetahuan. tabel 6. pejabat berpengetahuan no klasifikasi pejabat pemeran pengetahuan 1 knowledge officer walikota, wakilwalikota dan kepala dinas herry zudianto dan pontjosiwi visi dan misi kota dalam pelayanan perizinan artikulasi kedalam kebijakan di lapangan 2 knowledge manager dan practitioner kepala bidang sutarto, murdiyanto kasie data pengembangan dan dodit sugeng, kabid sistem informasi menjembatani kesenjangan aturan dan fakta di lapangan. mereka mensistesiskan tacit knowledge dan pengalaman kepala dinas dengan mengkonversi pengetahuan dengan sosialisasi, kombinasi dan eksternalisasi 3 knowledge practitioners petugas lapangan sugiri dan kawankawan lebih banyak memiliki pengetahuan tacit sumber: modifikasi dari nonaka and takeuchi , 1995; data primer,2007. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 26 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta sebagaimana yang telah dijelaskan diatas, bahwa di lingkungan dinas perizinan pengalaman merupakan hal yang penting bagi penyelesaian masalah dan proses penciptaan routing slip. dorothy leonard dan sylvia sensiper menjelaskan bahwa kreativitas dan inovási dalam pelayanan publik memang lebih banyak didorong oleh pengelolaan tacit knowledge (dalam chun wei choo and nick bontis, 1998;485) dan diakui juga oleh kepala dinas perizinan: “saya ini sebenarnya bodoh, tetapi yang pinter anak buah saya” (wawancara dengan kepala dinas perizinan, 23 januari 2007). penggunaan tacit knowledge dimulai dengan masalah yang dihadapi oleh dinas perizinan setelah terbentuk. herbet simon menjelaskan the expert recognizes not only the stuation in which he finds himself, but also what action might be appropriate for dealing with it (chun wei choo and nick bontis, 1998;485). didalam pemantauan berkas pemohon tersebut, diklasifikasikan atas pemecahan masalah dan penemuan masalah. gambar.13. proses penciptaan pengetahuan routing slip proses divergen terjadi karena beberapa individu dengan latar belakang pendidikan, dan pengalaman yang panjang pengetahuan tacitnya dan pengetahuan eksplisit memberikan kontribusi yang besar terhadap penciptaan pengetahuan baru. sedangkan konvergensi tercapai setelah adanya kesepakatan untuk membuat lembar kendali berbasiskan teknologi informasi. tahap selanjutnya, sistem informasi tersebut diuji dan diperbaiki secara terus menerus. dari persektif siklus belajar, pada proses penciptaan routing slip masing-masing individu melakukan observasi dan mengambil keputusan atau yang disebut dengan formulasi masalah. selanjutnya masing-masing individu berusaha menawarkan formulasi jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 achmad nurmandi 27 proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta pemecahan masalah dengan mengujinya di lapangan. setiap kali menghadapi tekanan dari dinamika lingkungan, individu melakukan observasi kembali dan menanyakan mengapa masalah tersebut terjadi. kesimpulan ada beberapa tahapan yang bisa dilihat pada proses inovasi yang dilakukan didalam dinas perizinan yaitu : 1. pengembangan pengetahuan dilakukan pada level individual (individual level). berjalan proses ini didukung sikap keterbukaan pimpinan dalam menerima ide dari bawahan, karena disadari setiap pegawai memiliki pengalaman yang berbeda sebab pegawai berasal dari dinas yang berbeda. pendekatan secara informal banyak dilakukan dalam proses pengembangan pengetahuan pada level individu. 2. kesadaran akan keterbatasan ilmu yang dimiliki masing-masing individu, terbangunya knowledge sharing untuk dapat menjawab setiap pemasalahan sehingga terbangun pola pengembangan pengetahuan didalam group (group level), yaitu proses pertukaran tacit knowledge dari setiap pegawai. 3. melalui budaya kerja yang dibuat didalam dinas perizinan salah satunya kontrol kerja melalui routing slip memacu setiap pegawai untuk dapat menyelesaikan pekerjaannya secara baik, karena berasal dari dinas yang berbeda sebelumnya secara tidak disadari dapat membangun interaksi antargroup yang kemudian membangun pengembangan pengetahuan didalam level organisasi (organisation level). 4. keterlibatan masyarakat sebagai pelanggan atau costumer menjadi perhatian bagi dinas perizinan melalui konsep kerja berbasis pelayanan dengan tingginya partisipasi publik dalam hal proses pengembangan perizinan membantu dinas perizinan melakukan pengembangan pengetahuan sehingga proses tersebut terjadi pada level komunitas (community level). jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 1 nomor 1 agustus 2010 28 achmad nurmandi proses manajemen pengetahuan bagi manajemen pelayanan perizinan di kota yogyakarta daftar pustaka choo, chun wei. 1998., the knowing organization, oxford university press, new york. ______________. 1998. the knowing organization: how organizations use information to contruct meaning, create knowledge and make decision, oxford university press, oxford. rickman. h.p. (ed), 1976. w dilthey: selected writings. cambridge. cambridge university press. dorothy leonard and sylvia sensiper, “the role of tacit knowledge in group innovation”, dalam chun wei choo and nick bontis ikujiro nonaka, “a dynamic theory of organization knowledge creation”, dalam chun wei choo and nick bontis, karl m. wiig. 2002. “knowledge management in public administration”, journal of knowledge management. vol 6; 3. nonaka and takeuchi. 1995. the knowledge-creating company. new york. praba nair, 2003. “knowledge management in the public sector”, dalam james sl yong, enabling public service innovation in the 21 st century in asia. singapore. times media private limited. radar jogja, selasa 29 mei 2007 rob shileds, eat al., 2006. a critical analysis of knowledge management initiatives in the canadian federal public service. carleton university, nov 2000, didownload 12 january. shanifuddin, syed, and rowland, fytton, 2004. “knowledge management in public administration: a study on the relationship between organizational elements and the performance of knowledge transfer”. journal of knowledge management. vol 8; 2. stacey, ralph d, et al., 2000. complexity and management, fad or radicalchalenge to systems thinking. london. routledge. upton and swinden in eileen m. milner,1998. managing information and knowledge in public sector. london. routledge. weick, karl e. 1995. sense-making in organization. california. sage publications, thousand oaks. wuismann, jj. penelitian ilmu-ilmu sosial, jilid i. jakarta. lembaga penerbit fe-ui. toumi, ilka. 1999. corporate knowledge, theory and practice of intelligence organization. helsinki. metaxis. doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i1.12529 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan public policy analysis on education budget allocation: case study in regencies/municipalities east java, indonesia fardini sabilah1 , suparto suparto2 , salahudin3 abstract the objective of the current study is to map regency and municipality government budget allocations in east java province, indonesia. this study method conducted by analysing the percentage of education budget allocations. the study reveals that there are 5 (five) education budget allocation clusters in east java, namely cluster a with the highest percentage of education budget allocation, covering jember regency and nganjuk regency, whereas clusters b, c, d, and e are regencies/municipalities with the medium, smallest, and lowest percentage of education budget allocations. since there are only two regencies/municipalities categorized into cluster a, it indicates that the 20% target allocation of the national education budget policy is still far from expectations, which might be caused by the planning problems, technical implementation guidelines, allocations, and different interests and perceptions among stakeholders. keywords: budget allocation, national education, policy, local government, stakeholders abstrak tujuan dari studi saat ini adalah untuk memetakan alokasi anggaran pemerintah kabupaten dan kota di provinsi jawa timur, indonesia. metode penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menganalisis persentase alokasi anggaran pendidikan. hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa terdapat 5 (lima) klaster alokasi anggaran pendidikan di jawa timur, yaitu klaster a dengan persentase alokasi anggaran pendidikan tertinggi, meliputi kabupaten jember dan kabupaten nganjuk, sedangkan klaster b, c, d, dan e adalah kabupaten/kota dengan persentase alokasi anggaran pendidikan menengah, terkecil, dan terendah. karena hanya ada dua kabupaten/kota yang masuk dalam klaster a, hal ini menunjukkan bahwa alokasi target 20% kebijakan anggaran pendidikan nasional masih jauh dari harapan, yang mungkin disebabkan oleh masalah perencanaan, petunjuk pelaksanaan teknis, alokasi, dan perbedaan kepentingan dan persepsi di antara para pemangku kepentingan. kata kunci: alokasi anggaran, pendidikan nasional, kebijakan, pemerintah daerah, pemangku kepentingan introduction one of the important factors in the development of education is the education budget (nugroho et al., 2018). 59 affiliation: 1 2 3 universitas muhammadiyah malang, indonesia correspondence: fardini@umm.ac.id how to citate: sabilah, f., suparto, s., & salahudin, s. (2022). public policy analysis on education budget allocation: case study in regencies/municipalities east java, indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(1). 59-85 article history: received: august 8th, 2021 reviewed: september 26th, 2021 accepted: january 18th, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:fardini@umm.ac.id https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5687-0812 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0973-3609 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1676-1034 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 60 law no. 20 of 2003, states that education funds are allocated a minimum of 20% of the state revenue and expenditure budget (apbn) for the education sector and a minimum of 20% of the regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd). the law was then revised by the constitutional court’s decree dated august 13, 2008, about the government’s obligation to meet the minimum education budget of 20% of the total apbn and apbd. teachers’ salaries are included in the education budget allocation. following the law, the central government has allocated 20% of the education budget since the fiscal year 2009 for the state revenue and expenditure budget (apbn) (rochmat 2004). during the period of 2009–2014, the education budget allocation is the largest budget in the second largest portion of expenditure in the apbn, after subsidy expenditure. meanwhile, since 2015, the education budget has become the largest government expenditure (pristiwati and widianingsih n.d.). until the 2019 fiscal year, the central government has budgeted 3,920.45 trillion rupiahs. however, the executive director of the center of education regulations and development analysis (cerdas), indra charismiadji, claimed that the regional education balance (npd) released by the ministry of education and culture (kemdikbud) 2019 showed that 99% of the local governments still allocated education budgets below 20% in their apbds. meanwhile, the mandate of the 1945 constitution (uud) requires local governments to allocate an education budget of at least 20% of the apbd. out of 514 regencies/municipalities in indonesia, only seven local governments allocate education budgets above 20%, among others, bandung regency, west java (20.05%), bangli regency, bali (20.2%), kutai kertanegara regency, east kalimantan (20.29%), bogor regency, west java (21%), pemalang regency, central java (21,11%), west sumatra province (21.7%), and ogan komering ilir regency, south sumatra (23.79%). meanwhile, putera (2010) found that the mechanism for determining the education budget has been implemented in a bottom-up manner by involving community participation in the education sector through the development planning forum (musrenbang). however, it did not show any quantitative numbers of the budget allocation for education funding in solok regency. jurnal studi pemerintahan 61 there are many previous studies which examined the gover nance of education budget policies focused on various objects studies, such as a comparative analysis of education budget policy allocation among developed and developing countries which was the results overall showed that the allocation of education bud gets of developed countries were better than that of developing countries (su 2006). a study in poland specifically explained the inequality of education budget policy between the central and the local government whereas the central government imposes the education budget policies did not followed by the regula tions and the standards of the implementation of education policy at the regional level, as a results the education budget policies were not properly implemented (kowalska 2007). another study conducted in the republic of panama found that a policy of 20% allocation budget of the education affairs was not followed by the political commitment of bureaucratic and public officials to implement the policy concurrently. although some previous studies have explained about the policy of education budgets allocation, however those studies did not explain the distribu tion and budget policy allocation specifically at the regional level (herrera m., torres-lista, and montenegro 2018). studies in in donesia have not specifically mapped out the budget allocations for education affairs in each region. the study in palopo city, indonesia explained about the analysis of budget policies for education infrastructure, nevertheless, that study did not entirely described the implementation of a policy of 20% budget alloca tion of education sector in indonesia (irfan et al. 2021). another study explained that a policy of 20% budget allocation of educa tion sector in indonesia was influenced by government manage ment and the national education system which in some cases inhibits the implementation of that policy at the regional level (saputra 2018). vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 62 based on the results of the previous studies, there is still no research that does a comprehensive mapping of the regency/ municipality education budget allocations in east java. therefore, the current study is interested in analyzing the education budget allocation in regencies/municipalities in east java for three years period (2017 – 2019) to attain a comprehensive profile of the bud get and obtain accurate data as a step to make policy proposals in education. the study uses quantitative and qualitative approaches. the quantitative approach is related to the use of numerical data on the percentage of the education budget from the total local government budget policies. in contrast, the qualitative approach is related to the use of interview data conducted to the head of the education office in a number of regencies/municipalities as the object of the research analysis. literature review challenges of education budget policy imple mentation education is one of the highest investments used by almost all countries around the globe to increase their prosperity, eco nomic, ecological, and social growth. therefore, one of the main functions of the state is to allocate sufficient budget for the higher education and universities (santos et al., 2019). for example, in ukraine, spending on the education budget is believed to posi tively impact increasing employment, economic development and reducing inequality in income distribution (vorontsova et al. 2020). in addition, the states of central and eastern europe also believe that effective regulation of continuing education should focus on the decentralization of education, and the de velopment of public-private partnerships, as well as the autonomy of education service providers (vorontsova et al. 2020). based on some cases in the united states, the cuts of educa tion budget policies are influenced by several factors, such as social, political, and even economic recession. besides, the de clining support from the states for the education budget is also jurnal studi pemerintahan influenced by competition from other social institutions such as 63 programs related to health. it could happen because there were differences between the interaction of public opinion and policymakers about the awareness of public concerns and the policy actions taken (santos et al., 2019). in some cases, how ever, officials’ professionalism in making and taking decisions is also an indicator of government objectivity in budget distribu tion because the success and failure of a policy can be seen from the budget allocation used to meet the demands and needs (flink and luis, 2016). additionally, the existence of budgeting prac tices, stakeholder pressure, and strategic planning have also in fluenced the existing financial management, as stakeholder pres sure can change the priorities of the predetermined fiscal account ability (kenno et al. 2020). in the united states, the state’s fiscal support for higher edu cation has recorded a declining trend in every decade; even worse, the financial aid for education by the united states is estimated to touch zero in 2059 (santos et al., 2019). it could happen be cause many other policy domains are outside of education, such as law enforcement, environmental infrastructure development, and others (flink and luis, 2016). in addition, the new york times also reported that the limited government support for education was caused by the increased business competition and economic development policies found in several municipalities and states in the united (bowen and qian 2017). similarly, the state of canada also revealed that the increase in the number of student enrollments in the country is inversely proportional to the allocation of education budget policies which have shrunk from 84% to 57% in the last few decades. these phenomena happen because many countries have not implemented and es tablished formal policies regarding financial management for public institutions (kenno et al. 2020). in several cases, the imbalance of education budget has re sulted in public concerns about limited public resources, espe cially those related to the education budget for low-income stu vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 64 dents, and those cases are also a form of political implications from policymakers in overcoming the budget crisis and fiscal pressure (griswold and marine 1996). meanwhile, in thailand, the government provides performance-based budgeting as an ef fort to encourage universities to be more autonomous and ac countable. however, the inequality of social and economic con struction in rural and urban areas requires the thai government to take the responsibility to serve its local community by provid ing higher education budget allocations based on the needs and economic conditions of the university (sangiumvibool & chonglerttham, 2016). education budget policy in indonesia education is a form of human investment to be carried out rationally, especially since it costs money. through education investment, it is possible to obtain large amounts of human re sources indispensable for development. the education cost is generally defined as a certain amount of money to finance edu cational input factors. the understanding of the concept of the education cost is based on the view that education is an invest ment in human resources. in the study of economic develop ment, this view is reflected in the concept of humans as develop ment capital (vorontsova et al. 2020). therefore, investment should produce skills that have economic value; (2) investment in education is needed to respond to the economic needs of the workforce based on the education type. investment can be de fined as sacrificing certain amount of current value to obtain a future value (return) with an expectation that the return will be greater than the current value (fattah 2008). article 46 verse (1) of the 2003 national education system law states that the education funding is a shared responsibility between the central government, regional governments, and the community. the law’ mandate is also related to the national education law number 20 of 2003 article 17 verse (2) and verse (3), which state that madrasas (islamic schools) are categorized as jurnal studi pemerintahan primary and secondary education similar to public schools. law 65 number 32 of 2004 confirms the national education system law number 20 of 2003 verse (5), stating that regency/munici pality governments manage primary education and secondary education as well as education units based on local excellence. it is followed by the government regulation of the republic of indonesia number 48 of 2008 article 2 verse (1), stating that education funding is a shared responsibility between the govern ment, local governments, and the community. besides, in the professional implementation of national education, based on the law on national education system no. 20 of 2003 article 35 verse (1), eight standards must be met, namely; 1) content stan dards, 2) graduate competency standards, 3) process standards, 4) educators and teaching staff standards, 5) management stan dards, 6) infrastructure standards, 7) financing standards, 8) and assessment standards (parker and raihani 2011). the education cost standard is explained by the regulation of the minister of national education number 69 of 2009 ar ticle 2 verse (1), stating that the standard of non-personnel oper ating costs in 2009 is per school/skill program, per study group, and per student for primary schools (sd/mi), junior high schools (smp/mts), senior high schools (sma / ma), voca tional high schools (smk), special primary school (sdlb), special junior high schools (smplb), and special senior high schools (smalb). the education budget is a system statement related to the education program, namely planned revenues and expenditures within a financial (fiscal) policy period, supported by data that reflects the needs, objectives of the educational pro cess, and planned school outcomes. there are two parts of the budgeting, namely income and expenses estimation. income es timation and presentation must be accounted for so that they can be realized. the obligation of the constitution to stipulate the education budget of 20% (twenty percent) of the apbn indicates that edu cation is vital for the nation’s future journey, that is by preparing vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 66 quality indonesians who are technically capable of building the country and competing through technology development while at the same time also having noble characters. the department of national education’s education budget, which was later based on the presidential regulation of the republic of indonesia number 47 of 2009 concerning the establishment and organi zation of state ministries was changed into the ministry of na tional education (kemendiknas), has increased from year to year. however, the minimum education budget allocation of 20% (twenty percent) as mandated in the 1945 constitution amend ment iv of 2002 and law number 20 of 2003 concerning the national education system was finally achieved in 2009. accord ing to the minister of finance, sri mulyani indrawati, it was due to the limited government budget (sulaiman 2018). to plan the utilization of the 20% (twenty percent) budget, the government formulates the education policies into several programs considered as the main priorities to be carried out immediately, among others, to improve the teachers’ and lectur ers’ welfare; to conduct the 9-year compulsory education that is better in quality, cheaper, and affordable; to provide better ac cess to quality and relevant secondary and higher education; and to produce research with better quality and relevance. in addi tion, it also gives attention to outstanding students by giving schol arships and guarantee to continue their study anywhere, gives attention to improve the non-formal education sector, and strengthens the education governance. the basic framework and policy directions are stated in the national medium-term devel opment plan (rpjmn) 2005-2009, the long-term development plan (rpjp) 2005-2025, and the ministry of national education strategic plan (renstra) 2005-2009. research methods the current study uses quantitative and qualitative approaches. the quantitative approach is related to the use of numerical data on the percentage of regency and municipality government’s jurnal studi pemerintahan education budget allocations in east java. then, the qualitative 67 approach is used to analyze the numerical data more deeply by using interview involving the head of the regional education offices at the municipality and regency in east java. further more, the research was conducted towards the head of the de partment of education at the municipality and regency educa tion offices in east java. there are 38 education offices in east java. the sample was taken using the purposive technique, espe cially with regard to the education offices which have an aver age percentage value of extreme budget allocations, namely the largest, the smallest, and medium. therefore, the determination of the sample in the study represents the overall characteristics of the budget allocation system for education in the 2017 – 2019 period. the main informants of the current study were the head of department from each selected sample and the head of educa tion offices of municipality and regency. since the study uses a descriptive method with a quantitative approach, the design cho sen is an exploratory study, which aims to explore broadly the causes or things that influence the occurrence of something. in other words, exploratory research is carried out to find causes or things that influence the occurrence of something and is used when we do not know exactly and precisely about the research object. to collect the data, researchers apply five techniques, includ ing (1) preliminary study, (2) documentation study, (3) field data discussion using interviews, (4) data verification, and (5) focus group discussion. all the collected data were analyzed to see the components of the budget allocation system for education affairs in east java in the 2017 – 2019 periods. based on the data on the description of the budget allocation system for education in the 2017 – 2019 period, it is possible to develop conceptual and budgetary strategy designs that might be developed to support the improvement of the quality of education in east java. in the end, the data were analyzed using a statistical percentage. vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 68 research result the mapping of 38 regencies/municipalities in east java was grouped into 5 (five) clusters: cluster a, b, c, d, and e. the consideration on grouping the data by using clusters is based on statistical number of simple analyses by considering the range between the highest and the lowest score and the mean score arikunto (2020). cluster a indicates that the regency/munici pality allocates the education budget percentage of 16%-17% out of the total budget. cluster b shows that the allocation of the education budget is 15%-13% out of the total the regional rev enue and expenditure budget (apbd). cluster c shows that regency/municipality distributes the education budget of 12%– 10% out of the total apbd. cluster d shows that the local gov ernment allocates an education budget of 10%-8% out of the total apbd. finally, cluster e shows the education budget alloca tion of 7%-6% out of the total apbd. educational budget allocation for cluster a category based on the data obtained, the local governments included in the cluster a category are jember regency (17.18%) and nganjuk regency (16.75%). the budget allocation percentage of the two regions is still far from the mandate of the national education law, which stipulates the local governments to allocate 20% of the total apbd for education. although they have not yet reached the national standard, the two regions are classified as having a high commitment to education compared to other regions in east java. the percentage of education budget alloca tion for both jember and nganjuk regencies is focused on de veloping the education infrastructure and human resource de velopment. in 2017, jember regency allocated an education budget of 20.40%, and nganjuk regency allocated 16.00% of the total apbd of each region. the jember regency’s percentage of edu cation budget exceeded the national standard, which is 20% of jurnal studi pemerintahan table 1. educational budget allocation in east java, indonesia 69 source: data is processed from various official government sources. the total apbd, indicating their high commitment in develop ing the education sector through various programs and activities that support the realization of the regional development visions and missions of the regency. meanwhile, the percentage of nganjuk’s education budget allocation in 2017 is still 4% differ ent from the national standard. although it has not met the national standards, nganjuk, along with jember, is a regency which strongly commits to developing the education sector com pared to other regions. the 16% education budget allocation from the total apbd shows that the nganjuk regency govern vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 70 ment is working hard to design programs, activities, and budget ing for the education sector to realize the development visions and missions of their regency. in 2018, jember regency distributed the education budget of 12.29% from the apbd. the budget allocation decreased by 8% from the education budget allocation in 2017. the decrease indi cates that the jember regency government does not have a roadmap for sustainable development of the education sector. similarly, nganjuk regency’s budget allocation in 2018 also de creased by 2% from 2017, indicating that the nganjuk regency government has not had good consistency in the development of the education sector. in 2019, the education budget allocation in jember regency increased by 5% compared to budget allocation in 2018, which is from 12.29% to 18.84% of the total apbd. the increase proves that the jember regency government has prioritized the rebuild ing of the education sector, which experienced a budget decline in 2018. on the other hand, the fluctuations in the education budget allocation in jember regency show that the development planning and budgeting in each fiscal year are not based on the strategic issues and priority programs that have been determined in long-term and medium-term development policies. like jember, the nganjuk regency government also show fluctuations in budget allocations between 2017, 2018, and 2019. however, different from jember regency, the nganjuk regency education budget allocation in 2019 experienced a significant increase of 20.10% compared to 2017 and 2018, exceeding the national stan dard (table 1). overall, the percentage of the jember regency government’s education budget allocation is higher than nganjuk regency, but the education budget allocations of the two regions are con sidered proportional on average. it demonstrates that jember regency and nganjuk regency governments have equal com mitment and understanding of the national education budget policy that must be implemented at the regional level. although jurnal studi pemerintahan it has not met the national standards yet, the allocation of the 71 education budget in the two regions indicates that there are ef forts by the local governments to implement the central govern ment policies. educational budget allocation for cluster b category based on the the regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd) data analyzed, 11 regencies/municipalities included in cluster b are: jombang regency, surabaya municipality, blitar regency, madiun municipality, kediri regency, malang munici pality, banyuwangi regency, blitar municipality, sidoarjo re gency, malang regency, and tuban regency. the budget alloca tion for education in cluster b regencies/municipalities shows the level of the local government’s committment towards the implementation of national education policies that encourage a minimum education budget allocation of 20%. this fact illus trates that these local governments showed less commitment and political will to develop the education sector in their respective regions. in 2017, jombang regency allocated the education budget of 16.40%, surabaya municipality 13.90%, blitar regency 15.50%, madiun municipality 13.50%, kediri regency 15.00%, malang municipality 13.80%, banyuwangi regency 8.20%, blitar mu nicipality 15.9%, sidoarjo regency 17.60%, malang regency 13.00%, and tuban regency 15.60% out of the total apbd of each region. the percentage of the regency/municipality educa tion budget in cluster b in 2017 is a relative indication of the local government’s commitment to developing the education sector. however, its seriousness in the implementation of the national education policies is still questionable. although, for instance, the banyuwangi regency education budget allocation in 2017 shows a portrait of the local government’s lack of seri ousness in the education sector, banyuwangi regency still has a higher commitment to strengthen their education sector com vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 72 pared to other regions in cluster b. in 2018, jombang regency allocated the education budget of 15.40%, surabaya municipality 15.84%, blitar regency 12.75%, madiun municipality 15.41%, kediri regency 13.74%, malang municipality 15.62%, banyuwangi regency 14.36%, blitar mu nicipality 15.35%, sidoarjo regency 11.89%, malang regency 12.65%, and tuban regency 11.98% out of the total apbd of each region. the average budget allocation in cluster b declined compared to 2017. the data confirms that local governments have not had serious political will yet for the education sector and the implementation of national education policies. in addi tion, the regional governments have not had a good priority scale yet in carrying out the development planning and budgeting ac tivities that support the implementation of a budget allocation policy of 20% of the total apbd for education. the fact that surabaya municipality’s education budget allocation is higher than other regions in cluster b depicts an exemplary commit ment from the surabaya municipality government to the educa tion sector, although it has not achieved the national education budget allocation standards yet. conversely, tuban regency has the lowest budget allocation compared to other regencies in clus ter b, which confirms that the tuban regency government has not had an execellent grand design yet in developing the educa tion sector to meet the mandate of the national education law. unlike the education budget allocation in 2018, the percent age of regency/municipality education budget allocations for clus ter b increased in 2019. in details, the budget allocation for jombang regency is 17.20%, surabaya municipality 17.20%, blitar regency 19.08%, madiun municipality 17.74%, kediri regency 17.75%, malang municipality 15.50%, banyuwangi regency 22.04%, blitar municipality 11.59%, sidoarjo regency 15.96%, and tuban regency 13, 47%. banyuwangi regency ex perienced a sharp increase in the budget allocation for educa tion sector, namely 8.20% in 2017; 14.36% in 2018, and then climbed to 22.04% in 2019. the percentage of banyuwangi jurnal studi pemerintahan regency’s budget allocation exceeds the national education policy 73 standard. besides, the sharp increase in budget allocation shows the seriousness and goodwill of the local government to develop the education sector. on the other hand, the high jump in the percentage of the budget shows that the local government has not had a good development program design yet so that the allo cation of the education budget is carried out partially following the situation in the field. regency/municipality governments in cluster b allocate edu cation budgets on a fluctuating basis, in which the allocation percentage constantly changes from year to year. for example, the banyuwangi regency government shows a sharp increase in budget allocation every year, from 2017, 2018, and 2019. similar to banyuwangi regency, surabaya municipality and madiun municipality education budgets also show a gradual increase from year to year. conversely, the education budget allocation in blitar municipality and sidoarjo regency shows a decreasing trend every year. meanwhile, the education budget allocations in jombang regency, blitar regency, kediri regency, malang regency, and tuban regency fluctuate in the allocation percentage that tends to be stable from year to year. educational budget allocation for cluster c category the are 14 regencies/municipalities belonging to cluster c, namely trenggalek regency, ngawi regency, mojokerto regency, pacitan regency, sampang regency, probolinggo municipality, magetan regency, tulungagung regency, situbondo regency, bondowoso regency, batu municipality, pasuruan regency, bangkalan regency, and mojokerto municipality. in 2017, trenggalek regency had education budget of 13.60% out of the total 1,722.6 billion apbd, ngawi regency had education bud get of 16.40% out of the total 2,052.7 billion apbd, mojokerto regency had education budget of 11.60 % out of the total 2,425.1 billion apbd, pacitan regency had education budget of 16.60% vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 74 out of the total 1,572.2 billion apbd. the comparison of the total education budget and apbd of these 14 regencies/munici palities can be seen in table 1. in 2018, trenggalek regency had a total apbd of 1,784.70 billion with a budget allocation of 13.31% for the education sec tor, ngawi regency had a total apbd of 2,044.53 billion with an education budget allocation of 13.96%, mojokerto regency had a total apbd of 2,341.04 billion with an education budget allo cation of 13.31%, pacitan regency had a total apbd of 1,585.99 billion with an education budget allocation of 14.78%, sampang regency had a total apbd of 1,809.41 billion with an education budget allocation of 12.54%, probolinggo regency had a total apbd of 1,016.53 billion with an education budget allocation of 9.46%, magetan regency had a total apbd of 1,769.95 billion with an education budget allocation of 10.34%, tulungagung regency had a total apbd of 2,518.27 billion with an education budget allocation of 6.86%, situbondo regency had a total apbd of 1,572.43 billion with an education budget allocation of 9.03%, bondowoso regency had a total apbd of 1,890.38 billion with an education budget allocation of 12.27%, batu municipality had a total apbd of 935.19 billion with an education budget allocation of 12.85%, pasuruan regency had a total apbd of 3,223.41 billion with an education budget allocation of 12.03%, bangkalan regency had a total apbd of 2,193.48 billion with an education budget allocation of 11.25%, and mojokerto munici pality had a total apbd of 968.28 billion with an education bud get allocation of 12.69% (table 1). next in 2019, trenggalek regency had 12.61% for the educa tion budget from a total of 2,051.11 billion apbd, ngawi re gency had 8.02% for the education budget out of 2,183.63 bil lion apbd, mojokerto regency had 12.50% for the education budget out of 2,570.16 billion apbd, pacitan regency had 5.78% for the education budget out of 1,865.40 billion apbd, sampang regency had 10.90% for the education budget out of 1,870.80 billion apbd, probolinggo municipality had 8.62% for the edu jurnal studi pemerintahan cation budget out of 1,162.99 billion apbd, magetan regency 75 had 13.56% for the education budget out of 1,809.41 billion apbd, tulungagung regency had 12.97% for the education budget out of 2,678.56 billion apbd, situbondo regency had 9.63% for the education budget out of 1,749.68 billion apbd, bondowoso regency had 10.18% for the education budget out of 2,058.94 billion apbd, batu municipality had 12.01% for the education budget out of 1,000.47 billion apbd, pasuruan regency had 11.54% for the education budget out of 3,584.18 billion apbd, bangkalan regency had 11.37% for the educa tion budget out of 2,360.42 billion apbd, and mojokerto mu nicipality had 10.87% for the education budget out of 999.54 billion apbd (table 1). table 1 shows the trend of budget allocation for education affairs in each regency/municipality in the last three years, 2017, 2018, and 2019. trenggalek regency, ngawi regency, pacitan regency, and probolinggo municipality fluctuated in budget al location, which decreased from 2017 to 2018 and 2019. the fluc tuation in budget allocations shows that the regency/municipal ity governments have not had a strong vision to develop the edu cation sector as the prominent supporter of regional develop ment. slightly different, other regions such as magetan and tulungagung regencies showed an increasing trend from 2017 to 2018 and 2019, indicating that these regions are trying to show policy alignments towards the education sector in a sustainable manner. however, the trend of increasing education budget allo cations cannot be concluded that the local governments will con tinue to support budget allocations for education affairs since it highly depends on each region’s political situation and policies. educational budget allocation for cluster d category regencies/municipalities that belong to cluster d include probolinggo regency, kediri municipality, sumenep regency, ponorogo regency, pamekasan regency, lamongan regency, and vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 76 lumajang regency. in 2017, probolinggo regency allocated 9.50% of the total apbd for the education sector, kediri mu nicipality 10.30%, sumenep regency 11.80%, ponorogo regency 10.70%, pamekasan regency 12.60%, lamongan regency 8.80%, and lumajang regency 10.00%. pamekasan regency is the area that allocates the highest budget for education affairs in cluster d. though the budget allocation has not met the na tional standards, the pamekasan regency government has at tempted to allocate a proportional budget to support the imple mentation of the national budget policy of 20% of the total re gional budget. meanwhile, other regions such as sumenep re gency, propolinggo regency, and kediri municipality still revolve around 10% of their apbds for the education budget. in 2018, probolinggo regency was recorded to have 10.84% of the education budget from the total apbd, kediri municipal ity 10.66%, sumenep regency 11.03%, ponorogo regency 9.42%, pamekasan regency 12.90%, lamongan 7.90%, and lumajang district 11.82%. pamekasan regency shows consis tency in reasonable budget allocations for the education sector, as shown in the increase of budget allocations compared to the 2017 fiscal year. the data again confirms that the pamekasan regency government has relatively higher commitment and will ingness to implement the 20% education budget policy. how ever, it is still far from the national policy standards. meanwhile, other regions also show good commitment proven by the consis tency of the budget allocation percentage for the education sec tor, which tends to be stable even though it is also still far from the national government standards. next in 2019, probolinggo regency had a total apbd of 2,425.01 billion with a total education budget of 10.51%, kediri municipality had a total apbd of 1,291.79 billion with a total education budget of 9.84%, sumenep regency had a total apbd of 2,593.95 billion with a total education budget of 6.34%, ponorogo regency had a total apbd of 2,335.66 billion with a total education budget of 8.82%, while pamekasan regency had jurnal studi pemerintahan a total apbd of 2,096.44 billion with a total education budget 77 of 0.63%, lamongan regency had a total apbd budget of 2,951.79 with a total education budget of 9.10%, and lumajang regency had a total apbd of 2,367.63 billion with a total educa tion budget of 13.96%. the results of the data comparison from the total education budget and apbd 2019 are summarized in table 1. furthermore, table 1 displays that the education budget allo cation for regencies/municipalities in cluster d has fluctuated, which illustrates that the local governments have not had good consistency in developing the education sector following the national education budget policies. nevertheless, lumajang re gency shows good fluctuations in the education budget alloca tion, indicated by the increasing budget allocations from 2017, 2018, to 2019. similarly, probolinggo regency, kediri munici pality, and lamongan regency also show stable fluctuations in education budget allocations compared to other regions such as sumenep regency, ponorogo regency, and pamekasan regency. educational budget allocation for cluster e category the regencies/municipalities included in cluster e are bojonegoro regency, pasuruan municipality, madiun regency, and gresik regency. in 2017, it was noted that bojonegoro re gency allocated 9.20% of the total apbd for education, pasuruan municipality 5.90%, madiun regency 10.90%, and gresik re gency 8.30% (table 1). the regencies/municipalities appear to have not shown political will towards implementing the 20% national budget policy. pasuruan municipality is an example of an area that has not shown a serious commitment to education affairs. although it was found that the pasuruan regency gov ernment has many excellent programs in the education sector, the programs are not supported by a good education budget policy. in 2018, the education budget of bojonegoro regency was vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 78 12.49% out of the total apbd, while pasuruan municipality had 6.61% out of the education budget from 952.15 billion apbd, madiun regency was recorded to have 10.65% out of the educa tion budget from 1,961.81 billion apbd, and gresik regency had 10.47% out of the education budget from 2,983.14 billion apbd (table 1). next, in 2019, bojonegoro regency had 0.45% out of the education budget from the apbd, pasuruan munici pality 9.34%, madiun regency 6.45%, and gresik regency 7.00% (table 1). table 1 shows that although the education budget allocation is far from the national policy standard, pasuruan municipality is one of the regional governments in cluster e that has a good trend in education budget allocation, as shown by the increase in the budget allocation for the education sector during the peri ods of 2017, 2018, and 2019. differently, gresik regency fluctu ated in budget allocations for the education sector. at the same time, bojonegoro and madiun regencies show decreasing trends in the education budget allocation which tended to decrease from year to year (2017, 2018, 2019). thus, the education budget allo cation in cluster e confirms that not all local governments have the same interpretation on implementing the national educa tion budget policy, which requires education budget allocation of at least 20% of the total apbd of each region. discussion this study reveals that there are five clusters of education budget allocations in east java, covering cluster a (medium allo cation), cluster b (low allocation), cluster c, cluster d, and clus ter e (the lowest allocation from the national standard). the education budget allocations of the five clusters are still far be low the national education budget policy standard, which requires local governments to allocate a minimum education budget of 20% of the total regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd). this fact confirms that several local governments in east java have not had goodwill and commitment in implementing jurnal studi pemerintahan the national education budget policy. in other words, the 20% 79 budget policy of the total national and regional budgets (apbn/ apbd) has failed to be appropriately implemented in several re gions in east java. previous research claimed that the failure in implementing the 20% budget policy for the education sector was caused by several factors, such as the weak political will of the local governments towards education sector, the political in terests of stakeholders who have not taken sides with the devel opment of the education sector, and the carrying capacity of the regional budget which has not allowed for education budget policy of 20% of the total apbd. however, the facts reveal that the causes of failure to implement the 20% education budget policy in each region are not always the same. based on the data obtained, it was found that the weak commitment and seriousness of the local government towards the implementation of the policy is one of the causes of failure in all regions in east java. in spite of the fact that the study shows the failure of the implementation of the 20% education budget policy in several regions in east java, there are regencies/municipalities in cluster a that show good commitment to the implementation of the policy, namely jember regency and nganjuk regency. the jember regency government allocated a budget for the educa tion sector of 20.45% of the total apbd in 2017. similarly, the nganjuk regency government has also allocated a budget for the education sector of 20.23% of the total apbd in the 2019 fiscal year. the exceeding standard of the national education budget allocation indicates that jember regency and nganjuk regency focus their attention on regional development in the education sector, such as infrastructure development, teaching staff resource development, and scholarships for underprivileged students. on the other hand, the two regions in 2018 allocated an education budget far below the national education budget policy standard, which shows that the two regional governments have not had a grand design of sustainable education policy yet vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 80 so that in the end it affects the failure of the 20% budget policy implementation. a number of previous studies have also revealed that the grand design of the education budget policies needs to be well-formulated, followed by a high commitment from the local governments to realize them through supportive budget policies (rahmat et al. 2020). another interesting finding of the current study is that there are fluctuations in the percentage of education budget alloca tions in several regions in east java. in this study, fluctuations in the percentage of budget allocations are divided into two forms; first, fluctuations describing that the local governments have not had good consistency in allocating budgets for the education sec tor, as indicated by the difference percentage of budget alloca tions from year to year (2017, 2018, and 2019) (rahman 2011). second, the percentage fluctuations of the education budget al locations illustrate that the local governments have a good com mitment to the implementation of the 20% education budget policy, which is indicated by the trend in the allocation of educa tion budget policies which increases from year to year, starting from 2017, 2019, to 2019. the trend of increasing allocations budget policy emphasizes that local governments attempt to dis tribute regional budgets to the education sector sustainably (gradu ally from year to year). as stated in the budget policy theory, the gradual increase in budget allocation for the development sector is one of the local government strategies to maximize budget re sources for regional development although the above analysis reveals fluctuations in the per centage of budget allocations in addition to showing the failure of implementing the 20% education budget policy, it also im plies the relatively good commitment of the local government to allocate 20% of the budget for the education sector, although the overall findings of the study reveal the failure of the imple mentation of the national education budget policy in several ar eas in east java. a number of data analyzed demonstrate that there are still many regencies/municipalities with a low percent jurnal studi pemerintahan age in the education sector. besides being caused by the various 81 visions and missions of regional heads regarding education pro grams, it is also influenced by various technical obstacles in the field, ranging from planning to the implementation of budget financing for educational programs and monitoring and evalua tion (sulaiman 2018). in addition to the obstacles mentioned above, other facts on the field show that the regional house of representative (dprd) members have diverse visions and missions, especially regarding the development of the education sector. therefore, the execu tives under the command of the regent and head of the educa tion offices have significant contributions concerning the spe cial budget allocations for education. even though law no. 20 of 2003 concerning the national education system, and then re vised by the decision of the constitutional court stating that the allocation of education affairs is at least 20% of the regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd), it needs efforts in implementing it; the education office must continue to control the process in the dprd due to various visions and missions of the dprd members (rochmat 2004). moreover, there are still many education offices that have not maximized the use of edu cation budget due to difficulties in determining the portion of the education budget; it is still not enough to propose to the dprd level and obtain approval because there are still many budgetary adjustments to be made (pristiwati and widianingsih n.d.). hence, it is better if the 38 education offices in east java create a systematic mechanism to develop conceptual and bud getary strategy designs to develop and support the improvement of the quality of education in east java province (manan 2015). the priority use of budget for education affairs as much as 20% (twenty percent) of the national budget (apbn) ideally is to improve the teachers’ and lecturers’ welfare; to conduct the 9 year compulsory education that is better in quality, cheaper, and affordable; to provide better access to quality and relevant sec ondary and higher education; and to produce research with bet vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 82 ter quality and relevance. hence, it must be supported by good programs and careful and thorough planning by all education offices in east java (kastawi 2018). in addition, it is also neces sary to provide scholarships for outstanding students and guar antee that they can continue further education anywhere, as well as to focus on non-formal education and governance. the basic framework and policy directions must be stated in the national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) 2005-2009, the long term development plan (rpjp) 2005-2025, and the strategic plan (renstra) of the ministry of national education 2005-2009. im pediments that might occur can be reduced by carrying out a control function to implement national education. the use of the budget must meet the 3e elements, namely economical, effi cient, and effective (kuhon 2020). the system for controlling and managing the budget for education affairs must be designed and implemented adequately, given in the right time and man ner, and accounted for following the provisions and utilized ac cording to its designation (salahudin, nurmandi, and jainuri 2017). conclusion the study reveals that the regency/municipality governments in east java have not shown good commitment and willingness to implement the education budget policy of 20% of the total regional revenue and expenditure budget (apbd). the regency/ municipality governments used as the unit of analysis in the study have not allocated 20% of the total apbd for the education sec tor. the regencies/municipalities were then divided into five re gional clusters, namely cluster a showing moderate education budget allocations, cluster b expressing medium education bud get allocations, and clusters c, d, and e presenting the low bud get allocation from the national policy standard, which is a mini mum budget allocation of 20% of the total apbd for the educa tion sector. the study also reveals that each regency/municipality in each jurnal studi pemerintahan cluster allocates education budgets in fluctuating manner, which 83 illustrates that the local governments have not had a grand de sign of education budget policies yet that can be implemented sustainably. on the other hand, in each region, many problems cause the failure to implement the 20% education budget policy in east java, including the political interests of stakeholders such as parliamentary politicians and local government officials who have not taken sides with the education sector, so that programs and activities that support the development of the education sector is not followed by sufficient budget allocations, impacting on the failure of implementing the education budget policy of 20% from the total apbd. the limitation of the current study is it has not revealed sta tistical data regarding the failure causes in implementing the 20% education budget policy, namely the data obtained through sur vey activities which include quantitative questions analyzed us ing quantitative data analysis softwares such as spss or pls. the use of these statistical data, preferably, will complement the find ings of the study so that the problem of failure in implementing the 20% education budget policy can be well described qualita tively and quantitatively, and then strengthened by secondary data such as the regional budget policy (apbd) in each regency/ municipality. therefore, the next research is suggested to use a quantitative approach using questionnaires to collect the data, and then analyze the data using statistical analysis software such as spss and pls. acknowledgment this research was funded by research blockgrants of faculty of teacher training and education, university of muhamma diyah malang. we are grateful to the head of the regional educa tion offices at the municipality and regency in east java 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https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332390165_is_student_share_of_net_tuition_impacted_by_a_growing_elderly_population_a_longitudinal_multi-level_analysis_of_student_share_of_net_tuition_in_all_50_american_states_between_1992_and_2013 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332390165_is_student_share_of_net_tuition_impacted_by_a_growing_elderly_population_a_longitudinal_multi-level_analysis_of_student_share_of_net_tuition_in_all_50_american_states_between_1992_and_2013 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332390165_is_student_share_of_net_tuition_impacted_by_a_growing_elderly_population_a_longitudinal_multi-level_analysis_of_student_share_of_net_tuition_in_all_50_american_states_between_1992_and_2013 https://bircu-journal.com/index.php/birci/article/view/19 https://ur.booksc.me/book/16973256/35b370 https://ur.booksc.me/book/16973256/35b370 https://jurnal.um-palembang.ac.id/index.php/balance/article/view/1172 https://jurnal.um-palembang.ac.id/index.php/balance/article/view/1172 https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/82764 https://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/82764 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 19 of 30 coalition politics in contemporary india: development and dimensions abstract on 11 april 2019 to 19 may 2019, seven phases of a general election will be conducted in india to select the state's 17th lok sabha. before the general election, the law prohibits passing judgments to avoid inducement to voters. this provision, however, dissents from the mandate during the 1977 general election that showed that cultural homogeneity is not a reward for political stability and integration. democratic stability is enhanced through group cross-cutting and politically relevant affiliations. this involves 1. application of power, in the sense of joint use of resources to determine outcomes'; 2. a ‘mixed motive situation' means the existence of both conflict and cooperation; and 3. collective activity, which involves the interaction of more than two units. in the indian context, it can be argued that coalition politics has come to settle at the indian federal level and that it cannot be viewed as a sudden and unexpected development. on a deeper analysis, it is reflective of a societal metamorphosis wherein day by day a larger number of hitherto latent groups of indian society are getting mobilized and politicized day by day. in this new coalition phase, what is under challenge are the status-quo and the unequal and unjust division of rewards and benefits. in today's society, especially having multi-layered caste and religion background, it is entirely possible to have a fractured mandate in which government is formed on "common minimum programme.” evaluation of coalition politics in india will help many same countries to set coalitional patterns in the present and the future. keywords: coalition politics, political party, pressure politics, common welfare and state system abstrak pada 11 april 2019 hingga 19 mei 2019, tujuh fase pemilihan umum akan dilakukan di india untuk memilih lok sabha ke-17 negara. sebelum pemilihan umum, undangundang melarang pengesahan keputusan untuk menghindari bujukan kepada pemilih. namun ketentuan ini, berbeda pendapat dari mandat selama pemilihan umum 1977 yang menunjukkan bahwa homogenitas budaya bukan hadiah untuk stabilitas dan integrasi politik. stabilitas demokrasi ditingkatkan melalui lintas sektoral dan afiliasi yang relevan secara politik. ini melibatkan 1. penerapan kekuasaan, dalam arti penggunaan bersama sumber daya untuk menentukan hasil '; 2. situasi motif campuran yang merupakan keberadaan konflik dan kerja sama; dan 3. kegiatan kolektif, yang melibatkan interaksi lebih dari dua unit. dalam konteks india, telah dikemukakan bahwa politik koalisi telah diselesaikan di tingkat federal india dan tidak dapat dilihat sebagai perkembangan yang tiba-tiba dan tidak terduga. pada analisis yang lebih dalam, ini mencerminkan metamorfosis sosial di mana hari demi hari sejumlah besar kelompok laten masyarakat india dimobilisasi dan dipolitisasi hari demi hari. dalam fase koalisi baru ini, apa status quo dan pembagian imbalan dan manfaat yang tidak memenuhi syarat dan adil. dalam masyarakat saat ini, terutama yang memiliki latar belakang kasta dan agama berlatar belakang ganda, program minimum biasa. evaluasi politik koalisi di india akan membantu banyak negara untuk menetapkan pola koalisi. di masa kini dan masa depan. rajkumar singh email: rajkumarsinghpg@yahoo.com state university india history received : january 22th, 2019 revised : february 23th, 2019 accepted : february 27th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: singh, r. (2019). coalition politics in contemporary india: development and dimensions. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(1). 19-30. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:rajkumarsinghpg@yahoo.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 20 of 30 introduction the term ‘coalition’ is a latin word which means to grow together. in the political system, it implies that some political parties will come together and form an alliance or temporary union to exercise political control. the encyclopaedia of social sciences professor a. ogg defines coalition as a ‘co-operative arrangement under which distinct political parties and members of such parties unite to form a government or ministry. the formation of the coalition government takes place as a sequel to the inability of a single party to command the majority in the legislature. a combination of some political groups or parties is essential to control the majority. these political parties or groups join together to form a government without losing their respective identity. they agree to a joint political, economic, and social programme and when differences arise, any group or party is free to withdraw from the coalition. alike 1977, in 1989 election, the congress (i) failed to retain majority and v.p. singh-led national front government was formed with the support from the left front and the bjp. earlier in april 1987 v.p. singh, the defense minister in rajiv gandhi's cabinet resigned from the government and started a single-minded crusade against corruption which had touched a sensitive chord. apart from choosing an emotive issue, he selected a burning topic of the time and succeeded in isolating the then ruling party. gradually, v.p. singh courted and won the support of a wide range of forces, which includes sarvodaya workers, trade unionists, the farmers' movement, and some sections of radical anti-congress intellectuals. on october 2, 1987, v. p. singh along with other congress dissidents-arif mohammad khan, arun nehru, ram dhan, v.c. shukla and satpal malik formed a common front; after that, a larger alliance of anti-congress factions came under one umbrella to support v.p. singh (chandra, 2002). however, in the whole process, more than v.p. singh's strategy, it was the inherent anti-congressism of the left and bjp that brought them to support the v.p. singh. the broad alliance formed in 1989 was one of the factors responsible for the rise of bjp (mustafa, 1995). the results of november 1989 elections for the lok sabha was a rejection of rajiv gandhi and his congress, but no clear verdict in favor of any other leader or his party or the five parties' national front was released. it was a blow to congress even if it was still the only large party with 197 seats, which is equivalent to the 39.5 percent vote share. the national front had won 146 seats and after declaring that congress was not interested into form a government, the second noncongress government was supported by the bjp with 86 and left parties with 52 seats. the party which won such a massive mandate barely five years ago frittered away people's faith, and confidence and the election held in 1989 threw up a hung parliament. in 1989 the formation of other non-congress government took place, but it was a small affair with little to no significant changes. it was, in fact, a culmination of the struggle waged by a section of india's political elite against what it perceived to be the force of authoritarianism, which, allegedly destroyed democratic institutions and severely undermined democratic rights of the people (singh, 2010). internationally, it was the year of the triumph of the forces which had continued their campaign against what they perceived as anti-democratic, corrupt, and oppressive regime form of congress (i) coincided with the euphoric upsurge of democratic forces in the socialist world. moreover, glasnost and perestroika rose through which ideological distortions and socio-political and economic bureaucratization of society and polity are sought to be put to an end. amid these national and international developments, a minority government of national front took the reins of administration on december 1, 1989. although the formation of the government was completed, the differences among top ruling leaders/ ministers continued and caused harm to the functions of the administration. also, a significant instability rose as the two supporting parties had crucial roles without the responsibility of running the administration. national front government was not only an internal coalition within issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 21 of 30 the national front, but also, and more importantly, an external alliance was made among the national front, the left front, and the bjp. the one dominant party system that generally characterized the indian political scene for nearly three decades came under severe strain. however, this phenomenon did not pave the way for the apparent emergence of the two-party system (swain, 2008). the delicate triangular balance upon which the viability of the national front government rested was finally upset to the bjp when it pressed its viewpoints on ramjanmabhoomi babri masjid controversy beyond the tolerance limits of the national front and the left front. objectives of the study in the current study, it is safe to say that coalition politics has settled in the indian federal systems. on a deeper analysis, it is reflective of a societal metamorphosis; where a larger number of hitherto latent groups of indian society are getting mobilised and politicised. in the situation, once again, several factors need to be examined. in this aspect, this study focused on the following: 01. to examine the history of coalition politics in india; 02. to analyse the different aspects of social engineering essential for coalition; 03. to narrate the challenges of a coalition in indian context; 04. how and why coalition became a deciding factor; 05. to indicate the recent trends in indian coalition politics methodology the research methodology in this study aims to explain the contexts of indian polity particularly the period of the coalition. in the history of independent india, the first coalition of noncongress was formed in early 1977, also known as janata party, which the present bjp is in partnership with a certain jana sangh. the second phase of coalition began in the federal level around 1990 without bjp leadership, but the latter emerged as the single largest party in may 1996 election, and it took power for only 13 days with atal bihari vajpayee as prime minister. the study period is mainly focused between 1990 and 2004 in which maximum experiments were done with the indian coalition. although, the governments in the post-2004 era were also an alliance of political parties having no match in programme and ideology, and they were united against the bjp, which again returned in may 2014 with narendra modi as their party leader and prime minister of the country. as the valuable materials on aspects of indian coalition such as indian polity, society, and party system are mostly descriptive, analytical, and theoretically ambiguous, the research used secondary sources such as books, journals, and newspapers to explain and analyze events leading to the phase of a coalition. in the course of the study, the main focus remained on different aspects and dimensions of the work, and therefore, excluding unsupported narrations. related literature social engineering of political parties india is fortunate is the sense that its linguistic, religious, and caste do not reinforce one another as they do in sri lanka, malaysia, israel, and sudan. however, the salience of divided religion is present in society and is capable of creating fissures not only between the majority and minority religions but also within the majority. the faction within the hindu faith is mainly due to castes and languages. in western democracies, religion has no significant influence on politics; in a country like india, robust religious culture dominates democratic politics. since our politicians have no direct access to the knowledge of western parliamentary styles of governance, they translate issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 22 of 30 these unfamiliars to rural india. all these alterations began to reflect in indian politics in the form of fashion, language, and modes of behavior (singh, 2009). in the post-mandal phase, which was announced by the national front government, the bjp got an opportunity to complete its agenda. seeing the strong popular reaction to mandal bjp, noises of withdrawal of support started. meanwhile, on september 25, 1990, l.k advani embarked on his 6000-mile-long rath yatra from somnath in gujrat to ayodhya. it resulted in advani's arrest but at the same time aroused communal passions in the country. the developments paved the way for the fall of v.p. singh's government and a janata dal split which took place on the 5th of november, electing chandra shekhar as their leader who headed a short-lived government with the support of the congress. all the major political parties of india have its respective political agenda, which includes cultural democracy. the uneven and unjust distribution of developments and social discrimination proved to have a fatal consequence to the political health of the country. excessive dependence of the state and decreasing accountable bureaucrats are among the many factors that forced the hindu majoritarianism to reclaim the dignity of cultural self-assertion against a dispensation in which individuals are penalized for speaking their mother tongue and evincing interest in their own culture (kaviraj, 1995). this cultural indigenize is likely a consequence of democracy, and the unwillingness of liberal and left politics in india to allow expression to these impulses has enabled hindu communal and hindi chauvinist politicians to appropriate the considerable power of such cultural democracy. bharatiya janata party took advantage of this situation. in the seventies when communal propaganda seemed to bring a few dividends, and the destiny of the then jana sangh seemed irreversibly on the decline, some elements inside the party suggested that the party should subtly shift its appeal to the middle class. they also advise that instead of the traditional call to hindu chauvinism, it should try to project itself as a substitute for the congress offering a cleaner, more efficient, and less corrupt government. the indian national congress under the leadership of indira gandhi began to adopt a more hindu-oriented strategy in early 1982. upon the death of mrs. gandhi by her sikh guards, a communally surcharged atmosphere that resulted in the victory of the party in the 1984 general elections. from then on, the party had sought the support of the hindu communal in a manner it had not done earlier. encountering implacable opposition from an array of regional forces, the political center gave hindu majoritarian communalism a leader (jalal, 1995). in 1986 the congress under its policy of appeasement allowed the opening of babri masjid and the hindu shrine for worship which were kept locked since december 22, 1949. it then created the setting for a sustained mobilization of the hindus that led to the shilanyas for a new temple in november 1989. the bharatiya janata party from the seventies onwards sincerely executed its two-pronged policy. especially after the dramatic success of the rathyatras, its agenda was rewritten in a retrograde direction, but it also adhered to its more secular constituency. from advertising tactics, it continued to appeal to the electorate of modernist groups, but on the other, its persisted with its blatantly communal propaganda aimed at the more traditional hindu groups. now within the context of democratic politics, it seeks to turn numerical majority into political majoritarianism, thereby subverting democracy itself. while democracy is based on the majority-minority dichotomy, it is also given strength by the existence of pluralism. a person may think in one context that he belongs to a majority community, but he may also be part of a minority in terms of caste, region, language, or political persuasion. it is the moderates majority rule within a democracy (das, 1991). the danger of hindutva as the defining principle of indian nationhood is that it seeks to create and perpetuate a permanent majority, one based on an artificial and homogenized hinduism. on the other, the apprehensions and reservations about democracy have also increased with the implementation of the mandal commission recommendations, and the demolition of babri masjid issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 23 of 30 in 1992 preceded by an intense communal chauvinist campaign proved landmarks in indian political and social life. challenges of the time for the last two decades, the indian state has been facing severe challenges. it went through a process of rapid centralization of power since the split in the congress party caused by indira gandhi in 1969 that significantly increased with sharp authoritarian measures. it set in motion a process of realignment of sentiments and preferences, and the general outlook among the articulate sections of society such as the elite in its entirety, barring the critical intelligentsia in academia, and the political activists. it paved the way for a rapid and famous reversal of moods. gradually, the electoral process and the outcomes of elections, as well as the structuring of political responses between them, were breached. the same people who voted the governments in with huge mandates soon turned against their government, and the indian state was under famous constant assault (alam, 2012). the janata government which followed the defeat of the emergency regime and which restored democracy faced the same situation of popular agitation. the same was the case in 1980 and 1984. this was an important indicator of the unresponsive nature of the ruling class vis-à-vis the problems of the people and the lack of adequate accountability of the government of the day. these swings came to an end after the 1989 elections which ushered in the era of coalition or minority governments. this is inferred as the phase of politics devalued the leaders, political parties and certain institutions which lost their autonomy and were converted into mere instruments of powers a condition imposed during emergency. it is therefore understandable that people have lost faith in them. people experienced government by the congress and rebuffed it, the replacements led by janata party or janata dal tried to rule with good intentions but could not sustain themselves for long. the contemporary revival of hinduism and implementation of mandal commission's recommendation cast a profound impact on the social equations that exist in indian society. the disturbances in social equations do not just indicate the sharp changes in the relations between the upper castes, and the obcs and dalits. it also affected the comparisons of power and domination, which kept people subservient. the subjects to drastic upheaval in the indo-gangetic belt in varying degrees in the rest of the country. especially after 1977, with the formation of the first non-congress government, the jana sangh acquired a certain degree of respectability among the varied sections of society, and have functioned as part of a larger platform fighting for democratic restoration. however, in the wake of the anti-mandal agitations and its aggressive campaign for the ram mandir, its position improved significantly. while the bjp remained an upper caste party drawing overwhelming support in the areas where its presence was active before the anti-mandal agitation, its support steadily increases in every caste. the increase is related to the income level of the various strata within these caste groups. the 1990s have witnessed the phenomenal growth of the bjp. the figures cutting across had shown that the preference for the bjp is not limited to the upper castes. the relatively well-off sections among the oppressed castes have also expressed the choice for the bjp. these are the mobile sections and aspire to success and privilege. they perceive in the bjp, the political force which is best positioned to further and protect their interests. such a bloc has emerged in indian society and politics for the first time since independence. it was in this socio-political milieu, the general elections for the tenth lok sabha were held in may-june 1991, and the congress (1) emerged as the single largest party getting 245 seats and formed the government under the premiership of p.v. narasimha rao. like 1984, the congress (i) got sympathy vote to emerge as the single largest party as rajiv gandhi, the ex-prime minister and star campaigner of the party was assassinated after the first round of voting by an ltte human bomb in sriperumbudur, forty kilometers from madras. on the other, the failure of two successive issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 24 of 30 coalition governments at the center indirectly benefited bjp to emerge as an alternative to congress. the splintered constituents of the national front and the left front lagged far behind the congress (i) and the bjp. a two-party plus multi-party system had come to the fore in these elections. in this election, while the left parties maintained their position, the janata dal under v.p. singh suffered a decline with around 55 seats, but significantly, the bjp emerged with flying colors as the second largest party with 119 seats. it provided a stable and active opposition to the party in power at the center. at the juncture what bedeviled the opposition's efforts for unity was the want of a credible long-term strategy with clear cut policies and programmes. a patchwork of parties fighting their familiar political foe and one another cannot hope to make considerable headway. distribution of opposition votes among several parties naturally gave congress a clear advantage in getting seats. although p.v. narasimha rao after forming the government was able to manipulate the majority by engineering splits and purchasing supports, he could not revive the dominance of the party. instead, he weakened it further by his failure to prevent the demolition of babri masjid on 6 december 1992. the backward classes and scheduled castes, which had drifted away from the congress before these elections, too, could not be won over by him. also, a large number of scandals during his regime caused the alienation of a segment of the middle class. all these cleared the desks for the rise of the conservative political pragmatism of bjp and alliance in next coming elections. deepening of the crisis between 1996 and 1999 the general elections for the 11th 12th and 13th lok sabha were held which marked a significant departure from the earlier trends of indian politics and society. the 1996 elections brought back the situation that prevailed in 1977 and 1989. between 1996 and 1998 three coalition governments were formed, and one of them lasted only for thirteen days. the support promised by the congress created by deve gowda and i.k gujral fell when congress pulled the carpet from under their feet (mathur, 2002). the 1996 parliamentary elections witnessed the strengthening of the multi-party system. the electoral battle of 1996 occurred mostly among three politico-electoral formations: one was the congress (1) and its tamil nadu ally all india anna dravida munnetra kazhagam (aiadmk) along with specific minor partners in a few states like kerala. the second was the bharatiya janata party, its ally shiv sena (ss) along with the emerged samata party and the haryana vikas party (hpv). the third force was the united front a combination of national front, left front, samajwadi party (sp) and a few other regional parties like tamil maanila congress (tmc). even at the general level, the changes were most visible in the distribution of votes between the national and regional parties. in 1971 the percentage of the vote for the national parties was 78; even in 1967, which saw the first territorial assertion, the ballot for the national parties was quite high at 76 percent. it had then steadily risen to 85 percent for the national parties in 1980; erratically moved between 78 and 81 percent between 1984 and 1991. interestingly there has been a sharp decline in the proportion of votes for the national parties, by 12 percent in 1996; the percentage was down to 69. the crucial difference, unlike earlier, was that most of the various assertions of the regional identities have now become part of the very definition of the ‘national.' the antagonism between the national and the regional, in a stroke, seemed to have evaporated. even the nature of the government formed at the centre, after the 1996 elections, could be defined as co-governance of the nation and the various regions. this was distinct from a current coalition. political parties have talked of ‘cooperative federalism,' but what we are witnessing is a co-federal government.' the coalitions since 1996 are a manifestation of this phenomenon. this is the fusion of the nation and the regions, named as expressed through political parties. in the general elections of 1996 again, no party got the absolute majority, but the bjp emerged as the single largest party and the congress (i) had been relegated to the second position. as a result, issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 25 of 30 a coalition government led by atal bihari vajpayee was formed in the center in which bjp was a significant partner. some regional parties like the akali dal and shiv sena but this government could not prove its majority in lok sabha as the post-election coalition remained narrow and most of the regional parties decided to stay away from it. after its fall, in less than a fortnight, a united front (uf) coalition government came to power under the leadership of h.d. deve gowda which included janata dal, cpi and some regional parties with congress support. on march 30, 1997, the congress withdrew its support but having failed to form the government again supported a united front government with i.k. gujral as prime minister. the withdrawal of support by the congress paved the way for general elections to the 12th lok sabha in february 1998 which led to the formation of bjp-led government with atal bihari vajpayee as prime minister. the bjp got only 182 seats but managed to secure the support of secular parties like telegu desam party (tdp), aiadmk and trinamool congress (tc), but a little later, unfortunately, jayalalitha withdrew her aiadmk support from alliance leading to the government losing the vote of confidence in april 1999. the bjp government continued as a caretaker, and fresh elections to the 13th lok sabha was held in september and october 1999. earlier again before the 1998 parliamentary polls a two-party plus multi-party system emerged. the bjp and the congress (i) retained their position as the largest and the second largest parties, but due to aiadmk's decision to withdraw support, it lost the majority in the lok sabha and had to quit. the bjp-led alliance under the leadership of atal bihari vajpayee was able to secure a clear majority in the 13th lok sabha which was the third mid-term poll within four years. by the time the general elections in the year 1999 held many political analysts had conceded that regional parties have become more important than the national parties in these elections because both the formation and survival depended on the support of the local parties. such type of political developments allowed chaos to prevail at the center (alappatukunnel, 2001) and political observers considered a coalition, not a luxury but a necessity for india. it also proved the political opportunism, irresponsible behavior and greed for power of the various opposition parties on the one hand and the failure of the ruling alliance to effectively manage the floor as well as govern the nation on the other. however, this time the bjp restored to socio-political engineering a coalition with 23 smaller/regional political parties of a diversified character. it was a pre-electoral alliance led by bjp which crossed the magic number to form the government. the bjp-led national democratic alliance (nda) captured 299 seats sharing 40.48 percent of the popular votes. the nda government proved to be more stable and completed its term. a coalition of parties, factions, and groups had formed the government, and every constituent unit was bent upon drawing maximum political mileage by threatening to withdraw support, but there was a national agenda, no doubt, which was followed more in the breach than in the observance. in the circumstances, there was no cohesiveness, not the faintest shadow of it, and each one was pulling in the designed to keep it in power and the coalition government on tenterhooks. although the coalition government remained in doldrums, the vajpayee government took some momentous decisions notably about the second pokharan tests to make india a nuclear power station. findings the continuing coalition phase of indian politics has been considered by many analysts including paul wallace as the period of ‘catch-all' coalition. as a result of these elections, the party system in india has entered an era whose important features are i. the two political parties, the bjp and the congress (i) competed for the leadership of the alliances; ii. the third front lost relevance; iii. regional parties assumed great importance; iv. parties represent small segments of the electorate became a feature of the party system, and v. leadership became more important than the institutions. in the light of these developments in indian party system the bjp-led coalition government headed by atal bihari vajpayee proved to be a stable national-level coalition and almost completed its five issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 26 of 30 year term only because vajpayee himself was a skillful manager for conflict resolution among the partners and practiced what is known as ‘coalition dharma (economic and political weekly, 1998). in line, the other partners in the coalition were keen to retain power and were able to adjust even with those decisions which appeared to be ideologically opposed to the instance of their parties. in other words, power had become more critical for them than the ideologies of their parties. however, a sense of uncertainty prevails, and an impression was being extensively created that the government is not only inept, unskilful and largely dysfunctional but being so disparate and widely distanced from each other ideologically and politically that they cannot function as a team and give the country a semblance of good government. along with the frequent practice of coalition government in the recent decade, there is and should be a strong tradition of common minimum programme (cmp) which not only outlines the minimum objectives of a coalition but also reflects the political give and take in such an arrangement. it is for the parties that are part of the agreement to form the government and not for the entire political system. in india the history of coalition politics can be traced back to the year 1967 but much later george fernandes, former defence minister in the nda government, in an interview to the rediff on january 13, 1998, said, ‘in 1967, it was after the election that we went in for a common minimum programme. it was known as the samyuktha vidhayak dal programme. in each state, the parties concerned sat together and formulated a programme and formed a government. so it is my conviction that, when a party goes to the people, it should go with its programme because each party has an entity. the election is a time when the people are exposed to the various aspects of the policies, programmes, and leaders of political parties. so a common minimum programme should emerge only when we reach a point when a coalition government is inevitable' (devi and lakshmi, 2007). the last time a single party got an absolute majority in parliament was in 1984. the governments formed in 1989 and 1991 were minority ones. from 1996 to 1999 four different prime ministers have led six different governments, and all these have been coalition arrangements. all political parties prepare a manifesto before the elections to seek popular support for their respective agenda. in the case of the 11th, 12th, 13th, and even 14th held in 2004, the governments had to design a cmp, as the coalition partners were not able to share a common manifesto before going to the polls. although the vajpayee government known as the national democratic alliance (nda) coalition did not have a cmp, the alliance which consisted of some 23 parties, had a joint election manifesto known as the agenda for development, good governance, and peace. the fractured mandates received in coalition carry with them an element of ‘checks and balances' required for the sound functioning of any democracy. for this reason, coalition governments often have a common minimum programme of policies to be implemented while in office. major experiments in coalition politics (1996-2004)* 1996: party seat won seat won by alliance vote share percentage bjp+ 161 na 20.29 % inc 140 na 28.80 % united front (uf) 46 na 8.08 % 1998: party seat won seat won by alliance vote share percentage bjp + 13 parties 182 254 25.59 % inc + 141 144 26.14 % united front (uf) 06 64 3.24 % issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 27 of 30 1999: party seat won seat won by alliance vote share percentage bjp + 24 parties 182 299 23.75 % inc 114 134 28.30 % others 33 104 5.40 % 2004: party seat won seat won by alliance vote share percentage bjp+ 138 186 22.16 % inc 145 218 26.70 % others 95 na 4.3 % *source: election commission of india the general elections of may 2004 were more or less the same as that of 1996, 1998 and 1999 elections which saw coalition politics and large scale defection in action. it also retained the party system that had emerged in earlier elections-the ‘catch all (mishra, 2004)' coalition system or twoparty dominated multi-party system. another distinctive feature of party system which has emerged as a result of the 2004 parliamentary election was the strategic importance of the leftist front which had improved its earlier position. however, the general election of 2004 saw a new set of power equations which had no clear precedent in our political history. the nda which had brought the poll date forward fell far short of the required number, and for the first time since 1996, the bjp slipped to the second slot in the house of the people. the congress which secured just 145 seats in comparison to bjp's 138, was able to form the government followed by strong bloc left, rashtriya janata dal (rjd), lok jana shaki party (ljsp) and few other regional parties (pandey, 1992). the election witnessed the battle between two dominant coalitions of the political parties viz: bjp-led nda and congress-led united progressive alliance (upa). the congress-led upa was a pre-election alliance of 19 political parties which became victorious. this alliance secured victory in 220 seats and with the outside support of 63 members of left parties, formed the government with dr. manmohan. singh as prime minister of india. moreover, the upa experiment in coalition politics carried certain new features; i. sonia gandhi is the chairperson of united progressive alliance and has more power than manmohan singh; ii. the left front has considerable influence but no responsibilities as it has not joined the upa government; and iii. the upa has a secular image. although in later development, the left parties with its 63 members withdrew the support to the upa government on 23rd july 2008. this was when serious differences arose on the nuclear agreement with the united states of america, yet dr. manmohan singh, playing like a seasoned politician, saved the government with the support of samajwadi party (sp) led by mulayam singh yadav and other parties (the times of india, 2008). it again proved that coalition government could survive to its full term in india. the general elections for the 15th lok sabha were held in may 2009 in which the upa secured 262, nda 159, left 24 and others 98 seats. once again the upa-led coalition government was formed with dr. manmohan singh as the prime minister of india on 22 may 2009. the results of the election were an indication of the fact that indians are politically matured. however, it exhibited several new features of our party system. first, it universally accepted the inevitability of coalition politics along with ongoing policies of the government including the administration of economic liberalization adopted in 1991. second, it also showed that the emotive factors are losing grounds in indian politics as elections were fought on ordinary policy course similar to the other mature political systems. it highlighted the importance of the state system in society and paved the way for further state-centric politics among all related stakeholders. thus, as long as the states remain the principal arena of politics, state-specific parties will be relevant. till 15th general election the nda issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 28 of 30 and upa experience in coalition governance with two major national parties bjp and congress leading it alternatively has gradually helped in building up a coalition culture (kumar and lone, 2013). however, these coalitions have still a long way to go in as far as india is concerned. electoral politics in india before independence and after independence witnessed significant changes in forming a government, its running and completing of its tenure (veena, 2016). under it, alliances either pre-or-post are the features of today's politics. in the general election of 16th lok sabha held in april may 2014 the bjp won 282 seats, a majority of the 543 elected, in the lok sabha; it formed a surplus majority nda government with its pre-electoral coalition partners, the principal ones being the shiv sena, ljp, tdp and sad taking its majority in the lok sabha to 334. however, despite this one-sided favorable position of bjp in 2014 lok sabha election followed by assembly elections in several states, the party system of india remains a multi-party system, and it is not like the party system that prevailed in the era of congress hegemony from 1952 to 1984 (farooque and sridharan, 2014.) thus, in india's case, it is premature to conclude that the age of coalition politics is over or that a new one-party hegemonic system dominated by bjp is now in place. coalition polities, in government at the centre and in many states and for party strategies in coming state assembly elections and the next general election, will remain central to indian politics. conclusions the last decades and contemporary politico-electoral developments reveal that the way to power in a pluralist society like india lies in the creation of political, regional and social alliances. the vastness and diversity of the country and the enormity and variegated nature of the problems confronting the state will make it unlikely for the emergence of two well-organized parties even in the foreseeable future. the congress and the bjp are the two political parties which have advanced two contradictory but monolithic definitions of the indian nationhood. they contend that india has existed as a nation since time immemorial. for congress, it is a nation on the model of countries in western europe, where, as a pattern, nationality and state are coterminous. the congress conception is the secular version which emerged after the french revolution, except for the aspect of immemorial existence. for the bjp india is quintessentially hindu. for them, a nation is first and foremost the culture of its first continuation; in the case of india, it is the hindu religion. in their notion, the secular is both alien and fake. however, the unity of india is not dependent on anyone monolithic conception derived from the secular or the hindutva models of the nation. both these in different ways have been rejected by an overwhelming majority of indians in varied regions of the country. developments, following the 1996 parliamentary elections, have drastically altered the nature of relations between the indian nation and the various linguistic cultural communities, many of which form the constituent states of india. in the circumstances, it would not be wrong to say that it is natural for india's plural society to have a multi-party system and coalition government. the term ‘coalition' is derived from the latin word ‘coalition' meaning to grow together. in the political system, it implies that some political parties or groups will come together and form an alliance or temporary union to exercise control over political power. in the encyclopaedia of social sciences professor a. ogg defines coalition as a ‘co-operative arrangement under which distinct political parties or at all events members of such parties unite to form a government or ministry (kothari, 1970). the formation of a coalition government takes place as a sequel to the inability of a single party to command a majority in the legislature. a combination of some political groups or parties is essential to control the majority. these political parties or groups join together to form a government. they do not lose their separate identity. they agree to a common minimum political, economic and social programme and when differences arise, any group or party is free to withdraw from the coalition. the first upa issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 29 of 30 government of dr. manmohan singh, after protracted negotiations released common minimum programme (cmp) which spelled out the broad agenda agreed upon between the coalition partners. in india, the coalition system of government is the outcome of the failure of the parliamentary system to satisfy the norms of getting an absolute majority of seats in the lower house to form the government. it is an alliance between two or more hitherto separate or even hostile groups or parties built to carry on the government and share the important affairs of the state. a coalition government is created when more than one political party or group come together by common understanding or agenda (kumar, 2009). the sizeable social plurality in india will reflect itself in its polity. it is only natural that under these conditions various parties may garner the confidence of sections of this vast social diversity and thus no single party may acquire the requisite majority to form its government. however, such fractured mandates carry with them an essential element of ‘checks and balances' required for the sound functioning of any democracy. for this reason, coalition governments of today should have a common minimum programme of policies to be implemented while in office. coalition governments all over western europe have worked very successfully because of broad-based consensus and the underlying willingness to function together for good governance. however, in india's case, the scenario is drastically different, and there is no early prospect of strong and effective unity at the national level. the bjp has little or nothing in common with the other political parties-right, left or centre. for good or ill the party is looked upon a fundamentalist organization wedded to hindu revivalist policy or hindutva. in it, the question of who is an indian is determined by the person's religious denomination. the worth of human beings should be defined in terms of features, abstract and general, such as dignity, respect, and concern. the use of specific criteria like religion, culture or prefixed history can result in inequality and cause serious trouble. for the bjp being a hindu makes a person more of a human being. humanness is determined by religious denomination. even the socio-economic programmes of the bjp are entirely different from the plans of other parties. the communists have been following an improvised socioeconomic plan designed to suit the circumstances more than to conform to marxism. other political parties including the congress, have no distinct socio-economic programme. as a result, ‘the process of polarisation will remain a far-off thing so long as factionalism. rivalry is chronic in the major political parties; bases of political action lie in such irrational factors like caste, community, region, language, creed, personality, and charisma; the fight for power is not imbued with some altruistic motive and does not reflect the social and economic urges of the masses (hazary, 1980). the realignment of political parties remains an uncertain factor in indian politics. at present, the sole objective of political parties is to stay afloat and capture or share power with other political parties wherever and whenever possible. they are not averse to entering into an alliance or electoral understanding or even shake hands with the devil himself if that gesture can help them capture power. there are casteist outfits, ethnic organizations, regional parties, each operating within the given parameters and without any qualms of conscience ready to hitch their wagon to the rising star. the congress, the communists, and socialists have nothing to do for the time being, with the bjp. others were not so firmly opposed to the bjp would get along with it merrily. in the situation, horse-trading has become part of the political system. a prime minister or chief minister heading a coalition government dare not drop a corrupt minister so long as he commands the support of a coalition partner unless he is prepared to risk the fall of his government. integrity and ability are no longer the main criteria for the appointment of a minister. however, on the other, the contemporary scenario of politics has also contributed to a definite change in the level of political socialization, interest articulation, interest aggregation, and political communication. in every polity, there is a period of political stagnation, uncertainty, and instability. india is a developing democracy where democratic traditions are evolving. likewise, it will take time for the political parties to mature and come to the level of general expectations. issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10195 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 30 of 30 references alam, javeed (2012). who wants democracy track for the times. new delhi, orient black swan, p. 16. alapatukunnel, sebastion (ed.). (2001). politics, policy and reconstruction :india since independence. jaipur, aalekh publishers, pp. 123-124. chandra bipin, mridula mukherjee and aditya mukherjee (2002). india after independence 19472000. new delhi, penguin books, pp. 285-287. das, arvind n. (1991). "india invented ostrich approach to nation unity". the times of india (19 september). devi, syamala d. and lakshmi, g. (2007). "need for a cpm in coalition governments". south asia politics, vol. 6, no. 8 (december), new delhi, p. 32. economic and political weekly (1998). vol. xxxiii, no. 12 (21-27 march), mumbai, pp. 619-21. farooqui, adnan and sridharan e. (2014). is the coalition era over in indian politics ?". the commonwealth journal of international affairs (4 december). available from : http.//dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533-2014 (accessed on 28.03.2017). hazary, s.c. (1980). "wither indian party system". political scientist, pp. xiv-xvi. jalal, ayesha (1995). democracy and authoritarianism in south asia: a comparative and historical perspective. cambridge, p. 95. kaviraj, sudipta (1995). "religion, politics and modernity". upendra baxi and bhikhu parekh (eds.), crisis and change in contemporary india. new delhi, sage publications, pp. 313-314. kothari, rajni (1970). politics in india. new delhi, orient longman, p. 201. kumar, ramesh (2009). "political parties in india and the united states : a comparative analysis". indian journal of political science, vol. lxx, no. 4 (october-december), meerut, pp. 1233-1234. kumar, sudesh and ahmad, mudasir lone (2013) "coalition politics in india: conceptual analysis, emergence, course of action and aftermath for society". acme international journal of multidisciplinary research, vol. i, issue, iii (march). available from www.aijmr.net (accessed on 20.02.2017). mathur, a.b. (2002). "the indian polity: a mild indictment". administrative change, vol. xxix, no. 2 and vol. xxx, no.-1 (january-december), jaipur, p. 33. mishra, vandana (2004). "analysing the bjp and congress". mainstream, vol. xlii, no. 19 (may), new delhi, pp. 21-23. mustafa, seema (1995).the lonely prophet : v.p.singh, a political biography. new delhi, p. 129. pandey, jawahar (1992). state politics in india. new delhi, jawahar publishing house, p. 30. singh, rajkumar (2009). india and pakistan -social political and military perspectives. new delhi, regal publications, pp. 49-50. singh, rajkumar (2010). relation of nda and upa with neighbours. new delhi, gyan publishing house, p. 18. swain, pratap chandra (2008). "dynamics of indian party system : the emergence of competitive multiparty coalition". indian journal of political science, vol. lxix, no. 1 (january-march), meerut, pp. 65-66. the times of india (2008). (new delhi), 2 july. the hindu (2009). "how india voted : verdict 2009". (26 may). varadarajan, siddharth (2012). "politics after president pranab". the hindu, (19 june). veena, k. (2016). "coalition government in india: the way forward". international journal of research in engineering it and social sciences, vol. 6, issue 3 (march). available from www.indusedu.org (accessed on 05.03.2017). issn:1907-8374 http://issn.pdii.lipi.go.id/issn.cgi?daftar&1363364617&1&& http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.abebooks.com/servlet/bookdetailspl?bi=21082784121&searchurl=tn%3dwho%2bwants%2bdemocracy%26sortby%3d17%26an%3djaveed%2balam&cm_sp=snippet-_-srp1-_-title1 https://catalog.lib.unc.edu/catalog/uncb4097031 https://catalog.lib.unc.edu/catalog/uncb4097031 http://historydepartmentphilos.weebly.com/uploads/2/6/6/1/26612531/india_after_independence.pdf http://historydepartmentphilos.weebly.com/uploads/2/6/6/1/26612531/india_after_independence.pdf https://casi.sas.upenn.edu/sites/default/files/upiasi/farooqui-sridharan%2c%20round%20table%20article.pdf https://casi.sas.upenn.edu/sites/default/files/upiasi/farooqui-sridharan%2c%20round%20table%20article.pdf https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/democracy-and-authoritarianism-in-south-asia/9faff3003868cb9272ac84cbf17b2f9c https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/democracy-and-authoritarianism-in-south-asia/9faff3003868cb9272ac84cbf17b2f9c http://www.aijmr.net/ http://www.aijmr.net/ http://www.aijmr.net/ https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&lr=&id=onyafyzvuxyc&oi=fnd&pg=pa11&dq=singh,+rajkumar+(2010).+relation+of+nda+and+upa+with+neighbours.+new+delhi,+gyan+publishing+house&ots=qydbnzzfdr&sig=_dh_i4wtbhharwdxttslxmh3cny&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=singh%2c%20rajkumar%20(2010).%20relation%20of%20nda%20and%20upa%20with%20neighbours.%20new%20delhi%2c%20gyan%20publishing%20house&f=false https://www.jstor.org/stable/41856392 https://www.jstor.org/stable/41856392 http://www.indusedu.org/pdfs/ijreiss/ijreiss_445_94283.pdf http://www.indusedu.org/ jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 49 of 67 policy management to develop tourism work culture consciousness and increasing visiting people’s satisfaction abstract a satisfaction of visitors in lake singkarak, district of solok, west sumatera is not only influenced by the beauty of the landscape, facilities, and events available but also of the magnitude of satisfaction of the work culture of tourism consciousness by staff who provide a service to the visitors. awareness is essential to increase visits to the lake. the purpose of this study was to analyze the influence of tourism consciousness work culture by apparatus on visitor’s satisfaction. the research has been done for two consecutive years. the analysis uses quantitative methods in the year 2017 and is continued with qualitative techniques in 2018. the sampling technique is done by purposive sampling. quantitative data was collected using a likert scale questionnaire that had been tested for validity and reliability. before being analyzed using regression, a classic assumption test and analysis of total achievement of respondents (tcr) were examined. whereas for qualitative data using informants and assisted with interview guides. the findings of the descriptive, in general, show that all elements of the work culture aware of tourism are categorized sufficient, but there are high categories. then, the results of multiple regression tests influence the variables of work culture on visitor satisfaction to have a significant effect. this is in line with the results in a qualitative manner in general, the visiting community expects an increase in the work culture of tourism awareness among the apparatus and the tourism community around lake singkarak, solok district, to increase community satisfaction visiting the location. study shows that strengthen in the form of crucial digital governance by the regional government so that the tourism sector can significantly increase tourist visitors from abroad. boosting performances of the tourism sector as well as accelerate the growth of this sector considerably in the current era cannot only rely on current promotions; it needs information technology touch. keywords: tourism consciousness work culture, apparatus, tourism community abstrak kepuasan masyarakat berkunjung ke danau singkarak bukan hanya dipengaruhi oleh keindahan dan fasilitas maupun event yang tersedia. tetapi pengaruh besarnya terhadap kepuasan masyarakat yaitu budaya kerja sadar wisata aparatur dalam rangka upaya peningkatan masyarakat berkunjung ke danau singkarak, kabupaten solok. tujuan penelitian ini adalah menganalisis pengaruh budaya kerja sadar wisata aparatur terhadap kepuasan masyarakat berkunjung. metode penelitian mengunakan metode kuantitatif pada tahun 2017, dan dilanjutkan dengan pendekatan kualitatif pada tahun 2018. teknik pengambilan sampel dilakukan dengan cara purposive sampling. data kuantitatif dikumpulkan menggunakan angket skala likert yang telah diuji validitas dan reliabelitasnya. sebelum dianalisis menggunakan regresi terlebih dahulu dilakukan uji asumsi klasik dan analisis total capaian responden (tcr). sedangkan untuk data kualitatif mengunakan informan dan dibantu dengan panduan wawancara (interview guide). hasil temuan yang yang dilakukan analisis deskriptif secara umum menunjukkan bahwa semua unsur budaya kerja sadar wisata berkategorikan cukup, namun ada berkategori tinggi. kemudian, hasil uji regresi berganda pengaruh variabel dari budaya kerja terhadap kepuasan pengunjung mempunyai pengaruh yang signifikan. hal ini sejalan dengan hasil secara kualitatif secara umum masyarakat yang berkunjung mengharapkan peningkatan budaya kerja sadar wisata kalangan aparatur dan masyarakat pariwisata di sekitar danau singkarak, kabupaten solok, guna meningkatkan kepuasan masyarakat berkunjung ke lokasi tersebut. studi menunjukkan bahwa untuk memperkuat sector pariwisata diperlukan adanya kebijakan pemerintah daerah mengembangkan tata kelola digital sektor pariwisata sehingga dapat secara signifikan meningkatkan pengunjung. peningkatan kinerja sektor pariwisata tidak hanya dapat mengandalkan promosi konvensional, tetapi juga membutuhkan sentuhan teknologi informasi. aldri frinaldi1 afriva khaidir2 vivi yulistia rahayu3 email: alfrinaldi@gmail.com universitas negeri padang indonesia history received : november 10th, 2018 revised : january 27th, 2019 accepted : february 20th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: frinaldi, khaidir, rahayu. (2019). policy management to develpo tourism work culture consciousness and increasing visiting people’s satisfaction. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(1). 49-67. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:alfrinaldi@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 50 of 67 introduction tourism is part of the industrial sector in indonesia with bright prospect. it has enormous potential and opportunities to develop in a future. the potency needs to be seriously supported by the central, regional and local government in order to improve the quality of life of the community. in order to increase economic and social impacts of the tourism sector, efforts are needed to build a tourism consciousness work culture among related officials. these efforts are important to bring satisfaction to people who visit a tourist site. they would be to be information channel that in a long run will be an increase in the number of people visiting the tourist sites. furthermore, the development of attraction will resulted to tourists/people visit a tourist site is needed to prolong a visit and increase a number of people visiting. referring to article 1 of law no. 1 of 2009 about tourism, what is meant by tourist attraction is something that has unique, beauty, and value in the form of natural diversity, cultural, and man-made wealth which is the target or tourist destination. in order to maintain the sustainability of the program in visits to tourist sites, in beside addition to supporting the tourism consciousness work culture by site managers and tourism communities in the vicinity of the location, it is also necessary to support tourism consciousness work culture from the local government apparatus. support of the regional government tourism apparatus associated will also influence the development of policies carried out in improving the quality and quantity of improvements in tourism in the area. community satisfaction by visiting lake singkarak is not only influenced by the beauty, facilities and events available, but also by the magnitude on community satisfaction is the work culture of tourism conscious staff in order to increase community visits to lake singkarak, district of solok. the purpose of this study was to analyze the influence of tourism conscious work culture by apparatus on community satisfaction. the research method uses quantitative methods in 2017, and continued with a qualitative approach in 2018. the sampling technique was carried out by purposive sampling. quantitative data was collected using a likert scale questionnaire which has been tested for its validity and reliability. before being analyzed using regression, the classical assumption test and analysis of the total achievement of respondents (tcr) is done. whereas for qualitative data using informants and assisted with an interview guide (interview guide). the findings of a descriptive analysis generally show that all elements of a tourism-consciousness work culture are categorized as sufficient, but there are high categories. then, the results of multiple regression tests the influence of variables from work culture on visitor satisfaction have a significant effect. this is in line with the qualitative results in general, the people who visit are hoping to increase the tourism-conscious work culture of the tourism apparatus and community around lake singkarak, solok regency, in order to increase the satisfaction of visitor. the work culture will resulting in development of effective, efficient, transparent, accountable and sustainable policy strategies. it also responsible to create premiere public services for various components of society. tourism apparatus tourism consciousness work culture impacting the local governments in developing policies in the development of professionalism and resilience in building dynamic tourism and in accordance with the global tourist market trend. for this reason, work culture as a indicator of a readiness of the apparatus can supports various aspects of the tourism sector. improvement of a work culture in the tourism sector is not carried out systematically and sustainably. it can lead to a situation that causes the tourist area to be less attractive to the visitors. in a long run, it wil produce a decrease of the number of people visiting and the multiplier effect that appears will experience serious problems. in lake singkarak like other areas in districts of solok as well as west sumatera, tourism is one of the important sectors that need to be developed innovatively because it has a large influence on improving issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 51 of 67 the living standards of the surrounding communities. revenue and employment can grow if there is a continuous growth and increasing community visits to tourist sites. this study is intended to analyze the influence of tourism consciousness work culture among apparatus on community satisfaction of visitorsin lake singkarak, the district of solok. as a result tourism consciousness work culture policy model can be built in order to increase the number of people visiting the tourist area. literature review and hypothesis formulation tourism consciousness work culture policy development is needed in an effort to build tourism consciousness work culture that is able to produce satisfaction and happiness to the visitors through many kinds of activities. if it is associated with work productivity, it is certainly able to contribute positively to economic growth and general welfare in a country. bennet (2007) considers that the cultural element approach is currently widely used as a basis for development thinking in social aspects that exist outside culture, with its implications, in many formulations, thus culture in the context of cultural and sociological theoretical values as well as other terminology dependencies. the same can be analyzed so as to produce a general formulation by considering various connected mechanisms, so that understanding based on formulation is built on values, beliefs, meanings and social cohesion in the field. based on the perspective above, the work culture approach and the concept of tourism conscious work culture in this research can be built by identifying a phenomenon as well as describing the implications, which are connected with various theories and techniques of discursive construction related to the interaction of people or groups of people in doing work, both at work and in the environment around the workplace. the development of human resources is very important to be in line with the development of the dynamics of life and management of natural resources. therefore, the development of a work culture for various components of human resources that exist in a region and country needs to receive serious attention in order to realize overall satisfaction and happiness of the community (frinaldi, 2016). furthermore, as stated further by bennett (2007) in understanding work culture can be on cultural and social interactions that can be built with linguistic elaboration-both in structuralist or post-structuralist procedures-representation, and material social relations. culture can be seen as the practice of making meaning, consequently, organizing meta-semiotic traits so that it can be witnessed a process that has a connection to express culture that is understood as a 'way of life'. schein (2004) argues that in general, work culture can be defined as shared values, beliefs, assumptions and norms that affect the way people and groups in an organization interact. there are four basic elements of work culture, namely: (1) artifacts: symbols and objects used to express cultural messages; (2) behavioral norms: repetitive practices that can be observed from employees. leaders play an important role in modeling behavior that reflects or aligns with the culture they want to create; (3) value: preferences for certain results above the others. what is considered important in an organization will be a major influence on behavior, and the values that employees see apply in a stronger workplace that reflects the harmony between employee value and organizational value; (4) assumptions: unconscious beliefs that shape the members' perceptions and interpretations of their work environment. the development of work culture is an important part of bureaucratic reform efforts in addition to aiming towards improvement of the quality of human resources. there is an increase of quality of services to the community and other stakeholders (frinaldi, 2017a). sollosa, et al (2015) explained that the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 52 of 67 government apparatus is an element of the state that plays a role in governance and development in order to realize the implementation of effective and efficient governance and development tasks, professionally, impartially, fairly and responsibly. therefore, the development of a work culture for the government apparatus and local government apparatus as components that uphold the rule of law and implement policies , also needs to get deep attention because they must have standards of reliability and innovation in developing a work culture. so that it can see tangible results in the form of high integrity and increase public trust in carrying out the work they have carried out. within the development of work culture is an important part in the effort to reform the bureaucracy in addition to aiming to improve the quality of human resources so that there is an increase in the quality of services to the community and other stakeholders (frinaldi, 2017a). as seen by sollo sa, et al (2015) explained that the government apparatus is an element of the state that plays a role in governance and development in order to realize the implementation of governmental tasks and development that are effective and efficient, professionally, neutral, fair and accountable. meanwhile, hatch, and majke (2016) in observing a work culture in an organization can be seen from being seen from the way people express symbolically, how to project, how to contextualize and the process of building and involving interdependence. frinaldi (2017b) explained that there are six dimensions to measure work culture, namely; 1) the dimension of leadership which is a process of influencing the achievement of goals with all efforts and the ability to move behavior and actions towards the people around them as well as those that have relevance to the objectives to be achieved; 2) appearance dimension which is a condition in which a person's presence in a public space creates the appearance of a physical character, reflects full competence, integrity, and accountability in carrying out work so that a positive image is built in the public eye; 3) dimension of time awareness, namely an awareness to do something in accordance with the time that has been planned and arranged in carrying out the work that has been determined; 4) dimensions of communication an ability possessed in speaking words, expressing in interaction the delivery of messages or information about thoughts or feelings with various individuals and groups to gain understanding of something in the work so that there is harmony in achieving goals; 5) dimensions awards and recognition that there is a clear manifestation of the respect and recognize the achievements of an individual or group, and a sanction a sovereign, when the target achievement is not successfully obtained; 6) values and beliefs are beliefs that underlie a person's behavior in work that reflects the views and beliefs of individuals or groups of people about something important in life, so that in carrying out a work activity carried out in a responsible and capable manner to provide excellent service. efforts to build a positive work culture must be carried out at all levels of the apparatus, and not only among employees but also among officials as leaders in government or local government organizations (frinaldi, 2014). frinaldi (2014: 2015) mentioned that a positive work culture will also have a positive influence on increasing reliability and professionalism apparatus at various levels, if the process of coaching and development is carried out thoroughly and continuously. their position as the main drivers of community development and empowerment towards the general welfare of social justice can be realized immediately (frinaldi, 2017a). with regard to tourism consciousness work culture intended to conceptualize and broaden the view of tourism. it is not only to consider the short-term economic impact, but with the developer of tourism consciousness work culture can be developed, so that there is a sustainable development and improvement of tourism in line with economic growth significant community with the development of issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 53 of 67 natural and cultural sustainability in community life. this can also be an effort to respond to the expectations of the visitors so that they gain experience and impressions that can improve the quality of satisfaction and happiness. a tourism consciousness work culture can also be a form of mental character that gives meaning to expectations, values, and experiences that are useful for improving the capabilities and capacity of human resources and other resources. the development of tourism consciousness work culture, accoriding to kotler (2001) is related to a tourist area. it can be considered related to the need for efforts that are able to develop products which are a combination of components, including physical goods, services, experiences, events, people, places , property, organization, information and ideas . therefore, on the one hand this tourism-aware work culture can mean a development of interpretation of social interactions and human actions needed in development both physically and psychologically as well as expressive actions in an effort to increase the satisfaction of visiting people. a tourism consciousness work culture according to frinaldi and khaidir (2017) are values that become a way of life then becomes a habit, and is reflected in the attitude, behavior, and concern in social interaction in an effort realize the growth of tourism development that can encourage the growth and welfare of the socio-economic life of the community. visitors community satisfaction frinaldi and ali embi (2012) stated that consumer or client satisfaction or dissatisfaction can be measured by their positive or negative responses about the services they receive. comparisons between their experiences when receiving services in reality and their initial expectations will create a satisfaction or dissatisfaction response. according to frinaldi (2014); frinaldi and ali embi (2015). public satisfaction can also be seen from the aspect of quality of service performed by the apparatus in carrying out their duties and functions. if there is satisfaction or dissatisfaction among the public, it can be judged and seen from the feelings described as pleasure, happiness, and affection when satisfied, on the other hand they will look annoyed, sullen or tend to show certain signs that indicate dissatisfaction when they feel they are not satisfied moscardo (2008). urged that understanding the impact of tourism is important for the development of a country. so, the findings of this study are set to have considerable implications for tourism planning and development after the relationship between the impact of tourism and a significant quality of life. research truong and foster (2006). explained that visiting community/tourist satisfaction must be measured with a specific purpose , because measurement uses a multi-faceted approach , then the results obtained are not just cumulative evaluation of service quality from a number of individual service providers, but also obtained the results of a comparison between expectations and experiences, the difference between perceived expectations and performance, and appropriate between tourist expectations and uniqueness or beauty found in tourist sites that headed. li and carr (2004). illustrate that the australian government is in accordance with the natural and environmental conditions that are there , building a unique tourism with the development of natural attractions, wildlife, and a unique australian environment to attract tourists to visit, for development and increased tourism industry in the country. hypothesis based on theoretical studies, previous research results, and arguments, the following is the formulation of hypotheses in this study: issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 54 of 67 ha: apparatus' tourism consciousness work culture have significant influence on the satisfaction tourism community. ho: apparatus' tourism consciousness work culture does not have significant influence on the satisfaction tourism community. research methods this study using questionnaires and conducted with descriptive analysis and simple regression analysis. sampling is carried out used purposive sampling with a total sample of 48 people in the apparatus, and as many as 97 people who visited. data collection time that is done within months of may-september 2017. then, the research instrument used in this study is a questionnaire with a category of answer used likert scale. the indicator of tourism consciousness work culture has used in this research instrument is done by modifying the value of the sapta pesona that found in the explanation of article 28 (h) of the government regulation no. 50 year 2011 concerning the master plan for national tourism development in 2010-2025, [16] hat the pesonа consists of seven elements that are safety, orderly, cleaness, coolnes, beauty, hospitality and memorable. then, the researcher develops it by adding decency, courteous and responsive values . so that based on the results of this modification, the values of tourism-aware work culture in the study include; safety, orderly, clean, cool, beauty, friendly, memorable, politeness, courteous, and responsive. so that the variables and indicators used in this study are the independent variables in this study are tourism awareness work culture (x) with the following indicators safety (x1), orderly (x2), clean (x3), cool (x4), beauty (x5), friendly (x6), memorable (x7), politeness (x8), courteous (x9), responsive (x10). the dependent variable is visitors community satisfaction (y) with indicators: happiness (y1), joyful (y2), facilities (y3), availability of sophisticated and modern information (y4), service performance provided (y5), consumer expectations (y6). furthermore, descriptive analysis has used to calculate total achievement of respondents with the formula: tcr = rs x 100; n according to sugiyono (2007) the meaning of tcr/total capaian respondents (total achievement of respondents) are: rs is the average score of the respondent's answer , and n is the score of the answer. with the tcr provision, if it ranges from 81% 100% as high score category , it ranges from 61% 80% of the moderate category, ranging from 41% 60% rather low category , ranging from 21% 40% low category, between 0% 20% are very low category (sugiyono, 2007: 95) . [17] 2018 research was carried out using a qualitative approach with interviews and observations. sampling was done by purposive sampling. data collection was conducted in the period of june-august 2018. research informants range from the apparatus as many as 7 people and the community visited as many as 9 people as well as people who founde in the tourist location as many as 5 people. validity maintainance using triangulation of sources and triangulation of methods. according to moleong (2017) [18], qualitative data analysis is done by reviewing all data, reducing data, compiling and checking the validity of the data, and finally the data interpretation stage. result and discussion based on the data obtained distributed to the apparatus, the characteristics of respondents in this study are presented in the following table. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 55 of 67 table 1. test results of respondent descriptive analysis of apparatus characteristics of respondents frequency percentage gender man woman 33 15 68.8% 31.2% years of service <1 year 1-2 years 2-3 years > 3 years 6 9 5 28 12.5% 18.8% 10.4% 58.3% group goal iv goal iii goal ii goal i non civil servants 3 30 12 0 3 6.25% 62.5% 25% 0% 6.25% source: research findings 2017 (data processed) while the characteristics of visiting people who are respondents in this study are presented in the following table. table 2. test results of descriptive analysis of apparatus respondents characteristics of respondents frequency percentage gender man woman 80 114 41.2% 58.8% visit to first time (1) 2-3 4-5 > 5 44 22 6 122 22.7% 11.3% 3.1% 62.9% origin in the region outside the area 110 84 56.7% 43.3% source: research findings 2017 (data processing) table 3. results of total achievement of respondents questionnaire apparatus no variable n mean tcr ket 1 tourism awareness work variable (x1) 48 4.63 92.6 high 2 safety variables (x1.1) 48 4.61 91.91 high 3 ordered variables (x1.2) 48 4.62 92.4 high 4 clean variables (x1.3) 48 4.57 91.4 high 5 cool variables (x1.4) 48 4.46 89.2 high 6 beautiful variables (x1.5) 48 4.57 91.4 high 7 friendly variables (x1.6) 48 4.54 90.8 high 8 memories variables (x1.7) 48 4.54 90.8 high 9 politeness variables (x1.8) 48 4.55 91.0 high 10 courteous variables (x1.9) 48 4.63 92.6 high 11 responsive variables (x1.10) 48 4.38 87.6 high issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 56 of 67 12 variables of visitors community satisfaction (y) 48 3.73 74.6 enough source: data processed by researchers, 2017. table 4 . simple regression test results apparatus questionnaire model r r square adjusted r square sig. 1. the influence of tourist-aware work culture of the apparatus on visiting community satisfaction . 675 a .456 .309 .006 2. the influence of the safety dimension of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .496 a .246 .230 .000 3. the influence of the orderly dimension of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .487 a . 237 .220 .000 4. the influence of the clean dimension of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .492 a .224 .225 .000 5. the influence of the cool dimension of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .517 a .267 .251 .000 6. the influence of the beauty dimensions of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community . 540 a .292 .277 .000 7. the influence of the dimensions of culture-friendly tourism-aware work apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting public . 530 a .281 .265 .000 8. the influence of the dimensions of memories of the tourism conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community . 507 a .257 .241 .000 9. the influence of the politeness dimension of tourism conscious work culture apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .409 a .240 .223 .000 10. the influence of the corteous dimension of tourism-aware work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting public .516 a .266 .259 .000 11. the influence of the responsive dimension of tourism conscious work culture apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .522 a .273 .257 .000 source: data processed by researchers, 2017. although one of the important sectors that need to be developed innovatively is tourism because it has a large influence on improving the living standards of the surrounding communities, including tourist sites in this study, namely in the area of lake singkarak in the district of solok. revenue and employment can grow if there is a continuous growth and increase visitors, so that it will be able to improve the living standards of the surrounding community. tourists from abroad and domestic to solok regency can be seen in the following figure. table 5 . results of total results of respondents from community questionnaires variable n mean tcr ket 1. tourism awareness work variable (x1) 194 3.90 78.12 enough 2. safe variables (x1.1) 194 3.94 78.80 enough 3. ordered variables (x1.2) 194 3.73 74.80 enough 4. clean variables (x1.3) 194 3.86 77.32 enough 5. cool variables (x1.4) 194 3.98 79.60 enough 6. beautiful variables (x1.5) 194 3.98 79.67 enough 7. friendly variables (x1.6) 194 3.92 78.35 enough 8. memories variables (x1.7) 194 3.67 73.40 enough issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 57 of 67 9. polite variables (x1.8) 194 4.11 82.20 high 10. courteous variables (x1.9) 194 4.10 81.90 high 11. responsive variables (x1.10) 194 3.75 75.13 enough 12. variables of community satisfaction visit (y) 194 3.88 77.58 enough source: data processed by researchers, 2017. table 6. simple regression test results public poll model r r square adjusted r square sig. 1. influence of work culture aware of tourist apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .782 a .611 .590 .000 2. effect of a safe dimension of conscious work culture tourist apparatus to community satisfaction visit .628 a .395 .392 .000 3. effect of an orderly dimension of conscious work culture tourist apparatus to community satisfaction visit .600 a .360 .356 .000 4. influence of the clean dimensions of tourism-aware work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .578 a .335 .331 .000 5. influence of the cool dimensions of tourism-conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .561 a .315 .311 .000 6. the influence of the beautiful dimensions of tourismconscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .611 a .373 .370 .000 7. influence of tourism -friendly dimensions of cultural awareness of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .676 a .457 .454 .000 8. the influence of the dimensions of memories of the tourism conscious work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .741 a .550 .547 .000 9. influence of polite dimensions of tourist conscious work culture apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .614 a .377 .374 .000 10. influence of the polite dimension of tourism-aware work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting community .661 a .436 .433 .000 11. influence of responsive dimensions of tourism conscious work culture apparatus to the satisfaction of the visiting public .645 a .416 .413 .000 source: data processed by researchers, 2017. table 7. group statistics t-test test of tourism consciousness work culture variable tourism consciousnes work culture group n mean std. deviation std. mean error community 194 1.3976e2 26.71545 1.91806 apparatus 48 1.6398e2 13.06366 1.88558 source: data processed by researchers, 2017. t-test intended to discover the level of difference seen from the variable tourist consciousness work culture. data interpretation based on value of mean of each group. there are two groups that seen in the table, namely groups of tourists from the community and groups of tourists from the apparatus based on tourism work culture variables. the mean value of the community group is smaller than the mean of the apparatus group yaini 1.39 and 1.63. to see whether there is a significant or significant level of difference between the two groups, we can see the results of the spss data processing output below. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 58 of 67 table 8. independent samples test tourism-aware work culture levene's test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means f sig. q. df sig. (2tailed) mean difference std. error difference 95% confidence interval of the difference lower upper equal variances assumed 23,216 .000 -6,095 240 .000 -24.21628 3.97294 -32.04256 -16.39000 equal variances not assumed -9,003 154,345 .000 -24.21628 2.68967 -29.52960 -18.90296 source: data processed by researchers, 2017. based on the output above, it is obtained sig. (2-tailed) value of 0.000 where <0.05, then according to the decision-making basis in the independent test sample t-test, it can be concluded that there are significant differences in tourism-conscious work culture both from community groups and groups apparatus. t-test test for variable community satisfaction visits table 9. group statistics community satisfaction visits group n mean std. deviation std. mean error community 194 51.7320 10.87328 .78066 apparatus 48 52,2500 6.98783 1.00861 source: data processed by researchers, 2017. based on the output above obtained sig. (2-tailed) value of 0.754 where> 0.05, then according to the basis of the decision-making in the independent test sample t-test, it can be concluded that there is no difference regarding community satisfaction visiting both community groups and apparatus groups . in other words, it is the same as the satisfaction of visiting people both from the community and from the apparatus. table 10. independent samples test community satisfaction visits levene's test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means f sig. q. df sig. (2tailed) mean difference std. error difference 95% confidence interval of the difference lower upper equal variances assumed 4,941 .027 -314 240 .754 -.51804 1.64904 -3.76648 2.73039 equal variances not assumed -406 110,521 .685 -.51804 1.27543 -3.04550 2,942 source: data processed by researchers, 2017 the questionnaire distributed to the apparatus and to the community visited is focuses on variable of tourism consciousness work culture. t-test shows that there is a difference in the level of tourism-aware work culture between the apparatus and the community. this is proven by the sig-value that less than 0.05, which is 0.000. it can be concluded that there are differences in the level of tourism consciousness work culture between the apparatus and the community. the variable of community satisfaction shows that there was no difference in the level of community satisfaction visiting between the apparatus and the community. i can be concluded that there is no difference in visitors’ satisfaction between the apparatus and the community. the results of this ttest data are also supported by tcr data processing and regression data. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 59 of 67 tcr analysis on data from questionnaires distributed to the apparatus related to tourism consciousness work culture have a mean of 4.63 with tcr score 92.6. this is consider as high category. meanwhile, the results of tourism consciousness work culture of the apparatus obtained from the results of questionnaires distributed to the public there is a mean of 3.90, and tcr score of 78.12% with moderate categories. related to the satisfaction of the people visiting are 3.73 and tcr mean score is 74.6% with category moderate. furthermore, the simple regression results show the lowest score results in the effect of the orderly dimension of the tourism consciousness work culture of the apparatus on visiting community satisfaction, which is 0.237, and the highest score is the dimension of beauty from tourism consciousness work culture of the apparatus towards visiting community satisfaction, which is 0.292. the results of tcr data from questionnaires distributed, is awareness with the mean 3.90 and tcr 78.12 with sufficient categories. then, visiting community satisfaction contained a mean of 3.88, and tcr 77.58 with sufficient categories. thus, the results of the appraisal on the apparatus and visitors member as respondents in the study in terms of the satisfaction of the visiting community both assessed the same, namely with moderate category. in the aspect of tourism consciousness work culture of tourist apparatus, it assessed with averagely in a high category, while the community assessed the averagely in moderate category. based on the tcr calculation above, the achievement of the values of tourism consciousness work culture among the apparatus is not yet achieved. although based on interview with the relevant agencies which is mostly from the industry that tourism conscious value derived from the value of the sapta pesona contained in article 28 letter (h) of government regulation number 50 of 2011 concerning the master plan for national tourism development 2010-2025. it has been socialized, introduced, delivered to all apparatus through various activities, both in the routine of every organization's activities, at internal organizational meetings and on the leadership routine of its members. but in the eyes of the visiting people as respondents and informants, there were differences. the relevant agencies pointed out that there were limitations of human resources (hr) that were able to elaborate on the potential of existing tourist attraction including around lake singkarak. but starting from 2018, the governemnt of district of solok has been trying to build a place for tourism information center (tic) near pier area, in order to increase the satisfaction of the visiting public in terms of the availability of information needed in tourism. the presence of structuring and developing tourist sites in the lake singkarak area could reduce poverty. poverty is a challenge for the local government and the government nationally to perform optimum efforts in order to overcome these problems. it can be done by formulating various policy models that allow dynamic movement of growth and activity rotation economy among the people. therefore, structuring the orderly and clean tourist sites of lake singkarak can make an increase in the visiting community so that it can itself revive the dynamics of the movement of the economy of the local community. interviews with people is reveal an increase in the number of people visiting can help the dynamic movement of trade and trade in the region, so that they can make a living for their lives. in addition, in the development of tourism awareness culture policies also need to be developed with the participation of the people around the tourist sites so that the various dimensions that exist can generate the desire of the community to visit again and there is an increase in the number of people visiting especially from people from outside the region and overseas. tourism creates direct interaction between people around the tourist site and people who visit to see, feel and enjoy the situation both in a subjective and objective perspective. thus, each party has the impression of the results of the subjective and objective assessment of the results of these social issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 60 of 67 interactions, and this results in the possibility of tourists or people who visit tell other people about their experiences on a tourist location they have visited. the study results explained that one of the influencing factors in increasing the visiting community is word of mouth promotion, and also in line with the development of technology and information, stories or experiences of people visiting various social media often become the views of people for coming or declining people come to visit a tourist location. other problems that are often become a reference for the visitors are related to attitudes, behavior, and an environmental interaction at tourist sites from the tourism community and related apparatus can be a determining factor of the satisfaction of the visiting community, apart from their respective expectations for example related to the charm of natural beauty the lake. lack of adequate information available in various media that can be accessed by the community both provided by the local government, tourism communities including managers of tourist destinations can reduce the satisfaction of the visiting community. a hope is a short-term prediction carried out by a person or group of people. therefore, parasuraman, zeithaml, and berry (1988,1994). [19] explained that the user satisfaction paradigm can be seen from the efficacy of the quality gap model that measures expected with what is obtained based on the results of their experience evaluation. in addition, community satisfaction is a reflection of service quality and work culture they experience in a particular place (aldri, 2014; aldri and embi, 2015). with regard to tourism, the satisfaction of the community visited, apart from being seen from the aspect of service in the tourist location, also needs the support of information quality such as availability of connectivity facilities with internet networks, and the local culture that is unique and different from other regions, as well as complete infrastructure support such as facilities public facilities such as toilets, places of worship, highways. this is an important element that influences decisions for visiting people to repeat visits or to recommend to friends and family about the tourist sites they have visited. for example, the results of research by li and carr (2004).[20] illustrate that the australian government is in accordance with the natural and environmental conditions that are there, building a unique tourism with the development of natural attractions, wildlife, and a unique australian environment to attract tourists to visit, for development and improvement of the pariwiwsata industry in the country. based on the above views, it is necessary to restructure and improve to increase community satisfaction to visit tourist sites by building policies that provide encouragement and support for the creation of good quality accommodation, a comfortable and natural environment, a unique atmosphere of local community life that can be displayed periodically , a clean and cool environment, quality accommodation, availability of local travel information and arrangement of the singkarak lake area so as to produce a beautiful view, and to raise awareness about the importance of an atmosphere of friendliness in the interaction of communication between the local community, the apparatus and the visiting community, so that they gain experience with the hope they want to achieve before. therefore, according to researchers, an effort is needed that is a respons by the local government in making various event policies that can create a sense of pleasure and happiness for visitors at tourist sites, so that the expected activity of an event can encourage the growth and development of transactions in goods and services in an effort improving the economy of the community around the tourist site. similarly, the results of yan and li (2012) [21] research efforts to organize festivals routinely at a tourist location can cause the intensity of visitors from various regions and foreign countries to visit a tourist location, if an event that is held is able to produce a memory that can produce pleasure and happy among visitors. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 61 of 67 awareness of the importance of the tourism sector as one of the revenues for the government and regional governments from the non-oil and gas sector becomes very important, for that it is necessary to build a policy of clarifying the types of objects and tourist attractions that can produce a high level of visits. in addition, it is also necessary to develop a form of policy to increase the knowledge of all personnel and communities engaged in tourism with training in tourism consciousness work culture. so also the need for policy efforts in carrying out promotional synergies is very important especially for regions that make tourism as a very dependable sector. marketing roles include: (1) to face increasing competition among various countries / or regions at all times, (2) to deal with market conditions that are constantly changing at all times, such as increasingly diverse market segments. demand for services is not only limited to one type. residents of various age groups, personal traits and desires, want special services, which are in accordance with their wishes. it is necessary to form a tourism consciousness work culture based on local wisdom that is work together with technological and information development. this is intended to change tourism consciousness work culture can be a strategic policy in increasing visitor satisfaction. the tourism apparatus and society can integrate, and be able to adjust themselves to the work that has been done with the implementation of a positive work culture in accordance with the aim of increasing tourist visitor satisfaction. the people who visit the tourist area, especially those who reside in solok regency who often visit again, should not be satisfied with the large percentage of people visiting again. the authorities must be innovative in planning with public policy for tourism development and further improve the quality of life of the community by developing and encouraging the growth of investment in improving the quality of accommodation, food and drinks, and transportation services; improving public infrastructure such as toilets, roads and other public facilities, including arranging the beauty of the lake's scenery, to be able to present a cool atmosphere to be able to entertain themselves or refresh the mind of the visiting public, among them by arranging trees around lake singkarak. in connection with the policy model that will be built in the conception of tourism consciousnes work culture, the tourism policy model that needs to be developed in the four research locations based on the results obtained in the findings and the discussion carried out needs to be adjusted to the differences in characteristics of each. the role of local communities cannot be ignored, it is optimized because in the community inherent cultural uniqueness and diversity in creating identity and identity, as part of inclusive tourism development. the empowerment process also aims to improve economic and spiritual well-being so as to be able to achieve the intellectual ability of a just and civilized society. this policy can be derived through tourism policy making by creating tourism events such as festivals by promoting cultural attractions that are owned and involving the international community as a media for promotion and diplomacy between local and international communities. the combination or collaboration of the above efforts will become an embryo for the formation of a positive image and a solid tourism identity. this is very crucial, where travel decisions are determined by the image and identity of a tourist destination. in addition, in globalization strengthening tourism credibility is a positive collaboration that is part of tourism diplomacy. the success of cultural preservation in tourism, the success of sustainable development for the future. therefore, it is necessary to foster that there is harmony among the people who make a living at tourist sites by building mutual harmony in any form that is ordered by visitors or where visitors are served with a tourist-aware work culture that can increase visitor satisfaction. also the local government must make concrete plans and policies so that the existence of fish cages in the lake singkarak does not issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 62 of 67 harm the beauty of the lake, nor the possibility of damage to the lake due to the growth and development of fish cultivation in cages. related to a lowness of tourism consciousness work culture, the data shws that is the aspect of orderly. it can be assumed that efforts to build order means activities to build a unit or branch of a regional government organization that is relevant. this unit of the development of tourism which is not yet sufficiently available in the lake singkarak area. in addition, the difficulty of the apparatus to overcoming order in the form of regulating traders along the way, is due to the traders using motorized vehicles or wheeled vehicles that have been modified to trade. this a strategy they mostly used. traders who trade statically in an area are easier to regulate and discipline. this is become a dilemma, because traders certainly always follow where there is a crowd to get a sale and purchase transaction. on the one hand, if this is in the area of a highway or roadside can make the road become smaller, it can cause traffic congestion. on the other hand, with conditions such as lack of awareness of a cleanliness, it makes the tourism environment less comfortable for the visitors. according to some people who visited the interview was conducted by the research team, revealed that there are needs to be more effort to control and restructure the lake singkarak area where traders who are moving along the shore to be organized in order to prevent disruption the flow of traffic around the area. it is necessary to patrol authorities to monitor a condition of tourist areas intensively. so that they are always clean and comfortable to receive a positive impression from the visitors. if they have a good impression, in a long run they would return to visit tourism objects in the lake. however, the classic argument to justify this by the apparatus is that there is insufficient funds available for routine and periodic patrols. furthermore, the study proven that from the point of view of society been associated with the work culture of tourism awareness in a moderate category. it required local governments in district of solok to improve the development of tourism around the lake. even though the people who visit the tourist area, especially those who are in solok regency, who often visit again, a percentage of satisfaction are not big enough. the authorities must be innovative in planning for tourism development and can be improving the quality of life of the community. in addition, the important thing that needs to be addressed is the improvement of the quality of accommodation, food and beverages, and transportation services including improving public infrastructure such as toilets, roads and other public facilities. on the perspective of the tourism consciousness work culture of the apparatus to the satisfaction visitors, the cool dimension has been found low. observations made by researchers from this low dimensional dimension are assumed because of not enough vehicles available to make people visit these tourist sites. in addition to the beauty of the lakeview, cool also means as an atmosphere that can be entertaining or refreshing the mind when somebodey visit a tourist location. the authorities needed to encourage the development of tourism sector that is able to complete various conditions that can entertain the visitors of lake singkarak. besides that, it is also necessary to arrange the environment that has cool air, through maintain the trees surrounding lake singkarak. the high score found in the dimension of memory. comparable with the high tourism consciousness work culture in the perspective of the apparatus, namely the beauty dimension, in which the authorities have been seen trying to organize and beautify the lake singkarak area. the expectations of the public can be realized. therefore, the development of harmony-based tourism with the wishes and expectations of visitors becomes an important matter in order to increase number of visitors. by this commitment, the movement and growth of economic activities would occur. if tourism sector grows and issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 63 of 67 developt by establishing tourism community life, because this activity has the meaning of ongoing economic activities that generate income. the tourism sector's also affects the revenue earned by the regional government and the national government. the process that occurs in this sector contains extensive relationships because with its activities would resulting benefit for many parties including employment, investment and opportunities of doing business for the community around the tourist sites. it also has other components that helped to obtain business opportunities with the growing development of the sector, income taxes for local governments and national governments. the presence of structuring and developing tourist sites in the region and lake singkarak can reduce poverty. poverty is a challenge for local governments and national government. they have to perform maximum efforts to overcome these problems, including by formulating various policy models that allow dynamic movement of growth and rotation of economic activities among the people. therefore, structuring the regulation/orderly and clean tourist sites of lake singkarak can make an increase in the visiting community so that it can itself revive the dynamics of the movement of the economy of the local community. by interviews people, the research is trying to revealing an increase in the number of people visiting that can help the dynamic movement of trade and trade in the region. this activities can make a living for their lives. regulation for tourism have implications for the lives of local people. moscardo (2008) [22] argued, it is necessary for religious people and those who have the authority to understand the impact of tourism that can touch the improvement of the welfare of local communities. it would carried out through continuous planning and sustainable development that the impact of tourism with a significant increase in quality of life. a development of cultural policies of tourism awareness also needs to develop with public participation that live around the tourist sites. various dimensions that exist can generate desire of people to participate. besides that, it can increase number of people visiting including many people from outside the region and from other countries. communities around the area of a tourist attraction need to realize that they are the subject to be seen and interacted in tourism activities. it is including their attitudes and behaviors are potential motivated resources for people visiting a destination (smith, 1994).[23] if the society do not feel get benefit from the tourist sites, or less presence of tourism consciousness work culture tourist who has the impression is negative. as a result, the people who visit it may become irritated and this may push them away from a destination because tourists do not like to visit the placea place where there is a lack of potency at a destination. tourism is an atmosphere in the environment that gives direct interaction between people around the tourist site and people who visit to see. they can feel and enjoy the situation both in a subjective and objective perspective. thus each party has the impression of the results of subjective and objective assessment of the results of the social interaction, and this results in the possibility of tourists or people visiting to tell other people about their experiences at a tourist location they have visited. even in tourism activities, many explain that the influential factor in increasing community visits is word of mouth promotion as a part of local wisdom, and also in line with the development of technology and information, stories or experiences of people visiting various social media often become a view of people to come or decline people come to visit a tourist location. other problems that are often a reference for the community to visit are related to attitudes, behavior, and an environmental interaction at tourist sites from the tourism community and related apparatus can be a determining factor of community satisfaction visiting, apart from their respective expectations for example relating to the charm of natural beauty the lake. lack of adequate information issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 64 of 67 available in various media that can be accessed by the community both provided by the local government, tourism communities including managers of tourist destinations can reduce the satisfaction of the visiting community. these are hope of a short-term prediction performed by a person or group of people. therefore, parasuraman, zeithaml, and berry (1988,1994) .[24] [25] explained that the community/user satisfaction paradigm can be seen from the efficacy of the quality gap model that measures expected with what is obtained based on the results of their experience evaluation. in addition, customer/community satisfaction is a reflection of service quality and work culture they experience in a particular place (frinaldi, 2014; frinaldi and embi, 2015). [8] [2] with regard to tourism, the satisfaction of the community visited, apart from being seen from the aspect of service in the area of tourism, also needs the support of information quality (availability of facilities connected to internet networks), and the culture of the local community that is unique and different from other regions, as well as the completeness of infrastructure support such as public facilities such as toilets, places of worship, highways. this is an important element that influences decisions for visiting tourists to repeat visits or to recommend to friends and family about the tourist sites they have visited. then, related to suggestions for the effort to make a memory like the results expected by the visiting community needs to be managed in the form of adequate information by the local government and tourism site managers, especially by using the internet network. it is necessary to trace innovation to find and build uniqueness around the tourist area so that many people, domestic and foreign tourists are interested and willing to come to the singkarak lake area. it is necessary to restructure and improve to increase community satisfaction to visit tourist sites by building policies that provide encouragement and support for the creation of good quality accommodation, a comfortable and natural environment, a unique atmosphere of local life that can be displayed in a periodically, a clean environment and cool, quality accommodation, availability of travel information. as an example, structuring lake batur region in bali to produce a beautiful view, and make awareness about the importance of an atmosphere of friendliness in the interaction of communication between the local community, the apparatus with the visiting community, so that they gain experience in the hope they want to achieve before. conclusion a tourist consciousness work culture if carried out in the implementation of sustainable policies by the district government of the district of and the provincial government of west sumatra can certainly be a stimulus for strengthening policy development in the tourism sector. it is included in the effort to do infrastructure development that can increase interest from various elements of society both from foreign and domestic communities to be interested in making tourist visits to the lake singkarak. infrastructure development that is expected by the community to visit is in line with the present world, as the data above is that there are places that are considered beautiful so as to produce memories for the people visiting. therefore, the results of this study can be interpreted as priorities that must be carried out by the local government including the provincial government because this lake area is a cross-border area, is to synergize in formulating a policy in the tourist area aimed at building a beautiful atmosphere in the tourist area including lake singkarak area. beautifying an area, among others, is done by building the name of a tourist area that is made large with an area that can be used as a spot for photos by the people who visit. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 65 of 67 the researcher views that in a policy related to the planning and management of tourist attraction it should be compiled by considering sharing the values of local wisdom that can be globalized in the development of tourist attractions based on local wisdom in accordance with the area concerned. besides the provincial and district governments and the government also encourages the growth of the availability of other supporting facilities that can be provided by the local government or provided by the private sector engaged in tourism businesses. this policy, in line with the dynamics of community development in various parts of the world including in indonesia and in the province of west sumatra, namely the desire to update status on social media. for this purpose, visitors to tourism objects always try to capture them once in a particular tourist area by showing their presence in the area that has a name sign of a tourist area. besides that they took some photos or pictures in other areas within the tourist area. based on interview results with the visiting community, essentially relevant with the development of the contemporary lifestyle the need to take pictures in a tourist area is the main thing to do when they arrive at a tourist location, in addition to enjoying the other atmosphere found in the location. furthermore, by the point of view of the community regarding tourism consciousness work culture, it is categorized as sufficient, requiring the local government of regency of solok to improve themselves in developing tourism around the singkarak lake. policy recommendation in general, the results obtained by the researchers showed that current growth and future forecasts in the eyes of researchers in the four locations in an optimistic manner, will show the increasing number of visitors to the tourist location. the challenges seen in each location that need to be implemented are the realization of the balance of environmental protection, the preservation of community culture accompanied by efforts to increase tourism which can result in increased community welfare. in terms of economic potential and social contribution these four tourism locations can be carried out in the development of sustainable tourism, and need to be one of the strategic priorities for both the medium and long term, so that economic, social and cultural benefits from the tourism sector can be sustained by avoiding disruptive impacts environment, the social and cultural life of the local community. it needed to strengthening in the form of important digital governance by the regional government so that the tourism sector is able to significantly increase tourist visitors from abroad. to boost the performance of the tourism sector and accelerate the growth of this sector significantly in the current era, it cannot only rely on conventional promotions, but it needs policies using digital media that are pro-active and innovative, promoting tourism extensively, besides continue to spur infrastructure development in particular which has an impact on increasing tourism competitiveness. acknowledgements the author would like to express his gratitude and appreciation to the state university of padang through the institute of research and community service (lp2m) for funding our research (aldri frinaldi and afriva khaidir) scheme postgraduate with unp dipa 2017 budget year and 2018 fiscal year, “building model tourism awareness work culture policy among apparatus and society of tourism in an effort to increase community satisfaction visiting tourism sites in west sumatra”, one of the s2 (master) students involved in the research activity was vivi yulistia rahayu. this article is one of issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10197 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 66 of 67 the results of the publication of the research activities. this article was presented at the 3rd jgp-ic held in yogyakarta, indonesia on november 6, 2018. references book aldri frinaldi dan afriva khaidir. 2017. membangun model kebijakan budaya kerja sadar wisata di kalangan aparatur dan masyarakat pariwisata dalam upaya peningkatan kepuasan masyarakat berkunjung ke lokasi wisata di sumatera barat. aldri frinaldi dan afriva khaidir. laporan penelitian. lembaga penelitian dan pengabdian kepada masyarakat universitas negeri padang. aldri frinaldi. 2017b. mengelola budaya organisasi dan budaya kerja. acuan 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(2012), “programming quality of festivals: conceptualization, measurement, and relation to consequences”, international journal of contemporary hospitality management, vol. 24 no. 4, pp. 653-673. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive http://ejournal.ipdn.ac.id/index.php/jwbp/article/view/90/71 http://www.uws.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/185868/bennett_theworkofculture_ics_pre-print_final.pdf https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0007681381900562 http://majkenschultz.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/10485/2016/03/relations-between-organizational-culture-identity-and-image.pdf https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1300/j149v05n03_03 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1300/j149v05n03_03 https://www.cabdirect.org/cabdirect/abstract/19991804806 https://www.researchgate.net/profile/valarie_zeithaml/publication/225083802_servqual_a_multiple-_item_scale_for_measuring_consumer_perceptions_of_service_quality/links/5429a4540cf27e39fa8e6531/servqual-a-multiple-item-scale-for-measuring-consumer-perceptions-of-service-quality.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/profile/valarie_zeithaml/publication/225083802_servqual_a_multiple-_item_scale_for_measuring_consumer_perceptions_of_service_quality/links/5429a4540cf27e39fa8e6531/servqual-a-multiple-item-scale-for-measuring-consumer-perceptions-of-service-quality.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/publication/238383276_reassessment_of_expectations_as_a_comparison_standard_in_measuring_service_quality_implications_for_further_research https://www.researchgate.net/publication/238383276_reassessment_of_expectations_as_a_comparison_standard_in_measuring_service_quality_implications_for_further_research https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/016073839490121x http://gssrr.org/index.php?journal=journalofbasicandapplied&page=article&op=view&path%5b%5d=4788 http://gssrr.org/index.php?journal=journalofbasicandapplied&page=article&op=view&path%5b%5d=4788 http://gssrr.org/index.php?journal=journalofbasicandapplied&page=article&op=view&path%5b%5d=4788 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0261517705000579 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0261517705000579 https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/09596111211217932 https://www.emeraldinsight.com/doi/full/10.1108/09596111211217932 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121127 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan determining the motivations for political participation among elected youth leaders perla p. palomares doods edward d. cadutdut al-faroukp. amod queenie pearl v. tomaro abstract: in the philippines, sangguniang kabataan (sk), an aspect of politics in the local government level provides spaces for youth’s meaningful participation in policy-making and governance. in this study we expand the cast of the domain of motivational studies to provide a new perspective on why youth participate in politics, the extent of their political participation and the relation ship of the motivations to their political participation. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pejabat sk termotivasi secara intrinsik dan ekstrinsik, tetapi lebih condong pada jenis motivasi intrinsik. hal ini menunjukkan pentingnya pendidikan kewarganegaraan dan pengembangan kepemimpinan dalam mengembangkan motivasi kepemimpinan dan keterlibatan politik kaum muda. hasil menunjukkan mereka memiliki tingkat partisipasi politik rata-rata hingga tinggi. keywords: youthleadership; sangguniang kabataan; political participation; motivation abstrak: di filipina, sangguniang kabataan (sk), sebuah aspek politik di tingkat pemerintah daerah memberikan ruang bagi partisipasi pemuda yang berarti dalam pembuatan kebijakan dan pemerintahan. dalam studi ini kami memperluas pemeran domain studi motivasi untuk memberikan perspektif baru tentang mengapa pemuda berpartisipasi dalam politik, sejauh mana partisipasi politik mereka dan hubungan motivasi dengan partisipasi politik mereka. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sk memiliki persediaan intrinsik dan ekstrinsik, tetapi lebih condong pada jenis motivasi intrinsik. hal ini menunjukkan pentingnya pendidikan kewarganegaraan dan pengembangan kepemimpinan dalam mengembangkan motivasi kepemimpinan dan keterlibatan politik kaum muda. hasil menunjukkan mereka memiliki tingkat partisipasi politik rata-rata hingga tinggi. kata kunci: kepemimpinan pemuda; sangguniang kabataan; partisipasi politik; motivasi introduction why people do what they do?” is a fundamental premise in the study of political behavior. 35 affiliation: 1mindanao state university–iligan instituteof technology,iligan city, philippines 2 xavier university – ateneo de cagayan, cagayan de oro, philippines 3 the asia foundation, i ligancity, philippines 4 philippines mindanao state university–iligan instituteof technology,iligan city, philippines correspondence: queeniepearl.tomaro@g.msuiit.edu.ph citation: palomares, p.p.,cadutdut, d. e. d., amod,f.p.,&tomaro,q.p.v. (2021). determining the motivations for politicalparticipation among. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government& politics), 12 (1).35 -61 article hi story: receive d: 2020-12-23 revision: 2021-01-14 accepted: 2021-01-15 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121127 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8124-7045 mailto:queeniepearl.tomaro@g.msuiit.edu.ph https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8124-7045 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6662-5888 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3332-9390 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5343-6113 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 36 actions and conducts of various actors are driven by reasons or interests which makes the inquiry of motivations an imperative. the youth is an integral part of the society. however, youth is often excluded in the political proceses. kabataan. the sangguniang kabataan is a platform re established under republic acts no. 10742 known as sangguniang. kabataan reform act. the purpose for its establishment is for youth representatives to implement programs and influence decision-making. however, political science has little to say to the question as to why some people don’t participate in politics whilst others do; this is due to the neglect of political science to inquire the plain origins of human motivations; furthermore, political engagement is a manifestation from the inventory of all conceivable activities that humans partake in (wuttke, 2016). therefore, just like any activities, humans have the tendency to be driven by certain motivations to engage in it. this study aimed to determine what motivated the elected members of the sangguniang kabataan to run for public office. it is of vital importance to inquire as to what motivated the sangguniang kabataan offi cials to run for positions in sangguniang kabataan, as motiva tion are driven by interests or reasons that direct their behav ioral trajectories with regards to their extent of political partici pation. motivational studies on political participation are less explored. in order to bridge that gap, this studyemploys a theory of motivation studies known as self-determination theory., this theoryis widelyrecognized in other fields of social sciences, es pecially in educational psychology (wuttke, 2016). however, it is poorly utilized in the study of political behavior. this study fo cuses on the domain of motivational studies to address the gap between the study of political participation and motivations. this study attempted to provide fresh perspective on why youth par ticipate in politics in the context of elected sangguniang kabataan officials within the locale of iligan city, lanao del norte, philippines.the purpose ofthis studyis to determine the extent jurnal studi pemerintah an of motivation and political participation and the relationship of 37 the extent of motivation for running in elections and the ex tentofpoliticalparticipation ofthe sangguniang kabataan (sk) officials for running for office. thus, the study revolves around two central inquiries:(1) to what extent are the motivations and political participation of the elected sangguniang kabataan officials in running and working for public office? (2) to what extent is the relationship between the extrinsic and intrinsic motivation with political participation? literature review existing studies on youth leaders in the philippines have mainly focused on the perspectives of the ordinary youth and sangguniang kabataan (sk) leaders regarding their perceptions about citizenships, and its implications towards the relevance of civic engagement (alampay and angeles, 2012). youth have been revered in studies to have the creativity and the immense potential to stimulate growth (balanon et al., 2007). they play pivotal role in achieving development in both the local and national levels (ravanilla, 2015); (alampay & ange les, 2012). however, youth’s participation remains limited and in different areas of policy process. there’s limited youth par ticipation in war on drugs-related processes (mutiarin et. al, 2020) and there is limited youth participation in peace processes as well. under the republic act 10742, commonly known as the sangguniang kabataan reform act of 2015, the youth in every village are represented byanelected council consists mainlyof a chairperson and seven members, all of whom shall be elected by the youth members of the katipunan ng kabataan, with two appointed officials, namely the secretary and the treasurer. the sk chairperson automatically sits in the sangguniang barangay (village council) as an ex officio member and also as the chair of the committee on youth and sports of the village council. every chairperson also has the right to be elected to the presi vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 38 dency of the sk national federation (sknf) from the provin cial assembly of all sk chairs. while in formal political processes, youthareprovidedwiththese spacesandwhilethese spacespro vide youth the opportunity as public servants, the quality of public service they provide rest upon the manner of service from the public servants (moner & tomaro, 2018). the manner of ser vice is contingent upon the motivations of leaders in running for public office. this study dwells on the domain of motivation studies in political participation among the youth; more specifically, this study sought to determine the motivation or what energized the current sangguniang kabataan official to run for office. as (wuttke, 2016) emphasized, there isaneedtostudypsychologi cal aspect in political engagements in the wake of the cognitive revolution in which the social sciences have gradually replaced ‘needs’ with ‘goals’ and ‘expectancies’ as prevailing motivational concepts. exploration on intentions behind political support towards policies such as war on drugs (mutiarin et al., 2020) heeds the call for psychological analysis in political science. in order to grasp the idea of what motivates people to engage in a particular activity, we turn to a theory of motivational studies and psychology which was developed by(richard m. ryan and edward l. deci, 2000) known as the self determination theory. according to (ryan and deci, 2000), as cited in the study of (lilleker and kocmichalska, 2016), motivation, in self-deter mination theory, is the interplay between external persuasion and personal attitude towards a specific action. self-determina tion theorydifferentiates between diverse types of motivation in the basis of distinct reasons or goals that stimulate an indi vidual into action (ryan & deci, 2000). the mostbasic distinc tion of motivations in self-determination theory are intrinsic motivation, which is the partaking into an activity because it is inherently satisfying or enjoyable rather than for some sepa rable consequence, and extrinsic motivation, which refers to a construct that pertains whenever an activity is performed this is jurnal studi pemerintah an in order acquire some separable outcome. 39 intrinsic motivation is rooted from the desire to satisfy the innate psychological needs for competence and autonomy, whereas extrinsic motivation is primarily caused by a desireto achieve a reward which is instrumental (ryan & deci, 2000). however, extrinsically motivated behavior can vary in the ex tent to which they are self-determined. (ryan and deci, 2000) has identified four types of extrinsic motivation that vary de pendingon the extent to whichtheyare self-determined orclose to being intrinsic, these are: (1) external regulation – performed to satisfy external demand or obtain external reward – is the least self-determined; (2) introjected regulation – caused by feel ing of pressure in order to avoid guilt or to attain ego-enhance ments or pride; (3) identified regulation – the value of the activ ity is identified and accepted as a regulation bythe individual as his or her own – is more self-determined; and (4) integrated regulation – when identified regulation fully assimilates to the selfwhichoccursthrough self-examination andbringnewregu lation into correspondence with the individual’s other values and needs, which is the most selfdetermined out of all the extrinsic motivation. self-determination theory is considered to be a standard theory of social sciences that has a multiplicity of application and has been widely used on religious behavior, volunteering, pro-environmental behavior, exercising, prosocial action, edu cational achievements, motivation at work or health related behavior, and though it has inspired a broad variety of research in many fields it was largely neglected in the study of political behavior (wuttke, 2016). conceptual framework figure 1 shows the conceptual framework of this study. this study identified the demographics of the elected sangguniang kabataan (sk) officials firsthand. by determining the extent of motivation of these officials, this study identified what drove vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 40 them to run for office in the sangguniang kabataan elections. this study also determined the extent of political participation of the elected sangguniang kabataan. finally, thedetermined if a correlation exists between the extent of motivation the elected sangguniang kabataan officials and the degree to which they participate in politics. figure 1 conceptual framework (adopted from the theory of self-determination by richard m. ryan and edward l. deci, 2000) informed by the theory of (ryan and deci, 2000), this study operated under the following hypothesis: h1: there is a positive relationship between the intrinsic motivation of the sanggu nia ng ka bataan officials and their political participa tion. h2: there is a positive relationship between the extrinsic motivation of the sanggu nia n g kabataan officials and their political participa tion. research methods this paper is a quantitative research of sk council in se lected barangays in iligan city exploringthe socio-demographic profile, the level of political participation of the sangguniang kabataan council and the type and extent of motivations they had for running in the sangguniang kabataan election. as such, the study determined correlation between the level of political jurnal studi pemerintah an participation of the sangguniang kabataan officials and their 41 type and extent of motivation with regards to participating in politics. the study used the likert scale of agreement survey in itspursuit of identifyingtypesofmotivationforpolitical partici pationamongthe sangguniang kabataanofficials(n= 78). this paper also utilized quantitative data analysis on the gathered data from the survey. quantitative data analysis includes the calculation of frequencies of variables and differences between variables. in identifying the relationship between the level of politicalparticipation ofthe skcouncil andtheirrespectivetype of motivation in participating in politics, regression analysis was used. this study used the likert scale of agreement survey ques tionnaire and including basic demographic survey questionnaire as a research instrument for gathering data necessary for the study. the demographic survey consisted of questions regarding gender, parents’ educational attainment, family political history, andfamilyincome of therespondents. the likert scaleofagree ment surveyquestionnaire uses 5-point scale of agreement with thenumber 1 representing strongdisagreement, 2 representing disagreement, 3 representing uncertainty, 4 representing agreement and 5 representing strong agreement to the ques tions regarding their reason or motivation for participating in politics. furthermore, another set of questions were asked ac cording to their level of political participation, with 1 represent ing never, 2 representing seldom, 3 representing sometimes, 4 representing very often and 5 representing always. the survey questionnaires were given to each sangguniang kabataan offi cial in thisstudy. the descriptive statistics was done with the aid of statistical package for the social sciences or spss, a computer software designed for statistical analysis of social science dataanalysis. this is to ensure the accurate analysis of data and to avoid computa tionerrors forreliability. thereliabilityof the questionnaire was assessed through determining the coefficient of cronbach’s vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 42 alpha. a minimum of 0.70 is needed to indicate the reliability and validity of the constructs (nunnally,1978). in order to get the regression analysis, the measurement was doneusing smartpls 3, a software with graphical userinterface for variance-based structural equation modeling using the par tial least squares (pls) path modelling method. result and discussion in all quantitative studies, theimportance of reliabilityanaly sis is crucial. cronbach’s alpha or coefficient alpha (cronbach, 1951) is certainly one of the most important and pervasive sta tistics in research involving test construction and use (cortina, 1993). cronbach alpha is one of the most commonly reported reliability estimates in the language testing literature (brown, 2002). cronbach’s alpha is a measure of internal consistency, that is, how closely related a set of items are as a group. it is considered to be a measure of scale reliability (ucla, 2016). cronbach’s alpha is a convenient test used to estimate the reli ability, or internal consistency, of a composite score (statistics solutions, 2014). technically speaking, cronbach’s alpha is not a statistical test – it is a coefficient of reliability (or consistency) (ucla, 2016). the general rule of thumb is that a cronbach’s alpha of.70 and above is good,.80 and above is better, and.90 and above is best (statistics solutions, 2014). the researchers conducted a pilot survey to test the reliabil ity of the questionnaire. table 1 shows the results of the cronbach’s alpha. the results are obtained using the statistical package for social sciences (spss). given the results below, it is clear that the questionnaire is reliable. all of the items are above the general rule of thumb of.70. most of the variables tested have cronbach’s alphas of more than.80 which means that all items have better reliability. jurnal studi pemerintah an 43 table 1. results of cronbach’s alpha cronbach’s alpha reliability type political participation .838 better extrinsic motivation .842 better integration .838 better identification .786 good introjection .726 good external regulation .786 good intrinsic motivation .880 better competence .822 better curiosity .752 good enjoyment .722 good figure 2. pie chart on gender socio-demographic profiles of the sangguniang kabataan officials in iligan city of all the respondents, 47.4% are male and 52.6% are fe male, comparatively. this means that most of the respondents are female constituting 41 out of the 78 respondents (see figure 2). in the father’s highest educational attainment (see figure 3), 58.5% are college graduates or at least on the college level, 33.8% are high school graduates or at least on the high school level, vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 44 5.2% only graduated on elementary or at least studied in el ementary level and 2.6% have a post-graduate degree figure 3. pie chart on father’s highest educational attainment on the other hand, in the mother’s highest educational at tainment (see figure 4), half of the total respondentsanswered that their mothers studied up until high school, 42.3% are col lege graduates or at least studied in college, 6.4% have a post graduate degree and 1.3% studied up until elementary. figure 4. pie chart on mother’s highest educational attainment on the monthly income (see figure 5), more than half (52.3%) of the total respondents answered that their parents’ monthly income is below p10,000, 26.9% answered p10,001 to p20,000, 6.4% answered p30,001 to p40,000, 10.2% answered jurnal studi pemerintah an p20,001 to p30,000 and p50,001 to p70,000 and 2.6% answered 45 above p100,000. this shows that most of the sangguniang kabataan officials are in the lower income class. figure 5. pie chart on parents’ (added) monthly income lastly, the researchers asked the respondents as to whether or not they have a family political history. 84.6% of the total respondents answered no, and 15.4% answered yes (see figure 6). figure 6 pie chart on family political history out of those respondents who answered yes, 54.5% answered that their uncle or aunt ran for public office, 27.3% were un able to answer and 18.2% answered that their father ran for public office (see figure 7). vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 46 on the other hand, on the position their parents/relatives ran for, 72.7% ran as barangay councilor and 27.3% ran as barangay captain, mayor, and congressman collectively (see figure 8). figure 8 pie chart on the positions the parents/relatives ran for motivations of the sangguniang kabataan officials in iligan city central the aim of the study is to analyse the motivations of the sangguniang kabataan officials in iligan city. this deter minedifthe sangguniang kabataan officials are extrinsicallyor intrinsically motivated in running for public office. according to the self-determination theory (ryan & deci, 2000), there are four types of extrinsic motivation. these are: external regu lation, which is performed to satisfy external demand orobtain figure 7. pie chart on parents/relatives who run for public office jurnal studi pemerintah an external reward, and is the least self-determined; introjected 47 regulation, which is caused by feeling of pressure in order to avoid guilt or to attain ego-enhancements or pride; identified regulation, which the value of the activity is identified and ac cepted as a regulation by the individual as his or her own, and is more self-determined; and integrated regulation, which is when identified regulation fully assimilates to the self which occurs through self-examination and bring new regulation into corre spondence with the individual’s other values and needs and is the most self-determined. these four types of extrinsic motiva tion were measured in this study. figure 9. responses to extrinsic motivation (integration) a. sangguniang kabataan officials’ extrinsic motivation most of the respondents showed positive responses to all the statements regarding the integration type of extrinsic motiva tion. with a cumulative frequency of about 84% for “agree” and “strongly agree”, it simply indicates that the respondents ran for public office because they believe that important issues need to be solved immediately and around 88% “agreed” and “stronglyagreed” thattherespondents ranas skofficial because they wanted to implement a program that would benefit the vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 48 society and to enforce a policy for the betterment of the com munity. results also showed that around 11% of all therespon dents showed uncertainty and only about 3% did not ran for public office because they wanted to solve an issue or to enforce a policy (see figure9). synonymous to the previous type of extrinsic motivation, most of the respondents also showed positive responses regardingthe identification type of extrinsic motivation. with a cumulative frequency of 94%, most of the respondents “agreed” and “strongly agreed” that they ran for public office because they wanted to improve their leadership and communication skills. furthermore, 81% “agreed” and “strongly agreed” that joining the sk would improve their social capital and could hone their skills that would help them in their career choice. around 7% were uncertain and around 5% did not ran for public office to improve their leadership and communication skills, or to im prove their social capital and to hone their skills (see figure 10). figure 10. responses to extrinsic motivation (identification) unlike the previous extrinsic motivations, there were mixed responses regarding the introjection type of extrinsic motiva tion. 25% of the respondents “strongly disagreed” and “disagreed” that they were influenced by their parents and peers to run for public office. 26% were “uncertain” that they were convinced jurnal studi pemerintah an by their parents and peers to run. however, majority of the re49 spondents“agreed” and “strongly agreed” that theywere influ enced to run for public office. despite of this, 79% of the re sponses “agreed” and “strongly agreed” that they wanted to make their families, relatives and peers proud, about 11 sangguniang kabataan officials were “uncertain” and 6.4% “strongly disagreed” and “disagreed” to the statement that they want to make the important people of their lives proud (see figure 11). figure 11. responses to extrinsic motivation (introjection) figure 12. responses to extrinsic motivation (external regulation) tantamount to the previous extrinsic motivation (introjec tion), there were also mixed responses regarding the external regulation type of extrinsic motivation. 22% of the respondents “strongly disagreed” and “disagreed” that they ran for public office because theywant to gain rewards and privileges that come with being an sk official and 28% were “uncertain”. nevertheless, vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 50 majority of the respondents “agreed” and “strongly agreed” they wanttogain rewardsand privilegesthat come with beingan sk official, with 50% cumulative frequency (see figure 12). in assessing all the extrinsic motivations, they are more lean ing on the integration and identification type of extrinsic moti vations which is close to intrinsic in nature. this result echoes the findings of the study of civic engagement wherein the sub ject of the study was found to be motivated more bytheir beliefs and specific civic issues that the youth are passionate about, as well as motivation associated with self-enhancement (ballard, 2014; ballard,2015). b. sangguniangkabataanofficials’intrinsicmotivation intrinsic motivation, as explained in the theory, is rooted from the desire to satisfy the innate psychological needs for com petence and autonomy, whereas extrinsic motivation is prima rilycaused byadesire toachieve a rewardwhich isinstrumental (ryan & deci, 2000). in this study, intrinsic motivation was measured into three types, namely, competence, curiosity and enjoyment. most respondents believe that theyare competent that is why theyran for public office. with a cumulative frequency of about 81%, most respondents “agreed” and “strongly agreed” that they are capable and responsible public servant. about 15% were “uncertain” that they have the capability to be a public servant and only about 4% “strongly disagreed” and “disagreed” that they are capable and responsible (see table 6). synonymous to the previous intrinsic motivation, most of the respondents showed positive responses, presentingthatthey ran for public office out of curiosity. about 83% “strongly agreed” and “agreed” that they ran for public office because wanted to try being a public servant and serving their fellow youth. about 11% showed “uncertainty” of this indicator and only about 6% showed “strong disagreement” and “disagreement” that they were curious about public service (see figure 14). jurnal studi pemerintah an 51 figure 14. responses to intrinsic motivation (curiosity) tantamount to other intrinsic motivations, most of the re spondents also showed positive responses to all of the statements regarding the enjoyment type of extrinsic motivation, provided that they ran for public office because they solely find it enjoy able to become a public servant. 81% of all the respondents “agreed” and “strongly agreed” that they enjoy being a youth representative and feel happy being a public servant and 13% showed “uncertainty”. on the other hand, 6% do not enjoy being a youth representative (see figure 15). in comparing both motivations, the sangguniang kabataan officials are bothintrinsicallyandextrinsically motivated, but is more leaning on the intrinsic motivation. in analyzing the ex trinsic motivation of the sangguniang kabataan officials, they figure 13. responses to intrinsic motivation (competence) vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 52 are more leaning on the more self-determined type of extrinsic motivation, namely integration andidentification. this result is synonymous to the findings of study that stated one of the significant drivers of participation of youth in sk programs is self-enjoyment of feelings of fulfillment. figure 15. responses to intrinsic motivation (enjoyment) figure 16. forms of participation political participation of the sangguniang kabataan officials in iligan city this section measured the political participation of the sangguniang kabataan officials. in this study, this refersto theact by the youth of running in elections to gain public offices, active information seeking, consultation such as openly expressing ideas in public fora, and active involvement in decision making processes. in this study, political participation is measured into how informed they are, how do they consult and how involved they are. jurnal studi pemerintah an figure 16 above shows the responses of the respondents to53 wards their political participation. regarding on information, about 4% of the responses “never” discuss and social and politi cal issues on social media. on the consultation part, about 4% “never” participate inanyforaorpolicyrecommendations, 16% “seldom” join these, 42% “sometimes” partake in these activi ties, 33% do take part in these events “very often” and 5% “al ways” join these fora and surveys about policy recommendations. lastly, on the involvement of these officials, only about 3% of all the respondents answered that they “never” participate in workshops and training programs that could help develop their skills, 5% “seldom” partake in these activities. overall, the abovementioned results tell us that the sangguniang kabataan officials have an average to high levels of political participation because most of these officials do take part and participate in these political activities, mostly sometimes to very often. this supports the findings of (tomaro and mutiarin, 2019) on the high levels of political engagement of youth people. relationship between the motivations and political participation of the sangguniang kabataan officials in iligan city in this section, the relationship between the motivations and political participation will be measured using regression analy sis. regression analysis is a statistical method that allows to ex amine the relationship between two or more variables of inter est. th process of performing a regression allows one to confi dently determine which factors matter most, which factors can be ignored and how these factors influence each other (vilela, 2018). the analysis was done through the use of smartpls 3 as a quantitative tool. average variance extracted (ave) is a measure to assess con vergent validity. similar to explained variance in exploratory factoranalysis (efa), average variance extracted is theaverage amount of variance in indicator variables that a construct is vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 54 managed to explain. (igi global, 2019). in order for a variable to be significant, the average variance extracted must be above 0.5. this study used pls algorithm in order to get the r-square of every indicator statement. in essence, the pls algorithm is a sequence of regressions in terms of weight vectors. the weight vectors obtained at convergence satisfy fixed point equations. table 10. measurement model1 items loadings a aveb crc rho_ad cronbach’s alphae intrinsic com1 0.773 0.571 0.943 0.941 0.930 motivation com2 0.726 com3 0.810 com4 0.800 cur1 0.811 cur2 0.598 cur3 0.850 cur4 0.814 enj1 0.829 enj2 0.802 enj3 0.578 enj4 0.605 extrinsic exr2 0.591 0.528 0.923 0.933 0.909 motivation exr3 0.623 ide1 0.854 ide2 0.759 ide3 0.645 ide4 0.839 inj4 0.639 int1 0.791 int2 0.692 int3 0.768 int4 0.811 political co3 0.722 0.521 0.896 0.880 0.867 participation co4 0.622 in4 0.585 iv1 0.740 iv2 0.772 iv3 0.798 iv4 0.807 iv5 0.698 jurnal studi pemerintah an the initial pls algorithm stated that the r-square some of 55 theindicator statements arebelow 0.5 (see table 10),thus, some oftheindicator statementswasremoved. also, theaverage vari ance extracted on the political participation variableis below 0.5 as well. thus, in order for the average variance extracted to be above 0.5, the indicator statements of the variable below 0.5 willberemoved. sincealloftheindicator statementswereabove 0.5, the lowest r-squares were removed. after removing the lowest r-squares, the average variance extracted was above 0.5 (see table 11). table 11. construct reliability and validity according to pls algorithm cronbach’s alpha rho_a composite reliability average variance extracted extrinsic motivation 0.909 0.933 0.923 0.528 intrinsic motivation 0.930 0.941 0.940 0.571 political participation 0.867 0.880 0.896 0.521 in order to determine the relationship of extrinsic and in trinsic motivation of the sangguniang kabataan officers to their political participation, this study used bootstrapping in order to determine the p-values usingthe software smartpls 3. accord ing to the software, bootstrapping is a nonparametric procedure that allows testing the statistical significance of various pls-sem results suchpathcoefficients, cronbach’s alpha, htmt, and r² values. the p-value tells which relationships in a model are significant (frost, 2019). table 12. path coefficients of the extrinsic and intrinsic motivation original sample sample mean standard deviation t statistics p values extrinsic 0.094 0.123 0.194 0.484 0.629 motivation intrinsic motivation 0.584 0.588 0.189 3.094 0.002 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 56 table 12 shows the p-values of extrinsic and intrinsic motiva tion. the table explains that only the intrinsic motivation hasa significant effect to political participation with a p-value of less thanthe significance level of 0.05. accordingto (frost, 2019), if the p-value is less than the significance level, the sample data provide sufficient evidence to conclude that the regression model fits the data. this supports the self-determination theory be cause according to the theory, intrinsic motivation, morelikely, increases the likelihood to engage in an activity rather than ex trinsic motivation (ryan & deci, 2000). this result is consistent with the study of political participation which finds that intrin sic motivation is associated with active information seeking online (losier, perreault, koestner, and vallerand, 2001). it isalsocon sistent with the findings that in terms of youth participation in sangguniang kabataan programs, intrinsic motivation such as feelings of fulfillment was determined to be among the signifi cant drivers of political participation (peregrino, 2014). this result is also consistent with findings of other fields of study such as sports wherein being intrinsically motivated to participate in sports or physically activity is associated with height ened participation on that activity (lauderdale, yli-piipari, irwin and layne, 2015; standage, duda, and ntoumanis, 2005; teixeira, carrca, markland, silva, and ryan, 2012). a study about motivations in online and offline spheres of political participation may help explain why extrinsic motiva tion does not exert a significant effect on political participation. accordingly, extrinsic motivation is more affective in online sphere of political participation as it is more concerned with fitting in (lilleker & koc-michalska, 2016). meanwhile, most of the identified levels of political participation of the sk officials happens more offline (active participation in public consulta tions and fora, and decisions making processes such as annual meetings). furthermore, why extrinsic motivation does not ex ert significant effect on political participation may be explained by the higher levels of intrinsic motivation compared to their jurnal studi pemerintah an extrinsic motivation; as intrinsic motivation is associated with 57 increased internalization of values and behavioral regulations (associated with a sense of personal commitment) which leads to greater persistence, more positive self-perceptions, and bet ter quality of engagement (ryan & deci, 2000). in the philip pinecontext, the youtha popularlyperceive skofficialsas hav ing self-serving reasons in their service and being no different thantraditionalpoliticians(traitsofhavingextrinsicmotivation) (peregrino, 2014). however, the findings of this studyis in con trastwiththese popularperceptionsof skofficials, asitisshown that the sk officials in iligan city is more affected by intrinsic motivation (associated withasense of personalcommitment) in their political participation. table13. r-square of political participation r-square political participation 0.445 table 13 showsthe r-square ofthepoliticalparticipationvari able. only 44.5% can be explain by this study’s model. the re mainder 55.5% can be explained by external factors such as parenting styles (wuttke, 2016; fox, scholar & timmerman, 2016). among the external factors that may contribute to this study’s model are the spheres or platform of political participa tion wherein it was found that offline political participation was associated more with feelings of fulfillment (lilleker & koc michalska, 2016). furthermore, socio-economic status may in fluence decision-making as significant relationship between socio economic status and motivation are apparent in other fields of studysuchaseducation(bergerand archer, 2015; bodovskiand youn, 2011; garriot et al., 2013; johnson mortimer, 2011; mccoy et al., 2015; salinas and jimenez et al., 2010, as cited by sheehy-skeffington and rea, 2017). vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 58 conclusion motivation is a significant factor in determining the levels of participationoractivityamongindividuals. asa partofthebroad repertoire of activities that people engage in, political participa tion is also affected by the extent of motivation an individual hasfortheactivity. fourconclusionsmaybedrawninthisstudy, firstly, the sangguniang kabataan officials subjected to this study were determined to consist mostly of females than males with more; they were also determined to have parents with an educa tionalattainment of college level; theywere mostlybelongingto low-income households; and finally, most of them were de termined to not have relatives with political history or back ground. secondly, the sk officials in this studywere found to be more intrinsically motivated when they ran of public office than they are extrinsically motivated. the third conclusion that can be drawn from this study is that the sk officials in this study were found to participate in politics frequently through active information seeking on social issues, active participation in pub lic fora and consultations, and active participation in key deci sion-making process. finally, the findings of this study are con sistent with the theory of self-determination which posits that being intrinsically motivated to engage in an activity leads to a more participative engagement. this study concludes that when it comesto political participation amongthe sk officials, intrin sic motivation towards participating in politics is significantly associated and affective towards theact of information seeking, active participation in public fora and consultations, and being active in decision-making processes. significant strides with regards to the inquiry of cognitive concepts such as motivation, and its influence to political par ticipation have been made in the previous literatures and in the findings of this study. the emergence of intrinsic motivation to be stronglyrelated to political participation, the development of intrinsic motivation through civic education, leadership de velopment, and political education must be given strong focus jurnal studi pemerintah an by educational institutions. for future researches, a need for 59 expansion in this field of study is still necessary in order to broaden the knowledge of this subject matter. as this study fo cuses more on quantitative analysis, it is recommended for fu ture research to utilize qualitative research methods or a combi nation of both in the inquiry of how cognitive concepts such as motivations affect the degree of political participation among the youth. also, it is the recommendation of the researchers that future research endeavors with regards to the subject matter of motivation forpolitical participationto utilize othertheoriesof motivation or behavior such as expectancy value theory forwarded by martin fishbein. further, for future research en deavors, it is recommended to study different locales. if possible, a comparative or nationwide study of motivation for political participation is recommended. references alampay, e., & angeles, l. 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http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 143 of 165 political strategy in local elections: study of bandung municipality mayor in the 2003 and 2008 elections abstract this study aims to analyze the political strategies of candidates in the 2008 bandung mayoral election. the research location is in bandung municipality, west java province. the research uses qualitative methods. the results of the study show that the candidates used political strategies to win the election. those who acted as patrons won in the indirect election elected by the regional house of representatives (dprd) of bandung in 2003. dada rosada was a very influential figure in bureaucrat and government even though his party ranked third in the election. politicians used political network strategy to convince the partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan (pdip) and the partai amanat nasional (pan) which were in first and second positions. the post-reform political strategy was different from the pre-reform, which was determined by the center. hence, the role of politicians was decisive in the 2003 bandung mayoral election which elected by the regional house of representatives. in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, dada rosada used political network strategies to convince political elites and social network strategies to gain support and sympathy from the bandung residents because it was directly elected by them. keywords: politics, capitalization of hatred, hate spin, mass mobilization abstrak penelitian ini merupakan nganalisis strategi politik kandidat dalam pemilihan walikota bandung 2008. lokasi penelitian di kota bandung, provinsi jawa barat. pada penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa para kandidat menggunakan strategi politik untuk memenangkan pemilihan. mereka yang bertindak sebagai pelindung menang dalam pemilihan tidak langsung yang dipilih oleh dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah (dprd) bandung pada tahun 2003. dada rosada adalah tokoh yang sangat berpengaruh dalam birokrat dan pemerintahan meskipun partainya menempati urutan ketiga dalam pemilihan. politisi menggunakan strategi jaringan politik untuk meyakinkan partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan (pdip) dan partai amanat nasional (pan) yang berada di posisi pertama dan kedua. strategi politik pasca reformasi berbeda dengan pra-reformasi, yang ditentukan oleh pusat. oleh karena itu, peran politisi sangat menentukan dalam pemilihan walikota bandung tahun 2003 yang dipilih oleh dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah. dalam pemilihan walikota bandung 2008, dada rosada menggunakan strategi jaringan politik untuk meyakinkan para elit politik dan strategi jejaring sosial untuk mendapatkan dukungan dan simpati dari penduduk bandung karena dipilih langsung oleh mereka. muslim mufti email: muslimmufti@uinsgd.ac.id department of political science uin sunan gunung djati bandung indonesia history received : june 6th, 2019 revised : june 20th , 2019 accepted : july 14th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: mufti, muslim. 2019. political strategy in local elections: study of bandung municipality mayor in thr 2003 and 2008. jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(2). 143-165 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:muslimmufti@uinsgd.ac.id jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 144 of 165 introduction the system of indonesian direct or indirect regional elections has either advantages or disadvantages. the direct regional election system involves a large number of public participation that makes the elected leaders more legitimate. while the positive side of indirect elections (elected by local parliament) relatively do not require substantial funding in the election process (widodo, 2015). the direct regional head election is considered as the best solution in realizing local democracy in indonesia because the previous elections elected by the regional house of representatives were unable to answer people's trust, especially in the new order period (agustino and yusoff, 2010). several studies investigated the strategy for winning an election. one of them is the work of gautama (2008), which explicitly explains the strategy of winning direct elections. gautama explains comprehensively about the strategy of winning a direct election, both in the presidential, legislative, and regional head elections. theoretically, he explains about how the winning strategy should be arranged and how it was carried out by considering the political environment, such as social, economic, and cultural organizations. more comprehensive work had been written by herry (2008), regarding the key to success in winning direct elections. although his work is practical, it presents the praxis needed to launch the strategy of winning the elections. the study is considered to be theoretically deductive as it relies on logical reasoning rather than on factual data as formal scientific work. therefore, empirical testing is needed so that it can obtain empirical support to legitimate its scientific nuance rather than fiction tendencies. edwin (2005) seems very pessimistic about the development of democratization in the region due to the factor of money politics. elected candidates are those who can provide more funds than others, so it is hard to get a clean leadership. another related study is the work of haris (2004), the 2004 election: opportunities for the consolidation of democracy, or traps of "status quo" politics? in one point of the conclusion, it is stated that the behavior of elites and the quality of the policies produced are more aimed at preserving the political status quo rather than towards emerging better democracy, as well as clean and responsible governance. this conclusion then promotes the notion that in the end, people's hopes for the creation of a more responsible government, through a more democratic political mechanism, still cannot be achieved. in this context, a question arises whether or not the issue is created by the role of the elite who deliberately manipulates the situation to attract the maximum support from the voters without thinking of the impact or indeed an inevitable fact that people still prioritize material needs rather than democracy. there is a little difference between urban and rural areas. in rural areas, the pattern of power relations that binds the elite (community leaders) and the community is still solid. as found in the research conducted by kristiadi (1996), it was concluded that “community leaders, both formal and informal, are treated as role models”. thus, the variable of role model and political party identification issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 145 of 165 more determine than flow variables. widjaja (1982) promotes that such conclusions are in line with anderson's view, "the pattern of leadership in indonesia is closely related to social structures that are divided into the elite-mass dichotomy". the social disparity between the lower and upper-class communities forms a social order that is functionally related to existing social status. the leader is the source of initiative, while the community is considered as supporters who must follow what the leaders decide. another scientific work, which is related to the role of the bureaucracy and has been considered to distort the electoral process in indonesia, is nurliah nurdin and andy ramses m, neutrality of civil servants in elections (2009). it accepts the need for neutrality so that the bureaucratic process can be regulated and the elections can be free from the political change. this paper can be a guide to the 2008 regional head election process in bandung municipality. dada rosada utilized the bureaucracy under the incumbent's control to win the 2008 bandung mayoral election. even though at the national level, bureaucrats were no longer involved in elections, like what occurred in the new order era, but there were indications that in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, they were used to support the victory of dada rosada. candidates victory in the general election is influenced by various factors, such as political networks owned by parties supporting the coalition, social capital owned by candidates, capabilities and track records, and programs offered. it is also affected by the financial capabilities of the candidates and their supporters for carrying out campaign activities and buying votes. in this financial aspect, there was a signal about the closeness of dada rosada with entrepreneurs operating in bandung. it later became the mainstay for the success of the 2008 post-conflict local election. specific mass organizations, as well as dada rosada, have close relations with several entrepreneurs in bandung. dada rosada succeeded in building a coalition model to gain majority support in the regional house of representatives. although the drive to join a coalition was not always the same for every party, the desire to control the majority votes in the regional house of representatives and win votes in the election was a decisive determinant for building coalition solidity and integration. there was a similar interest from political parties who were members of the coalition, although ideologically they were different, namely how to win dada rosada as mayor of bandung for the second time. the inclusion of the two islamic parties namely the pan and the pbb into a broad coalition promoted by the golongan karya party and the pdip showed that the ideological aspects were ruled out by the two parties in supporting the coalition of dada rosada. related to scientific works that discuss the winning of a candidate in the regional head election mentioned above, there is not much discussion about the role of candidates in utilizing political, social, and financial networks. for this reason, specialized studies are needed. the previous work does not issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 146 of 165 explicitly discuss the roles and capabilities of candidates in the process of winning the election. this research elaborates their roles and capabilities in-depth. anwar arifin in his study, has discussed indepth about the political communication strategy of a candidate in the perspective of communication science. however, in this research they are discussed through the perspective of political science. as stated by almond that political communication is not just a process of communication with political messages but also a part of the political functions of a political system. theoretical framework political strategy as a way to realize political ideals is not only for the victory of the candidates but also for the interests of political parties and society (razaqtiar, 2016). in addition to the strategy through political campaigns, regional government candidates or political parties use political communication to influence other parties and the community to win the candidates (vel et al., 2017). political strategy is defined as a way to mobilize the community to gain victory in the elections. this mobilization is called political marketing. it is done through an excellent campaign to mobilize voters (ediras et al., 2013). according to schroder,2009 a political strategy is a plan for action where the preparation and implementation of a strategy affect success or failure. in this case, schroder explains that the political strategy is divided into two, namely offensive (attack) and defensive (defense) strategies. offensive strategies are always needed, for example, if the party wants to increase the number of voters or if the executive wants to implement a project. all the offensive strategies applied during the election campaign must clearly show the difference among the competing parties to gain votes. political strategies can be carried out in two ways. first, political campaign is used as an offensive base expansion strategy which aims to form new voter groups in addition to the existing voters. second, political implementation is a product offered, namely new politics or rather the benefits generated by the new politics need to be advertised. another theoretical approach used is patron-client theory. when a relation between leaders and community is bound by interests to help each other, or often termed a dyadic relation, a patron-client relationship pattern will be built. the patron acts as a protector, advisor, and guide, while clients play a role in defending the interests of the patron, such as maintaining honor and obeying orders. the relationship between the interests of patrons and clients, which theoretically shows the existence of interdependence (dyadic), in fact tends to place the client's position more dependent on the patron, rather than vice versa. elite theory to explain the position of the patron is shown by dada rosada, the winner of the regional head election. migdal (2001) argues, local strongmen success in mastering important positions and ensuring the allocation of resources because of their influence (own rules) and not because of the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 147 of 165 official rules. according to migdal, there are three arguments explaining the phenomenon of the success of this strong local person: a. local strongmen have developed weblike societies through autonomous organizations they have in a socially fragmented society. b. local strongmen carry out social control through the distribution of components called survival strategies from local communities. it results in a pattern of personalism, clientelism, and patron-client relations. c. local strongmen master the state of agency and resources, so the policy agenda is the result of a compromise with the interests of local strongmen. local strongmen exercise control and limitation on the autonomy and capacity of the state and successfully weaken the state in the process of achieving the objectives of social change. research methodology this study uses a qualitative approach which is motivated by at the least three considerations. first, it is easier to adjust to factual reality. second, its ability to present the nature of the relationship between researchers and informants/respondents. third, it is more sensitive and adaptive to the patterns of value (moleong 1994). the data sources in this study are mainly those involved directly with candidates dada rosada and ayi vivananda at the 2008 bandung mayoral election. they consist of the candidates themselves, the success team, the central figures around dada rosada, and the elite of the bandung municipality, either from parties and community organizations, or other organizations. this study uses qualitative data sources derived from both primary and secondary data obtained from different techniques. both of these data were obtained through: first, in-depth interviews with the speakers and key informants which were carried out through two techniques: (a) free interview technique which was done by asking free questions to the informants; (b) structured interview technique which was conducted by asking a number of questions to the speakers and informants who had been arranged in such a way in the questionnaire. second, structured observation. this method aimed to observe the symptoms that appear related to the problem in this study. third, literature study. it was done by conducting selection and analysis of various written sources and trusted documents related to the research problem, such as research reports, magazines, newspapers, essential documents, and legal regulations. fourth, documentation studies. in this technique, researchers collected written materials related to the research problem. data obtained by qualitative methods, such as interview data, library study data, and qualitative information documentation, were all processed into qualitative data (miles and heberman 1992). the collected qualitative data were then selected, simplified, and then analyzed to find the essence, the main theme, the focus of the problem, and its patterns (goldstein and keohane 1995). furthermore, the qualitative data were analyzed and described using qualitative analysis techniques. in the analysis of the interpretation, the author used a political strategy approach carried out by politicians through the strategy of political networks and social networks. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 148 of 165 result and discussion local political history and political development towards the election of regional head in bandung municipality political history of bandung municipality the bandung municipality was established in the early 19th century ad. in 1810, the capital of bandung regency was moved from karapyak to cikapundung (now bandung city). the capital city of bandung allowed the new capital city to develop. its strategic location, which was located on the roadside of the anyer-panarukan post and in the middle of the priangan residence, and its surrounding land which was very fertile, made it develop in the economic realm. the bandung regent, raden adipati wiranatakusuma iv (1846-1874) was famous as the first architect of the development of the bandung municipality. the plan is known as the plan der negory bandung (archives of bandung municipality 1956). in 1850 a residence and grand mosque pavilion were built. each of these buildings served as an office as well as a regent's house and a public place of worship, which was one of the main conditions for a capital regency at that time. the regency pavilion was located in the south of the square, and the grand mosque was located in the west of the city square. priangan residence was moved to bandung in 1859 because it was considered better than the cianjur municipality as the capital of the priangan regency. the transfer was only carried out in 1864 when the priangan regency was lead by c. vander moore (18-58-1876), thus since then, the municipality of bandungalso became the capital of the priangan regency. at the end of the 19th century, priangan regency oversaw the regencies of bandung, cianjur, sumedang, sukapura (later became tasikmalaya), and limbangan which later became garut regency (ekadjati 1981). ciamis and sukabumi regencies were also included in the priangan regency in 1915 and 1921 respectively. the original ciamis regency included of cirebon and sukabumi regencies originating from cianjur regency. in 1867 a building was built at the priangan residence, located near the preangen hotel which later became the provincial irrigation office. then the priangan residence occupied the pakuan building on otto iskandardinata street number 1 bandung and became the official residence of the west java governor whereas the residence office moved to braga street in the building that is now used by the regional police command viii langlangbuana office. the colonial of the dutch government adopted direct and indirect rules in implementing power in indonesia (suhartono 2000). in the first pattern, the direct rule was regulated in accordance with the governance adopted by the dutch. however, they were not directly confronted with the indonesian people but ruled through their respective regional heads. the position of the lower regent was held by the indonesian people, while the higher was always held by the dutch. whereas for the indirect rule, the government was run by the local king, and in carrying out administration the king obtained concessions from the dutch government. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 149 of 165 in the early 20th century, the dutch government granted autonomy to its colonies in indonesia to implement the decentralized system they just had adopted. for this reason, gemeente was established in 1950 in several cities as an autonomous institution. with the formation of the gemeente, several central government jobs and authorities were handed over to the gemeente. it had to arrange its affairs over time. bandung gemeente was formed on april 1, 1906, together with the formation of the cirebon gemeente, based on the decree of the governor-general j.b. van heutz on february 21, 1906, or the state sheet of 1906 number 121. at the time the japanese occupied bandung municipality, based on the law osamu no. 7 and 28 in 1942, the japanese military government divided the java island into 17 residencies. they appointed raden duke aria wiranata kusumah as an advisor who accompanied the priangan resident colonel matsui. in addition, the residency council was formed consisting of three departments, namely the department of public administration (naizibu) led by y aneha, the ministry of economy (kaizibu) led by m. hayashi, and the police department led by g. kokawa. so, all departments were led by japanese people. on the advice of raden adipati, aria wiranatakusumah raden priangan katsui appointed raden ating atmadinata to become the mayor of bandung municipality (bandungshico). meanwhile, raden yusup was appointed as the chief of the priangan residency police until the japanese military government surrendered to the allies. the first mayor of bandung after the independence of the republic of indonesia was raden ating atmadinata. he was replaced by syamsurizal two years later. the third mayor was ukar bratakusumah. syamsurizal became the mayor of bandung replacing raden ating atmadinata who at the same time served as chairman of the indonesian national committee of bandung. at his request, raden ating atmadinata left his position because of illness. since november 1, 1945, syamsurizal became the official mayor of bandung concurrently as the chairman of the indonesian national committee of bandung. originally appointed as a replacement for raden ating atmadinata was ir. ukar bratakusumah. however, he was kidnapped. hence, the position was handed over to samsurizal. after the independence of the republic of indonesia, bandung municipality was controlled by british and dutch troops causing the resistance of bandung residents. the resistance was famous for the bandung lautan api (bandung sea of fire) incident. the condition of bandung became increasingly precarious because of numerous weapons clashes between bandung residents and british soldiers. based on this situation, the commander of the 23rd division of the british army general hawthorn reported to his commander in chief in jakarta that he intended to occupy the entire bandung municipality. after the bandung lautan api incident, the mayor of bandung, syamsuridzal, who lived and had an office in the house owned by suria kartalogawe often commuted from garut to yogyakarta because there was no real work and he felt less suited to the task. in the end, he submitted a request to quit when he was issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 150 of 165 in yogyakarta, resulting in a leader vacuum. to fill the vacuity and to accept the return of the bandung municipality government from the dutch, it was necessary to re-arrange the municipal government of the republic of indonesia. ukar bratakusumah was then appointed to become the mayor of bandung with a residence in garut (ekadjati 1981). to accept the return of bandung municipality, the government not only prepared the structures and personnel of the government but also a regional revenue and expenditure budget to rebuild the municipality after it was scorched. however, all the preparations could not be completed because the dutch did not surrender bandung municipality, but it launched an attack on garut with its first military aggression in july 1947. the next phase after successfully defending the independence was the emergent of rebellions in various regions in indonesia. after the rebellions were successfully resolved, then in the 1960s political parties (pni, masyumi, nu, pki, and parkindo) and community organizations such as labour union and farmer union played an essential role in the course of politicizing the bandung residents. mayors of bandung from the early period to the reform as a big city, bandung has had mayor who is in charge since the dutch colonial era. mayors in this municipality had a significant role in fighting for indonesia's independence. especially in the famous event namely the bandung lautan api, where bandung residents participated in burning the area to avoid colonialism and invasion from enemies or invaders who returned to indonesia. the names of the mayors of bandung from the early period to the reform are presented in the following table. table 1. list of mayors of bandung no. mayor’s name tenure period of regime 1 e. a. maurenbrecher 1906-1907 dutch government 2 r.e. krijboom 1907-1908 dutch government 3 j.a. van der ent 1908-1909 dutch government 4 j.j. verwijk 1909-1911 dutch government 5 c.c.b van vleiner 1911-1912 dutch government 6 b. van vlenier 1912-1913 dutch government 7 bertus coops 1913-1920 dutch government 8 s.a. reitsma 1920-1928 dutch government 9 ir. j.e.a. van volsogen kuhrt 1928-1934 dutch government 10 mr. j.m. wesselink 1934-1936 dutch government issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 151 of 165 11 n. beets 1936-1941 dutch government 12 r.a. atmadinata 1941-1945 japan colony-independence 13 r. syamsurizal 1945-1947 independence transition 14 ukar bratakusumah 1947-1949 independence transition 15 r. enoch 1949-1957 independence transition 16 r. priatna kusumah 1957-1966 independence transition / old order 17 r. didi djukardi 1966-1968 old / new order 18 r. hidayat sukarmadidjaja 1968-1971 new order 19 r. otje djundjunan 1971-1976 new order 20 h. utju djoenaedi 1976-1978 new order 21 r. husein wangsaatmadja 1978-1983 new order 22 h. ateng wahyudi 1983-1993 new order 23 wahyu hamidjaja 1993-1998 new order 24 h. a.a. tarmana 1998-2003 new order / reform 25 dada rosada 2003-2013 reform 26 ridwan kamil 2013-present reform source: history of bandung municipality period of independence revolution 1945-1950, sadjarah bandoeng tempo doeloe, development of dignified bandung municipality 2008. since the period of the dutch colonial to the reform, the mayor of bandung was the highest position in the municipality which had gone through various political processes in his appointment. during the new order, the position of mayor was held by the military and cadre of golongan karya party. it was because the regime exercised strict control of the change of leaders at the local level. with a centralized system of government and substantial control over the region, the new order regime was able to become the only single force that controlled the political power of bandung municipality. the mayor who served during the new order was a cadre of the regime who came from bureaucrat and military background. it was because the military power and bureaucrat were the primary foundation to maintain power at that time. political strategy of the 2003 bandung mayoral election the 2003 bandung mayoral election reflected bandung local politics post-reform. this election was dominated by the forces of local charismatic elites who came from bureaucrats, academics, and entrepreneurs. politics of bandung municipality was formed through power relations that occurred among issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 152 of 165 these elements. with the mastery of this network, control of power in this municipality could be more open and easy to obtain. the 2003 bandung mayoral election was the first regional election held after the reform. it was elected by the regional house of representatives. it was the first post-reform election to apply such a mechanism. therefore, it had experienced a difference. 1. political strength in the 1999-2004 bandung mayoral elections in the 1999 elections, the elected candidates of the bandung municipality for the period of 19992004 numbered 45 people. this number was the result of adjustments to the balance of the population in bandung following the applicable law. in the 1999 elections, the pdip won the most seats by occupying 14 seats in the regional house of representatives of bandung, eight seats for the pan, six seats for the golongan karya, three seats for the ppp, one seat for the pks, and five seats for tni-polri. pdip dominated the regional house of representatives of bandung with 14 seats. it was followed by the pan with eight seats, six seats for the golongan karya, five seats for the pbb, five seats for the tni-polri, four seats for the ppp, two seats for the pkb, and one seat for the pks. as a political party with the highest number of seats in the regional house of representative of bandung, pdip controlled political power in the bandung municipality legislature. however, it received the second position in the bandung municipality administration, by placing jusep purwaganda as the prospective vice mayor of bandung, to accompany dada rosada. dada rosada as a candidate for mayor of bandung from the golongan karya won the third position in the election. it happened because his figure was very influential in bureaucrat, government, and politicians. he had a level of popularity above other candidates, and even the pdip candidate should volunteer to occupy the second position (secretariat of regional house of representatives of bandung regency, 2003). 2. political constellation of bandung municipality in the 2003 bandung mayoral election, competition among the three pairs of candidates was very sharp and tight. they were dada rosada and jusep purwasuganda, a.a. tarmana and hilman, and r.m. sugih and iwan ridwan. the competition occurred between dada rosada, who was a former regional secretary and was fired by the mayor of bandung, with a.a. tarmana who was then became the mayor of bandung when dada rosada was fired. dada rosada-jusep purwasuganda were supported by nationalist political parties, while a.a. tarmana-hilman were supported by islamic political parties and the tni-polri faction, and r.m. sugihiwan ridwan were supported by islamic political parties. it was not only a competition between dada rosada and a.a. tarmana, but also involved the elite of the golongan karya and the tni-polri, because in reality not all indonesian police factions supported a.a. tarmana. therefore, in the post-reform election, there was a competition between the candidate a.a. tarmana and bureaucrats. it indicated that the influence of the new order was still active and it raised strong partners from bureaucrats who issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 153 of 165 were tni-polri or golongan karya cadres 3. the 2003 bandung mayoral election in the 2003 bandung mayoral election, the three pairs of candidates were h. dada rosada and h. jusep purwasuganda, h. a.a. tarmana and h. hilman, and sugih wiramikarta and iwan ridwan armansyah. dada rosada's background was a bureaucrat in the bandung municipality administration, whose last position was the regional secretary. the influence of elite bureaucrats was still powerful. table 2. background of candidates in the 2003 bandung mayoral election no candidate’s name background of career 1 h. dada rosada, s and drs. h. jusep purwasuganda bureaucrat-member of house of representatives 2 h. a.a. tarmana and drs. h. hilman, mh. mayor-member of house of representatives 3 drs. h. m. sugih wiramikarta and ir. h. iwan ridwan entrepeneur-humanist source: documentation regional house of representatives of bandung the three pairs of candidates for the 2003 bandung mayoral election had various political backgrounds. as non-incumbent candidates, dada rosada and jusep purwasuganda received the support from the golongan karya and pdip, a.a. tarmana and himan were supported by the ppp and pkp meanwhile sugih wiramikarta and iwan ridwan were supported by pkbb. the epicenter of local power and bureaucrats in dada rosada's figure was apparent in this election. it was due to the closeness of his figure to the bandung residents, bureaucrats, and the various achievements he made in developing the municipality. table 3. candidates and the parties of the 2003 bandung mayoral election no candidate the bearer political party 1 h. dada rosada, s and drs. h. jusep purwasuganda golkar, pdip, pan 2 h. a.a tarmana and drs. h. hilman, mh. ppp, partai keadilan dan persatuan 3 drs. h. m. sugih wiramikarta and ir. h. iwan ridwan pkbb source: documentation of regional house of representatives of bandung the golongan karya proposed the candidates for mayor and vice mayor of bandung for the period of 2003-2008, namely dada rosada and jusep purwaganda, on the grounds of dada rosada: (1) was a person who had bureaucratic experience in the bandung municipality government; (2) had managerial skills in the field of government; (3) understood the problems of the municipality both in the fields of issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 154 of 165 government, development, and society; (4) had integrity and a strong commitment to building bandung municipality, especially towards improving the welfare of the locals. meanwhile, jusep purwaganda: (1) was a figure of a politician who had experience at the local and national level; (2) understood the political life of bandung municipality and had broad political access, both vertically and horizontally; (3) had experienced in the legislative field in bandung municipality and at the national level; (4) his views on urban development were oriented to the interests of many people. the pdip had appointed dada rosada and jusep purwaganda as the candidates of mayor and vice mayor of bandung, on the grounds of dada rosada: (1) had long experience in bureaucracy; (2) had a vision and mission for the future development of the bandung municipality; (3) was familiar with the situation and conditions of bandung municipality with all its problems. meanwhile, jusep purwaganda: (1) had been a member of the 1992-1997 bandung regional parliament level ii as the chairman of the faction and at that moment served as a member of the house of representatives of republic of indonesia; (2) was familiar with the situation of bandung municipality with all its problems (interview with ayi vivananda in 2016). the ppp set and announced a.a. tarmana and hilman as the candidates of mayor and vice mayor of bandung for the period of 2003-2008 with the following reasons: (1) the bandung municipality had special characteristics in the lives of its people, it needed to be led by two poles that live in the same society, namely the nationalist religion; (2) a.a tarmana’s leadership had been tested, with the creation of a conducive atmosphere in the bandung; (3) during the leadership there had been a harmonious atmosphere between religious communities in bandung. the pks gave reasons for its support for a.a. tarmana and hilman as follows: (1) the results of a public dialogue conducted by the pkp received a good response; (2) the results of the a.a. tarmana's independent team assessment obtained a value of 77.50; (3) results of aspiration recapitulation of mayor and vice mayor of bandung, until the screening stage ii obtained the best and highest results compared to other prospective candidates, with much support from the bandung residents (4.529); (4) the figure of a.a. tarmana was simple, had insight and experience in the field of government, had charismatic and authoritative. he had many friends and wealth, loyalty and high social, especially to poor people. he was smart in earning money and generous. he was also honest and open (transparent), forgiving and not vindictive, aspirational, and heard input from others, expressly occasionally seemed fierce. the 2003 bandung mayoral election was won by dada rosada and jusep purwasuganda. the results revealed that dada rosada-jusep purwaganda got three votes, a.a. tarmana-hilman got 16 votes, and sugih wiramikarta-iwan ridwan also received three votes. the victory of dada rosada-jusep purwaganda was not much different from the predictions of the observers at that time. it was because they not only had a high level of popularity and electability both in bandung municipality bureaucrats and the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 155 of 165 bandung residents but also controlled the majority of bandung's political elite networks and controlled over the bandung bureaucratic structure. it was evidenced his greatness in gaining support from major parties, namely the golongan karya and pdip. table 4. details of the 2003 votes for the bandung mayoral election no candidate vote 1 h. dada rosada, s and drs. h. jusep purwasuganda 26 2 h. a.a. tarmana and drs. h. hilman, mh. 16 3 drs. h. m. sugih wiramikarta and ir. h. iwan ridwan 3 total votes 45 total invalid votes overall total 45 source: documentation of regional house of representatives of bandung municipality the number of voters in the 2003 bandung mayoral election was 45 who were the members of the regional house of representatives. dada rosada and jusep purwasuganda received the highest vote with 26 voters, followed by a.a tarmana and hilman with 16 votes, and sugih wiramikarta and iwan ridwan with three votes only. it indicates that all members of the regional house of representatives used their voting right. in short, the election is good. the election did not face significant obstacles because it was only attended by the three pairs of the candidate who got support from the political parties. however, considering that it was the first election after the reform, the influence of significant political parties was very decisive. it did not experience significant changes in the context of politicians. it was different from the context of winning strategies model that experienced significant changes. it happened because the previous election was elected by the regional house of representatives in which the decision was in the central government, namely the president. however, the election was directed at the legislature, where each of the members had the freedom to make his choice. political parties participating in the bandung election process in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, several parties that received seats in the parliament were the pks, pdip, golongan karya, partai demokrat, pan, ppp, pbb, and partai damai sejahtera. when the election would take place, these parties conducted political communication to nominate cadres to become mayor or vice mayor. table 5. political parties participating in the 2008 bandung mayoral election no political parties seat acquisition of the regional house of representatives 1 partai keadilan sejahtera (pks) 11 2 partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan (pdip) 7 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 156 of 165 3 partai golongan karya (golkar) 6 4 partai demokrat 6 5 partai amanat nasional (pan) 6 6 partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) 4 7 partai damai sejahtera (pds) 3 8 partai bulan bintang (pbb) 2 source: bandung regional election commission, july 2004 among the eight parties participated in the 2003 election, only two pairs of the candidate nominated in the 2008 election. they were taufikurahman-abu sauqi from pks and dada rosada-ayi vivananda from the coalition of the seven parties (pdip, golkar, partai demokrat, pan, ppp, pds, and pbb). these were the nominees for the mayor and the vice mayor of bandung municipality in the 2008 mayoral election. recruitment process for participants in the 2008 bandung mayoral election a. the nomination process of dada rosada and ayi vivananda the election process for dada rosada-ayi vivananda was inseparable from the golongan karya and pdip. these two parties previously had a coalition in the 2003 mayoral election. five other parties, namely partai demokrat, pan, pbb, ppp, and pds provided input, suggestions, and criticism in the process of recruiting candidates. in the golongan karya internal election process, dada rosada was appointed directly as the sole candidate based on various internal surveys. it showed that the majority of the bandung residents wanted him to be the mayor of bandung for the period of 2008-2013. due to these reasons and considerations, the golongan karya reappointed him as the candidate for mayor of bandung. meanwhile, for the vice mayor, pdip agreed with the coalition to appoint ayi vivanan. finally, the coalition parties registered the two candidates to the general election commission of bandung. b. the nomination process of taufikurahman and abu sauqi pks, the non-coalition party, agreed to appoint taufikurahman-abu sauqi as the candidates for mayor and vice mayor in the 2008 bandung mayoral election. these candidates were formed through selection within a communication. communication in this context involved the role of elites, administrators, and cadres of the pks. this party conducted screening on candidates by implementing an open mechanism, both for internal and external cadres. it allowed anyone to become the candidate for mayor and vice mayor in the bandung mayoral election. likewise, it had the principle of allowing cadres to choose anyone who was considered appropriate, including cadres of other political parties or those from other regions. cultures that have been built at the pks were nominated (interview with tedi rusmawan in issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 157 of 165 2016). for this reason, the pks through the regional election election team conducted screening on cadres to become candidates for mayor and vice mayor. to find qualified candidates for the election, the pks conducted a selection of several people who were considered to have the capacity. taufikurahman agreed to become the candidate for mayor. based on the results of the screening, pks requested his willingness to become the candidate for the head of the pks stretcher area. he accepted it as the mandate of his political party that should be carried out responsibly (interview with taufikurahman in 2016). pks also chose deni triesnahadi and abu sauqi as the candidates for the mayor of bandung. the selection factor of abu sauqi was more on the historical side and figure. the pks faction members often communicated directly with abu sauqi. whereas, deni triesnahadi was considered to have capabilities, morality, and community who were expected to increase the votes. c. recruitment process of independent candidates independent candidates were increasingly discussed after the indonesian parliament ratifies the second revision of law no. 32 of 2004 concerning regional government dated april 1, 2008. one of the crucial changes of the law is to allow individual candidates or independent candidates to participate in the regional head elections. after being approved, the president of the republic of indonesia promulgated it through law no. 12/2008, signed on april 28, 2008. the election commission of bandung municipality responded to the ratification by giving a positive signal for the participation of the independent candidates. the election stages for mayors decided by the election commission of bandung were immediately changed to accommodate the new rules through the plenary meeting on may 6, 2008. although the technical rules had not been completed, the election commission allowed the independent candidates to participate in the election. the statement was confirmed by chairman of the election commission abdul hafiz anshary at the end of april in bandung. at that time, he promised to immediately issue the official technical rules to verify the independent candidates (interview with tedi rusmawan 2016). the regional head election process in indonesia was not only participated by candidates who were supported by political parties. however, there are several candidates took part in the elections which were not supported by political parties. in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, there were several pairs of the candidate, namely indra perwira-dedi haryadi, hudaya prawira-nahadi, eddy kusmayadirahmat riyadi, asep ridwan-gagan margana, syinar budhi arta-arry akhmad arman, and farhat abbas-asep dedi. the backgrounds of the independent candidates were academic, practitioner, and activist movement. d. participants in the 2008 bandung mayoral election the individual participants of the 2008 bandung mayoral election are as follows: 1). drs. h.e. hudaya prawira and nahadi, s.pd., m.pd., m.sc. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 158 of 165 2). synar budhi arta and arry akhmad. 3). drs. ahmad setiawan, akt and drs. mamat rachmat, m.sc. 4). drs. hrm. sugih wiramikarta and djoni garyana, se. of the four pairs of individual candidates, those who went to the next round were drs. h. e. hudaya prawira and nahadi, s.pd., m.pd., m.sc. verification of the number of collected and valid identity cards by the bandung election commission was a decision that finally stated hudaya and nahadi as an independent partner in the 2008 bandung mayoral election. several other independent candidate pairs were considered, by the bandung election commission, not to collect minimum stipulated conditions. hudaya and nahadi turned out to be an independent candidate pair who passed verification in the 2008 bandung mayoral election after receiving support from 72.613 identity cards before registering in the bandung election commission. the community supporting the winning of dada rosada in the winning process carried out by the team, a tribal volunteer network was formed as many as possible to strengthen the community of the bandung mayoral election, both from religion and specific segments of society, such as accessible voters and professional workers. dada rosada’s community formed a volunteer team at each district so that they could socialize and campaign for dada rosada and ayi vivananda. the head of the dada rosada and ayi vivananda success team stated (interview with the success team leader asep dedi ruyadi) that dada rosada was an incumbent candidate. their most significant capital was their popularity, which was almost 100%. with the great support from the golongan karya, pdip, pbb, pd, pan, ppp, and pds, the chance to win the election was enormous. these candidates were also supported by many organizations, such as persis, muhammadiyah, nu, and fpi. the bandung mui unofficially also supported them, marked by the support of its chairman and several scholars. this support had brought dada rosada and ayi vivananda to the victory of the 2008 bandung mayoral election with 65% votes. with so much support in this period, dakwah could be done to support dada rosada and ayi vivananda. this dakwah was carried out by islamic organizations such as dakwah islamiyah council. they asked 215 dai and dai'ah (islamic preachers) to fill out socialization in various dada rosada’s programs both those that had been implemented and those that would. in addition to the islamic organizations, he was also supported by community organizations of the coalition parties such as ampi, kosgoro, mkgr, amd, taruna merah putih, which certainly had a large mass in each district and even village. they were all recruited to support the victory of dada rosada and ayi vivananda. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 159 of 165 models of political campaign strategy there are several models of political campaign. first, componential model in which the campaign is identified by the transmission approach rather than the interaction and this model is more one-way. second, ostergaard's campaign model, where the first step for campaign sources is to identify the actual problems, then do the campaign. this model ends at the stage of directing audience behavior. third, the five functional stages development model which focuses on the stages of campaign activities, not on the process of exchanging messages between candidates and audiences. fourth, the communicative functions model that starts from surfacing (mapping) and then mapping the campaign area. the primary stage is to focus the attention of the audience on the candidate. the final stage is the selection stage which is carried out when the campaign is over. in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, a series of political campaign activities were carried out to win the election. political campaigns were carried out through various forms of activities, both activities that are directly descended from the community and through media (venus 2007). dada rosada and ayi vivananda implemented the fourth model, namely the communicative functions model. dada rosada had conducted surfacing in his previous tenure (2003-2008). this political campaign aimed at providing a positive image to the community. during this period, he took advantage of his momentum and position as the mayor of bandung to gain public sympathy and also mobilize political forces. in each road, alley, and ditch improvement programs carried out by the bandung government, he always visited the locations and met the community in person. after being present in every infrastructure development program, he was also diligent in attending every social and religious meeting carried out by the government and the people of bandung. one of the examples is the tabligh akbar held by the community of the ujung berung district in order to enliven the islamic new year 1428 hijriah, on january 10, 2008. to mobilize local forces, while serving as the mayor of bandung, dada rosada also held frequent meetings with religious, community, youth and media figures. one of the activities carried out was a meeting with 14 islamic organizations and providing grant assistance to them, as well as providing assistance to education and prosperity for operational needs. furthermore, his very spectacular breakthrough when he was the mayor of bandung in the 2003-2008 period was the success of seven priority programs in the view of the people of bandung. the seven priority programs were smart bandung, healthy bandung, prosperous bandung, green bandung, bandung art and culture, bandung achievement, and religious bandung. these programs were reported by almost all local media in bandung with positive and essential leadership of dada rosada. some of the facts above indicate that the surfacing stage was indirectly carried out by dada rosada while serving as the mayor of bandung. with these facts, the campaign about the appearance of figures with positive images became easy to implement, although all of the things described above are part of the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 160 of 165 government's duties. "mr. dada rosada can be said as an incumbent candidate. as a candidate for incumbent, i think it is very common when facing the elections, government apparatus will be maximally pushed to carry out their duties, and the budget will be increased for development and social assistance. all of that is, of course, to attract public sympathy and maintain the good name of the leader. it was also done by dada rosada while serving as the mayor of bandung, and i think that is normal. the maximization of the program, in my opinion, is not the politicization of bureaucracy (interview with asep dedi ruyadi in 2016). the position as the mayor of bandung became the dominant factor in supporting the process of imaging and raising local elites as part of the winning process. in addition to the easy positive image to be built through programs funded by the state, local political forces also become easier to control and collaborate to participate in the process of winning the election. in addition, political capital as a mayor eased dada rosada to participate in the election and get the support from political parties in the 2008 bandung mayoral election result of the 2008 bandung mayoral election the 2008 bandung mayoral election which took place on august 10, 2008 became the first election for the people of bandung. the previous election was elected by the regional house of representatives of bandung. of the three pairs of the candidate, two of them came from political parties and a coalition of political parties. meanwhile the last was independent. candidates of the 2008 bandung mayoral election based on the serial number: 1. h. dada rosada, sh., m.si and ayi vivananda, sh. 2. dr h. taufikurahman and h. abu sauqi 3. drs. h.e. hudaya prawira and nahadi, s.pd., m.pd., m.si the first pair of candidate, dada rosada and ayi vivananda, was supported by a coalition of six political parties, namely the golongan karya, pdip, partai demokrat, ppp, pan, and pbb. these candidates received the most support from the parties who were the members of the regional house of representatives of bandung. they were supported by 34 members. the 34 members consisted of six from the golkar party, seven from pdip, six from the partai demokrat, six from the pan, four from the ppp, three from the partai damai sejahtera, and two from the pbb. pks in the 2008 bandung mayoral election appointed the second pair of candidate namely taufikurahman and abu sauqi. they would previously be supported by partai demokrat and pan. however, prior to registration, it turned out that both of the political parties supported dada rosada and ayi vivananda. pan, which was previously successful in coalition with the pks in the 2008 west java regional head election, where a cadre of the pks namely ahmad heryawan paired with dede yusuf, a issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 161 of 165 cadre of the pan, succeeded in becoming governor and vice governor of west java for the period of 2008-2013. in the 2008 bandung mayoral election, the two candidates were merely proposed by one party namely the pks. it was because the pan shifted its support to dada rosada and ayi vivananda. although taufikurahman and abu sauqi were only supported by one party, they were able to participate in the 2008 bandung mayoral election because the pks had 11 members in the regional house of representatives of bandung. it met the minimum requirements to be the nominee for the election, which was 15% of the total members of the regional house of representatives. the last pair of the candidate in the 2008 bandung mayoral election was independent candidates namely hudaya prawira and nahadi. the independent candidates in a regional head election in indonesia are based on the law of the constitutional court decision. the constitutional court issued a decision of the constitutional court number 5/puu-u/2007 concerning an independent/individual pair based on lulu ranggalawe's complaint, regarding law no. 32 of 2004 concerning regional government which contradicted the 1945 constitution. hudaya and nahadi could not immediately follow the 2008 bandung mayoral election process. they had to fulfill the minimum requirements of receiving support from 3% of bandung residents or approximately 69.000 people in the form of an identity card. the 2008 bandung mayoral election took place on august 10, 2008. the election commission provided 3.843 polling stations throughout bandung. around 1.521.362 bandung residents participated in the election. meanwhile, there were 6.873 people registered by the bandung election commission as voters from other polling stations. the election commission conducted a recapitulation on september 15, 2008. the recapitulation results provided data on the results of votes for each pair of the candidate, as well as the comparison between the residents of bandung who participated in the election with those who did not. of the total 1.528.235 voters, 69.49% or around 1.062.934 of them used their voting rights. the amount included invalid votes due to a technical error during the voting. meanwhile, the number of voters who did not participate reached 30.51% or 466,301 people. these data revealed that the abstention rate was still high. it was not in accordance with the target set by the bandung election commission in which around 80% of voters would participate in the election (secretary of the bandung election commission council 2008). the results of the votes recapitulation obtained by the election commission at the 2008 bandung mayoral election declared that the winner was the pair of dada rosada and ayi vivananda. therefore, they would be the mayor and vice mayor of bandung for the period of 2008-2013. they received 64.98% or 667.026 votes of the total valid votes. taufikurahman and abu sauqi received 25% or 263.711 votes. meanwhile hudaya prawira and nahadi received only 9.3% or 95.728 votes. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 162 of 165 table 6. details of the 2008 bandung mayoral election legitimate acquisition of the 2008 bandung mayoral election no. 1 dada rosada and ayi vivananda no. 2 taufikurahman and abu sauqi no. 3. hudaya and nahadi election commission district valid votes % valid votes % valid votes % total sukasari 20.375 64% 8.001 25% 3.482 11% 31.858 coblong 25.986 54% 16.665 35% 5.180 11% 47.831 babakan ciparay 40.187 73% 9.892 18% 4.652 8% 54.731 bojongloa kaler 40.193 72% 10.338 19% 5.057 9% 55.588 andir 27.147 63% 10.896 25% 4.754 11% 42.797 cicendo 25.829 64% 10.565 26% 3.863 10% 40.257 sukajadi 28.784 67% 10.082 23% 4.205 10% 43.071 cidadap 15.836 69% 5.013 22% 1.997 9% 22.846 bandung wetan 7.867 62% 3.297 26% 1.481 12% 12.645 astanaanyar 23.386 70% 6.603 20% 3.620 11% 33.609 regol 22.662 64% 8.819 25% 3.732 11% 35.213 batununggal 35.514 65% 13.768 25% 5.540 10% 54.822 lengkong 17.161 58% 9.672 32% 2.964 10% 29.797 cibeunying kidul 31.444 63% 14.143 28% 4.467 9% 50.054 bandung kulon 39.915 73% 10.283 19% 4.752 9% 54.950 kiaracondong 35.976 63% 16.116 28% 5.389 9% 57.481 bojongloa kidul 26.276 76% 5.708 17% 2.512 7% 34.496 cibeunying kaler 17.772 61% 9.125 31% 2.365 8% 29.262 sumur bandung 8.503 66% 4.549 30% 2.073 14% 15.125 antapani 17.621 55% 11.367 36% 2.995 9% 31.983 bandung kidul 14.483 66% 5.570 25% 1.943 9% 21.996 buah batu 23.006 60% 11.217 29% 3.943 10% 38.166 rancasari 18.837 61% 9.398 31% 2.578 8% 30.813 arcamanik 16.263 61% 8.184 31% 2.079 8% 26.526 cibiru 21.471 70% 6.677 22% 2.352 8% 30.500 ujung berung 21.371 67% 8.289 26% 2.369 7% 32.029 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 163 of 165 gede bage 8.367 58% 4.645 32% 1.367 10% 14.379 panyileukan 8.962 58% 5.320 35% 1.044 7% 15.326 cinambo 7.061 71% 2.253 23% 578 6% 9.892 mandalajati 18.771 66% 7.256 26% 2.395 8% 28.422 jumlah 667.026 65% 263.711 26% 95.728 9% 1.026.465 source: technical sub-section and public relations of regional election commission of bandung after the recapitulation was completed, the open plenary meeting of the mayor and deputy mayor of bandung for the 2008-2013 period was held. it was done by signing the minutes of the open plenary meeting of the bandung election commission no. 43/pw/ba/viii/2008 concerning the determination of elected pair of the candidate in the 2008 bandung mayoral election. following article 107 paragraph (1) law no. 32 of 2004 and article 95 paragraph (1) of government regulation no. 6 of 2005, that the candidate pair of regional head and regional vice head who obtained more than 50% votes of the total valid votes are designated as elected candidate pair. based on the statutory provisions above, there is a pair of the candidates who obtained a valid vote of more than 50% of the total valid votes, namely dada rosada and ayi vivananda who obtained 64.98% or 667.026 valid votes from total valid votes of 1,026,465. thus, dada rosada and ayi vivananda won the 2008 bandung mayoral election. the victory made dada rosada continued his position as mayor of bandung for the second time, while the position of vice mayor of bandung was occupied by a new person namely ayi vivananda. for dada rosada, the success of running a position as mayor of bandung for the second period was the highest position for a bureaucrat as he was able to become the highest administrative power leader in the bandung municipality. conclusion this research is unique because it reveals several facts related to the use of different political strategies and election formats carried out by the same figure. this study aims to analyze the political strategies of the candidates in the 2008 bandung mayoral election. the political and social strategies undertaken by the 2003 and 2008 direct and indirect mayoral election winners was carried out by dada rosada. his victory was supported by several factors, namely the party coalition, the social network, and the political communication through mass media and campaigns all of these factors contributed positively to the victory of dada rosada and ayi vivananda, although there was a more decisive main factor, namely dada rosada as a political figure in the 2008 election. his position as incumbent allowed him to be better prepared to compete with newcomers. he could take advantages of all the resources available in government, including bureaucratic networks even though it was illegal. in the case of dada rosada and ayi vivananda, there is an interesting fact because it turned out that the closeness of dada rosada to social power spread in the community both in mass organizations issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 2 july 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.102102 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 164 of 165 and ngos. negative actions taken by political opponents such as problem of structuring street vendors and garbage in urban bandung aimed to prevent dada rosada from winning the election. as if the negative campaigns did not affect the elites and the supporters of dada rosada, they kept the focus on supporting him to win the election. because dada rosada served as mayor of bandung, where he always tried to fight for the interests of the social elite, they were also committed to supporting local government policy at that time. a pattern of symbiotic mutualism relationships that have been built between the two, although in a pattern of appropriate relations between the leader being led, between the customer and the patron, where he acts as a protector and the social elite is placed as a client. in this relationship pattern, dada rosada's position greatly benefits because she can use her position to gain their support in the election. references agustino l, yusoff ma. 2010. local election and regional expansion in local democracy in indonesia: local strongmen and roving banditd. malaysian journal of history, politics & strategic studies. issn 2180-0251. herry, ahmad (2008), about the key to success in winning the direct local election. wijaya, albert. 1940. political culture and economic development, (jakarta, lp3es, 1982). rifai, amzulian. 2003. money politics in regional head elections. venus, between. 2007. campaign management theoretical and practical guidelines for effective communication campaigns (bandung: publisher of simbiosa rekatama media, 2007), pp. 12-26. file on the process of election of mayor of bandung city 2003-2008 term. documentation sub-section trial section of the bandung city dprd secretariat 2003. edwin, donni. 2005. direct elections: regional democratization and myths of good governance. university of indonesia research center. ekadjati, edi s. 1981. history of the city of bandung from the 1945-1950 independence revolution period, secretary of the city of bandung, 1981, page 15. in regoeringsalmanak voor nederlandsch-india, ii, 1894, p. 154-166. j. kristiadi. 1996. election and voter behavior in indonesia, prisma 3, march 1996, p. 87. moleong, lexy j. 1994. qualitative research methods. bandung: pt. teens rosda karya, 1994, p.5 matthew b. miles and a. michael huberman, qualitative data analysis. jakarta: ui press, 1992, p. 1-2 migdal j. 2001. state in society: studying joe states and societes transform and constitute one another, cambridge university press 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"structure, process and function of general elections: preliminary notes", in syamsuddin haris (ed.), suing the new order election, (obor indonesia-ppw-lipi foundation, jakarta). widodo w. 2015. the election is based on the principles of democracy and pancasila values. civis scientific journal, volume v, no 1. goldstein, yudith and robert o. keohane. 1995. the ideas and foreign policy: beliefs, institutions and political change ”, ithaca-london: cornell university press. ediraras dt, rahayu da, natalina a, widya w. 2016. political marketing strategy of the jakarta governor election in the 2012s. journal of procedia social and behavioral sciences 81 (2013) 584 588. law-making as a strategy for change: indonesia’s new village law. asian journal of law and society, page 1 of 25 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive https://www.amazon.com/ideas-foreign-policy-institutions-political/dp/080148152x https://www.amazon.com/ideas-foreign-policy-institutions-political/dp/080148152x https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/82593474.pdf https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/82593474.pdf https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/asian-journal-of-law-and-society/article/lawmaking-as-a-strategy-for-change-indonesias-new-village-law/43ef3e5a51817d2b53c8fa1786117930 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0186. 187222 religious identity politics on social media in indonesia: a discursive analysis on islamic civil societies jurnal studi pemerintahan 187 ari ganjar herdiansah, luthfi hamzah husin, hendra universitas padjadjaran, indonesia email: ari.ganjar@unpad.ac.id abstract since 2014, religious sentiment in indonesian social media has been increasingly overwhelming. the strong religiosity of society leads to religious packaging to help convey any political articulation in social media mainly conducted by the islamic civil societ-ies. this article examines the political articulation uttered by muhammadiyah, nu, and muslim cyber army (mca) as a representation of the democratization of islamic civil society in responding to the contemporary political situation. using the sentiment analy-sis and discursive analysis, this paper attempts to explain how islamic organizations and groups build discourse and maintain its influence in social media as an alternative tone of political articulation. the results of this study indicate that social media has become a contested space of islamic organizations and group to show their political position upon the government. the more an organization is close to the power the more it tends to reveal articulations that are in line with the government interest. meanwhile, the opposing and incapable groups are securing the social media as a tool to delegitimized the authorities. the use of social media as a tool for political articulation is popular in the democratization among islamic civil society but within the limits of democratic values applied. social media can also be used to strengthen the discourse of religious politicisation that has the potential to contradict democratization itself. keywords: social media, identity politics, civil society, democracy abstrak sejak 2014, sentimen keagamaan di media sosial indonesia semakin luar biasa. religiusitas masyarakat yang kuat mengarah pada pengemasan agama untuk membantu menyampaikan artikulasi politik di media sosial yang terutama dilakukan oleh masyarakat sipil islam. artikel ini membahas artikulasi politik yang diucapkan oleh muhammadiyah, nu, dan muslim cyber army (mca) sebagai representasi demokratisasi masyarakat sipil islam dalam menanggapi situasi politik kontemporer. dengan menggunakan analisis sentimen dan analisis diskursif, makalah ini mencoba menjelaskan bagaimana organisasi dan kelompok islam membangun wacana dan mempertahankan pengaruhnya di media sosial sebagai nada alternatif artikulasi politik. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa media sosial telah menjadi ruang yang diperebutkan organisasi dan kelompok islam untuk menunjukkan posisi politik mereka pada pemerintah. semakin organisasi dekat dengan kekuatan semakin cenderung untuk mengungkapkan artikulasi yang sejalan dengan kepentingan pemerintah. sementara itu, kelompok yang menentang dan tidak mampu mengamankan media sosial sebagai alat untuk mendelegitimasi pihak berwenang. penggunaan media sosial sebagai alat untuk artikulasi politik sangat popu received: february 02, 2018 revised: march 30, 2018 accepted: april 19, 2018 for cite this article please refers to: herdiansah, a. g., husin, l. h., & hendra. (2018). religious identity politics on social media in indonesia: a discursive analysis on islamic civil societies. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(2), 187-222. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0186 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 188 ler dalam demokratisasi di kalangan masyarakat sipil islam tetapi dalam batas-batas nilai demokrasi diterapkan. media sosial juga dapat digunakan untuk memperkuat wacana politisasi agama yang berpotensi bertentangan dengan demokratisasi itu sendiri. kata kunci: media sosial, politik identitas, masyarakat sipil, demokrasi introduction the internet and social media have been a part of indonesian political campaign for more than a decade. recently, most parties and candidates especially those who run for offices at the national level and urban regions use the internet and social media as part of their political marketing. since the victory of joko widodo (jokowi)-basuki tjahaya purnama (ahok) in 2012 jakarta gubernatorial election and jokowi-jusuf kalla in 2014 presidential election, the campaign excellence through social media expertise had become increasingly seen important (ahmad & popa, 2014; tyson & purnomo, 2017). simultaneously, the usage of internet and social media in political contestations was also prevailing among civil societies to engage in discursive power and left pressure to the government. consequently, such complexity made the electoral interests, and public discourse overlapping. meanwhile, since indonesian democracy landscape has changed by the intricacy of social media and social movements, little attention draws on how the islamic civil societies also shape political articulation by the internet and social media. in the 2014 presidential election, for instance, religious sentiments were increasingly overwhelmed in which jokowi was often imaged as an anti-islam figure in various websites and social media accounts (utomo 2013: 67). the cynicism of some islamic groups, especially among conservatives against jokowi in social media continues even to the presidential election was over. the power of using religious impression in social media took a decisive momentum in the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election. when the incumbent and jokowi’s close ally, ahok, was accused of blaspheming quran, the message in social media had rapidly widespread and prompted a wave of mass action from islamic groups during september-december 2016 (herdiansah et al., 2017). the ahok’s depleted electability has helped his contender, anies-sandi who backed by national opposition parties and hard-line islamist groups, won the race. the rivalry in 2017 jakarta gubernatorial has extended the fracture of the pro jokowi’s government and the hard-line islamic groups and communities. political vengeance prevailed after that. the at-torney then prosecuted buni yani, the one who allegedly had broadcasting ahok’s speech in social media. the government also enacted government regulation for substituting law about civil organisation (peraturan pemerintah pengganti undang-undang organisasi kemasyarakatan or perppu of civil organisation) that automatically dissolved hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), an islamic organization that is actively mobilizing their mass in pro-testing ahok’s blasphemy. jokowi, however, sought to convince that he was not ideologically hostile toward islamic elements. in showing that intent, he conducted a tour to islamic board-ing school (pesantren) as well as hold meetings with prominent islamic organizations such as muhammadiyah, nahdlatul ulama (nu), and majelis ulama indonesia (mui). when jokowi exposed confidence to the main islamic organizations, other ‘marginal’ islamic communities tend to strengthen their critical voice in social media. the muslim cyber army (mca) is a virtual community which emerged in the middle of political disrupt and loudly promotes particular framing on socio-political issues as a resistance praxis against the government in twitter. however, both muhammadiyah and nu were not necessarily submissive to the will of the government. through their own twitter account, the two organizations also show distinct position on some social-political issues. for ex-ample, in the case of perppu of civil organization enactment and full day school policy, muhammadiyah and nu perform their definite viewpoint. in assessing the dynamics of religious political life in the contemporary indonesian democracy, this jurnal studi pemerintahan 189 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 190 article tries to explain how islamic civil societies, represented by muhammadiyah, nu, and mca articulate thoughts in the social media especially in the context of the political constellation after 2014. the struggle of islamic organizations or groups by involving themselves in political discourse in social media need to be elaborated in explaining the development of religious and political relations in indonesian democracy. this article highlighted that the existence of the social media has made political articulation is no longer a privilege of organization and group elites that loaded with vested interests. everyone can express their own opinion and share their views with others until it is strong enough to form traditional collective action. online articulation regarding social-political issue by islamic organizations and groups not only show how social media encourage digitally net-work collective action but also empower the marginalised group to engage their collective voice. social media provides an inter-mediary function for islamic civil societies to express opinions openly that could attract media attention, thus fuelling public debate. the capability of transforming digital civic engagement into actual collective action without mediation by political par-ties or other diverse social organizations is the inevitable conse-quence of the social media employment (barisione & ceron, 2017: 78). this article seeks to analyze the findings and discussion according to the following questions: how do the muhammadiyah, nu, and mca articulate their meaning construct on social media regarding social-political issues, and how do they per-ceived jokowi’s government policy that would affect their inter-est? to scrutinise the political articulation of muhammadiyah, nu, and mca in social media, we use laclau’s discursive analy-sis that focuses on what derrida calls ‘difference.’ the theoretical assumption is that every political discourse is always partially constructed and never entirely signifies all meaning structure (laclau and mouffe, 1985). as andersen (2003: 50) argues, laclau’s concept of discourse has two characteristics. first, discourse ought to be distinguished from just a political articula-tion because it is the result of a practice that ‘is capable of differentiating itself from its surroundings.’ second, discourse ought to be also seen as an attempt to construct a fixed relationship between the signifier and signified within any discursivity, such as identity, norm, symbol, subjectivity, and object. therefore, it can be said that discourse ‘is constituted as an attempt to domi-nate the field of discursivity, to arrest the flow of differences, to construct a centre (laclau and mouffe, 1985, p. 112). to observe the discourse’s attempt in constructing a centre, laclau uses lacan’s psychoanalysis by observing point de capiton (nodal points, in laclau’s term) or the centre of discourse, in which he differentiates moment (discursive articulation) and el-ement (non-discursive articulation) (laclau and mouffe, 1985). the moment here can be seen as a set of discursive structure that signifies, for instance, the truth and believe that the conser-vatives claim, the symbol and language they use, and the antago-nism and ‘evil’ they counter. this limited meaning structure, however, results ‘surplus of meaning’ and also ‘dislocation’ as it cannot entirely signify all of the element into a fixed relationship (andersen, 2003). as the element is always undecidable and contingent, every discursive structure will inevitably collapse and re-articulated. for instance, the discursive structure that is constructed in joko widodo’s administration invites some reactions in islamic conservatives, such as the support of widodo’s party to ahok, a christian and of a chinese-decent candidate, in the last jakarta gubernatorial election. the candidacy was indeed criticised and problematized by some islamic conserva-tive, especially after the controversial religion blasphemy com-mitted by ahok. in this regard, the moment can be found in various articulation, especially in social media. as for the research context, the two largest muslim organisations, nu and muhammadiyah, that their influence on state power has been acknowledged (mietzner, 2013; singh, 2003), jurnal studi pemerintahan 191 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 192 become the main spotlight. they have already formed an online vigour to organise better and mobilise the spread of ideas and their struggles in cyberspace. beside those reputable organisations, there is an independent and growing online force, called muslim cyber army (mca) that emerged as distinct voice message than the mainstream organisations. they are thought as fighting for islamic interests which they say are often marginalised. consistently attacking the government, the mca seems to have a secure connection the 212 movement diehards and its islamist counterparts. most of their tweets are contain about global islamic issues such as the palestine and rohingya. the internet and social media have open up articulations with less dependent on the formal organisation or authorised knowledge (milner, 2013), and it will likely bring a new meaning in democratizing islamic civil societies. the discussion will be directed to the comparison of each organisation and the community in response to several issues. the observed period is during 2016-2017 and focuses only on particular issues of concern to the public. the first issue is the case of the blasphemy by ahok that extend to the 212 commemorations by the conservative wings of islamic groups. the issue had drawn the attention of almost all muslim organisations and groups, and the awareness to support muslim leaders in election continually preserved by the hardliners as represented by the mca. the second issue is the imposition of full day school by the government, which in the early period the discourse has been divide nu and muhammadiyah on the diametric position. as a vessel of the traditional islamic school, nu showed a firm rejection of the policy allegedly could threaten madrasah exis-tence. on the other side, muhammadiyah supports the policy as the minister of culture and education, muhajir effendi, come from their rank and hold a responsibility to execute the policy. the last issue being discussed here is the enactment of perppu of civil organisation that on the first effect was the dissolution of hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti) by the government. responding the issue, nu support the policy to uphold national unity, while muhammadiyah gave critical view because they thought it could harm democracy. the mca thought the policy is an intense depiction that the government has abused muslim communities. the response to those socio-political issues reflects the ideologi-cal principles of each organisation or group while struggling to pursue their aims amid the ongoing political constellation. literature review and research focus islamic civil societies in indonesia political spectrum the concept of civil society in indonesia has a character that cannot be equated with the sense rooted in modern western culture. when civil society is characterized as an aggregate of interest of non-governmental institutions and organizations that uphold democratic values, only few civil societies in the country tend to be exclusive and intolerant towards minorities. beittinger-lee (2009) explains that the political contest and state intervention also form the nature of civil society in indo-nesia, so it is necessary to distinguish between real civil society and uncivil society. in the latter case, civilian organizations and groups are grown with semi-military characters and tend to use violence, while the earlier case is defined as always actively pro-moting ‘civility’ culture and reject radicalism. referring to the categorization developed by latif (2005), the prominent islamic civil society in indonesia can be historically divided into two groups: reformist-modernist and traditionalist. the reformist-modernists accept and adopt the progress of western thought, but still preserve its islamic identity. the traditionalists, meanwhile, rejected western view and maintained the traditional religious values. accordingly, the reformist-modernist islamist movement was brought in by muhammadiyah thinkers since 1912 who tried to reform the way to understand and practice islam, while the traditionalist movement was more conserved by the nu movement established in 1926. in its development, the relationship between reformist jurnal studi pemerintahan 193 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 194 modernist islam and traditionalist islam became very fluid, and both tended to accept many western conceptions and thought. for example, some contemporary nu-based thinkers founded the liberal islam network (jil) such as ulil abshar abdalla and luthfi as-syaukanie. in muhammadiyah, there were also emerg-ing liberal thinkers such as syafii maarif, dawam rahardjo, and muslim abdurrahman who found jaringan intelektual muda mu-hammadiyah (jimm). however, those liberal wings had never got significant support from the conservative proponents (bruinessen, 2013). the pivotal stance of muhammadiyah and nu lies in their moderate character that builds democratization and pluralism in the country. however, when almost all scholars agree that both organizations have an ideological view that sustains democracy, tolerance, and national unity, not all members embrace the authentic moderation. hilmy (2013) divided the tendency of monetarism of muhammadiyah and nu members into three typologies: monetarism-radical, moderates-middle ground, and moderates-soft. the radicals tend to be more interested in puritanical islamic ideas, as in the salafist ideology. on the other hand, the moderate-middle ground is inconsistent in applying the methodology. sometimes they feel comfortable using a literal approach to religious doctrine. in other words, even though the two organizations are known for their tolerance and democratic support, there are varieties within the bodies and a degree of inconsistency stances regarding particular social-political issues, which made them uneasy to resemble the western modes of civil society. known for its autonomous, muhammadiyah and nu play an important role in national political praxis. in muhammadiyah, amien rais who was the chairman in 1995-2000, established the national mandate party (pan) in 1998 that intended as a political vehicle for muhammadiyah member. nonethe-less, pan declared itself as an open and nationalist party be-cause they realized the majority of votes were in the middle. consequently, the member of muhammadiyah in regions should compete with others to get positions in the party and raised grievance that weakened the proximity to pan (asyari, sulthan, & saifuddin-jambi, 2007). on the nu side, some prominent elites led by abdurrahman wahid founded the national awak-ening party (pkb) in 1998 as a political channel for the nu. they hold nationalist ideology alongside with ahlussunah wal-jamaah, the fundamental religious principle of the nu (baswe-dan, 2004). despite having the closeness of political party, the political power of muhammadiyah and nu remain pervasive in national politics. their cadres, especially the nu’s, continually hold government positions since the 1950s to the present day (bush & fealy, 2014). besides the two prominent muslim organizations, the categorization seemingly needs to be supplemented by the rising of the new islamic movement in the 80s. the movements, which were inspired by the pan-islamist transnationalism, devel-oped in several public campuses and commenced to dominate campus politics (tomsa, 2012). among them are tarbiyah move-ments, mainly carried out by hti and the harakah tarbiyah (the origin of pks), who used multilevel cell system as its regenera-tion method. what is interesting about the movements is its substantial involvement in politics. after the fall of soeharto regime, the harakah tarbiyah have established an islamist party called the justice party (partai keadilan, or pk) and transformed into pks. they signed the moderation on the surface to catch up electoral votes and played more pragmatist to secure politi-cal incentives. however, they are still running a semi-clandes-tine islamist movement and conduct extra-parliamentary mea-sures at the same time that cause them appear less moderate (tomsa, 2012; buehler, 2013). whereas the hti, who is a part of major asian chapter in the global caliphate movement, even-tually showing their existence as a formal social organization. they insist on rejecting democracy while consistently criticize every government for allegedly its liberalist economy tendency jurnal studi pemerintahan 195 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 196 (osman, 2010). the characteristics of each islamic civil organization affect the political approach that they use. muhammadiyah and nu took advantage of organizational and cultural strength, in which its cadres spread to various political parties, especially pan and pkb, respectively. the diaspora of muhammadiyah and nu cadres in diverse political organizations could be seen as a factor that brings closer accesses to the government. also, with a large number of followers, muhammadiyah and nu can manage mass mobilization that makes the government respects them. theoretically, it is not difficult for both organizations to influence government policies. on the other side, for islamic organizations or communities outside the mainstream, share difficulties in participating in the political process. they often utilized extra-parliamentary methods such as demonstrations and protests in expressing their voice. they also rely on the utilization of religious symbols as an effort to reach the muslim majority’s public sympathy. social media and identity politics in indonesia there are various social media definitions, where some-times one has different categorization than another. for exam-ple, murthy (2012: 1061) defines social media is another form of media that designed to facilitate social interaction, digital media sharing, and collaboration among users. the best example of social media is twitter, where users can have public profiles and broadcast public messages, these messages become aggregated across users, and users can choose whose words to follow but cannot receive their messages. the character of social media is uni-directional, in contrast to social media that is automatically bi-directional. however, sfetcu (2017) depicts social media as an allencompassing media technology comprises of blogs, profes-sional social networks, corporate social networks, social gaming, video sharing and virtual tools. he specifies social network sites as a subset of social media, which is a web-based communica tion platform that allows individuals to expose their relationship publicly and sharing user-generated contents, such as facebook, linkedin, and twitter. in this article’s context, social media refers to digital technology that used to transmit various forms of media or information to other people and let everyone share content that other user can share. therefore, facebook and twitter, which mostly used by prominent indonesian is-lamic organizations and hardliner group to share their materials rather than building networks are treated as social media. media is an instrument to articulate identity-based political interests. in the modern era, mass media provides spaces for the public discourse that enables communities or groups to voice their aspirations or political views in influencing the political process. however, since business and political forces co-opted the mass media, the public discourse purity was being questioned. the internet and social media that were growing in the early 21st century get a remarkable welcome from the public. in indonesia, in 2017 its internet users are one of the largest in the world with 132.7 million or about 50.4 percent of its total population. from various types of social media, facebook and twitter are the most abundant users of 88 million users, or 33.4 percent of the people in indonesia (internetworldstats. com, 2017). the rapid development of social media is in line with the ongoing open democracy. in a pluralist political system that benefit civil societies, social media becomes a means for every marginalized group (or by who feel being marginalized) in narrating their existence and pursuing aims. social media allows micro participation that facilitates individuals who are interested in particular issues. she or he can click the share button on news or other content media and add some opinion if they like to be responded by others. the social or political information that they share in social media are realtime, so the information made visible to others could cultivate digital collectively. the chain reactions are affecting individual lives for whole groups of people who are energizing the poten jurnal studi pemerintahan 197 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 198 cy of collective action (margetts, john, hale, & yasseri, 2016). when the discourse centre on the political issue, social media renders a way for users who share their ideology or opinions to conduct virtual meetings, and sometimes they continue with face-to-face interactions. as akhavan (2013) observes iran in the post-2009 presidential election, the combination of face-toface and social media interaction provides a safe space to cross bor-ders and exchange ideas. the successful movement that driven in virtual space could enlarge political mobilization. in a politi-cal contestation realm, political mobilization could benefit one party and wound the other one or at least give some dynamics to the political constellation. in this circumstance, social media resembles a discursive ‘battlefield’ for political actors or institu-tions who are struggling for their aims. each side tries to bent public opinions, gather board supports, and get the mass media attention that according to their interests. however, the political effort that mediated through an internet-based form of communication, such as via facebook and twitter, are considered marginal and have not significantly affected representative democracy. its lack of boundaries and diffuseness limits political struggle based on social media. the vague situation could lead to the volatility of its goals with no clear and consistent perspective on the method to accomplished the mission (milner, 2013). in the case of social media usage by nu, muhammadiyah, and mca, particular groups that have existed before in the non-virtual world. it is not the collectively or movement that build up inductively from micro participation, but organisations are imposing their stance in the politi-cal realm. to some extent, the ability of those islamic organisations or group to produce collective organisation is tied up to the political power of numbers. according to duverger (1972), it is highly developed techniques of the social organisation a large number of people, educated them politically, mobilise their energies, and channel and direct their actions to create effective political action. nevertheless, the use of social media in such way by religious organisations and groups could also be strengthening political identity. according to the narrative identity theory, conveying stories about them or showing themselves to others in the public is the same with how the identity of a person or groups is performed (whitebrook, 2014: 23). even though in democratic system identity politics is indulged, there are risks because it could lead to the practice that undermines democratic values and social capital, such as advancing their group above the society and celebrating group distinction that determined by religion, ethnicity or race (gutmann, 2003; eisenberg & kymlicka, 2011). political mobilisation based on identity is vulnerable of being utilised as an instrumental vehicle by political elites to pursue their aims (weinstock, 2006). the effectiveness of social media in shaping identity is quite influential in the political constellation. although the statement is debatable, at least the 2014 presidential election indicates that symptom. jokowi-jusuf kalla’s victory, which is perceived as a liberal group, is driven by the mass media oligarchy and the expertise of the unbeaten teams and supporters in utiliz-ing social media facilities (taspell, 2015). their successful cyber teams, such as jokowi ahok social media voluntary (jasmev), could manage to dominate discourse and strengthen jokowi’s electability. the mass media welcome opinions about jokowi’s uniqueness as content that is interesting to be published so that it gives a broader impact beyond the internet users. the fact that jokowi-jusuf kalla’s victory is parallel with their popularity in social media reinforces the impression that social media is a powerful instrument in shaping public perceptions that influ-ence political power. in turn, political power will determine the state’s alignment in open spaces and shake up the configuration of discourses mastery which is previously dominated by conser-vative muslims. jokowi-jusuf kalla’s partisanship to minority groups leads to a more challenging condition for conservative domination (hamayotsu, 2015). jurnal studi pemerintahan 199 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 200 research method in gathering the data, we observed the social media accounts especially the twitter from every subject which are nu, muham-madiyah, and mca. the observed facebook account are nu online, persyarikatan muhammdiyah, and muslim cyber army, and the followed twitter accounts are @nu_online with more than 300,000 followers and twits more than 100,000 posts, @ muhammdiyah with more than 120,000 followers and 52,000 posts, and @mcaops with more than 14,000 followers and 91,000 posts. for the blasphemy issue of ahok, we observed the online activities between september 2016 and april 2017. for the case of full day school policy, we watched the online events of the three accounts between june and september 2017. as for the issue of perppu of civil organisation, we observed be-tween septembers to november 2017. there are two points that we analysed in the social media according to the research ques-tions: 1) the political articulation; and 2) the perception of the government constructed by the analysed islamic organisations. these two analytical tools were used especially in the chosen of three issues. the data analysis in this paper was done in two stages. first, to comprehend the inclination of nu, muhammadiyah, and mca regarding the case of defamation by ahok, full-day school policies, and the enactment of perppu of civil organizations, we conducted a sentiment analysis by searching relevant contents from @nu_online, @muhammadiyah, and @mcaops. senti-ment analysis is used to examine information available on the internet, especially concerning opinions about a particular issue or product. this technique emphasizes the text mining on social media account that available on twitter and facebook that gen-erated by the account owner and other users who put comments on it. the textcontent carried on twitter or facebook that is showing opinions, attitudes, or sentiments then analysed cat-egorically (liu, 2015). in the analysis process, the classification of sentiment was divided into three classes, namely negative, neutral, and positive. after collecting the posts according to each issue, we see the tendency of @nu_online, @muhammadiyah, and @mcaops, whether they support or opposed to the issues. we also added the word cloud analysis using the word cloud generator to see the big picture of each discourse from the three accounts. second, we discursively analyzed the gathered data by observing the whole structure of meaning constructed by the analyzed islamic organisations’ accounts through social media. this was important in understanding the raw data into the discursive categories developed by laclau, which are the nodal point, the moment, and the element. the nodal point was seen by looking at the efforts of the islamic organisations to construct the centre of meaning. based on the chosen three issues in this research, every islamic organisation constructed a very distinct meaning construction according to its political ideology. then, we grouped the structure of meaning by differentiating the moment from the element. the moment is seen by identifying the symbols, statements, and the fixity of signification, which were discursively constructed to support the nodal point. this stage was useful to analyse the extent to which the meaning structure was articulated and its ‘surplus of meaning.’ results and discussion the reactions on ahok’s case the national political situation, especially in the capital city of jakarta, heated up with the emergence of religion blasphemy assumption by ahok against muslims. it was started with a video of ahok’s speech insulting islam during a working visit in seribu archipelago uploaded by buni yani’s account on facebook. in the video, ahok stated that in facing pilgub dki many people were using quranic verses to fool the voters with religious sentiments (tribunnews.com, 2017). the footage then becomes viral mainly due to ahok’s ethnic background and religious minorities. as a result, there were a variety of reactions from islamists, such as the islamic defamation act of november jurnal studi pemerintahan 201 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 202 4, 2017, which was followed by a second islamic defamation act on december 2, 2017. the case of allegedly blasphemy was increasingly heated up with ahok’s candidacy in governor election of dki 2017. as an incumbent, ahok was often positioned as an antagonist figure by the islamists. it is exacerbated by the political support of the indonesian democratic party-struggle as the ruling party in ahok’s candidacy in jakarta. the political contestation between the majority of islamists and the nationalist majority at the national level is now pervasive to the regional level, in particular with political support for candidates considered to have blasphemed islam. with the exclusion of islamist forces from national power in post-2014, the expression of extra-parliamentary conflicts through demonstrations by islamic social organisations became the hallmark of powerful political articulation in compensating the political manoeuvring of nationalist forces in formal political institutions. the mass mobilisation carried out by islamic social organisations in jakarta back then was not only religious but also closely related to the political dimension. based on twitter examination using sentiment analysis, there are quite striking differences between @nu_online with @muhammadiyah and @mcaops. on the @nu_online side, about 47 posts were collected regarding blasphemy case by ahok where about 46.8 percent of it is within a positive category, 31.9 percent are neutral, and 21.23 percent are negative. if we look closely to the statements, the attitude of @nu_online tends to show sympathy towards ahok for toleration reasons and con-demning ahok’s actions that insult muslims. within postings, there are many negative comments on contents sympathizing with ahok, both from those who claim as nu members and sympathizers as well as those outside of them. the considerable pressure from the nu grassroots seems to affect the attitudes of their elites regarding ahok, especially when the chairman of the mui who is also rais am pbnu, kh. ma’ruf amin, cor-nered by ahok in the ahok’s trial. on the @muhammadiyah side, there were only about six posts about islam blasphemy by ahok. all the contents disclosed by @muhammadiyah were put in the negative category, which means they did not show joy about ahok’s actions. meanwhile, the most assertive stance on the case was indicated by @mcaops, where all of their posts have negative tones. table 1. twitter postings from @nu_online about ahok no. statements negative neutral positive 1 ahok sentenced for two years, pbnu: honor the legal process! 1 2 the joke of the secretary general of nahdlatul ulama when asking ahok to oath the syahadat 1 3 visited by ahok-djarot, kiai said: we must accept guests well 1 4 ahok-djarot visit pbnu discuss masjid raya in daan mogot 1 5 ahok and djarot tonight, monday (10/4) visit pbnu 1 6 mbah moen considered as ahok supporters for these three things 1 7 kiai said denies attending istigotsah of ahok’s side tonight 1 8 ahok case, gp ansor jatim following kiai ma’ruf amin attitude 1 9 ‘nahdlatul ulama supports kh ma`ruf amin in dispute with ahok’ 1 10 rais aam nu forgives ahok, calls on nahdliyin to do the same 1 11 muslims urged to restrain from rallying against ahok’s latest statements 1 12 the first trial, ahok cried before the panel of judges 1 13 ahok case and our law awareness 1 14 ahok case and our law awareness 1 15 police chief asks mass supports ahok’s legal process 1 16 ahok case: leave it to the law, watch the process! 1 17 ahok case: leave it to the law, watch the process! 1 18 ahok is suspect, pbnu urges public honoring legal process 1 19 ahok case, political maturity process 1 20 ahok officially a suspect of blasphemy case 1 21 ahok case will be accelerated 1 22 pbnu expect ahok case completed soon 1 23 kang said: there are other bigger matters than taking care of ahok 1 24 kabareskrim perform more detail checks on ahok 1 25 formula facing ahok ala gus mus 1 26 formula facing ahok ala gus mus 1 27 avoid bad prejudice, president commits open case ... 1 28 kiai said: ahok’s statement insult muslims 1 29 bareskrim still sharpen some points related to ahok statement 1 30 fkdmi asks police to involve experts in ahok case 1 31 is ahok blaspheming religion? this explanation ketum pbnu 1 32 vice president: ahok will be processed resolutely and quickly 1 33 pagar nusa nu attitude related pilkada jakarta, ahok and demo november 4th 1 34 pbnu ask peaceful demonstration and immediate legal process ahok 1 35 intolerance in the region because of anti-ahok protest in jakarta? 1 36 bareskrim asked information 10 related witnesses ahok case 1 jurnal studi pemerintahan 203 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 204 no. statements negative neutral positive 37 a newspaper in tasik incorrectly put ipnu and ansor involved action about ahok 1 38 about personal threats, pbnu chairman: better ahok processed law 1 39 demonstration location near nu office tasikmalaya, banser be ready 1 40 ahok case’s protest, pcnu guarantees no nu members down action 1 41 kiai ma’ruf: mui not supporting related protesting ahok 1 42 come to bareskrim, ahok clarification al-maidah 51 1 43 the hype of ahok’s statement, is this “test the water”? 1 44 responding to ahok’s statement, pbnu chairman: don’t be emotional! 1 45 related statement of ahok, pbnu chairman: mui’s fatwa is less wise 1 46 ahok apologizes to muslims 1 47 ahok and sara campaign in local elections in jakarta 1 amount 10 15 22 percentage 21.23% 31.9% 46.8% table 2. twitter postings from @muhammadiyah about ahok no satements negative neutral positive 1 jokowi while visiting pp #muhammadiyah: i emphasize will not protect ahok 1 2 goodwil zubir : president must wise in addressing ahok case 1 3 the meeting of president and islamic organization’s leaders: peaceful demonstration and no intervention of ahok case 1 4 amm sue ahok to polda metro jaya related to diversity threats not jakarta gubernatorial 1 5 the #muhammadiyah youth will report ahok to polda metro jaya 1 6 muhammadiyah expects ahok not disband fpi 1 7 rt @republika ahok ever been educated at muhammadiyah school 1 amount 6 0 1 percentage 85.7% 0 14% table 3. twitter postings from @mcaops about ahok no statements negative neutral positive 1 alhamdulillah, the supreme court (ma) rejected the judicial review (pk) of the islamic 1 blasphemy 2 asma nadia: ‘’ when islam is abused (by ahok), people may be angry, but muslims 1 choose super peace to express their attitude. ‘’ 3 turns out secretly #ahok examined by police related reclamation corruption case. 1 4 prosecutor: pk prosecution to ahok is different from buni yani’s 1 5 pk of ahok can trigger a new commotion! 1 6 only 10 minutes, the ummah still guard the trial of ahok’s pk 1 7 ask pk, ahok violate applicable law 1 8 public relations pa 212: habib rizieq is concerned about the situation in indonesia 1 today. many of the terror against clerics, corruption is increasingly rampant. he also highlighted the request of ahok pk! 9 anies-sandi build 107 shelters in aquarium village for victims of ahok 1 10 vice president jk: ‘’ the elections of jakarta elections triggered by ahok ‘’ 1 11 make framing problem closure alexis, trash media @cnnindonesia scoffed by ahok 1 and netizen no statements negative neutral positive 12 related to reclamation, kpk will check ahok-djarot 1 13 the ahok’s heaven in earth closed by anies! 1 14 ahok’s men have checked into alexis, and in fact alexis became a place of prostitu 1 tion! 15 governor ahok: not easy to close alexis 1 16 kemang utara flood, water height reaches 70cm http://detik.id/6hfkvs so far ahok 1 djarot what are you doing? 17 polda has not found hti involvement in bem si demonstration http://rol.co.id/r/ 1 oy9rfy354 ahok & jkw’s pet clutch is dirty. 18 according to indicator survey, prisoners of ahok most favored as vice president 1 jokowi. 19 bambang widjojanto: who says #ahok not corruptive? here’s a row of proof! 1 20 2 years’ claim for buni yani, attorney general: to be balanced with ahok’s vonis 1 amount 20 percentage 100 from the appearance of the word cloud, some prominent words include ‘kasus’ (case), ‘hukum’ (law), ‘pbnu,’ ‘demo’ (demonstration), and ‘islam.’ this means that most of the statements contained by @nu_online, @muhammadiyah, and @mcaops are related to legal issues in the context of blasphemy. the striking word of ‘pbnu’ reflects that the statement embraces the organization’s representation in many of its statements. the word ‘muhammadiyah’ is less prominent as the account was not too aggressive at least regarding the number of posts related to the ahok case. meanwhile, the @mcaops does not render representations of any organization nor community names, it tends to attack ahok using other person statements and seems to aggressively cornering ahok out of the context of a blasphemy case. jurnal studi pemerintahan 205 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 206 figure 1. word cloud in ahok case from the three accounts regarding the discourse on social media, the @mcaops is the most vocal and critical account about ahok’s incident and also about the government’s support for ahok on twitter. to them, ahok has done a very serious blasphemy and must be brought to court. there are two nodal points in the construc-tion of the constructed discourse. first, ahok is a part and also a candidate supported by the anti-islamic forces that hold current national powers (jokowi and his supporters). second, the issue of radicalism and islamic extremism is the political discourse of the rulers to discredit islamist forces. therefore, in ahok’s case, the @mcaops tends to be more confrontational and head to head against the nationalist forces by directly distorting the discourse that is constructed by the government and making direct opposition to the meaning in social media. another interesting meaning constructed by the @mcaops is the discourse that the free papua movement should be more seen as a form of christian terrorism that threatens national integrity rather than the actions mobilisation by the islamic movement. the next set of reaction is constructed by @muhammadiyah that are critical but not as aggressive as @mcaops. through its twitter account, @muhammadiyah tends to bring and position ahok’s case in the legal corridor. although for @muhammadiyah ahok has done blasphemy of islam and must be reported to police, the nodal point which is constructed still emphasised that the prevailing legal process must be done professionally and independent from the palace’s political intervention. interestingly, although muhammadiyah appears to be less vocal in social media, some of its young activists through angkatan muda muhammadiyah (muhammadiyah youth forces, amm) are more confrontational on the practical level. also, the meaning of islam’s defensive action for @muhammdiyah is a reason-able form of reaction from muslims because ahok has conveyed hate speech and even threatened the nation’s plurality. from this construction, it can be seen that muhammadiyah makes national unity and pluralism issues as a basis in advocating the muslims interests and not being trapped in the practical political issue in jakarta gubernatorial election. on a somewhat differ-ent side, @nu_online with its social media movements tend not to construct discourse and counterproductive acts, although it was agreed that ahok had blasphemed religion. in fact, despite ahok’s allegedly abuse kh. ma’ruf amin, its scholars, and fol-lowers, tend not to be confrontational or to directly associate ahok’s case with islamist political conflict vs. islam nationalist. the @nu_online maintains that ahok’s legal process must pro-ceed reasonably and neutral regardless the political pressures of the mass action. the protest of nu on full day school (fds) policy full day school (fds) policy is an all-day school program plan for basic education (primary and secondary) by the ministries of education and culture. the program is included in the regulation of the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia no. 23 the year 2017 about school day. after the issuance of the regulation of the ministries of education and culture (permendikbud), the students will be given ad jurnal studi pemerintahan 207 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 208 ditional learning hours at school until afternoon for character building activities. the duration of study hours is also included in article 2 paragraph 1 permendikbud no. 23 of 2017 that school day is held 8 hours in 1 day or 40 hours in 5 days in 1 week. after the plan on fds was disclosed by muhadjir effendy as the minister of education and culture, many refused and demanded the revocation of the minister’s regulation, namely nu. compared to the previous case of ahok, nu tend to make a confrontational criticism of the government. the refusal is mentioned because fds will potentially increase radicalism and intolerance in public schools. with the fds, it is also feared that there is no time for islamic students to learn reciting the holy book and the reduced level of religious education. not only that, fds is considered to threaten the traditional educational institutions as the place to develop religious values in the society. hard protests by nu are rife in social media such as facebook, twitter, and instagram. through social media, the demonstra-tions eventually continued not only by the central nu accounts but also by the regional nu accounts. social media protests are responded by many people with proof of comments and reposts that reach thousands or even tens of thousands, so the issue of fds rejection once became the top search in some social media. the protests conducted by nu did not only occur in social media, but there were also mass movements in some areas such as solo, semarang, batang, purbolinggo and many others. in solo, about 25,000 people were participating in the strike demanding the removal of fds policy (liputan 6, august 28, 2017). thousands of people strike in semarang from nu mass organisations, and various autonomous bodies under nu carry the coffin in the strike (kompas.com, august 18, 2017). the masses that participated in the strike consisted of community leaders, prominent scholars, and students, especially from islamic schools such as madrasah. even the head of batang also supported them by refusing the application of fds (liputan 6, august 25, 2017). the nu demands on fds continued to heat up so that there was a plan that if the permendikbud about fda were not revoked, then nu would mobilise a more significant strike than the 212 action at the end of 2016 (kompas.com, august 9, 2017). the threats then reminisced the turbulence caused by the islam defensive strike of the 212 action. there will be more protests against the government by the islamic or-ganisation, although the movement process tends to be longer than the issuance of the ministry regulation, until august or about four months. it was unlike the case of islamic defensive strike that only took about three months to conduct three mas-sive action strikes. nu also plan other attempts aside from the massive demonstrations. syamsul huda, head of the zakat amil institution of nu, expressed that if the policy of fds is not revoked, then nu will no longer support jokowi in the presidential election in 2019 (tempo.co, 2017). in this case, it appears that nu is very serious in this fds rejection. the fds issue then involves other political matters. not until one year from the incident of islamic defamation which is also influenced by the suspicion of islamic mass organisation to jokowi, the problem of islamic mass organisation appeared again which eventually affected jokowi. to examine further and analyse various sources, the upheaval on fds will be enlarged, and mass mobilisation will seriously be done by nu and other islamic organisations. it also heated up the political constellations and political dynamics in indonesia because islamic organisations have strong influences in govern-ment. however, there was a discourse on the permendikbud sub-stitute on the fds in early september 2017. jurnal studi pemerintahan 209 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 210 table 4. twitter postings from @nu_online about fds policy no statements negative neutral positive 1 persistence of kiai said reject full day school 1 2 pwnu jakarta: full day school policy clearly turn off madrasah diniyah 1 3 independence from full day school policy 1 4 reported support full day school, pbnu: that’s misleading 1 5 ki hajar dewantara looked full day school 1 6 reject full day school, regent tegal ready to kiss jokowi’s foot 1 7 full day sarungan, the resistance symbol of the pesantren 1 8 20 thousand tegal residents will reject full day school 1 9 santri gus mus reject full day school with full day sarungan 1 10 central lampung regent spread the circle reject full day school 1 11 devil thought about full day school 1 12 disband ... disband full day school ... 1 13 tasikmalaya residents reject full day school 1 14 full day school in children’s perspective 1 15 nu kota bekasi initiation for peaceful action reject full day school 1 16 pro and contra about full day school 1 17 full day school’s institonstitutionalism 1 18 open letter to kaesang related full day school 1 19 school based pesantren difficult to apply full day school 1 20 nu jatim supports pbnu reject full day school 1 21 nu kota bekasi initiation for peaceful action reject full day school 1 22 pro and contra about full day school 1 23 reject full day school, nu ready held demonstration and judicial review 1 24 five recommendations reject full day school 1 25 related pbnu instructions “rejection against full day school” please diretweet / 1 share / share ... 26 santri ready for action to jakarta if full day school demands ignored 1 27 full day school leave a multicultural spirit 1 28 education ministry claims no full day school program 1 29 rais aam pbnu kh ma’ruf amin’s stance about full day school ... 1 amount 28 1 0 percentage 96.5% 3.4% 0 table 5. twitter postings from @muhammadiyah about fds policy no statements negative neutral positive 1 full day school does not mean full learning in school 1 2 #kabarpersyarikatan full day school approach in character building education 1 3 #kabarpersyarikatan full day school approach in character building 1 4 full day school does not mean full learning in school 1 amount 0 0 4 percentage 100% based on the word cloud’s view of the fds policy enactment case, the most striking word is ‘tolak’ (reject) and ‘pbnu’ which is mostly revealed by @nu_online account. the number of posts from @nu_online is much more than @muhamma-diyah and @mcaops started the discourse which made @ nu_online more dominant. the link between the word ‘tolak’ and ‘pbnu’ reflects the statements from @nu_online that rep-resent a strong organizational opinion. figure 2. word cloud in fds case from the three accounts in addressing the fds policy issue, it is not surprisingly that all of twitter contents from @nu_online are negative. the @ nu_online account contains about 29 posts related to the fds policy in which 96.5 percent of them are negative, and only one post is categorized as neutral, i.e. muhadjir effendi’s statement (he said that there is no such a ‘full day school’ program). simi-larly, almost all comments in the post, especially from those in-dicated by members and sympathizers of nu, support the con-tent released by @nu_online. while on the @muhammadiyah jurnal studi pemerintahan 211 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 212 account, four posts are highlighting the full day school policy. all these postings are positive tone and attempt to clarify misunderstandings of information about fds policy. the disclosed content expresses the expert opinion of the meaning behind the fds policy. the lack of postings and its soft tone cold be seen as their step to avoid confrontational situations with nu, as muhammadiyah cadres held the ministry that issuing the policy. moreover, the rumour saying that the fds policy was initiated by muhammadiyah which intended to limit the development of madrasah was growing. perhaps, the refusal of @muhammadiyah to defend the fds policy is a stance determined by situational considerations. interestingly, a close twitter account of @muhammadiyah, @pppemudamuh, the muhammadiyah youth organisation, posted news from kumparan.com that explained public misunderstanding of the program. the chair-man of pemuda muhammadiyah, daniel anzhar simanjuntak, in the report, defended muhadjir effendy and called that the policy was not separated from the actualisation of mission and vision of jokowi. it seemed that when @muhammadiyah was less free to express their opinion, @pppemudamuh as their wing organization, gave little reinforcement. meanwhile, the mca account did not issue any posts related to fds. the islamist characteristics of the mca could probably be the reason why they are uninterested in issues that do not intersect directly with the focus of their cause, namely global islam, the plainness of the government, and islamises interests themselves. the controversy of perppu civil organisation after the government issued perppu no. 2 of 2017, the tension between the government and the islamist groups heated up again. after going through considerable political pressure, the government finally exercised its authority by issuing the perppu of civil organisation which could legally crack down on a civil organisation that did not comply with pancasila and threatened the integrity of nkri (kominfo.go.id, 2017). as a result, hti, a branch of a transnational political organisation with pan-islamic ideology and has existed in indonesia since the decade of the 80s, has been disbanded. according to the govern-ment, the ideology of extremism, as well as islamic radicalism that existed at the mass organisation, could trigger nation’s dis-integration and separation amid the pluralism of the nation. the polemic about the perppu of civil organisation continued to occur until october 2017 and finally passed into law by the house of representatives. regarding the issuance of the perppu of civil organizations by jokowi, @nu_online appears to be giving full support based on the 19 related posts that are all positive. the pattern of @ nu_online posts leverages the importance of the new law for the sake of national integrity and state security. interestingly, in almost all the content, @nu_online makes hti as the source of illness. on the @muhammadiyah side, they only display two posts related to the issue of the enforcement of the civil organi-zation’s perppu in which both belong to the negative category despite the efforts of providing a neutral tone. the @muham-madiyah disagreement over the enactment of the law is not di-rected to defend hti, but to safeguard democratic values. mean-while, the @mcaops shows a negative attitude on its 12 posts which attacked the policy. on average, the @mcaops perceives that the enactment of the law is a clear sign that jokowi’s govern-ment is anti-islamic, resembling the pki and authoritarian. tabel 6. twitter postings from @nu_online about perppu of civil organization no statements negative neutral positive 1 perppu of civil organization now become law, pbnu: the lawsuit in mk is dissolved 1 2 fadli zon tap the hammer, perppu of civil organization is officially a law 1 3 reflection on the meanings of al-quran verses at the discussion of the perppu of civil 1 organization 4 public discussion, gp ansor astanajapura discuss hti post-perppu of civil organiza1 tion 5 action rejects perppu of civil organization and hti paradoxes 1 6 tangerang residents alliance declaration support perppu of civil organization 1 7 unnecessary dispute and perppu of civil organization 1 8 islamic organizations in semarang city full support to perppu no. 2/2017 1 9 pcnu chairman surabaya: the government is too late perppu of civil organization 1 jurnal studi pemerintahan 213 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 214 no statements negative neutral positive 10 through perppu of civil organization, nu consistent defend nkri 1 11 support the government, mui pringsewu agrees perppu of civil organization 1 12 ntb muslim community expresses support for perppu of civil organization 1 13 perppu of civil organization to prevent damage 1 14 chairman of mui lampung appreciate government publish perppu of civil organization 1 15 gp ansor west java appreciation of perppu of civil organization 1 16 again, mosques in jakarta support perppu of civil organization and dissolution of 1 anti-pancasila organization 17 pbnu: perpu of civil organization is smart and constitutional steps 1 18 gp ansor surabaya ready kawal perppu of civil organization to lower level 1 19 pbnu: perppu of civil organization smart and constitutional steps 1 amount 19 percentage 100% tabel 7. twitter postings from @muhammadiyah about perppu of civil organization no statements negative neutral positive 1 perppu ormas agreed, here feedback from busyro muqoddas 1 2 concerning the dissolution of hti by the government, this words from muhammadiyah 1 chairman amount 2 percentage 100% tabel 8. twitter postings from @mcaops about perppu of civil organization no statements negative neutral positive 1 when the jokowi regime ends, and the jkw opposition comes to power the cebongs turn 1 to be dissolved by the perppu (uu) ormas! 2 democrats turned to support perppu of civil organization, muslim ummah: partai. 1 pabhyanat, do not be vote in elections! 3 amien: perppu of civil organization to abolish the power of islam 1 4 perppu of civil organization becomes law, lbh: declining indonesian democracy 1 5 perppu of civil organization is passed into law! the struggle is not over, there is still 1 the mk mechanism! 6 perppu of civil organization: repressive, dictators, and anti-islam! 1 7 yusril: perppu of civil organization exceeded the dutch and new order colonies 1 despotic rules 8 experts criticism the nature of crucial forces in : perppu of civil organization 1 9 pp muhammadiyah: perppu of civil organization do not have a strong legal basis 1 10 belief in the almighty, religious beliefs and perppu of civil organization 1 11 perppu of civil organization, how to suppress islam from nkri! 1 12 similar to #pki, perppu of civil organization is only used to silence the critical muslim! 1 amount 12 0 0 percentage 100 the results of the word cloud model below showed that the dominant words are ‘islam,’ ‘pemerintah’ (government), ‘dukung’ (support), ‘hti,’ ‘uu’ (act), ‘ansor,’ and ‘pbnu.’ when associated with the content, there is a sharp polarization between a statements from @nu_online that supports the enforcement of the perppu of civil organization with @mcaops who declined the policy. such is the word ‘hti’ which often comes from the @nu_online account that frames the policy with an islamist organization that has been strongly opposed by pbnu and its communities, mainly by gp ansor. the word ‘government’ is this context refers to two contradictory accounts, where @nu_online sees it from a positive perspective and provides full support, while @mcaops strongly rejects and considers them as anti-islamic. figure 3. word cloud in perppu of civil organization case from the three accounts responding to the government’s ‘counter-attack’ through the perppu of civil organisation, as is the case with ahok, the @mcaops is the first to show confrontational resistance. the @mcaops constructs that the purpose of the regulation to jurnal studi pemerintahan 215 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 216 maintain the integrity of the state was a lie, in fact, it is understood as a political instrument to eliminate the government’s political opponents. more specifically, for the @mcaops, the perppu of civil organisation are specifically aimed at legally eliminating islamist forces in indonesia. it is unsurprising that @mcaops responded to the issue of extremism and radicalism, which became the background of the emergence of the perppu of civil organisation, by conspiring the government as authoritarian and anti-democratic. the perppu which has legalised to be civil organisation law can be arbitrarily misused by the government to eliminate their political enemies subjectively. according to @mcaops, this is due to the absence of standard norms and the objectification process of the judgment that an organisation has been against the pancasila or not. moreover, hti that has long existed in indonesia, in the end, should be the ‘victim’ of the government’s bargaining price against the political pressure of islamist groups during this time. meanwhile, @muhammadiyah tends to question more the procedure of publication of perppu of civil organisation. based on juridical studies, @muhammadiyah constructed that the re-lease of perppu of civil organisation contradicts the constitu-tion concerning human rights, the right to assemble and unite, as well as the sovereignty of the people. consequently, perppu of civil organisation must be legally tested in the constitution-al court before being passed into law by the parliament. the government’s fear of an ideological threat to national integra-tion does not necessarily make it authoritarian which threatens freedom. moreover, although the perppu of civil organisation has been passed into law, @muhammadiyah still insists on a fair and transparent trial process on the discourse of hti disband in indonesia. discursively, @muhammadiyah plays safely with a fixed focus on legal procedures about the islamic movement. in contrast to previous reactions, @nu_online openly supported the enactment of the perppu of civil organisation to maintain and preserve national integration. although in the case of ahok @nu_online also counters to ahok’s alleged blasphemy, @nu_online was not quick to consider the political conflict between the islamist camps. likewise, in the matter of perppu of civil organisation, @nu_online sees that this action is necessary to eliminate islamist radicalism and extremism which is discursively constructed in non-pancasila islamic organisations such as hti. for @nu_online, hti is an islamic movement that has a different meaning construction with nkri where their campaign issues are more of political islamism, such as khilafah, anti-democracy, and only adhere to islamic law. there-fore, @nu_online strongly supports the government’s discourse through perppu of civil organisation to disband hti because it has the potential to create chaos in the nation. in this issue, it appears that @mcaops becomes the foremost cyber community that opposes the perppu of civil organisation. when viewing their twitter content, it can be observed that it is dominated by global islamic problems and pan-islamist passions, which is understandable because their views represent the islamists outlook. the content raised by the @mcaops in repudiating the policy tends to frame it as tools to banish the islamic organisations who are critical to the jokowi government. furthermore, the @mcaops is dragging the issue as an anti-islamic policy and portraying jokowi as a repressive dictator. there is a correlation between the discourse form that brought by the @mcaops with the object of the policy, namely the dis-solution of hti, so it is suspected the supporters of the islamist organisations formed this community. from the inception of the @mcaops, they never posted a content related to the pks which means they may not have any relationship to the party. however, they posted 15 positive contents about hti from sep-tember to december 2017 that indicating proximity to hti sup-porters. moreover, the anonymous character of @mcaops has bolstered the notion that their real identity is not safe both for the government and the public. jurnal studi pemerintahan 217 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 218 discussion the use of social media in articulating public issues has been in line with democratisation among indonesian muslim civil society. social media provides the freedom for organisations or groups to articulate their ideas, ideological attitudes, and politi-cal position so they could get equal opportunity in garnering public support related to their interests. assessing the dynamics of the @nu_online tendency in the fds case, it can be said that social media provides an arena that influences the politi-cal process. the mobilisation of nu in social media succeeded in increasing the escalation of fds refusal to obtain pledges from jokowi’s that the policy sustains the traditional islamic schools. in the case of the enactment of the perppu of civil organisation, the mca emerges as an anonymous force that continues to attack the policy and further suppresses jokowi’s government by using negative issues. but at the same time, @ nu_online took a position to support the policy and counter islamist groups that attacks the government. @muhammadiyah, on the other hand, tend to be critical of the government but sup-ports an institutionally appropriate measure. the @mcaops efforts to mobilise opposition support in social media seem to be an alternative for a depressed group to continue fighting the political-dominant regime. the presence of an @mcaops is an expression from people whose opinions or complaints do not get a channel to an organisation. as an open and pseudogroups, @mcaops are vulnerable to be infiltrated and misused. the social media contents of muhammadiyah and nu, show a pattern which suggests how each of them observes and perceive the jokowi’s government. in general, nu regards that the jokowi government can also be seen as a representation of indonesian islam which differs from the middle east islam. therefore, the nu official and cyber team tend to construct the issues positively in terms supporting the government as long as it did not hit directly to their main constituent’s interest. nu rearticulation of the fds’s policy indicates a strong reaction from a party who feels inappropriate to be treated by the government. when looking at the composition of jokowi’s cabinet, nu cadres who occupy ministerial positions amounted to about six seats, not to mention those in non-ministerial positions (detik. com, 2014). the number is in contrast to muhammadiyah’s rep-resentatives in jokowi’s cabinet which is only one seat. muham-madiyah’s stance toward the neutral government is inseparable from their principle not to get involved deeply in politics. meanwhile, muhammadiyah seems to be critical to the jokowi’s government while in some ways keeps holding the core value of islam. the muhammadiyah official and cyber team tend to give a critical view of the issues and set different stance with the government for several times. the most interesting nodal point of muhammadiyah’s articulation is that muhammadiyah can contextualise and moderate the spirit and the issue of islamism with the nationalist power. this article notes that the establishment of the cyber team within the nu and muhammadiyah circles implies their attitude to the sociopolitical situation in which the organisation cannot officially disclose these attitudes. a more open, liquid, and egalitarian social media space allows cadres and sympathisers to articulate their views on issues without being awkward towards the structural administrators. the mca has the most extreme political discourse on the social media, as its activists often disarticulate and re-articulate all the policies and political significance of the jokowi government. based on the findings, mca was always consistent in every political case: ahok’s case and perppu of civil organisation. the credo of islamism which is profoundly influenced by the transnational islamist movement becomes the crux of mca’s nodal point. conclusion jurnal studi pemerintahan 219 by analysing the contents of the three islamic groups in social media, we understand that the characteristics that determine the quality of political access have influenced their po vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 220 litical articulation. the position of islamic organizations and group corresponding the jokowi government can be monitored through their official statements in the mass media. in reality, their voices are often shackled by formalities and rigidity of the political situation. social media, therefore, seems to be a means of articulating their views on specific issues which directed political messages to the government. muhammadiyah, for example, acts more securely by not involving in the practical politics although at the grassroots level there is a strong negative political sentiment against the government. on the other hand, nu tend to be more anti-islamism and support the nationalist government, although they also show pragmatic signs in political matter. meanwhile, the mca as a representative of marginalized islamist groups in terms of political access shows its strong criticisms against the government with a vulgar style. social media has brought about a climate of democracy in both organisations that are increasingly bureaucratic and constrained by political interests. however, interventions of the elite members of the organisations in raising political issues in social media is inevitable. on the other hand, openness and fluid rules in social media contribute in refining contradictory views. in this paper, the use of social media in democracy also leaves a contradictory excess. political groups can exploit free-dom of speech to use limited public space in social media with exclusive and intolerant purposes. the liberty of speech without a healthy democratic norm concedes intolerant discourse flourishing in social media. religious issues, for example, could perpetually append a political contest, especially when entering into the virtual arena. also, social media can be used as a means to lead public opinion tailored to the organisational attitudes influenced by its political relations with the ruling government. therefore, building the essential values of democracy is more important for the development of muslim civil society in indonesia. acknowledgement the author thanks universitas padjadjaran for providing the research grant to complete this article. jurnal studi pemerintahan references 221 ahmad, n., & popa, i.-l. 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(2014). identity, narrative and politics. united kingdom: routledge. https://doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.735919 http://www.jstor.org/%20stable/43497339 https://doi.org/10.5367/sear.2010.0018 http://www.tribunnews.com/metro-politan/2017/05/09/ini-kisah-perjalanan-kasus-ahok-hingga-vonis-2-tahun-penja-ra?page=4 http://www.tribunnews.com/metro-politan/2017/05/09/ini-kisah-perjalanan-kasus-ahok-hingga-vonis-2-tahun-penja-ra?page=4 https://doi.org/10.1080/%2014672715.2016.1258585 %7b5e5de4a4-dfed-4319-8904-85ed1953c79e%7d %7b5e5de4a4-dfed-4319-8904-85ed1953c79e%7d https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2006.00300.x https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2006.00300.x layout desember 2008 many people were killed during the years 2011-2015 under study; both private and public properties were also destroyed. this study recommends constitutional approach regarding the zoning formula to accommodate all the six geopolitical zones in nigeria in order to resolve the conflicts therein. keywords: conflict resolution, zoning formula, buhari political tsunami, nigeria introduction the nigerian state established her foundation in 1914 during the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates by the british leader, lord lugard. the country was led by the british authorities during the colonial era. however, the british authorities handed over to the nationalists in 1960, october 1st (akinboye and anifowose, 2008: 239-243). this was the beginning of the country’s leadership under the control of nigerians who sought to develop the nigerian state as a country that is endowed with so many resources ranging from natural to agricultural and human resources (terwase, abdul-talib and zengeni, 2014: 539). nigeria, from 1960-1966 experienced some challenges that bedeviled the country’s growth and development. these periods were characterized by various challenges that led to the military takeover of the country on the 15th of january, 1966. the country’s founisaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni school of international studies, college of law, government and international studies, universiti utara malaysia, 06010 sintok, kedah, malaysia. email: isaacterwase@gmail.com conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria recieved 27 april 2015; accepted 22 august 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 abstract the nigerian fourth republic ushered in a democratically elected government in 1999 that paved way for the civilians to take over government after a long period of military rule in nigeria. this made the political parties to project their candidates for contest in occupying the political positions at the federal, states and local government levels. thus, such projection through the ruling political party that won the election in 1999 known as the people’s democratic party (pdp), went into zoning arrangement that could give the country’s six geopolitical zones a place for participation in the administration of the country. this arrangement coordinated the highest positions such as the president, vice-president, president of the senate, speaker of the house of representatives, secretary to the government of the federation, and chairman of the ruling party. however, such arrangements were only practiced from 1999 to 2011. the zoning arrangements were truncated in 2011, which led to conflict in the northern part of the country. the objective of the study therefore, is to examine the consequences of the truncated zoning arrangement and lessons from the buhari political tsunami in 2015 general elections in nigeria, with interest on how to resolve such conflicts that emanated. the study made use of qualitative research and the review of previous literature as sources of data collection. the findings revealed that, ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 249 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 dation was built in 1914 and over the years, it became a place for political tussle. first among many others, the issue of ethno-religious challenges that faced the country as well as the regionalism factor which was not well handled by the then leaders of the nigerian state. akinboye and anifowose (2008: 249) argued that, the first military coup that took place on the 15th of january, 1966, several top military officers from the northern part of the country were killed by the igbo military officers. the first military coup brought in majorgeneral aguiyi-ironsi, an igbo by tribe from the southern part of the country to power as the head of state and leader of the nigerian state. this made the northerners through a counter coup that overthrew the aguiyi-ironsi led government since the likes of the prime minister, abubakar tafawa balewa and usman danfodio, the sultan of sokoto who were northerners that were killed in the first coup that was organized by the ibos from the southern part of the country. this was the beginning of regional and ethno-religious conflict in nigeria after the country gained her independence in 1960. the quest for power amongst the major and the minority ethnic groups in nigeria also became a major political tussle. who then shall rule nigeria, of what tribe and from which religious background? these questions remained unanswered from the period of the military rule in 1966 through to the time of the civilian rule in 1979, (under the leadership of president shehu shagari), to the time of the military regime of general sani abacha in 19931998. the general sani abacha led government sought to bring a lasting solution to the quest for power in nigerian politics, through his organized constitutional conference which envisioned issues that needed to be discussed and agreed upon, that would be enshrined into the nigerian constitution. according to awopeju, adelusi and oluwashakin (2012) there was need for both the northern and the southern parts of the country to unite after the annulment of the june 12 general election that took place in 1993 and which was annulled by general ibrahim babangida. this was the reason behind the issue of rotational presidency in nigeria to create an avenue for nigerians to be united and to promote peace as well as political stability within the country. this notwithstanding, the abacha led government organized a constitutional conference to look into issues such as zoning of the presidency between the north and south, which could give an opportunity between the major and the minority ethnic groups to have a fair share of leading the country. another issue to be discussed was the issue of inclusion of the six geopolitical zones into the nigerian constitution to give way for equal representation of the people from the ethno-religious perspectives to regional representation within the country. however, the death of general sani abacha could not let the issues mentioned above to see the light of day. these also could not be integrated into the nigerian constitution, thereby leaving zoning and rotation of power in the hands of the political parties when the democratically elected government took over power in 1999. research objectives the general objective of this research paper is to examine the issues that led to the conflict between the north and the south, as well as the consequences therein; also to bring to the fore the conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 250 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ knowledge on how such issues could be resolved. the specific objectives of this research paper include the following: 1) to examine holistically what led to the conflict between the north and the south. 2) to highlight the consequences of the crisis that emerged from the conflict therein. 3) to bring to the fore the lessons from the buhari political tsunami in nigeria. 4) to recommend measures that can be taken in resolving the conflict. the study would address the issues that led to the conflict between the north and the south, as well as consequences that emanates from it. this will help to develop measures that can be taken in resolving the conflict thereby promoting peace, unity, security and political stability of the nigerian state. the study will also contribute to knowledge on how such issues that relate to the conflict therein can be resolved. it will contribute to literature on conflict resolution, peace and security studies as well as providing a means of understanding the subject of conflict resolution to research students who are undertaking their research study in that area. conceptual and theoretical framework this research work will be using some concepts in analyzing the data gotten from the field work as well as key information from other sources so as to give a clear understanding of the work. the following concepts will be used: i) concept of conflict resolution this refers to the process of tracing the root causes of conflicts without being biased, and seeking solutions to such issues through peaceful negotiation and dialogue between parties involved, and for those who are aggrieved in order to promote peace, unity and political stability with the said environment or polity entity (best, 2011). ii) concept of peace and security the absence of violence, crisis and conflict, be it political, social and economic can be referred to as peace, while the protection of lives and property within a given environment can be referred to as security (best, 2011; richmond, 2007). therefore, peace and security concepts involve the absence of conflicts and violence in an environment and where such environment is protected, the people are secured with their properties as we consider the nigerian context. iii) integration theory lijphart (1971) argued the theory of integration into three classifications known as subnational, national and international. however, this work is concerned with subnational and national classification of theory, to give us an understanding of this research work. integration theory connotes national unification of a people from different backgrounds like in the case of nigeria where the country is endowed with different ethnic groups ranging up to 300 languages as well as a diversification of religious backgrounds with nigeria’s population of over 170 million people (terwase, abdultalib, and zengeni, 2014). however, this work intends to focus on the part of national integration which aims at uniting the people from different ethnic diversities in nigeria. in the work of khurana (2014) connotes conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 251 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ that, national integration projects a view of having a people of one country with the notion of common identity. this also reveals that, there are other identities such as ethnicity, religion, and regional backgrounds, yet the people are seen as one people. we then make use of the national integration as the backbone of uniting the nigerian people whom are from different ethnic nationality and a spread background of regionalism. in this case, we are looking at how unity among the people would promote peace and harmonious relationship between the diverse ethno-religious and regional diversities into the whole as one nigeria. the nigerian state is subdivided into six geopolitical zones which also represents the people of diverse origins. we have mostly the hausa-fulani as the major ethnic group in the northern part of the country although; there are so many other minorities from the northern part of nigeria. the north consists of three major zones such as northwest, north-central and north-east. in the southern part of the country we equally have three zones such as the south-south, south-east and south-west, now in these zones; the yoruba purely occupies the south-west and the igbo in the southeast. the minorities are mostly found in the south-south region of the country. until all these people are united into a whole as one people, then peace, unity, and political stability would be sustainable within the nigerian polity. this is where the quest for national integration is promoted in view of resolving the conflicting issues such as zoning of political positions for equal representation in nigeria. research method i) population and sample: this research made use of six (6) respondents during the interview section selected from the six geopolitical zones. those interviewed were from the field of peace and security studies, academics and official of new partnership for africa’s development. the researcher selected six states namely kaduna, taraba, benue, oyo, enugu, and rivers, from the six geopolitical zones known as the north-west, north-east, north-central, south-west, south-east and south-south respectively. ii) sources of data: this work made use of qualitative research involving the use of primary and secondary sources of data collected from the field work. the primary data consisted of oral interview using semi-structured and unstructured interview. some of the sources also involved the retrieval of archival records such as videos and internet sources. iii) technique of data analysis: this research work therefore, employed historical, descriptive and interpretative method of analysis. the research paper also made us of content analysis and transcription of data sources available from the field to give a deeper understanding of the work. rotation of power and the truncated zoning arrangement over the years, political leadership of nigeria was domiciled in the northern part of the country especially the years of military rule in nigeria which took place from 1966 to 1976. general olusegun obasanjo, a yoruba man from the conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 252 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ southern part of the country, as well as the then leader of the country from 1976-1979 was the one who conducted the election that brought in president shehu shagari as the democratically elected president of nigeria (akinboye and anifowose, 2008). however, during the shagari led administration from 1979 to 1983, power was still residing in the northern part of the country since shagari was from sokoto state, a northern part of nigeria. the shagari led government then was later overthrown by the military through a coup that brought in major-general mohammadu buhari (1983-1985), to general ibrahim babangida (19851993), then chief ernest shonekan (august, 1993november, 1993), general sani abacha took over from november, 1993 and died in power as the country’s leader on the 8th of june, 1998. abacha’s death brought in general abdulsalami abubakar who stayed in office as the country’s leader from june, 1998 to may, 1999, the year that ushered in a democratically elected government after the military takeover in 1983-1999 making up to sixteen (16) years of military rule. in 1999, a democratically elected government opened new doors for what was said to have been in the nigerian constitution during the general abacha constitutional conference that was organized to come out with solutions to issues such as zoning/rotation of power between the north and the south which became a practice through the peoples democratic party (pdp). according to awofeso (2014), zoning inside the pdp was political arrangement that was basically designed for ethnic peace. by this, the pdp enshrined in their constitution at article 7.2 [c] though in part “they shall adhere to the policy of rotation and zoning of party and elective offices” thus, showing a means to achieving greater unity and peace amongst the diverse ethnic groups in nigeria through equity, justice and fairness since all the zones comprise of different ethnic groups, as well as the issue of religion being solved. the zoning of elective positions was then practiced from 1999-2003 in the first term of president olusegun obasanjo. he later contested for second term with the support of the northerners even within the pdp, and he won the election that brought him back to power from 2003-2007 making a period of two terms, eight years in all (1999-2007) as seen in table 1 below. table 1: zoning of political offices across the six geopolitical zones in nigeria as at 1999-2007, the eight years of nigeria’s leadership was domiciled in the southern part of the country under the leadership of former president olusegun obasanjo from the south-western part of the country since the presidency was zoned in the southern part of the country as agreed by the pdp through their internal arrangement. thus, they have agreed to zone the presidency to the northern part of the country for another eight years since the southern part had spent their eight years of leadership. omodia and egwemi (2011: 272-273) argued that, the whole essence of rotation conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 253 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of power between the north and the south as well as along the six geopolitical zones is to give an opportunity to other ethnic groups to participate in the leadership of the country which makes them to have a sense of belonging and being part of the nigerian political system. they also felt that, power was shifted to the north in 2007 after eight years of which the presidency was residing in the southern part of the country. president umaru musa yar’adua was elected as president in 2007, he was a former governor of katsina state from 1999-2007. yar’adua later died in office on the 5th of may, 2010, and his vice was made president of nigeria on the 6th of may, 2010, according to the nigerian constitution. president goodluck jonathan, who took over the leadership of the country after the death of yar’adua, being a southerner and a christian, had the ambition of contesting for presidency in 2011 presidential election. that became the biggest challenge for the pdp and the root cause of the truncated zoning arrangement within the pdp. it also became a battle between the north and the south. the former president olusegun obasanjo, a southerner and a christian had ruled the country for eight years from 1999-2007, then the north had only spent two full years through the leadership of the late yar’adua. then, another christian and a southerner through president goodluck jonathan became president after the death yar’adua. his ambition, made him contested for the 2011 general elections and won, he ruled from 2010-2015 making five years of another southern presidency. during the democratic dispensation, the south ruled from 1999-2007 and 2010-2015. the north saw this as betrayal and marginalization of the north, out of the sixteen (16) years of democratic rule after the military handed over power in 1999. the north ruled only for two years out of the sixteen years since zoning was truncated in 2011 by the pdp, referring to it as not part of the nigeria’s constitution in order to give room for president jonathan to actualize his ambition in 2011. (ojukwu and olaifa, 2011: 31; omodia and egwemi, 2011: 272-273; terwase, abdul-talib and zengeni, 2015: 57). idowu (2015) argues that: “the obasanjo’s government had agreed that there will be zoning formula, obasanjo being a yoruba man ruled for eight years 1999-2007 and from the south; then it will be the turn of hausa/fulani who are from the north after 8years of southern leadership, it will go back to the north and that was why umaru musa yar’adua became the president. after the death of yar’adua, for us to follow the zoning formula, another president of nigeria must come from the north to complete that four years of yar’adua, they allowed him to spend those four years, but it was jonathan that restructured that thing, and the zoning was destroyed because he said he wants to continue for the next second term before this election can be held in 2015". according to joseph (2014), an elder statesman in the person of the former minister of finance, mallam adamu ciroma disclosed on how zoning was truncated by the pdp with the support of the former president olusegun obasanjo to pave way for president jonathan to contest in 2011, thereby destroying the zoning arrangement which would have allowed a northerner to rule between 20112015 to complete yar’adua and the north’s term of 2007-2015. president jonathan’s victory of 2011 elections even with the fact that he is from the conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 254 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ minority ethnic group and from the south-south region, it gave him the boost to even contest the 2015 presidential election even with the fact that his party pdp had gone into crisis and was divided. lessons from buhari political tsunami in 2015 having created a scenario where during the democratic dispensation, after the military administration handed over power to a southern leader olusegun obasanjo in 1999, northern leaders felt challenged as a result of the fourteen years of southern leadership from 1999-2015. going back, before the sixteen years of democratic rule, the military had stayed in power from 1983 down to 1999 bringing it to a total of sixteen years in which the 16 years were spent by the northern leaders although, chief ernest shonekan stayed in power as a southerner only from august, 1993november, 1993. the rest of 1983-1999, only three months were spent by a leader from the southern part of the country under the administration of shonekan as head of interim government. from major-general mohammadu buhari 1983-1985, general ibrahim babangida 1985-1993, general sani abacha 1993-1998, and general abdulsalami abubakar 1998-1999 were all northerners. however, this northern hegemony was still broken by the north since they handed over power to the southern leadership without use of force but through a peaceful democratic process (akinboye and anifowose, 2008). this was the major reason among other reasons why the wave of change in 2015 was so strong seeing an incumbent government helplessly being defeated in an election by an opposition. so, between the north and the south, the south-west which is the yoruba regime felt marginalized by the jonathan administration between the periods of 2011-2015, thereby giving a strong support to the north during the presidential election that was held on the 28th of march, 2015. during the period of 2011-2015, the top political positions in nigeria were zoned across the north-west, northeast, north-central, south-east and south-south. the south-west that is the yorubas, were not occupying any of those top six positions in the country, for this, idowu (2015) laments that: “if you look at power distribution again under jonathan’s administration, about 60 positions/jobs at the top that is at the federal level in the country, only few were occupied by the yorubas, and that is one of the sources of agitation by the yorubas that they will never vote for jonathan in the second period of the election in 2015". in table 2 below, it shows how the top six positions were distributed among the zones in nigeria where the yorubas from the south-west were not part of it. that is why during the 2015 general elections, the yorubas supported the north since their own son professor yemi osinbajo was the running mate of general mohammadu buhari who was popularly called gmb. general mohammadu buhari of all progressive congress (apc) contested against the then incumbent president goodluck jonathan of pdp. some of the states from the southern part of the country were already in the hands of the apc as political party since the leaders of such states were the governors of the apc. the states includes: lagos, ogun, osun, oyo, edo, imo, and rivers (all progressive congress, 2015). conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 255 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 2: the truncated zoning arrangement in 2011 when zoning was truncated in 2011 as seen in table 2 above, the north ended up with four positions as against two in the south as we have seen with the presidency as it went to the southsouth and the secretary to the government of the federation went to the south-east. the positions of the vice-president, senate president, speaker of the federal house of representative and chairman of the ruling political party went to the north-west, north-central, north-west and north-east respectively. the south-west were left without any position and becoming the only zone that had no position among the six (6) top positions between the period of 2011-2015. according to ibaraye (2015) in his views notes that: “zoning can serve as a tool in addressing the issue of marginalization, like what we have seen in the administration of president jonathan from 2011-2015, the position of the speaker of the house of representative was supposed to be occupied by the south-west, but due to political maneuvering, the position went to the north-west which hon. aminu waziri tambuwal became the speaker. this made the yorubas feel sidelined and marginalized and they were not pleased with the administration of president jonathan”. in 2013, the political calculations towards 2015 general elections started and then opposition political parties merged together in order to obtain a formidable force to dislodge the ruling political party, the people’s democratic party (pdp) that ruled the country for sixteen years, 1999-2015. on the 6th of february, 2013, the all progressives congress (apc) was formed through a merger of three political parties known as congress for progressive change (cdc), all nigeria peoples party (anpp) and action congress of nigeria (acn) though, the governor of imo state who was elected under the all progressives grand alliance (apga) also joined the merger as a faction from the apga to form the all progressives congress which became a formidable force and the first political party to beat an incumbent president as seen during the march 28th, 2015 presidential, national assembly and gubernatorial elections that were held on the 11th of april, 2015. furthermore, the apc governors were in a total number of fourteen (14) before the 2015 general elections, from the northern part of the country they consisted of governor abdul’aziz abubakar yari of zamfara state, governor ibrahim geidam of yobe state, governor umaru tanko al-makura of nasarawa state, governor kashim shettima of borno state, governor rabiu musa kwankwaso of kano state, governor abdulfattah ahmed of kwara state, governor aliyu magatakarda wamakko of sokoto state. those from the southern part of nigeria consist of governor rotimi amaechi of rivers state, governor adams oshiomole of edo state, governor rochas okorocha of imo state, governor babatunde raji fashola of lagos, governor ibikunle amosun of ogun state, governor abiola adeyemi ajimobi of conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 256 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oyo state and governor rauf adesoji aregbesola of osun state (all progressive congress, 2015). the crisis within the peoples democratic party which was not resolved thereby creating an avenue for five of the governors of peoples democratic party to decamp to the fold of the all progressive congress in 2013, these five governors were from rivers, kano, sokoto, kwara and adamawa state. that of adamawa was later impeached by his state house of assembly in yola, the state capital. the 2015 general elections gave a major boost to the all progressive congress having their presidential candidate come from the northern part of the country that felt marginalized since the return of democratic rule in 1999. some of the governors within the pdp could not withstand the buhari tsunami even in the northern part of the country where the apc won the elections in pdp controlled states as seen from the strong support for buhari during the presidential campaigns across the country. the buhari supporters in the northern part of the country took the pdp by surprise where all the seven states in the north-west known as sokoto, zamfara, kano, kaduna, kebbi, jigawa, and katsina were won by mohammadu buhari as well as states from the north-central such as niger, benue, kogi and kwara states. that of the northeast swept by the buhari tsunami includes borno, gombe, adamawa, bauchi and yobe. however, the incumbent president jonathan of pdp won only three states from the northern part of the country known as taraba, plateau and nasarawa states out of the nineteen northern states. in the southern part of the country, the buhari political tsunami won lagos, ogun, osun, oyo and ondo states while the incumbent president jonathan won only ekiti state out of the six states from the south-west. at the end of the general elections, the apc got hold and control of twenty-two states out of the thirty-six states of the federation. the pdp board of trustees through the secretary concurred on these form of defeat that the opposition party (apc) gave them at the general election as unstoppable, the wave and reign of change in the nigerian political system through what he called the buhari tsunami (benjamin, 2015; buhari, 2015; wakaso, 2015; and choji, 2015). conclusion the nigerian state since the period she gained her independence to date (2015 under study), the nigerian state witnessed series of changes from one government to another that the country has under gone through the leadership of the colonial masters to the time of her independence. however, in all the administrations of the military and the civilians, one thing remains constant, a nation embodied with diverse ethnic backgrounds and diverse religion both from the northern and southern part of the country. this paper thus, has made attempts to try to show case some of the underpinning issues that need to be addressed. the most important is how the nigerian state can integrate her diverse ethnic groups into a united people who see the country first as their nation which need their collective responsibility in building the country nigeria. the military rule in the past, created a gap between the south and the north since power was in most cases residing in the northern part of the country as seen between the periods of 1966-1976, and 19831999 which were years spent in office under the leadership of northern leaders thereby creating an conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 257 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ imbalance between the north and the south. in 1999, the south also got hold of power and felt this is the time to pay the north for the years spent during the military regime by the northerners. hence, zoning of the presidency between the north and the south was no longer fashionable as the president jonathan also from the south got hold of power after the death of president yar’adua on the 5th of may, 2015, felt it was an opportunity for him to rule for eight years, i.e. 2011-2019 which made him through his party to truncate the zoning arrangement that was put in place to help rotate the presidency between the north and the south. it was practiced from 19992007, and rescheduled or zoned for the north to rule from 2007-2015. the unity of the nigerian people can only produce a stronger nation through using the opportunities refers to as gotten from unity in diversity. since the zoning arrangement was truncated by the pdp which could have given fair share of power rotation to all the six geopolitical zones, the apc took the advantage and presented a northerner in the person of buhari, who also got hold of a south-west leader to run with him for the presidential election that swept the north and part of the south for them to beat the incumbent president. therefore, the research paper concludes that, zoning should be allowed in nigeria to give equal opportunity to all the six geopolitical zones where the presidency and the top positions discussed in the paper should rotate in order to have a united nigeria where peace and political stability would be achieved or sustainable through the integration of the people of nigeria as one united country. implication this research paper, therefore, recommends the following: i) zoning should be made constitutional in order to allow all the six geopolitical zones to have equal opportunity to rule the country nigeria. this will promote unity in diversity as seen during the administration of president olusegun obasanjo from 1999-2007. according to terwase, abdul-talib, and zengeni (2015) when zoning is made constitutional, it will give equal opportunity to all the six geopolitical zones as well as promote unity between the christians and muslims. religion will no longer be used as a tool in fighting political interest, thus, the north and the south will be united. also, each zone will wait for their turn of leadership as it reflects within the nigerian constitution as suggested. therefore, this issue of zoning/ rotation of presidency should be enshrined in the nigerian constitution to avoid truncation when in the hands of political parties as witnessed during the pdp/jonathan led government in 2011 after the death of president yar’adua. zoning will therefore solve all forms political conflicts between the north and the south. ii) the re-orientation of the hearts and minds of the northern and southern christians and muslims, the majority and the minority ethnic groups in nigeria, to love the country nigeria. nigeria should be considered first before personal interest/ambition. the country cannot move forward when selfish or personal interest is considered before the interest the country at large. nigerians must stand as a united people who see themselves as one and should promote conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 258 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ unity in diversity. iii) early warning mechanism: as noted in the work of terwase, abdul-talib, and zengeni, (2015), the early warning mechanism should be put in place to monitor and address issues that may result to social and political conflicts in nigeria at the early stage. such issues should not be ignored like the zoning of the presidency to the north in 2011-2015 which was ignored and further truncated by the pdp. in as much as the north agitated for it, the issue was still trashed into the dustbin of history. references akinboye, s. o. and anifowose, r. 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(2015). 2015 election: a reflection of a political tsunamiumaru, retrieved from http://www.thisdaylive.com/articles/2015election-a-reflection-of-a-political-tsunamiumaru/205585/ note: idowu johnson was interviewed from ibadan, nigeria on the 14th of april, 2015. nemi d. ibaraye was interviewed from port harcourt, rivers state, nigeria on the 7th of april, 2015. conflict resolution: the truncated zoning arrangement and the buhari political tsunami in nigeria / isaac terungwa terwase, asmat-nizam abdul-talib and knocks tapiwa zengeni http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0018 layout desember 2008 anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin department of government affairs and administration, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia email: anw.kholid@gmail.com septiyan listiya e. r chinese culture university, taiwan, r.o.c the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election received 17 june 2015; accepted 9 august 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 abstract this research attempts to examine the political par ticipation of social media users particularly of facebook and twitter during the 2014 indonesian presidential election. the data collection was per formed through survey with accidental sampling methods. samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sci ences faculty at five universities in yogyakarta namely ugm, uin sunan kalijaga, umy, uny and upn “veteran” yogyakarta. using statistic descriptive, this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social me dia and political participation is analyzed through ols regression. the findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. how ever, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. on the other hand, the result ols regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the per centage was small. keywords: social media, political participation, presi dential election 2014 background social media is a modern product of communication and information technology that develops rapidly nowadays. some popular social media applications such as facebook, twitter, instagram, and google+ have been accessed regularly by millions of people all over the world. several data show the increasing number of global social media users. according to kemp (january 2014) on his report for we are social, entitled social, digital and media worldwide in 2014, 35% out of 7.09 billion people (total of world’s population) own internet access. furthermore, 1.85 billion people (26% out of the total world’s population) are active users of social media. the report also mentioned that the number of social media users in indonesia shows significant progress. as the total population of indonesian reaches 251 million people, 29% or 73 million people have been connected online and from this 73 million people, 98% are active social media users with facebook and twitter as the most preferred applications used by 93% and 80% of total social media users (kemp, january 2014). kemp (january 2014) also suggested that facebook has been the most popular social media application in indonesia attracting approximately 62 mailto:anw.kholid@gmail.com mailto:anw.kholid@gmail.com http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 247 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 million users and is equivalent to 25% of total population. so, what is the interesting aspects beyond those numbers? the existence of social media has en abled us to create digital communities that live along with the organic physical communities. communicative interaction among its members happens as of that in the real world by dissemina tion of information, creation of ideas, and public opinion making which most are related to political issues. furthermore, social media offers some strength in term of efficiency and quick informa tion transmission in a much wider coverage area. social media is considered as pro-public since big corporations or political elite may not easy in influencing the circulation of information as in the conventional media. rahmawati (2013) argued that such strength has encouraged a significant number of indonesians to convert from conven tional media to social media for collecting informa tion. thus, such phenomenon also encourages conventional mass media to create accounts in social media as an information dissemination tool linked to their official portal (permatasari, 2013). for instance, a printed mass media kompas and television channel metro tv are two conventional media which have popular accounts on social media named @kompascom and @metro_tv. meanwhile political elites as well as parties are also using social media as their tool for political communication. given an example, in the upcom ing of presidential election in 2014, both candi dates as well as they supporting political parties used social media as a tool for gathering public supports. moreover, there were several volunteer’s accounts to be made and initiated by the public in order to support their candidates. an account named @bara_jokowi and @jkw4p are volunteer accounts to support joko widodo, while two accounts, @selamatkanri and @prabowo are volunteer’s accounts of prabowo subianto’s sup porters. those accounts implies that social media has been media hub between public and political elites that later creates communication interaction among them. however, the easy and unlimited communication in social media brings along some risks. one of negative event visible during the 2014 presidential election was smear campaign activities. such activities aim to divide or change opinion within society by applying rumors on some issues including religion and ethnicity, or some insignificant issues such as how the candidates dress up or their foreign language competencies. smear campaign is performed to discredit particular individual or group in which during the 2014 indonesian presidential election was pointed to both candidates. unfortunately, smear campaign could happen easily on social media since its information dissemination is borderless and difficult to control. nevertheless, the 2014 presidential election was a milestone for indonesian democratization as the progress of public political participation through internet was tremendous particularly from the young people. bbg and gallup org. quoted by the global social network landscape (2013) stated that the indonesian internet is dominated by young users under 35 years old with 81% out of the total users. meanwhile, the number of young voters of 17 – 30 years old in the 2014 election reached 59.6 million people or equivalent to 30% of total voters (kpu.go.id, 2014). it is quite significant number to assume that political discussion on social media is http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 248 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 also dominated by the young people. based on the background above, we are inter ested in examining political participation of social media users. to examine this phenomenon we took undergraduate students of the faculty of social and political sciences in five big universities in yogyakarta as our sample. those students were mostly first time voters in the 2014 presidential election. therefore, the research questions were formulated as follow: 1. how does online political participation of the undergraduate students of the faculty of political and social sciences in yogyakarta during the 2014 presidential election? 2. how do social media influence political partici pation of those students during the 2014 presi dential election? theoritical framework democracy and public political participation are two interrelated issues which cannot be separated. political participation is the core of democratic society and it is an essential part of the individual development within the society (habermas, 1989; moyser in axtmann, 2003:174). public participa tion enriches political process by encouraging a better policy making process by the government as it gives considerations in the policy making process and ensures accountability of the political elites (froomokin in shane, 2004: 3-4). in other word, democracy system would not run well without political participation of the public. the core of political participation is rather simple if we take a look at what parry et al. in moyser in axtmann (2003: 175) said that political participation is about “taking part in the process of formulation, passage and implementation of public policies”. however, in reality political participation is much more complex. this complexity is related to mechanism and structures on how does the government able to filter public participation so it can contributes postive impacts in the policy making process. furthermore, such complexity of the political participation is also taking place in the process that happens within the society itself oh how does the society come together in adjusting their perspectives. at the beginning, political participation was defined as the involvement of society by voting their representatives through an election. how ever, as the society develop, lazarsfeld et al. (1944) and moyser in axtmann (2003) argue that political participation should be defined in a wider context that it covers various and wider activities. milbarth and goel in efriza (2012:175) also provide similar argumentation by identifying several types of political participation namely: 1. spectators this type is interested in political stimulation, voting in an election, initiating political discus sion and trying to influence others by using symbols or pictures that represent their political choices. 2. transitional this type includes activities of building network or doing communicative interaction with elites such as government officials or politicians, giving financial donation for political parties as well as actively involved in the campaign. 3. gladiators gladiators are those who actively allocate time and other resources for political campaign, being active members of political party http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 249 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 by attending strategic meetings, fund raising and or being candidate for a position in either political party or public office. an important connecting line among those three types that is the communication process as dahlgren (2002:6) argues that communication among people is the basis and an expression of political participation. it becomes an important factor because public opinion that can influence government policies can only be shaped when the communication process among the people runs well. the existence of social media has a tremen dous effect on the communication process within the society. it is a one stop communication plat form that provides possibilities for interpersonal communication as well as mass communication which able to spread information widely and quickly. castells (2013: xix) argues that in the last decade there has been a change of from “mass communication to mass self-communication”: “…the process of interactive communication that can potentially reach a mass audience, but in which the production of the message is self-generated, the retrieval of messages is self-directed and the reception and remixing of content from electronic communica tion networks is self selected” (castells. 2013: xix). social media in the political participation context should be considered as a tool. each individual can participate and express their political opinions without any limitations of space and time. it provides possibilities for public communication process with a tremendous intensity and quantity. opinions from each individual uploaded into social media can be forwarded, reproduced, and modi fied by other individual so that those information stay circulating within the network. the existence of social media indeed gives a very easy access for communication process within the society. the development of information and communi cation technology, particularly the creation of social media applications, has made communication processes are no longer following linear pattern of bottom-up or top-down, but it now runs following network pattern. social media eliminates control and monopoly of information transmission elite groups, such as the government and corporation. when such monopoly disappeared, information transmission would be more transparent and benefit the public by easy access to various and diverse information. the public will have wider opportunities to respond and or forward the circulated information, and such situation might enhance the political participation of the society. however, such freedom may also bring along some disadvantages such as the difficulty to clarify the validity of information which circulate around in social media. the difficulty to clarify information may bring problems into the political discussion, for instance during the 2014 presidential election practices of smear campaign was clearly visible. according to oxford dictionaries, smear campaign is defined as “a plan to discredit a public figure by making false accusations”. even though those false accusation or rumors may be denied but they can give fatal effects by reducing the credibility of the targets before the society. smear campaign shifts the focus of its targets from discussing substantial issues to mobilizing resources in effort to clarify those accusations or rumors. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 250 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 in order to analyze deeper about the public political participation we need to understand the motivation behind each individuals. weber in efriza (2012: 191-193) categorized motivation for the society to engage in political activities into four categories namely: 1. value-rational an individual engages in political activities based on rational considerations related to the interest in materializing values of which they believe in. 2. affective emotional an individual engages in political activities based on personal emotion such as preferences and like/dislike toward an idea, organization, politi cal party or an individual; 3. traditional an individual engages in political activities due to certain norms or traditions of which they have accepted; 4. instrumental-rational an individual engages in political activities based on economic calculation considering the probability of loss and gain. public political participation is an important factor within a democratic system therefore quality of the participation must be measured as well. irawan in efriza (2012:201-202) proposes four indicators to measure the quality of public political participation as follow: 1. initiative level it is an awareness level of an individual or group of people to engage in political participation without any factors from others such as influ ences, force or request; 2. tolerance toward different opinion it is a reflection of democracy which full with differences in opinion and ideas thus ability to tolerate those differences are crucial; 3. cooperation level differences among the people may cause various problems within the society therefore cooperation is needed to solve those differ ences; 4. succssful impact participation process should bring impacts within the society and this impacts may be influenced by various factors including the intensity of the participation. in order to achieve its objectives, political participation should be aimed to create public opinion which can be done through open commu nication among individuals within the society (habermas, 1989). to guarantee that such commu nication can run well, habermas (1989) empha sized the needs to create a “public sphere that connects private realm with state authority and it functions as supporting space which provides opportunities for individuals to communicate public issues without being influenced by the state or corporation”. furthermore, habermas (1989: 227) explained some pre-conditions for public sphere to exist which are a guarantee for freedom of speech, freedom to unite and gather, and freedom of press to publish public opinions which had been formed in the public sphere. habermas’ idea on public sphere is an ideal description that is unlikely to be completely imple mented. nevertheless, the existence of social media gives a wider opportunity to transform public sphere into a new form. castell (2009), though is not limited to social media, has introduced a concept of network society where the society and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 251 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 its social structure exist and develop within the microelectronic-based technology with all commu nication and circulation of information are pro cessed digitally. according to castells’s definition (2013:2), we might conclude that network society is an online public sphere where the government almost has no control and corporations are likely unable to monopolize the communication pro cesses within. therefore, network society may fulfill some important principles of public sphere particularly in accommodating freedom and equal chances to speak; establishment of interest-based groups, and facilities for freedom of publication. such freedom provides opportunities to create mass self-communication that enables many-to many communication with multiplied producers and receivers of information. moreover, informa tion that have been uploaded in to social media will stay alive and circulate following the digital network that is unlimited and borderless. in relation to public political engagement, many researches and publications have shown that there is positive correlation between the internet usages and political activities. carlisle and patton (2013), luengo (2006), and vaccari et al. (2013) have demonstrated that the existence of the internet has influenced the political activities of the society. they argue that the internet and social media provide easiness for the society to get involved in political discussion. carlisle and patton (2013) observed that “during the 2008 american presidential election, facebook became a popular platform for the american public to participate in political discussion and debates”. meanwhile luengo (2006) stated that “there was positive and significant correlation between the internet usage and political activism in 20 european countries where the public took different part in political process other than just giving vote in general elections”. furthermore, vaccari et al. (2013) mentioned that “the connec tion between online and offline political activities may happen as the society do not necessarily sepa rate their political involvement in both realm which make the information flows swiftly between the two areas”. other characteristic of this infor mation flow is that it follows an interrelated net work which enable the information roll over like a snowball. hence, the online political discussion and demands that happens in social media such as twitter will be difficult to ignore which then influences the offline discussion within the society. such influence of social media toward the society was also visible in indonesian political landscape. rahmawati (2013) mentioned that “behaviors of news consumption in indonesia have significantly changed”. the society has started to move from conventional media into social media to search for information including political issues. however, carlisle and patton (2013) emphasized that “the influence of social media to the political participa tion of its users is still limited because, finally, social media is only a tool while political participation is driven by the individual will and interest”. if carlisle and patton (2013), luengo (2006), vaccari et al. (2013) and rahmawati (2013) demon strated the usage of the internet and social media by the people to engage in political activism, puspitasari (2012) and maliki and satria (2013) analyzed the usage of social media by political elites for campaign and gathering public political sup port. puspitasari (2012) analyzed political communi cation strategies that is employed by political elites for political campaign. she observed the role of http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 252 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 social media in the 2012 governor election of jakarta and described that social media had played an important role for political communication of the candidate even though it was not yet maximally used as the “communication style was still static”. meanwhile maliki and satria (2013) analyzed the issue of social media’s influences toward politi cal campaign in the 2012 governor election of jakarta. the research findings indicated a growing trend of using social media as political campaign tool. the findings, in particular, identified several types of campaigns including black campaign, clean campaign, and negative campaign were performed by governor candidates and their campaign teams and supporters. there were assumptions of candi dates that campaign through social media may influence the public choices. however, the observa tion yielded a contradiction that popularity of the candidates in social media was not always equivalent to the voting results. research methods this research employed accidental survey methods for data collection which was conducted in september – august 2014. the population of this research was undergraduate students of social and political science faculty from five big universities in yogyakarta namely: ugm (universitas gadjahmada), uin (islamic state university) sunan kalijaga, umy (universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta), uny (yogyakarta state university), and upn “veteran” (veteran university). to define the sample, we used margin of error of 5% and confidence level of 95%. according to the sample calculation, the number of respondent was 317 students from total population of 13,286 students (pdpt dikti, 2013). however, in reality, the number of sample who participated in this survey was slightly more than the expected number that was 379 students. the respondents from each university were calculated proportionally based on the overall number of students in the faculty of each designated university. meanwhile the social media applications that were chosen as the focus of this study were facebook and twitter. this research employed a dependent variable and an independent variable of which each of them has several sub-variables or dimensions. dependent variable of this research is the political participation of social media users, consists of four dimensions namely: intensity of political participa tion, motivation of political participation, types of political participation, and level of success of political participation. these four dimensions are built by 24 items of questions. meanwhile, inde pendent variable represents the existence of social media which consists of three dimensions namely openness and transparency of information, unlim ited communication, and risk of smear campaign. these three dimensions are built on 10 items of questions. to analyze the collected data, we apply two methods of statistic descriptive and ols regression. to gain data from respondents, we used a set of questionnaire which employed likert scale. there fore, we need to have reliability test of cronbach’s alpha to examine the internal consistency of each variable. the alpha value for dependent variable of the political participation of social media users was .86 so this variable is considered as reliable. how ever, there were five items from this dependent variable which would not give much influence to the alpha value if they were dropped. nevertheless, http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 253 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 fugure 1. path analysis of ols regression we decided to keep those items for the ols regres sion analysis as they represented dimension that was essential in this analysis. meanwhile, the alpha value for independent variable was .792 thus this variable was still accept able and considered as reliable. however, there were three items which have weak internal consis tency and if each of those items were eliminated, they would significantly add up the alpha value of independent variable. one of those items which would add the alpha value up if omitted was the item of “it is easy to grab information that i need on social media”. once this item was dropped, it would add the alpha value up onto .808 and it would make the independent variable categorized as good. nevertheless, we decided to keep those items as they all represented essential dimension within the independent variable. those items represented the adoption of main principal of a public sphere as described by habermas. even though plenty of research about the public political participation has been done, somehow research focusing on social media usage as a sup porting tool of political participation is relatively new topic in indonesia. social media usage study in indonesia’s political realm so far tends to be top down by researching social media usage by political elites as a campaign strategy. however, a research about social media usage by public to involve in political process is still limited. hence, this research is aimed to contribute reference for further re search. dependent variable used in this research, for instance: the aims of participation, participation’s type and value, are variables that have been used by previous researches. however, the usage of independent variable about social media’s function as a tool for public in political participation is an additional that is relatively new in indonesia. independent variable about social media usage is then elaborated into three dimensions, as follows: open and information transparency, unlimited communication ability, and smear campaign’s risk which can be done easily on social media. smear campaign’s risk dimension through social media is also still limited to be analyzed in a research. the decision to employ three sub-variables is to test whether unlimited freedom can really motivate people to engage in political activities. as habermas has mentioned that public sphere can function well when freedom of speech, freedom to unite and gather, and freedom of press to publish public opinions are guaranteed. the single inde pendent variable of social media usage may bring some disadvantages as the research result can only show how big the influence of social media toward political participation without providing a comparative to other factors. instead the result may lead to another hypothesis of what factors other than social media which may influence http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 254 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 public political participation. limitation on this research was the accidental sample of the population that was limited only for social and political science faculty’s undergraduate students from five big universities in yogyakarta. this limitation leads to the uncertainty of respon dents’ diversity background representatives, for instance: origin and ethnics. even though limita tion for population and sample is common in a research, it also leads to the limited possibility to generalize the research result. another limitation was the data of population number which was not yet updated. data collection of population number was taken from pdpt dirjen dikti’s website which was only available from the first semester of 2013. overall, the number of men and women’s respondents has equal percentage. there were 183 men’s’ respondents (48.3%) and 196 women’s respondents (51.7%). equitable number between men and women respondents was aimed to avoid gender bias on its research questionnaire. respondent characteristic was then described relying on social media application has been used. seen from this characteristic, most of the respon dents (73%) used both social media application that was offered through questionnaire, facebook and twitter. in analyzing research through only an application, the respondents were applying facebook only (16%) and this was much more than 5% the number of respondents who merely used twitter. since that most of respondents were applying two social media application, it was consid ered that the respondents have been well connected to network society through online network. the usage of both applications would give bigger opportunities to the respondents for accessing internet and communicating largely instead of applying only an application. the study also considered how long the respon dents accessed social media application. respon dents’ frequency for accessing social media applica tion was categorized into three: heavy users, me dium users, and light users. relied on data collec tion, more than 50% of respondents accessed social media application less than three hours per a day. in other words, the most respondents were catego rized as light users. for those respondents accessed social media more than six hours for each day (heavy users) was only 12% and the rest of them (32%) were considered as medium users by access ing social media approximately three to five hours in a day. even though most of respondents were light users, it was inevitable that social media has been a part of daily life as a tool for communicat ing and accessing information. result and analysis the overall index of political participation of social media users during the 2014 presidential election is 3.37 and categorized as good. this overall index was measured from four dimensions as seen on table 1. dimension of intensity of political participation was measured from the preferences of respondents in using several facilities offered by facebook and twitter. both social media applications offer four similar facilities which have the same functions for publication. but in this research those four facili ties are considered to have different values based on efforts taken by its users in using them. from the lowest to the highest values, those activities are marking, sharing, commenting and uploading news or status. the most preferred facility used by http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 255 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 table 1. political participation of social media users source: primary data (2014) respondent for political purposes during the 2014 election was marking news or status which has the lowest value. such preferences indicate that respon dents had tendency to participate safely with minimum efforts by avoiding possibilities of creat ing controversies. other activities that led to an open debate or discussion such as commenting and updating political news and status tend to be avoided by respondents. such limited participation as shown by most respondents is also explained by vaccari et al (2013:21) who emphasized that intensive circula tion of political information in social media does not necessarily lead to the creation of direct and open discussion. carlisle and patton (2013:891) also argue with similar findings that “...despite the enthusiasm surrounding facebook, individuals in general engaged in limited political activity via facebook”. therefore, it was not unexpected that most respondents of this research had shown limited intensity in their participation via social media during the 2014 election. the next dimension is motivation of political participation which was used to measure the reason why an individual did online participation during the election process. there are four types of moti vation within this dimension namely value ratio nal, affective emotional, traditional and instrumen tal rational. overall index of this dimension is 3.74 which indicates that most respondents had strong motivation to participate during the election process via social media. most respondents indi cated that they used rational considerations when they decided to go online and involve actively in the election process. their main consideration was to vote for government who would likely be able in carrying out a better development for indonesia. afterward, dimension of types of political participation consists of three indicators of partici pation types which are spectator, transitional, and gladiator. even though each type is valid but they have different value. the most ideal type would be gladiators who provide certain resources to actively participate during the election process such as actively getting involved in political campaign or in making public opinion. table 1 shows that overall index for participation type is 2.94 and considered as fair. the biggest tendency in this dimension which was shown by respondents was type of spectator. this type is defined to have limited activities only to searching for information and forwarding that information to others who are in their friendship circle. such tendency was in accordance to the previous data of the tendency in participation intensity which was minimum as well. the last dimension for the dependent variable is the level of success of the online participation of social media user which consists of three indicators: level of initiative, tolerance towards differences and ability to transform into real action offline. in general respondents gave positive feedbacks in this dimension which is represented by a quite high http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 256 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 overal index of 3.78. most respondents admitted that their online participation during the election process was based on self-awareness toward the importance of the election. meanwhile, they were also aware that differences in term of opinion and preferences in such event were likely to emerge thus they believed that such diversity should be accepted and responded in a rational way. as an example, most respondents said that they took control of themselves when they interacted online debating political issues and they responded differ ences and disagreement with appropriate words. afterwards, most respondents were able to transfer their online into real actions by using their votes in the election day and encouraging people around them to do the same. the ability of respondents in transferring their online participation into real actions is explained by pateman (1970:42); mill (1972:217); and moyser in axtmann (2003:175) as level of political partici pation that consists of two phases. the first phase is personal changes within each participant. when such changes take place, it will lead them onto the namely free access to information, freedom of expression and freedom to unite. despite some benefits of social media which may support the implementation of democratic principles, there are risks which may expose the society to negative events as information can circulate without con trol. the most visible risk during the 2014 election process was smear campaign where both candidates fell into victims. even though all issues can be turned into smear campaign but the 2014 election was heated by some sensitive issues such as religion, ethnicity and political ideology as such issues had been easily used to influence public opinion in indonesia. table 2. the existence of social media independent variable: the existence of social media next phase when those participants encourage people around them to get involved because they believe that political participation will produce a knowledgeable society who has responsibility and empathy towards opinion and interest of their fellow citizens. such phenomenon of social media users who are able to transfer their online participation into real actions was also identified by vaccari et al. (2013) who argued that in general “online political participation (i.e. discussion via twitter) would affect offline participation of internet users”. the existence of social media may correlate to the implementation of democratic principles source: primary data (2014) in general, the perception of respondents towards social media as a platform for political participation during the 2014 election was quite good of which most respondents considered that social media provides an open and easy access to information. overall index for this indicator is 3.64 and categorized as good as seen on table 2. however, there was an indication that respondents considered that such open and easy access to information was not balanced by certainty of validity and transparency of the circulated informa tion because it was quite difficult to do cross check http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 257 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 ing of news and separating between facts and opinion. the next indicator for the existence of social media is unlimited communication which repre sents facilities provided by social media. those facilities offer almost no boundaries that may help its user to easily communicate with each other whether among individual or groups and to estab lish virtual groups as in real life. based on answers gathered from respondents, overall index for unlimited communication is 3.63 and categorized as good (table 2). this overall index shows that respondent acknowledged the potential benefit of social media as tools to enhance their political participation during the 2014 election as communi cation was an important factor in forming public opinion. the overall index for dimension of openness and transparency of information as well as dimension of unlimited communication which are quite high indicate that most respondents acknowledged the potential benefit provided by social media in relation to the implementation of democracy principles. the tendency shown by most respondents indicates that there was an understanding of social media as a public platform that might function as habermas’ public sphere as social media could very well function as a platform that accommodate their wish for easy access to information, freedom of expression and freedom to unite. furthermore, most respondent also acknowledge that social media has a tremendous function as a self-publishing platform for their various opinions and perspectives. the existence of social media is not without any risk. smear campaign was one of the most visible risk during the 2014 election which could be done very easily through social media. therefor smear campaign was used as an indicator that shows a side effect which come along with the easiness offered by social media. this indicator was built on five parameters which were closely related to the perception of respondents on negative news or status aimed to both presidential candidates. table 2 shows that the overall index of risk of smear campaign is relatively small of 2.41 and categorized as less risky. it indicates that even though the risk of smear campaign was less significant but there were possibilities of respondent to get trapped by such activities. the small overall index of risk of smear campaign indicated by respondent is some thing that was not unexpected because respondents were a group of people who supposed to have better understanding in politics and able to think rationally and critically. nevertheless, the fact that smear campaign became an important topic during the 2014 elec tion did not seriously affect the level of success of social media users’ political participation which still have a high overall index as shown in table 1. data shows that most respondents were able to respect and see differences in a rational way and most of them also used their votes and had self initiative to encourage people around them to do the same. the influence of social media on po litical participation ols regression was performed to analyze how big social media influenced the political participa tion of its users. the ols analysis was performed as seen on table 3. the f value of the ols analysis is 26.09 with the significance value of .000 thus f is significant. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 258 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 table 3. matrix of ols regression toward dependent variable of social media users’ political participation source: primary data (2014) this value indicates that variation of values of independent variable could explain the variation of values of dependent variable. the significance of f value is more visible by seeing the value of each controlling variable. in general, all controlling variables in this model show significant influence to the dependent variable with all sig. < .050. r-square statistic shows the “proportion of explained variant in the dependent variable that is accounted for by the independent variable” (lewis beck in bush, 2009:91). r-square statistic in this model is accounted for .173 which means that the existence of social media which consist of three dimensions (openness and transparency of information, unlimited communication, risk of smear campaign) was contributing of 17.3% to the dynamic of political participation of its users during the 2014 election. while the remaining 82.7% were contribution of other factors which were not included in this model. the value of unstandardized coefficients indi cates the average changes of dependent variable if one point added up in the dependent variable. the coefficient of openness and transparency of information towards political participation of social media users is 2.212. this coefficient indicates that every single point added up in variable of openness and transparency of information would cause an additional of 2.212 point in the average value of variable of political participation of social media users. this calculation follows the following formula y=a+bx where y is dependent variable, a is constant value, b is coefficient of the regression and x is independent variable. therefore, this formula explains that the improvement of the openness and transparency of information will improve the political participation of social media users as well. the coefficient of variable of unlimited commu nication towards variable of political participation of social media users is .539 which means that an additional point in variable of unlimited communi cation will add the average value of variable politi cal participation of social media user of .539. however, this particular ols analysis is almost insignificant with significance value of sig.=.042. this value indicates that the influence of possibility of unlimited communication offered by social media was relatively small and almost insignificant http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 259 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 toward the political participation of its users. this finding is in accordance to the partial data of some items. for example, when respondents were asked if they tried to communicate directly with political elites to express their opinion, most respondents indicated that such opportunities were left unused. the contradiction was that social media provides wide opportunities for respondent to contact political elites without following formal procedures or bureaucracy as if they want to meet them in person. meanwhile, coefficient of variable risk of smear campaign is .626, thus every single additional point to this variable will add up to the average value of the variable of political participation of social media user of .626. this coefficient indicates that even though smear campaign is considered as a negative activity but it is a factor that positively encourage social media users to politically partici pate during the 2014 election. therefore, based on this coefficient there was an indication that if the risk of smear campaign increased the political participation would increase too. another explana tion is that smear campaign was an integral part of the political participation of social media users. this phenomenon might be explained as key in kahn and kenney (1999:877) argued that: “a campaign ... that presents the electorate with dramatic issues, that commands the attention of the media of communication will stir far more interest than a campaign whose outcome seems to the voter to be of slight immediate importance. the clashes of candidates whose personalities engage the emotions of masses of people will pull more voters to the polls than will a contest between nonentities.” during the 2014 presidential election, sensitive issues used as smear campaign such as religion, ethnicity or other political issues such as human right violation and corruption scandal had successfully created controversy within the society. these controversial issues had encouraged a polarization within the society and divided the people into several groups which led to the creation of heated discussion and debates among them in social media. some people were involved in the debates because carried away by emotional feelings and fear. for example some people were afraid if their religion will be discriminated if one particular candidate wins the election. on the other side, some people considered that religion issues has no relevancy anymore in the presidential election and thought that human right was more crucial issues to consider. finkel and geer in kahn and kenney (1999:877-888) mentioned that a smear campaign may encourage participation of voters by “circulating political information that causing fear and worry about the result of the election, nevertheless, the end result of smear campaign may not be the same because each campaign has different tones and contents, and voters respond to those variations”. some smear campaigns are considered as “useful and still tolerable but there are also some that are inappropriate and crossing the limits” (kahn and kenney, 1999:887). based on the above ols regression and correla tion analysis, it can be concluded that social media gives significant and positive influences to political participation of its users during the 2014 presiden tial election in indonesia. in a more detailed analysis, the biggest contribution that influence the political participation of social media users came from the openness and transparency of information offered by social media both facebook and twitter. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 260 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 the second biggest influence came from the risk of smear campaign and the smallest contribution came from the dimension of unlimited communi cation. such finding on the positive influences of social media toward political participation was also analyzed by luengo (2006) who stated that there was “a positive and significant relations between the use of internet and the level of political activ ism in 20 european countries”. nevertheless, the enthusiasm surrounding public participation in social media during the 2014 election seemed big but the finding in this research shows that the existence of social media only gave small influence to the political participation of its user by 17.3%. moreover, it is important to know that after the cronbach’s alpha test both items that represent openness and transparency of information and one item that represent the easiness to unite in social media did not have strong internal consistency. statistically, those items decreased the reliability value of independent variable if not omitted, although the decreased value is still tolerable. however those items represented important indicators, thus we decided to keep them. easy access to information and unlimited com munication which only give small influence to the political participation of social media users is rather contradicting to the analysis of castell (2012) who argued that easy access to transparent information and freedom to communicate are factors that maximize the society to participate in political process. habermas (1989:227) also argued that free information, freedom of speech, freedom to communicate and to unite is important factors to accommodate political participation. however, the findings of this research indicate that openness of information, unlimited possibilities of communica tion and easiness to unite in social media do not automatically maximize the political participation of its users because these factors are only facilities or framework that can be used or ignored. this is proven when most respondents acknowledged that social media provide easy access to information and communication but in reality such facilities did not necessarily encourage them to get involved during the 2014 election process maximally. based on this finding we can assume that those facilities offered by social media which accommodate freedom of expression and information were rather ignored by its users. therefore, it is not surprising if then the find ings of this research indicate that the influence of social media was relatively small to the political participation of its users. this shows that beside easy access to information and open communica tion, there were other factors which more influen tial toward the political participation of social media users. one of the most influential factors which encourage an individual to participate is the self-willingness and self-interest. such observation was conducted by carlisle and patton (2013:861) upon the political participation of facebook users during the american presidential election in 2008: “finally, we find that one’s political interests play a significant role in determining whether an individual is more or less engaged in facebook during both the primary and general elections. the significance and strength of the effect of political interest is in line with previous research both in the area of traditional offline political activity and online behavior, in general. while many have considered whether the internet can equalize access to information and politics, we find, as have others, that interest propels action. those who are more interested are those who http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 261 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 are more likely to be engaged and politically active.” if it was the case, instead of the mere existence of the social media, the activities among users within the social media are probably more signifi cant to encourage public participation. for in stance, smear campaign may motivate individuals to engage in political discussion within or without social media as it suggests fear and worries to the people. such fears and worries then becomes fuel for self-willingness and self-interest to engage in the political discussion and activities. beside individual factors, there are also external factors. users are living an offline life as well by socializing and interacting with other individuals and are exposed to other media such as tv, radio and newspaper which may give more influence. interpersonal interactions whether online or offline, such as at home with family, in classrooms with classmates and teachers, might as well give certain influences to their political participation. as vaccari et al. (2013:23) argued that “in the age of ubiquitous communication, voters are constantly targeted by avalanches of political messages, espe cially during campaigns, but research has shown that interpersonal communication among citizens still plays an important role in filtering mass media content and influencing vote choices.” another factor that may cause small percentage of influence of social media toward political partici pation of its users during the 2014 election was the possibility that the use of social media as an instru ment for political participation was still quite new in indonesia, thus this effort still need time to develop. the 2014 election was the first presiden tial election in indonesia which got a massive attention via social media as the number of social media users particularly facebook and twitter has been growing rapidly in the last few years. even though the findings of this research show that the influence of social media toward political participation is relatively small, but we believe that further research on this issue is necessary. social media is indeed a mere platform but a powerful one, particularly in term of supporting political participation, thus the public should be able to benefit from it. the number of internet users in indonesia has reached 72 million people by 2014 of which 62 million of them are active users of social media. this is a huge number and thus online political activism should be considered in indone sian political landscape because political demands articulated via social media will be difficult to ignore and likely to transform into real life as vaccari et al. (2013:24) mentioned “what happens online does not stay online, but rather moves offline and affects citizens’ face-to-face conversa tions.” conclusion in term of voting usage, the quantity of political participation during the 2014 presidential election decreased to that of the previous elections. how ever, in term of quality we could see a significant progress on the public’s involvement and enthusi asm during the presidential election. the over whelming noises and activities in social media social had heated up the discussion around the election which was involving a lot of social media users, both through chatting individually or collec tively by creating supporters’ groups. these groups were created to support the campaign while other groups were created to control the 2014 presiden tial election process. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 262 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 the findings of this research indicate that the level of political participation of the social media users was categorized as good. the result is not surprising as the respondents were students of social and political science faculty of whom consid ered to participate in politics is familiar activities. however, most respondents did not maximally use the facilities offered by social media such as easy access to information and communication to support their political participation activities. the findings also indicate that most respondents tend to participate as spectator which is defined as the lowest category in term of types of participation. furthermore, there was an indication that the respondents were quite susceptible to get affected by smear campaign. nevertheless, the level of success of political participation shown by the respondents was good. this level of success was identified from the voting usage during the elec tion day and their initiatives to encourage other people around them to do the same. the ols regression analysis also indicates that social media had positive correlation and significant influences towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was quite small (17.3%). such small number of percentage may show that 1) the easy access to information and communica tion are merely a platform that can be used or ignored and not as the main factor that encourage an individual to participate in politics; therefore, 2) social media is not the only instrument to encour age public political activities as well as to influence public perception. however, we believe that social media has been one of many factors that should be considered as an instrument to support public participation and public opinion making process. on the other side, our findings have also indi cated that smear campaign were actually delivering some positive and significant contribution toward political participation of social media users. even though smear campaign is considered as a nega tive activity, but in principal, it had played a posi tive role as a supporting factor and as a part of political participation of the social media users during the 2014 presidential election. however, there are some issues that we have to take into consideration as smear campaign is a multidimen sion activity which consist of at least two catego rizes: 1) a category that is still considered as proper and useful by public so it encourages the public to participate actively; and 2) a category that is considered improper and crossing the limit that cause apathetic of the public toward the political process that has been running. implication technology will always develop with a never ending change of trends. social media is one of technology trend that is recently favored by the public. the use of social media has been for multi purposes beyond private communication tool. it has been an efficient tool for the public to deliver their political aspiration. hence, both government and political elites should adjust themselves toward the continuous development of technology. therefore, nowadays, social media should be part of government and political elites’ strategies in gathering public aspiration. through all the facilities offered, social media can be used as a tool to provide political education for the public. therefore, it is essential for the government and elites should to have an official account that functions as media for publication and communica http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 263 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 the influence of social media towards student political participation during the 2014 indonesian presidential election / anwar kholid, rahmawati husein, dyah mutiarin, septiyan listiya e. r http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 tion and it is also very important to manage it professionally. for example, by updating relevant news based on the facts in regular manner; 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(2012). analisis strategi komunikasi politik melalui media baru (studi kualitatif komunikasi politik faisal basri dan biem benjamin, calon independen gubernur dan wakil gubernur dki jakarta melalui media sosial) [tesis]. jakarta: fisipol universitas indonesia rahmawati, listiya eka. (2013). news consumption of indonesia’s social media users [thesis]. taipe: chinese culture university. vaccari, cristian et.al. (2013). social media and political communication: a survey of twitter users during the 2013 italian general election. rivista italiana di scienza politica anno xliii, n. 3, (dicembre 2013) pp. 1-29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0019 http://forlap.dikti.go.id/ layout desember 2008 88 rationalism and future political islam in indonesia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 nurus shalihin lecturer of sosiology department at faculty of usluhudin, iain imam bonjol, padang. email: nurus_djamra@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this paper aims to examine the muslim rationality in legislative and executive election, and also to understand the reason why they choose national party, or islamic party based on the alkali data of legislative and executive election in west sumatera from 2004-2009 periods. the paradigm of research is a rational choice theory. this paradigm helps to understand the political behavior of muslim in west sumatera in legislative and executive election of 2004-2009 period. finally, the research finds out that muslim in west sumatera always make a political choice rationale, and ignore the primordial consideration to choose the party. this fact is crucial factor why the islamic party was lost in west sumatera, and other places in indonesia. keywords: political islam, rationalization, democracy, the rational choice theory. abstrak tujuan penulisan paper ini adalah untuk mengetahui rasionalitas umat muslim dalam pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif. dan juga untuk memahami alasan kenapa mereka memilih partai nasional, atau partai islam. dengan data yang bersifat alkali dari pemilihan legislatif dan eksekutif di sumatera barat; dari periode 2004-2009. paradigma penelitian ini adalah teori pilihan rasional. paradigma ini membantu memahami perilaku politik dari muslim di sumatera barat pada saat periode pemilu legislatif dan eksekutif 20042009. pada akhirnya, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa muslim di sumatera barat selalu membuat pilihan politik yang rasional, dan mengabaikan pertimbangan primordial untuk memilih partai. fakta ini merupakn faktor krusial kenapa partai islam mengalami kekalahan 89 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di sumatera barat dan daerah lain di indonesia. kata kunci: islam politik, rasionalisasi, demokrasi, teori pilihan rasional introduction constructive interpretation of the influence of islam can be traced through the historical approach and the dynamics of contemporary islam with respect to the factors and context of the emergence of islam (lijakumpu, 2006:3). the emergence of “political islam” is the contemporary face of islam that developed at this time, and grows in countries or in muslim-majority countries that are open to the participation of islamic politics as turkey and indonesia. indonesia as the largest muslim country can be categorized as a nation which is open to receive and even encourages the growth of islamic politics. it can be seen in the presence of various islamic parties with their promordial network system accompanying the development of democracy in indonesia. if traced back, the rise of political islam in indonesia has started prior to indonesian independence. the waves were strong more and more, when indonesia became independent, and make the election as part of the pillar and procedural democracy. in this condition the various islamic political parties emerged. presumably, this is part of the political attitudes of muslims in indonesia qua a nation (indonesia as a nation) the desire to participate in building democracy and strengthening the nationstate, nation-state. it also makes indonesia complete with a portrait of democracy growing on it be interesting to understand. fauzan ali rashid (2010:1-4) suggests three assumptions made islam and democracy, with political islam qua interesting locus to be discussed. first, political islam in indonesia is different patterns with islamic movement in different islamic countries. one difference is the inclusion of local culture in a democracy. secondly, islam as religious affiliation of the people has the ‘power’ politics is quite large. third, political islam has a history of struggle and resistance series1. in line with fauzan ali rashid, the study rizal sukma (2004:9) explains that long before the dutch came and change the political structure in indonesia, islam has a privileged position. it can be seen from several major kingdoms in the archipelago-from the sultanate of aceh in the west to the sultanate of ternate and tidore in the south-islam has rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 90 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ become a dominant belief system, not just at the elite level but affect the structure of the royal kingdom as a whole. in this context it can be seen later became the pillars of islam and the material is important for democracy in indonesia. interestingly, prior to democracy in indonesia growing and developing as a political character indonesia, islam has indeed become a force not only to ‘bulldoze’ imperialism-colonialism, but also as forming the face of democracy in indonesia. dynamics and political battle is forces of political islam in indonesia, looking at the period of parliamentary democracy (1955-1956). during a parliamentary democracy, political islam occupies important position in the nation’s political dynamics. political parties like masyumi, nu and perti as a representation of the strength of islam gained a significant voice in the election; masyumi (20.9), nu (18.4) and perti (1.4). due to the failure of parliamentary democracy and representation became a destination majority indonesia, president soekarno rated as the base for the political instability in the country, making soekarno turn around the political policy of parliamentary democracy to a democracy. although islam under this new political model faded as a political force, but islam has become one of the pillars of the forces that determine the fate of empires soekarno. exceed dramaturgy old order regime, interesting to note how the twisted political islam in the early days of the indonesian state. the data above can be used as an indicator that political islam is not only a part of a democratic practice indonesia, but also the pillars that make up the face of politics and the life of the nation and state of indonesia. islamic politics in indonesia is full of romance, from anomalous to unexpected surprises. according to assyaukanie (2010:3) although it is still too early to say indonesia as a model of democracy in the muslim countries, but taking into account the way of democracy in indonesia over the past decade and how it practices islamic values, muslim countries might turn to indonesia as a model, or at least as a benchmark to see how the issue of islam and democracy are discussed. however, indonesia has experienced a process of democratization that is different from all muslim countries. there are anomalies in the middle of islamic parties electoral victory in the middle east, indonesia actually showed the oprationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 91 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ posite result. unlike in egypt, turkey, and others, the election is not a good event for the islamic parties in indonesia to gain power: in three elections since the fall of seeharto, islamic parties were always lost. there are important things conveyed by luthfi assyaukanie that indonesian islam is not really a positive correlation with political choices. is this true? failure of islamic politics in indonesia is also traceable to the new order era. according to robert w. hefner (2000:58) the failure of political islam is due to the strong and effective power control of suharto regime against the influence of islam. in this condition, the power of islam both in the elite and grass roots is not growing, and even, suffering ‘temporary paralysis’. in political expression, the power of islam fused at a party; united development party. consequently, islamic politics in the new order era was not developed. at the grassroots level of muslims, the presence of the party is only used as a formal structure of politics and subterfuge new order regime to calm the turmoil of muslim elites. this condition is then termed as the ‘domestication of islam’: a taming of islam in order to not threaten the power. in different analysis, greg fealy (in akbarzadeh and saeed, 2003:150) explains that the failure of polititable1. acquisition of sound dynamics in elec sources: fauzan ali rashid, 2010 rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 92 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cal islam in indonesia from the 1950-1980s was mainly caused by the mentality of the political leaders of islam as well as muslims which is large in quantity, but a minority mentality. why greg fealy expresses such extreme views? greg fealy seems to depart from the reality of politics in indonesia, where islamic parties tend to be second class as an option in the community. islamic parties have no power to grab the attention of muslims in indonesia. study of thomas b. pepinsky, r. william liddle and saiful mujani on conflict of islam as a religion and democracy as a form of government in indonesia found two typical of islamic politics; ‘islamic parties’ and ‘islamists parties’2. this difference seems to depart from the two forms of public response to the islamic parties in indonesia. according to this study ‘islamic parties pkb and pan – in the 1999 election are more likely to be accepted than’ islamists parties’pkb and the united nations. departing from this study, it seems interesting to understand how real reasoning or rationalization of muslims against their political choices. by understanding the political fate of islam and muslim political choices by rational choice perspective, it is hoped that muslim political choices can be assessed and evaluated based on forms of reasoning underlying political behavior choices. theoretical framework an action or an option over a certain form of behavior is underlied by unique and specific reasoning. amartya sen (in elseter, 1986:61) explains that the preference of human behavior is determined by the choice itself. making a choice is psychological problems, in terms of a choice determination. a choice is also social problem: it is constructed by social forces surrounding the actor when choosing and deciding a choice. beyond assumptions built by amartya sen, when discussing the options in relation to rationality automatically deliver the theory of “utility” (maximization paradigm) which is popular economics. fuad aleskerov, denis bouyssou, & bernard monjardet (2007:31) asserts that the relationship between rationality and choice is close and inevitable. it can be traced from the model selection based on the pararationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 93 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ digm of maximizing (maximization paradigm). if so, what is the underlying assumption that the maximization paradigm can be a powerful and robust for understanding the relationship between choice and rationality? peter c. fishburn (1968:335) explains that utility theory is the study of human preferences or values; under the assumption that every human being has its own method of calculation of the actions and behaviors. more and more clear that the paradigm of utility networks, actions, and choices of human behavior are based on the calculation of highly rational and measured. the study of nicolaas j. vried of rational behavior and economic theory (1995:263-264) explains that humans can be assessed as steady as homo economics. terminology of homo economics is grounded by empirical reality, and even looks very natural that people will always decide and choose an act of political economy which is also based on the calculation of opportunistic behavior; how lucrative that choice for themselves (selfinterest oriented). other terms of utility paradigm is “cognitive science”: an approach, methodology questioned the “reasons” (reasoning) and decision making (decision making). craig r.m. mckenzie (2003:403) considers that one popular approach used by scientists to question and understand the relationship of “rationality” and “choice” is a methodology cognitivist, where reasoning and its relationship with the option to then be built in modeling. both paradigms utilities, and cognitivist basically stopped at the same point, which is sure of the relationship between the ‘rationality’ and choice, good choice to act in the world economy and world politics. another term that may also explain the relationship between the rationality of choice and then called the ‘rational choice’ is the concept of “bounded rationality” or “limited rational choice theory.” what is the theory? how to do with the ‘rationality’ and ‘choice’? till grüne-yanoff (2007:534) interprets the concept of ‘bounded rationality’ is used in four domains, namely, first, to criticize the theory of standard (read: the theory of classical rationalism is too normative), and second, to enrich the behavioral models and theories third, to provide the appropriate rationale, fourth, fully explain the rational concept. in this context, exploration of concept of ‘bounded rationality’ seems to help explain how the real essence of rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 94 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ‘rationality’ itself, to then be connected to the ‘choice’ of politics. the concept of ‘limited rational choice’ is the behavior of individuals who continue implicated (grüne-yanoff, 2007:537-538). can be expressed phenomenon that has become a separate and independent phenomenon in the social structure because real people are always faced with limited choices. in this condition the calculations are accurate and have a higher rationality required by humans before deciding on a choice and social action. if so, how the concept of rationality that was very economical then used as a theoretical concept to explain political behavior? it is james buchanan (1998) who territorialized or extend the theory of rationality which is formerly confined in economics then transformed in studies that are concerned about political behavior. james buchanan in politic by principle, not interest (1998:3) describes the phenomenon of political-interest or ‘politics by interest’: a reality of elite political behavior driven by opportunistic calculations, the effect of the human tendency constantly, simultaneously, to understand themselves as bidders, suppliers, buyers and sellers. similar reasoning then forms political behavior to plunge-both at the elite and grassroots-utilitarianism into the horizon: a behavior that is based on the calculation of pragmatism-”profit, but do not want to lose.” assumption of james buchanan’s political would clarify the ‘red thread’ between rational choice economists who grew up in the environment with the use of rational choice james buchanan to understand political behavior, political behavior both elite and grass roots (grass root society). in genealogical thread is visible from the building of the assumptions underlying the analysis of james buchanan. for her ‘reasoning’ that affect, behavioral constructs of political choice and political action with ‘reasoning’ that exist in economic behavior (buchanan, 1998:3). this means that political behavior can be assessed rationally when politicians choose to act for mode benefit. this assumption is actually derived from the paradigm of utilitarianism which believe that every human being will always be faced with the desire to maximize self-interest. in this context, how the behavior and response of the political islamic society to be understood? zuly qodir in political sociology of islam: political islam and democracy constellation indonesia (2012:8, 21 & 51) have tried to explore the response and attitude of muslims toward politirationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 95 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cal islam. there are at least three indonesian muslim attitudes toward political islam developing in indonesia, the first, islam requires the formalism of islam in indonesia.3 the second is substantial’s islam which emphasizes the importance of ethics (islam) in the roles of state4. the third, islamic secularism needs to see that a strict separation between islam and the affairs of state. islam took care about the worship of god, and the care of social issues such as education, poverty reduction, suffering people and so on. s zuly qadir has unmasked the muslim response to the politics of islam, especially the islamic parties which is not constant even though islam is the majority religion in indonesia. because of the dynamics of political behavior and political behavior in response to the two sides are to be seen and understood. at the other end, or the reasoning behind the selection process of rationalization of muslim political choice, is what drives the dynamics of the behavior of political elites and the muslim response to it. then what about the fate of political islam, more specifically islamic parties in indonesia? methods of research the types of this research is studied as research evaluation of rationalizationin development phenomenon at islamic political in indonesia. the methods of data collection in this research are interview and literature from types of secondarydata, both of the book, journal, and mass media. analysis method of this research is critical analyzing, i.e: resources of primer data in this analysis by critical toward secondary data and then directing conclusion taking. results and analysis if kikue hamayotsu (2011:133) put the question why some political parties based on religion terribly survive after adopting a moderate ideology, then similar questions are also worth asking is why islamist parties in recent elections in indonesia, tends to decrease electability? studies on electability kikue hamayotsu national awakening party (pkb) and the prosperous justice party (pks) could be an illustration that even though the two parties (pkb-islamic party and pks islamic party) together make islam as a political ideology inspiration but public response to both difrationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 96 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ferent, even high-contrast and opposite each other. after the third wave election (read: election 2009) the fate of the islamic parties in elections seem bleak fate (hamayotsu, 2011:136). kikue hamayotsu chooses two parties, because both parties that represent these two categories of political islam in indonesia, islamists and islamic party party. cla has from polar of islamic party and the islamists of pks party. table2. members of the house of representatives (1999-2009) originating from islamic parties sources: hamayotsu kikue 2011 the table shows that a significant reduction in electability islamic parties from one election to another. there is a tendency that more ideologically islamist parties like pks outperform the more moderate islamist parties like pkb. domination pks seats in the 2009 election as many as 57 seats, ahead of pkb that only get 27 seats in the same year is a fact. if the dynamics and fluctuations electability islamic parties take place among islamic parties, then what if compared with the nationalist parties that do not rely on ‘islam’ as a determinant factor to lure voters (voters). shall islamic parties have good luck or bad luck as even having experienced a moderate islamic party? despite the downward trend electability moderate islamic parties such as pkb and pan, but durability as a political party is stronger than islamic parties such as non-moderate mcc and the united nations. beyond this fact, both moderate islamic party and non-moderate, both equally decreased electability rather than nationalist parties. why is that and how is this proved? participation of muslims and political preferences in west sumatra, for example, seems to explain how the fate of the islamic parties in elecrationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 97 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tions when compared to the nationalist parties. in fact, voter turnout in the elections 2004 and 2009 showed a positive thing, in which the percentage of the voting was relatively higher when compared to abstain; 75.56% voting, and 24.44% were abstain. while the 2009 elections, 70.46% used their voting rights and 29.54% abstain (kpup province west sumatra 2005-2009). legislative election data dpr, dpr, in the province of west sumatra in 2004 and 2009 showed that the political participation of muslims in west sumatra can be assessed as a positive thing, because political participation increases every time the election. is this high level of participation, something where the majority of muslim voters in west sumatra? in that sense, whether choosing a religious piety, where muslims make everything or anything that is attached to a generative in islam, is seen as a piety? apparently, choosing is not a devotional, but only part of the responsibility as citizens of indonesia. muslims in the west sumatra believe that selecting or giving voting rights is the responsibility as citizens, not as representing the religious attitude; although mui or presence of political islam may color the constellation of local politics, but people interpret their actions or political choice not an expression of religious piety. referring to the study nurus righteous (2011) on the political choices of muslims in west sumatra shows clearly that voting in elections is not the encouragement of religion, but as the fulfillment of one’s responsibilities as a citizen. the views aris and alfian fairly represent that abstain or voting not represents the attitude of the religious person. aris a woman home nearly all elections followed properly. for aris voting at any election saw as a matter of routine and responsibility as a good citizen. golput is not unlawful, because a lot of people who do not know how the personality of the person who will be selected. nowadays few people have the decency to be chosen as a leader, let alone the candidates’ positions only hunt for their own advantage yanti added. alfian a man who works as a small trader, his life was never to vote in the election, due by alfian, besides his voice was not quite significant in influencing political life, elections also did not bring concrete benefits for life. instead of anti toward politics, but there are still many who need more serious thought. although no vote, yet still continue to run elections, and nearly everyone rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 98 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ received the election results’ alfian said that all his life had never used their right to vote in any election. the following quantitative data strengthen the qualitative data above, where both the data equally show no positive relationship between religion and political choices of muslims in west sumatra. there are five factors and reasons why people give partitisipasi pilitiknya in choosing, first, 45.08% of voting rights using the action is driven by the belief that the rights and responsibilities as citizens. second, holds 16.67% chose was the arena show and get the existence of a good citizen. third, using a 3.79% voting rights aim to avoid social sanctions. fourth, using a 14.77% voting rights with determinates in order to get the leaders of indonesia, and runs fine. fifth, only 7.95% who believe that choosing is part of the responsibility as muslims and religious people (nurus, 2011:128). whether this can be considered as symptoms of secularization or rationalization for just the sort of political choice? in general, muslims believe that commitment to god almighty must have social implications: an impact of religion on the lives of a better world. this was later termed by heirich matthee (2008:39) with a positive correlation between monotheism and social life. matthee heirich views this relationship with the muslim political choice and political participation of muslims to establish a democracy, sometimes encouraged by islam. but it is not necessary; steady, and constant but the relationship is a dynamic thing. bob hefner as determined zuly qodir (2007:166) thesis progressed rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 99 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to symptoms ‘ whelm ‘ in indonesia, a fact that muslims in indonesia more and more fragmented. it is run over in the absence of political control qua that the potential for violence and conflict more and more enlarged. how can this be connecting with muslim political choices? for the political elite’s, the fragment condition of the muslims; fragmented assess profitable. this condition makes it possible to establish more islamic parties and enliven the party-electoral democracy in indonesia. islamic parties does not growth automatically attract attention, not even able to win the hearts of muslims in indonesia. zuly qodir (2007:167) with reference to data from kpu/15 april 2004 explained that the islamic parties and candidates that carry the islamic identity is not the top choice of muslims in indonesia. in fact, the ppp is finished fourth, 8:27%, 7:13% mcc in sixth, the crescent star party 2.52%, 2.28% reform star party, unity party nahdatul umah indonesia 0.78%. the question arises as fact “wretched” of his electability islamic parties in indonesia is why it happened in the middle of the muslim community is so great, whether it’s a sign that there is a process of rationalization of the political choices made by the muslims? on view of political behavior of politicians in indonesia does not go away, but all of it was recorded and then evaluated by the people, especially muslims. robert grafstein (1999:15) uses a rational approach to understanding the behavior of political elites, how they portray themselves, how they socializing with voters, or voters. she gave birth to a theory to explain the desirability of a politician with various combinations of “state” and “quirky behavior” to determine a person’s level of desirability. if the political elites-candidates, and political parties have separate and distinctive way to subdue the muslims, then muslims as voters also have a rationality that is also typical to decide to whom they give credence. so what kind of reasoning is? there are many forms of political choice considerations. consideration is made of typical reasoning, and determinants of the image surface (surface of performance) displayed by politicians and political parties. associated with this view, today’s face of political islam in indonesia is moving in the era termed pierre rosanvallon (2008:173) and with “the age of deselecting”; an era where politicians decay voter confidence or deselectrationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 100 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ing. reason etymological (the etymological sense) to select candidates or legislative candidates is not flexible to choose all the candidates, but the reason it is faced with choices. in this condition the image and the performance of the candidates of the islamic parties to determine voters’ decision to give voice to their beliefs or political party. unfortunately, in indonesia the appearance and performance of candidates even islamic parties are not privileged. it encourages voters to rethink their support for the islamic party and its candidates, but even it is not uncommon that withdrew their support. it can be traced from the preferences muslims an increasingly declining against islamic parties. why is that, does this signify that islam is no longer a preference or a reference to muslims in the political choice, then how is this explained? the results of the legislative elections in 2004 and 2009 in west sumatra at least be used as a marker that religion (read: islam) does not always correlate with political choices. although the majority of constituencies in west sumatra are ethnic minang (88.35%) and muslim (98.04%), but the large number of muslim constituents rate able straight with their political choices, even more nationalist party of choice for muslims than islam-based parties. the data in 2004 and 2009 legislative elections fairly representative excused for this thesis. despite the achievements of islamic-based parties in the 2004 legislative elections to win political contestation to gain 327 seats (54.05%) of the 605 contested seats (550 seats for district / city, and 55 seats for provincial parliament), while the nationalist party gained 249 seats ( 40.82%). however, the difference of 44 seats (8.00%), the victory of the islamic party is not so significant when compared with the ratio of the number of voters who are predominantly muslim (98.04%). the results of the 2004 legislative election may be gauge how true religion (islam) does not always correlate with the political choices people. moreover, if the assumption that the larger muslim constituency in an area, the greater the chances of winning the party’s islamic-based political contestation; tested with data 2009 legislative elections, the look is not righteous ratable between islam and political choices people. if the islamic parties in the 2004 election were able to win 44 seats (8.00%), is not the case in the 2009 election. political contestation in the 2009 elections, islamic rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 101 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ parties suffered a crushing defeat, and only able to gain 241 seats (43.82%) of the 610 seats contested in each district / city and province. islamic party is not only able to maintain his voice gained in the 2004 election, they just have to lose 27 seats in the 2009 legislative elections. data is increasingly confirming that in practice there distancing between ideology by choice or lack of relationship between islam as an ideological basis to the muslim political choices. because there are other things to be considered in political choices qua track record, level of confidence, responsibilities, capability and performance (nurus, 2011:134). it assumes there is a dynamic logic in mobilizing political choice, and the reason it was set up by the performance of political parties. aaron edlin, andrew gelman, and noah kaplan (2003:293) express assumption that political choice (political voting) is a rational choice. told as a rational choice, because each voter always is considers the consequences of their political choices. in this context, aaron edlin, andrew gelman, and noah kaplan (2003:294) progress at least two assumptions of political choice as rational choice, namely: first, the decision to choose can be quite rational; second, a rational voter will decide to elect a legislative candidate based consideration of the social consequences if he chooses. assumptions raised by aaron edlin, andrew gelman, and noah kaplan can be found in the legislative elections in west sumatra. muslims in the west sumatra is more dynamic in providing support to political parties. however, islam is not a decisive determinant of political choice in west sumatra. it can be seen from the 72.35% of muslims in west sumatra first consider the capability of candidates or political parties, rather than ideological basis adopted by the party. then, at the level of 62.12% muslims also consider the performance of the candidates and the performance of political parties. reinforced by the fact ironic, wherein muslims in west sumatra (merchants: 58.54%; workers: 50.00%) noted that the behavior of candidates from islamist parties show no islamic behavioral (nurus, 2011:134-135). these facts came to be called the ‘rational consideration’: a rational consideration bases in muslim political choices. then, what about the future of islamic parties in indonesia? rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 102 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ conclusion political islam, if it is still trapped in the logic of common opportunistic and not actually renew itself as a defender of the interests of the people and build closeness careful with political constituencies, it will arrive at its nadir. and the twilight of the political islam is coming over. the question is why political islam terribly shows grim face, particularly in indonesia? presumably the political movement and political force parties must recognize the answer, wherein islamist parties are not able to perform as well as their arch-rivals, the secular parties. graham e. fuller in the future of political islam in 2004 provides an analysis of the relationship between the failures of political islam with a growing image of islam is at the root of fate opaque of islamic parties. graham e. fuller (2004:48) considered that the polarity of the islamist group has touched the lives of many lines is included in the political life, complete with character literalism inherent in it. rely too much on symbols primordially-islam and its doctrines-but not accompanied by a matching behavior with moral teachings and soothing imagery. this makes the image of the islamic parties’ terribly slump. it was originally (election 2004) pks defeated islamic parties are more moderate as pkb: but the popularity of islamic parties cannot match the popularity of the secular parties that do not rely on religious symbols in drawing the attention of muslims. of this fact there is a paradox in the development of political islam in indonesia: one side of muslims eager for islamic parties really consistently applied, internalization of moral values and spirituality into political behavior. in contrast, islamic political parties are stuck with the behavior of pragmatism. this then makes muslims in indonesia are pessimistic; to no longer believe in the islamic parties. presumably this is the impulse of the expansion of islam are too wide into political territory that had meaning or perhaps siltation in accordance with what is implied by mark sedwick (2006:126) when islam entered the region of practical politics, it is the opportunistic and pragmatism are more likely to be shown than the best side of islam itself. in the eyes of muslims, especially in indonesia, islamist parties are no longer believed to carry much less fight for the aspirations of muslims, and secular parties benefited over the situation. only with improved performance, rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 103 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ they were able to defeat the islamist parties. if they popularity terribly uphill, it is not the case with the islamic parties, which are increasingly experiencing distrust: a condition of declining confidence in islamic parties. this is caused by distance between “hope” and “reality”; between the desires of muslims to the political parties with the political realities of islam itself. muslims finally concluded, islamic parties are just tools for power, and it would meet his own destiny. endnotes 1 a discussion of political islam movement in indonesia sees alfian, the political behavioral of a muslim modernist organization under dutch colonialism, yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1989. deliar noer, modern islamic movement in indonesia 1900-1942 (new york: lp3es, 1982). harry j. objects, and sunrise crescent, islam in indonesia on the japanese occupation period, new york: library jaya, 1980. j. boland, wrestling islam in indonesia, jakarta: graffiti, 1985. cliffort geertz, abangan, rasta, priyayi the java community ed. iii, new york: library jaya, 1989. hiroko horikoshi, chaplain and social change, translation umar basalim and andi muarly sunrawa, jakarta: p3m, 1987. karl d. jackson, traditional authority, islam and rebellion, case darul islam in west java, jakarta: graffiti, 1990. etc... see also fauzan ali rashid, democratic indonesia: experiences largest muslim countries as home affairs, (paper presented on annual conference on islamic studies: banjarmasin, 14 november 2010). 2 the difference is presumably based on the fact sociological and ideological forms of islamic parties. in this case, the term ‘islamic parties’ ask the islamist parties that have formed the basis of islamic masses, and cultural-religious ties such as pkb and pan. while the term ‘islamists parties’ refers to the islamic parties formed through political ties-ideological; party’s more radical is the meanings of islam in relation to the state, such as the mcc and the united nations. see thomas b. pepinsky, r. william liddle and saiful mujani, indonesian democracy and the transformation of political islam, retrived at www.lsi.or.id/riset/385/indonesian% 20democracy, accessed at 28rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 104 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11-2012 | at 08: 42 pm. 3 according to this view, is merely the pancasila ideology-rombak overhauled to suit the tastes of indonesia, even the majority of muslims who are residents of the archipelago. in a more explicit meaning, indonesia should be based on islam, so that pancasila in indonesia is a secular country that is still not clear alias as a muslim majority country, as pancasila is clearly not in accordance with the teachings of the absolute truth that comes from god. therefore, indonesia must be changed in order to get the blessing and benefit to all mankind (zuly qodir, 2012:8). 4 ethical religion can provide a foundation in the management of the country. formalization of religion in a country will only stunt islam itself, islam teribly narrow and limited only understood by the interpreter, whereas islam away from it all. got it believes that islam is the one but it has a variety of colors (zuly qadir, 2012:21). reference: assyaukani, luthfi. 2012. political islam in indonesia and egypt: a comparison. discussion paper on “political islam in the middle east and indonesia”: community salihara, wednesday, january 25. aleskerov, fuad., et.al.. 2007. utility maximization, choice and preference. new york: springer. akbarzadeh, shahram & saeed, abdullah (ed.)., 2003. islam and political legitimacy. new york: routledge. buchanan, james m. 1998. politics by principle, not interest. new york: cambridge university press. elster, jon (ed.). 1986. rational choice. new york: new york university press. edlin, aaron, et.al. 2012. voting as a rational choice: why and how people vote to improve the well-being of others, the online journal of sage. retrieved at http://rss.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refts/19/ 3/293. accessed at 12.01.2012 | 5:40 pm. fuller, graham e., 2004. the future of political islam. new york, palgrave macmillan. fishburn, peter c. 1968. “utility theory”. journal of management scirationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 105 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ence, vol. 14, no. 5, january. greend, phil. 2012. political islam is a failure, nothing but human misery, retrived at www.danielpipes.org/comments/156593. accessed at 12.01.2012 | 06:34 pm. grüne-yanoff, till., 2007. “bounded rationality”. journal of philosophy compass vol. 2, no. 3. grafstein, robert, 1999. choice-free rationality: a positive theory of political behavior. michigan, the university of michigan press. hefner, robert w. 2000. civil islam: muslims and democratization in indonesia. new jersey, pricenton university press. hamayatsu, kikue., 2011. “the end of political islam? a comparative analysis of religious parties in the muslim democracy of indonesia “. journal of current southeast asian affairs, vol. 3. lee, jeff., 2004. “the failure of political islam in indonesia: a historical narrative”, vol. 4 | n. 1. linjakumpu, aini., 2006. political islam in the global world. uk, ithaca press mckenzie, craig r.m., 2003. “rational models as theories-not standards-of behavior”. journal of elsevier, vol. 7, no. september 9. matthee, heinrich., 2008. muslim identities and political strategies: a case study of muslims in the greater cape town area of south africa, 1994-2000. marburh: kassel university press. pepinsky, thomas b., e.t.al. 2012. indonesian democracy and the transformation of political islam, retrived at www.lsi.or.id/riset/385/indonesian% 20democracy, accessed at 28-11-2012 | at 08: 42 pm. rashid, fauzan ali., 2010. “democracy indonesia: experiences largest muslim countries as home affairs”. paper presented on annual conference on islamic studies: banjarmasin, 1-4 november. rosanvallon, pierre., 2008. counter-democracy: politics in an age of distrust. new york, cambridge university press sukma, rizal., 2004. islam in indonesia: foreign policy. new york, routledge. righteous, nurus., 2011. “rationalization of religion in the political arena: from ideological preference to rational consideration”. dialog-journal of research and religious studies, vol. 22, no. 2, year. rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 106 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ xxxiv | november. qodir, zuly. 2012. political sociology of islam: political islam and democracy constellation in indonesia. yogyakarta, pelaja library. qodir, zuly., 2007. vis a vis the islamic sharia state: ideology political movement in indonesia. yogyakarta, the student library. vriend, nicolaas j. 1996. “rational behavior and economic theory”. journal of economic behavior & organization, vol. 29. rationalism and the future of islamic politics in indonesia / nurus shalihin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0006 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.112119 240 affiliation université 8 mai 1945 guelma, algeria correspondence: dekhakhena.abdelkrim@univ guelma.dz citation:“dekhakhena, a. (2020). trump’s impeachment: the greed for presidential power andthelimit of the constitution. jurnalstudi pemerintahan. 11(2). 240-269 article history: received: january 12nd, 2020 accepted:june 10th, 2020 trump’s impeachment: the greed for presidential power and the limitsof the constitution abdelkrim dekhakhena abstract prompted by populist rhetoric donald trumphas spent histime in officetrying to bend the conventions of the american presidency to his will. since taking office, he has repeatedly taken unilateral actions to defy congress and push the limits of his own power.now he appears to be trying to override a core principle of democracy: that no one is above the law. faced with an impeachment inquiry, trump has openly defied the core constructs of the constitution. president donald trump is incensed by the idea of co-equal branches of government and rejects the house’s right to investigate him. the main aim of this paper is to find out the extent of constitutional limits put on the executive and the validity of the system of check and balance and to what extent executive privilege would save trump. thus, this paper reveals that regardless of the result of the impeachment process, it is critical that those on both sides of the political spectrum work to assure that the growth in presidential power is at least checked, if not reversed. keywords: impeachment, congress, us president, constitution, check and bal ance, political parties abstrak didorong oleh retorika populis, donald trump telah menghabiskan waktunya di kantor untuk mencoba membengkokkan konvensi kepresidenan amerika sesuai keinginannya. sejak menjabat, ia telah berulang kali mengambil tindakan sepihak untuk menentang kongres dan mendorong batas kekuasaannya sendiri. sekarang ia tampaknya mencoba untuk mengesampingkan prinsip inti demokrasi: bahwa tidak ada seorang pun di atas hukum. dihadapkan dengan penyelidikan pemakzulan, trump secara terbuka menentang konstruksi inti konstitusi. presiden donald trump marah dengan gagasan cabang pemerintahan yang setara dan menolak hak dpr untuk menyelidikinya. tujuan utama dari makalah ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana batasan konstitusional yang dikenakan pada eksekutif dan validitas sistem check and balance dan sejauh mana hak istimewa eksekutif akan menyelamatkan trump. dengan demikian, makalah ini mengungkapkan bahwa terlepas dari hasil proses pemakzulan, sangat penting bahwa kedua sisi spektrum politik bekerja untuk memastikan bahwa pertumbuhan kekuasaan presiden setidaknya dikendalikan, jika tidak dibalik. kata kunci: impeachment, kongres, presiden as, konstitusi, check and bal ance, partai politik jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 241 introduction since the nation’s founding, congress and the execu tive have struggled for supremacy. the 20th century witnessed a steady if irregular expansion of presidential authority that has been carried over into this first decade of the 21st century. the clash between the executive and legislative branches has raised fundamental questions about the power of the presidency, the balance of powers under the u.s. constitution and the state of american democracy. the delegates to the constitutional convention of 1787 gave surprisingly little attention to the executive branch of government. in contrast to the protracted debates over the powers of congress, the powers of the president were definedfairly quickly and without much discussion. over the nation’s long history, with only short interruptions, power has flowed increasingly to the executive branch. the reasons are numerous but include the successful and desirous exercise of power by ambitious presidents from lincoln to the two roosevelts, the growth of the administrative state in the 20th century, and the realization that congress is ill-suited compared to the president to make timely responses to national security threats and crises.a good many presidents since woodrow wilson have asserted that the constitution is challenging. presidents are understandably unwilling to admit that their battles with congress are not the result of a blunder in the design of the constitution. they are the result of checks and balances. the federal government was meant to be powerful but limited, and the constitutional order was created to preserve those limits. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.112119 the power of the president is something that has been ex pandingsincethefoundingofthe united states (greene,1994, p.123,125), raising the needto consider the implications of this expansion within the constitutional structure of separation of powers, no matter which party controls the white house.this expansion in presidential power has created a constitutional imbalance between the executive and legislative branches, call ing into doubt the continued efficacy of the structure of separa tion of powers setforthbythe framers.becausemany, if notall, the factors that have led to increased presidential power are the products of inevitable social and technological change, they are not easilyremedied (marshall, 2008). donald trump has spent his time in office trying to bend the conventions of the american presidency to his will. now he appears to be trying to override a core principle of democracy: that no one is above the law. faced with an impeachment inquiry, trump has openly defied the core constructs of the constitution. he was irritated at the idea of co-equal branches of government and rejects the house’s right to investigate him. he has deployed a convoluted logic in which he has declared that the courts cannot investigate him because as president he cannot be charged with a crime but also that congress cannot impeach him because its inquiry is politically illegitimate. trump’s white house has ignored document requests and summons and readily invokes executive privilege going so far as to argue that the privilege extends to informal presidential advisers who never held white house jobs (cox, p. 1384). theimpeachment standoff follows a pattern trump has established throughout his presidency as he has jettisoned experienced advisers andfloutedconventions. thefact that hesurvivedthe special counsel’s russia investigation without paying much of a political penalty left him all the more emboldened (lemire, 2019). jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 242 one day after robert mueller’s faltering testimony brought an end to that threat, trump unleashed a new one by asking ukraine’s presidentto investigate his political foe joe biden (lee,daniel, lieberman, migliozzi, and burns, 2019).that prompted the fast-moving impeachment inquiry that trump resisted.the white house’s refusal to cooperate with the house impeachment inquiry amounts to an unabashed challenge to america’s longstanding constitutional order. although the con stitution created a federal government of limited powers, the supreme court has ruled that the government has certain ‘im plicit’ powers that are necessary for it tofunction properly. literature review the capacity of chief executives to fulfill their tasks and exer cisetheir powers to affect theoutput of government have been the focus of unremitting analysis. scholars such as (richard j. ellis, 2013), (george c. edwards iii & william g. howell, 2011), (george c. edwards, iii, kenneth r. mayer, &stephen j. wayne, 2018) illustrate their analysis by fully integrating timely and fas cinating examples. guiding their analysis by the examination of two broad perspectives on the presidency -the constrained president (“facilitator”) andthedominant president (“director”) they show how different cases illuminate our basic understanding of the presidency, making presidential power and leadership the perfect vehicle for understanding the president and his impact on the office and policy. (charles w. dunn, 2011) and (richard elliott neustadt, 1990) explore the growth of presidential power, investigating its social, political, and economic impact on america’s present and future.they discusstheroleofthepresidency in a government designed to require cooperation with congress and how this relationship is further complicated by the expectations of the public. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 however, the emphasis on the unitary executive, agoverning style that continues to be highly controversial, is flawed as few examples of this type of presidential leadership exist. the president to act as ultimate decider on policy actions is constrained by things like congress, his own prestige and ability to persuade, and the competing interests within his own administration in addition to his personality. presidential image would give a more realistic and less ideal ized view of presidential decision-making. nonetheless, we of ten learn more about a president from his failures then his suc cesses. the focus on policy failures rather than successes, then are we really getting an accurate view of leadership? presidents seem to have taken more powers upon themselves from the 1990’s onward with congress and thus playing less of the role ascribed to them. while i was tempted to agree thinking about the clinton and bush administrations or even obama, couldn’t we say that elements of neustadt’s logic help explain the current governmental dysfunction evidenced by the battles between the trump white house and congress? research method understanding the historical practices of congress with re gard to impeachment and its outcome is central to fleshing out the meaning of the constitution’s impeachment clauses. for that reason, examining the history of actual impeachments is crucial to determining the meaning of the constitution’s impeachment provisions and the president’s response. consistent with this backdrop, this paper begins with an examination of the growth of the executive power and its influence on impeachment, including the perspective of the framers. 243 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 244 through a closer examination of presidentialpower andthelimitsput bytheconstitution, this paper looks into the potential problems encountered by the political system over the impeachment of president trump and the implications this might have on the present and future policies. the main aim of this paper is to find out the extent of consti tutional limits put on the executive and the validity of the sys tem of check and balance and to what extent executive privilege would save incumbent trump. through the examination of archival research and secondary source materials produced by historians on previous cases, the paper outlines the different weaknesses and obstacles that hinder the well functioning of the impeachment process. this paper responds to the scattered state of constitutional and practical impeachment manipulations by identifying and exploring a series of key issues common to impeachment. these manoeuvres have exacerbated the balance of power within the structures of the government.specifically, the u.s. is the world’s oldest democracy, with a purely presiden tial system, an old constitution, a stable two-party system in which the parties regularly alternate inholding the presidency and a systemof checks and balances among the three branches. thus, this paper reveals that regardless of the result of the impeachment process, it is critical that those on both sides of the political spectrum work to assure that the growth in presi dential power is at least checked, if not reversed.the result is that a presidential impeachment carried out in the early 21st century simply cannot carry the gravitas of previous examples. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 the modern presidency: tools of power the growing expectations that the public has of presidents creates a gap between expectations and formal powers. presi dents seek to bridge this gap, by using personal attributes and cultivating strong public support. they have increasingly cen tralized, at the expense of many of the cabinet officials, policy making authority as a means of maximizing their own power to control the political environment. the american presidency has changed dramatically over american history. beginning with george washington, many presidents have used their implied and informal presidential powers to enhance their personal influence, and often the power and potential influence of later presidents. many of these implied powers, whichareassumed as granted under the constitution although not explicitly listed, stemfrom apresident’s responsi bilities during times of national emergency or crisis. for example, early presidents, including washington and jefferson, didn’t hesitate to exercise their commander-in-chief authority by or dering navy ships into hostile waters without an express decla ration of war from congress. and in his bold louisiana pur chase, jeffersonshowedthat a president who acts decisively might successfully compel others tofollow his lead after the fact. a president’s informal powers, or the powers to persuade others to follow his lead, derive in part from his use of the visibility and prestige of the office itself. as america’s only nationally elected leader, the president is considered the county’s ‘first citizen’ who stands and acts for the american people as a whole. some presidents, such as lincoln, wilson, theodore roosevelt, and franklin roosevelt, drew upon their informal powers during times of national crisis to increase their influence over others in congress and the executive branch. other presidents, including lyndon johnson, drew upontheirpersonal skills and intimate knowledge of legislative processes to pass bold national initiatives such as the civil and voting rights acts (“the modern presidency”, 2017). 245 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 246 during the twentieth century, the presidency itself was trans formed. asthey presided over two world wars, a major depres sion, and a cold war, several twentieth century presidents in creased their powers and influence at the cost of congress and other government institutions. presidents now compete with congress insetting and enacting thecountry’s legislative agenda, and the white house is the focal pointfor setting foreign and domestic policy. presidents nixon, reagan, and clinton, for example, conducted specific foreign policy initiatives almost wholly from within the white house, sometimes at the cost of a consistent and unified u.s. foreign policy. the institutional presidency has also grown during the twen tieth century. it includes the white house office (who) and the executive office of the president (eop). these offices sur round modern presidents in layers of bureaucracy that they can use to enhance their power and influence. however, some presidents have found that the white house bureaucracy can actually makethem feel isolatedand out-of-touch. a key position is white house chief of staff. the chief of staff serves as the president’s ‘gatekeeper,’ and is often credited or blamed for helping or detracting from the support and effectiveness of re cent presidents (“the modern presidency”, 2017). although the presidency offers a range of formal, implied, and potential informal powers, modern presidents struggle with theinherent limitations of the office and often have difficulty coping with conflicting public expectations. for example, most americans want their president to be a ‘regular person’ who understands them and their daily struggles. yet, many ameri cans also expect their presidents to rise above commonality and command the international stage. similarly, americans usually prefer pragmatic approaches to governing and executive leader ship, but alsoexpect presidentstoleadwithvisionary policyini tiatives. modern presidents must meet these and other conflicting assumptions in a political environment where institutional challenges, including the opposing party in congress and orga vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 nized special interests, daily attempt to thwart or fundamentally reshape the president’s policy initiatives. the struggle for power inthetwentieth centurythe power of theexecutivehas been extended significantly. chiefs of the executive have major re sponsibilities, and their public profile is markedly high. much of their increase in power derives from the growth in govern mental interventionism, but the globalization of economic and political concerns has also added to their responsibilities and recognition. in 1933, the great depression accelerated a funda mental change in political behavior and lead to the emergence of modern presidency.the sheer scale of economic dislocation and hardship required a national lead, and the administration of franklin d roosevelt was only too willing to respond. since then, the american system has become a very presidential one and the political process now requires a continued sequence ofpresidential initiatives in foreign policy and in the domestic arena to function satisfactorily. as enthusiasm for presidential power increased in the1960s, there was general agreement that the federal government should have a significant role in the nation’s economy and in creating and maintaining a welfare system. this growth of ex ecutive power prompted (arthur schlesinger, 1973) to argue that the concept of the constitutional presidency had given way by the1970s to an imperial presidency, a revolutionary use of power very different from what had originally been intended. he was largely basing his argument on the nixon presidency and con cluded that the institution no longer seemed to be controllable via the supposed constitutional checks and balances. at the phila delphiaconvention, some of the framers argued that the presi dent should be subordinate to congress.the scope of a president’s power depends largely on the views of the president.congress has delegated a great deal of authority to the president because congress hastime to provide only gen 247 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 248 eral outlines for public policy. the president of the united states is certainly the mostpow erful person in the world but, interestingly, the constitution’s drafters did not expect this to be the case.in fact, james madi son, the constitution’s principal architect, worriedthat the ‘bal ance of powers’ tilted toward the house of representatives. but from the start, presidents worked to protect and expand their turf-and they generally succeeded. george washington set the precedent; when congress requested documents pertaining to the controversial jay treaty, he refused to turn them over, in troducingthedoctrine of executive privilege and making a point about the autonomy of the executive branch. overthe course of the nineteenth century, other presidents added new weapons to theoffice’s arsenal of powers. andrew jackson was the first to make extensive use of the veto and abraham lincoln read broadly into his wartime powers as com mander-in-chief. but with teddy roosevelt and the arrival of a new, morecomplex century, theoffice’s powergrewat aneven faster rate.part of this growth in thepresidency might beclassi fied as organic the inevitable result of the historical process. as the nation’s economy grew, the government needed to assume a larger regulatory role. as the world shrank, enabling the united states to increase its international presence, the fed eral government needed to expand its diplomatic presence. and many of the new demands placed on government could not be easily met by congress. take foreign policy, for example. con gress may be well suited to the task of drafting educational re form legislation but 535 people cannot negotiate treaties or efficiently respond to a national security crisis. and even complicated domestic legislation can be difficult for congress tomanage. when confrontingthe scientific com plexities of environmental supervision or the financial intrica cies of banking regulation, congress’s 535 members rarely man age to agree on more than the broad outlines of a legislative proposal. consequently, many of the details are left for the presi vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 dent to work out after he is handed the bill for implementa tion. the president gets to decide how to prioritize the legisla tion’s content and how to interpret its critical sections. and the president also possesses the authority to appoint the staff that will oversee or run any agency or board created by the congres sional act. thus, there was a certain ‘natural’ tendency for the presi dency to expand as history progressed. but there were other factors contributing to the growth of the office, as well. for ex ample, the presidency is more unified than the legislative branch. theexecutiveofficecenters ononepersonandtherefore, the office more easily speaks with one voice.a president who knows how to use that voice is particularly powerful. the most effec tive presidents of the modern era have known how to work the national media that emerged at the turn of the twentieth cen tury. theodore roosevelt was the first to recognize that the presi dential office was a ‘bully pulpit,’ a great podium from which to shape public opinion. franklin roosevelt and john kennedy were also effective communicators. ronald reagan was, hands down, the best at turning the presidential pulpit to his advan tage. the ‘great communicator’ was masterful not only at de livering a message, but also at controlling the delivery of that message (shmoop, 2008). substantially, the executive became anequivocal positionpregnant withthepossibility of theabuse of power. the 1970s to the present day suchabuses of presidential power did occur – vietnam and watergate were but the most significant. many americans real ized for the first time in 1974 the tremendous stock of power in the hands of the president. the principle of a separation of powers had been incorporated into the constitution to prevent a concentration of power in one part of the government. watergate and the revelations of the misuse of power by the executive branch during several past presidencies reminded 249 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 250 people of the message spelt out by the founding fathers – a system that placed too much responsibility in the hands of one man must offer temptations forwrongdoing. the nature of the presidency at a particular moment depends considerably upon the incumbent. great men tend to make great presidents, but the active presidential leadership of the 1960s andthehabit of congressional compliance is out of fash ion. it is commonplace among academics of recent years to think more about the limitations of the office than of its opportuni ties for leadership, even if those presidents they admire have been those who imposed their stamp upon the office. presidents, either bytheir nature, by coincidence, or acom bination of both, are never keen on the idea of giving up power and always seem welcoming to the idea of acquiring more. there fore, through the years, the president of the united states has built up so much power that each election round brings with it enormouscomplications. consequently, even if the oval office was occupied by anindividual otherthan donald trump, it would still beaworthwhileandtimely debate. it is afundamentalclash of ideas. onthe one hand, there’s anidea of convenience. in many instances, some could argue, that it is better to act imperfectly than to delay the perfect action. had congress been the actor for nuclear launches in the 1940s, the outcome of world war 2 arguably could have been different. the ability to actswiftly is crucialincertainsituations, andallowingthe presi dent such power arguably protects americans and national se curity. on the other hand, it is against the very core of demo cratic principles to place the most important decisions in the hand of a single individual. that is, two minds are better than one. the 2016 election may haveproduced donald trump, de spite losing thepopular vote, but such afeat is not new in the american system of democracy. thename donald j. trumpalone isenough tospark heated debate acrossthe country. it is nearly impossible tonot hold an opinion of the individual who currently holds the most power vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 ful position in the world. beyond the controversial figure him self, however, lies a fundamental question related to how pow erful the most powerful person in the world should be. the question ofseparation of powers necessitates enduring disagree ment over the specifics (flaherty, 1996, p. 1816-20). the fact that the office is currently occupied by one of the more polariz ing figures does not establish this topic as debatable – it has been debated long before trump entered into the public view and it will continue long after he leaves it. however, the current polarization of trump specifically and america broadly makes a nationwide discussion over separation of powers and checks and balances essential for the future generation. discussion and results understanding america’s presidency requires to do more than assess the relative merits of the presidents. it requires acareful look at the institution, its constitutional character, and its his tory. the framers of the constitution thought congress would be the most important branch of government but theinstitu tional structure they devised led to the gradual and inexorable growth of presidential power (ginsberg, 2016). 251 growth of the presidency and the constitu tional limits because of the vast array of presidential roles and responsi bilities, coupled with a conspicuous presence on the national and international scene, political analysts have tended to place great emphasis on the president’s powers. some have even spo kenof “the imperial presidency,” referring tothe expanded role of the office that franklin d. roosevelt maintained during his term. president theodore roosevelt famously called the presi dency a ‘bully pulpit’ from which to raise issues nationally, for when a president raises an issue, it inevitably becomes subject to public debate. a president’s power and influence may have limits, but po jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 252 litically the president is certainly the most important power in washington and, furthermore, is one of the most famous and influential of all americans. the powers of the president of the united states include those powers explicitly granted by article ii of the united states constitution to the president of the united states, powers granted by acts of congress, implied pow ers, and also a great deal of soft power that is attached to the presidency (“annotated constitution article ii”).the role of the presidency has changed dramatically over the last several hun dred years. first of all, when the founders created the presidency, they left it kindaloose. they weren’texactly veryspecific about what a president woulddo. as george washington, was aman of virtue and that he in his behavior would set the precedence for the next president after him, the job is basically handed off by tradition from president topresident. the founders projected two things: they did not want a king they had just gotten rid of and designed a government that would resist mobrule. those werethe twothings they were try ing to get in between. but, a president has a lot of room to move in between the two of them.obviously the constitution talks about the powers of the president. however, it provides little hint that the president would become as powerful as he has in modern times. what happened was, when they originally created the presidency they needed somebody who can move quickly. but, as people wanted quick action they handed over more and more power to the president. substantially, congress, which used to fight with the president a lot, during the second world warandthenonintopresent day, has given up a lotof its power to the president. theestablishment of thepresidency in 1789, bytheframers of the constitution of the united states, was an act of political creativity. the presidency had no real counterpart in historical experience. the framers aimed to have a strong, but respon sible, chief executive, and to this end the office was made to consist of a single incumbent whose power would not be shared vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 with a cabinet or council. the president would be elected by a sourceoutside the legislature the electoral collegeandthus could govern without beingindebted to congress. the consti tution granted the presidency powers of its own. believing, how ever, in balanced government, the framers created a strong congress and a judiciary to check the chief executive. the first incumbent of the office, george washington, was an assertive executive who was active in both foreign and do mestic affairs and who interpreted his powers broadly and de fended them against congressional encroachment. thomas jefferson exploited the presidential role of party leader and won exceptional congressional support. under his weaker successors, however, the office was eclipsed by congress.andrew jackson revivedthepresidency byreinterpreting it as an organ of popu lar leadership. abraham lincoln, in the crisis of the civil war, largely on his own claimed authority, expanded the armed forces, imposed a naval blockade, and used funds from the treasury without congressional appropriation. although congress rati fied many of lincoln’s acts after the deed, it soon reacted against theexpanded power that hehadgiventhepresidency; his suc cessor, andrew johnson, was impeached and narrowly escaped conviction. presidents want to accumulate power to accomplish their ends – it is just that some presidents are more effective than others inaccumulating this power (neustadt, 1960). thus, it would be possible for a president to wield absolute power and authority, and often wields that power unjustly, cruelly. and that is pre cisely what the founders wanted to prevent. they were far more worried about what an over-mighty executive might do than they were about the laws a recalcitrant congress wouldn’t pass.of course, they didn’t simply want a weak executive. in foreign policy, they wanted a strong one. even today, presidents tend to move from domestic policy (the economic policies of donald trump, for example) to foreign policy (the iran nuclear deal) as they realize how constrained they are at home.but ultimately, 253 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 254 there’s a reason congress is on top of capitol hill looking down on the white house. nothing reaffirms the founders’ wisdom more than the fact that presidents complain so much about the constitution: if it gave them the power they want, it would be worthless. yet, the fact that presidents since 1789 have regularly signed bills into law shows the error of their complaints (bromund, 2017).yet in a curious way, trump has a point not about the constitution, but the system that surrounds it. over time, that system has become more and more constraining.much of this system is not law,but natural practices of incumbents. instead, it consists of rules made by administrators, drawing on powers unwisely often unconditionally delegated to presidents by congress. a strong belief that government power corrupts and destroys individual liberty hasexisted in the united states since the 18th century. the federal government was supposed to be powerful but limited. the constitutional order was created to defend thoselimits.butits wallswerebreached by theinrushof wilson’s progressivism. as trump’s complaints testify, the constraints of that order endure but now, perversely, they make it harder to restore its limits (bromund, 2017). the american operating sys tem now defaults not to limited government, but to big govern ment. balancing the president’s power with this background, the drafters of the new constitution faced a delicate balancing act when they met in 1787 in philadel phia. on one hand, most everyone despised the idea of a king or any similar autocrat who would threaten america’s hard fought freedoms. on the other hand, most realized that for practical reasons, america needed a president-someonein whom america’s executive power would be vested. the constitution did a superb job of striking that balance. specifically, how the constitution empowers and constrains the president. in article 2: “the executive power shall be vested in a president of the vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 united states of america,” known as the vesting clause, this short but potent sentence gives the president enormous power and responsibility toenforcefederal laws. thevastness of this power lies in large part in the discretion given the president to decide just how to carry out the laws. for too long, the power of the executive branch has long exceeded the narrow set of powers and expectations set out by the u.s. constitution. unfortunately, there is little sign of this changing, with president trump and the democratic candidates alike perpetually seeking to push the limits of executive authority. just becausesomeone is elected president doesn’t meanthey can do whatever they’d like. and even for those who claim a ‘mandate,’ any purported mandate must beconstrained bythe limits of the constitution. while presidents have a tendency to take on an almost cultish devotion among their strongest sup porters, americans ought to see the dangerous path of infusing a single individual with so much power. though there is still plenty of information to sort through, there is legitimate cause for concern about president trump’s apparent order to hold up congressionally approved aid to ukraine ahead of a call with ukraine’s then newly-elected president volodymyr zelensky. how does the constitution check and bal ance the vesting clause? the clash between the executive and legislative branches has raised fundamental questions about the power of the presidency, thebalanceofpowersunderthe u.s. constitutionandthestate of american democracy.the separation of powers devised by the founding fathers was designed to do one primary thing: to prevent the majority from ruling with an iron fist (“federalist papers no. 51”). based on their experience, the framers shied away from giving any branch of the new government too much power. theseparation of powers provides a system of shared power known as ‘checks and balances’ (taylor, 2017). the checks and balances have become the us constitution’s 255 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 256 greatest weakness over the last three decades. since 1995, us government at federal level has arguably become dysfunctional. legislation on key areas does not get passed as congressional leaders refuse to time table legislation or leaders of the minority party in the senate filibuster it see, for example, immigration reform or gun control. key pieces of legislation are seriously diluted by congressional committee chairs with links to big business –eg. the affordable care bill (‘obamacare’). senate leaders refuse to confirm presidential appointments, for example the republicans’ treatment of merrick garland in 2016. bud gets do not get passed and the federal government shuts down as a result, as in 1995, 2013 and 2018-2019. interestingly, all of the examples cited above were when one party controlled one or both houses of congress and the other party controlled the white house. this is known as ‘divided government’ or ‘gridlock’. this situation has become increas ingly common in recent years. so, the checks and balances potentially the us constitution’s greatest strength compared to the uk has arguably become its greatest weakness as us government grinds to a halt. under article 1 congress can check executive power in many ways. first, only congress not the president can actually‘make’ laws. second, if congress dislikes how the president is enforcing a law, it can block the president’s actions by amending the law or passing a new law. third, while the constitution empowers the president to ensure the faithful execution of the laws made by congress and approved by the president, congress may itself terminate such duties by impeachment and restrict the presi dent. congress can impeach the president if he truly fails to execute the laws (and that failure rises to treason, bribery or another high crime or misdemeanor) (lenhart, 2017). presidents have accumulated vast powers and great armies under their command. nevertheless, they have always con formed to the “rule of law”. yetone need lookno further than other countries lacking rule of law to see how easy it is for a vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 president, even an elected one, to amass power to the point wherehe is no longer subject to checks and balances, and then the precious liberties of the citizens are in peril.the constitu tion employs several techniques as limits on executive power. one is impeachment. afew questionedits necessity, butformost of the delegates to the constitutional convention in philadelphia in 1787 giving congress the right to impeach the president was an obvious move. it was not to be used lightly. it was an emergency break against authoritarianism. outside the convention, proto-demo cratic radicals warned of the danger in investing in one man so many kingly privileges. what if a would-be dictator bribed his way into office? what if he colluded with foreign powers, or abused his power: would it be sufficient simply to wait until the next election to remove him? impeachment was a possible solution. impeaching a president is the most consequential thing congress can do other than declaring war. so, president trump not only should be impeached, he must be impeached if america’s democracy is to remain intact. this actually is a practice deeply rooted in english history and legal precedent, as is the phrase the founders included in the constitution as the criteria that would justify it: “treason, brib ery or other high crimes and misdemeanors.” the founders did not discuss in any detail what this phrase meant, but that was because they thought it was pretty obvious – it meant crimes against the state, not personal crimes (“presidential impeach ment”, 2019). a president shouldn’t be impeached for dodging taxes, swindling people as a private businessman, or any other criminal offences that had no direct bearing on the exercise of hispresidential powers. suchmatters could bedealt withonce the man left office (one respect in which the president retained kingly powers wasinhisapparent immunity fromprosecution). impeachment was not about punishment it was simply about preserving the republic by removing from office someone who constituted a danger to liberty. 257 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 258 exacerbating party polarization no one ever imagined impeachment would be anything other than a national trauma. the founding fathers saw impeach mentassafetyvalve, butthey alsoworried itwoulddevolveinto partisan bickering if put into action. alexander hamilton out lined his fears about how partisan the impeachment process would become in the federalist papers, writing: “the prosecu tion of them,” he predicted in federalist paper no. 65, “will seldomfailtoagitate the passions of thewhole community and todivide it intoparties, more or less friendly orinimical, tothe accused”. thus, it will so often, spur”the pre-existing factions, and will enlist all their animosities, partialities, influence and interest on one side, or on the other”; and in such cases “there will always be the greatest danger, that the decision will be regu lated more by the comparative strength of parties than by the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt.” an impeachment was well known to be the beaten road for running down a hated or successful political rival. this shows how the impeachment process could play out: beset by partisan ship and broken down by factions. republicans who spoke al most universally accused democrats of looking for an excuse to impeach trump, while democrats are injecting an urgent new argument into their already fast-moving im pe achm ent drive: president donald trump poses such a flagrant threat to the republic. the democrats have taken pains to frame their impeachment inquiry as a defense of national interests. this was precisely why the constitution makes impeachment a tricky business. first, the house of representatives needs to pass articles of impeachment – a list of charges – by a majority vote. at that point the president has been impeached but he has not yet beenremovedfrom office: hiscasethen goes tothe senate, which convenes itself as a court and hears evidence on both sides. only if the senate then votes to convict by a two thirds majority does the president then have to leave office. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 what are the historical precedents for im peachment? history therefore suggests that a pre-requisite for any serious moves towards impeachment is not the committal of an im peachable offense but partisan opposition from congress. even so, the severity of the alleged offences makes a difference there are numerous examples of presidents who have faced a hostile congress but who have never been anywhere close to impeach ment, though the wilder fringes of the opposition demanded it george w. bush after 2006) and obama after 2010 being re cent examples). the alleged offences and the clarity of the evidence matters and it undoubtedly helps if the president’s crimes can beboiled down to a simple idea by the media (“he lied under oath” or “he covered up a crime”). congress has sometimes taken seriously the views of constitutional lawyers and tried to distinguish be tween what is truly an “impeachable offence” and what is not. for example, in his first term as president richard nixon seriouslyunderpaid histaxes, whichsome at thetimebelieved to be a criminal offense, but he wasn’t impeached for that, and nor should he have been. and now in september 2019, speaker of the house nancy pelosi has announced impeachment proceedings against presi dent trump. some democrats wanted the house to impeach as soon as they took control after the 2018 elections (coming into effect in january 2019). there is a case that trump’s contacts with russia before the 2016 election, his firing of fbi director james comey and many other actions rise tothelevel of being “impeachable”. this is the view of some conservatives like jen nifer rubin as well as liberals like robert reich and scholars like alan lichtman, and even a tiny number of dissident republi cans (“presidential impeachment”, 2019). therequirement thatthe president besubjecttore-election was “not a sufficient security” thought james madison. the presi dent might “lose his capacity after his appointment. he might 259 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 260 pervert his administration into a scheme of peculation or op pression. he might betray his trust to foreign powers.” and presi dent trump has been accused of all these things of not being mentally stable, of abusing his office to enrich himself and his family, of conspiring with russian secret services in the crime of computer hacking to aid his election, as well as of disclosing clas sified information to the russian ambassador. previous calls for trump’s impeachment efforts to impeach president trump have been made by a variety of people and groups (revesz, 2017;gold, 2017). the first efforts in the republican-controlled congress were initiated in 2017 by representatives al green and brad sherman, both democrats (d), in response to trump’s obstructions of justice in the russian influence investigations begun during the first year of trump’s presidency (singman, 2017; mcpherson, 2017). a december 2017resolution of impeachment failed in the house by a 58–364 vote margin (debonis, 2017). following the 2018 elections, democrats gained control of the house of representatives and made nancy pelosi the new speaker. while initially opposed any move toward impeachment, she supported multiple committees’ respective investigations into trump’s actions and finances (werner and debonis, 2018; fandos, 2019). new allegations involving trump surfacedon janu ary 17, 2019, claiming he instructed his long-time lawyer, michael cohen, to lie under oath about trump’s conflict-of-interest in volvement with the russian government to erect a trump tower in moscow (leopold and cormier, 2019). this invoked renewed requests for an investigation and for the president to “resign or be impeached” should such claims be substantiated (barnes, 2019). soon after the release of the mueller report, trump began urging an investigation into the origins of the russia probe, wanting to “investigate the investigators” and possibly discredit the conclusions of the fbi and mueller (“trump steps up calls vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 for investigation”, 2019). in the wake of the inquiry, the white house thre atenedtoshut down all major legislation as political leverage (bennett, 2019). trump and his surrogates engaged in a misinformation campaign to discredit impeachment (stanley becker and romm, 2019),with giuliani taking a lead role (pilkington, 2019). efforts focused on attacking joe biden and his son (“white house ‘tried to cover up”, 2019) and attempt ing to discredit the whistleblower over their motivations and formakingthecomplaint basedonhearsay(pilkington, 2019). the white house officially responded to the impeachment proceedings in aletter from white house counsel pat cipollone to house speaker pelosi that it would cease all cooperation with the investigation due to a litany of concerns, including that there had been no vote of the full house, and the secrecy of the proceedings.subsequently, on october 31, the house of representatives voted 232–196 to establish procedures for public hearings (“trump impeachment”, 2019). on december 10, the house judiciary committee unveiled their articles of impeachment: one for abuse of power and one for obstruction of congress (“read the articles of impeachment”, 2019; wagner, 2019). three days later, the judiciary committee voted along party lines (23-17) to approve both articles (siegel and faulders, 2019). on december 16, the house judiciary committee released a report specifying criminal bribery and wire fraud charges as part of the abuse of power charge (“democrats accuse trump”, 2019). on december 18,the housevotedtoimpeach trumpfor both charges (shear and baker, 2019). the historic vote split along party lines, much the way it has dividedthenationoverachargethatthe 45th president abused the power of his office and scarified national security for per sonal greed.no republicans voted to impeach trump.narrow in scope but broad in its charges, the impeachment resolution said the president “betrayed the nation by abusing his high of fice to enlist a foreign powerin corrupting democratic elections,” says the 650-page report.actually, republicans have focused 261 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 262 heavily on criticizing the impeachment effort as politically bi ased. rep. debbie lesko (r., ariz.) railed against what she called “the most unfair, politically biased, rigged process that i have seen in myentire life.” she said it was the “most partisan im peachment” in the us history (2019). impeachment articles:trump is a threat to the constitution the house voted to impeach president trump as a threat to the constitution whose conduct must not go unpunished. im peachment debate played out in oneor two-minute bursts from republicans and democrats. house democrats charged presi dent donald trump with at least two articles of impeachment abuse of power and obstruction of congress making him only the fourth president in u.s. history to face such a formal effort to remove him from office.the house judiciary committee approved two articles of impeachment against president trump. “no one, not even the president, is above the law,” said chair man jerrold nadler (d-ny), head of thecommitteethat drafted the articles. “we do not take this action lightly, but we have take nanoath to defend the constitution,” shere it erated(“read articles of impeachment”, 2019). democrats say trump’s pressure on ukraine to investigate his democratic rivals which came while he withheld a prom ised white house visit for ukraine’s president, volodymyr zelenskiy, and nearly $400 million in congressionally mandated security aid for the eastern european country is an abuse of power. “president trump, by such conduct, has demonstrated that he will remain a threat to national security and the consti tution if allowed to remain in office” the abuse of power article states. the constitution does not directly mention abuse of power among the reasons that congress can impeach a presi dent. instead, “treason, bribery and high crimes and misdemean ors” are listed. democratic lawmakers, legal experts and prece dent support the approach. vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 itisagainst thelaw tosolicit aforeign entity to interfere in a us election, and for anycandidate to accept contributions of ‘value’ of any kind from foreign entities;bypressing ukraine to investigate biden’s son, the president could be said to be seeking toextract acontribution of valueto his re-election bid. trump then publicly called forchina to investigate hunter biden, and implied that his tariff policy might change if itdid, which would also seem to be an invitation to break this law. he also labelled hiscongressional critics ‘traitors’, and the whistle-blower a ‘spy’ who should be exposedand possibly executed (“trump publicly urges china”, 2019). trump has resisted congressional demands to interview officialssuch as secretary of state mike pompeo. all of this could be read as constitutingcontempt of congress. trumphas said he did nothing wrong and that house demo crats’ allegations are“flimsy, pathetic, ridiculous articles of im peachment” (gypson, 2019). the abuse of power charge is cen tered on the allegation that trump predicated the release of $391million of congressionally approved military aid to ukraine and a white house meeting for ukrainian president volodymyr zelenskiy upon an announcement by ukraine that joe biden, a potential 2020 election rival of trump, and biden’s son hunter would be investigated (ballhaus, restuccia, and hughes;gypson, 2019). “president trump engaged in this scheme or course of conduct for corrupt purposes in pursuit of political benefit,” said the first article of impeachment intro duced tuesday by house democrats. in so doing, president trumpused thepowers of thepresidencytoimperilthenational security, undermine the us democratic process and harm the national interest. the second charge, obstruction of congress, focuses on trump’s attempts to block congressional oversight by prohibit ing federal officials from complying withrequests and subpoe nas for testimony and evidence. “in the history of the republic, no president has ever ordered the complete defiance of an im peachment inquiry or sought to obstruct and impede so com 263 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 264 prehensively the ability of the house of representatives to in vestigate ‘high crimes and misdemeanors,’” the obstruction of congress article states. the president has also refused to send an attorney to partici pate in the hearings, which would have given him a chance to present evidence in his defense and question witnesses. “the president’s continuing abuse of power has left us no choice,” said house intelligence committee chairman adam schiff, whose committee conducted the bulk of the investigation into ukraine. republicans argue trump was working within his authority to direct foreign policy and had legitimate concerns about cor ruption in ukraine. they say democrats had always intended to impeach him and were just looking for a reason. “there’s nothing that has actually come close to an impeachable offense,” judiciary committee ranking member rep. doug collins, r ga., told reporters after the announcement (“house democrats announce two articles of impeachment”, 2019). collins was incredulous that democrats would want to charge trump with obstructing congress during such a short investigation and said the charge of abuse of power is too broad. white house press secretary stephanie grisham said in a statement that democrats have announced the “predetermined outcome of their sham impeachment.” “the announcement of two baseless articles of impeachment does not hurt the presi dent; it hurts the american people, who expect their elected officials towork on theirbehalfto strengthen our nation. the president will address these false charges in the senate and ex pects to be fully exonerated, because he did nothing wrong,” she said (“democrats unveil two articles”, 2019; “articles of impeachment, 2019”). trump was finally impeached, and impeachment devolves into a partisan brawl. even with the house leadership’s an nouncement, the republican majority in the senate does not conceal that it is going to exonerate the president, through a vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 speedy trial that would manipulate or even without trial. that is why the speaker of the house, nancy pelosi, decided not to formally raise the charges to the senate, and not to appoint ‘commissioners’ for the prosecution before the republican majority agreed with the democratic minority in the senate on the nature of the trial procedures and summoning witnesses from the administration who refused to testify before the par liamentary committees (frazin, 2019). because there is no precedent for this case, a constitutional dispute arose over whether the president actually was charged. and there is another opinion that the president was not for mally charged by the house of representatives as long as the charges were not brought to the senate (feldman, 2019). while another constitutional opinion, which seems to be stronger, says that the president has officially been accused, because the power to accuse is the exclusive prerogative of the house of represen tatives, whether the president was tried in the senate or not (tracy and segers, 2019). all modern presidents have exceeded constitutional limitations on their power and thus could have, and maybe should have, been impeached. the reason they were not impeached is that a majority of congress members support allowing presidents to wage war abroad and destroy liberty at home without being constrained by congress. the only real dis pute among the political class is which party should wield the levers of power. conclusion the republican-controlled chamber is expected to acquit, meaning trumpwould remain in office. in the scope of time, the impeachment of president donald j. trump will be remem bered as a much broader statement about his presidency. whateververdict the senate adopts will inevitably create a pre cedent with potential consequences for future administrations. too broad and simplified an account of trump’s conduct may risk encompassing less objectionable executive branch conduct, 265 jurn al studi pemerintahan (journal of gov er n ment & polit ics) 266 which could facilitate later effort stouse impeachment as apar tisan political tool. while these concerns are often over stated by those who oppose trump’s impeachment, they reflect real concerns that there were no doubts on the minds of the former executive branch attorneys advising house democrats on the impeachment proceedings. thefounders alwaysknewthat noconstitutionthey devised could, in and of itself, preserve liberty and republican govern ment. all of president trump’s scandals are fusing together into a momentous fight over his staggeringly broad claims of expan sive presidential power. trump’s broad claims of executive im munity lead to criticism he is acting above the law.the issue of president trump’s impeachment highlights theamount of divi sion, chaos, and faltering values that american political life lives in, especially with a president willing to use all means to achieve his personal interests, even if this leads to damaging his country’s interests and image in the world, and this may be what drives his opponents to move forward to contain his harm. the trump impeachment features a rigged system designed to ignore the constitution and the desires of the people. to date, senate republicans have given no indication that they would break with trump. senate republicans may acquit trump, but cannot save him from being discreditedin the eye so fa majority of americans. as trump fights for his political survival, that struggle will overwhelm other concerns. this is the benefit of impeachment: it paralyzes a wayward leader. even if democrats failed to removepresident trump, they were able to at least de fend american values by making trum pofficially the thir dpresi dent in american history to bear the title of “impeached”, and this in itself is a stain that will tarnish his presidential legacy forever. references ballhaus, r., restuccia, a., & hughes, s. 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http://www.ft.com/content/6f35525c-1b55-11ea-9186https://www.wsj.com/articles/house-democrats-announce-two-articles-of-impeachment-11575987219 http://www.wsj.com/articles/house-democrats-announce-two-arhttps://www.historyextra.com/period/modern/history-impeachment-president-trump-nixon-clinton-explained/ http://www.historyextra.com/period/modern/historyhttp://www.historyextra.com/period/modern/historyhttps://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2019-12-10/house-trump-impeachment-articles http://www.latimes.com/politics/story/ http://www.latimes.com/politics/story/ https://www.learner.org/series/democracy-in-america/the-modern-presidency-tools-of-power/ http://www.learner.org/series/democracy-in-america/thehttps://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-50246324 http://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/03/us/politics/trump-chinahttp://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/03/us/politics/trump-chinahttp://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/03/us/politics/trump-chinahttps://ktla.com/news/politics/trump-steps-up-calls-for-investigation-into-origin-of-russia-investigation/ https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-49842895 https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-49842895 https://judiciary.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?documentid=2312 vol. 11 no. 2 july 2020 to n. r et ri ev e d f rom https:// judic iary.house. gov/ne w s/ d oc umentsingl e .aspx?documentid=2311 269 the line of fit towards asean connectivity: focus on the philippine political structure and processes journal of government & politics 457 hilton j. aguja msu-iligan institute of technology, iligan city, philippines email: hilton.aguja@g.msuiit.edu.ph abstract the hanoi declaration on the adoption of the master plan on asean connectivity was adopted on 28 october 2010. it calls for a well connected asean in line with the vision to put in place an asean community by 2015. the declaration speaks of a three pronged approach for the achievement of the envisioned connectivity: physical connectivity, that is, to connect asean through enhanced physical infrastructure development; institutional connectivity, that is, effective institutions, mechanisms and processes and; people to people connectivity for an empowered people across the region.the concern of this paper focuses on institutional connectivity that is basically anchored on the political component of the master plan. as it stands, various issues currently exist as ‘impediments to movement of goods, services and skilled labor across borders’. needless to say, these issues are policy concerns requiring political decisions that hinge on the political sphere of every member country. it is on this point that this paper derives its relevance. in this regard, the paper argues for some fundamental restructuring to reconfigure the attendant political processes of the country to better position itself to respond expeditiously to the challenges posed by the emerging regional asean architecture. keywords: asean connectivity, structures and processes, fundamental gover-nance principles, institutional connectivity abstrak deklarasi hanoi yang diadopsi dari master plan konektivitas asean ditandatangani pada tanggal 28 oktober 2010. deklarasi ini bertujuan untuk mewujudkan konektivitas asean yang sejalan dengan visi komunitas asean 2015. deklarasi ini menggunakan tiga pendekatan yaitu: konektivitas fisik untuk menghubungkan asean melalui peningkatan pembangunan infrastruktur; konektivitas institusional untuk efektivitas institusi, mekanisme dan proses; konektivitas masyarakat untuk memberdayakan masyarakat asean yang lintas negara. penelitian ini berfokus pada konektivitas institusional yang pada dasarnya berlandaskan pada komponen politik master plan. b e r b a g a i m a s a l a h y a n g ad a s a a t i n i m e r u p a k a n ‘ h a m b a t a n received 21 february 2016 revised 13 march 2016 accepted 17 april 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0038 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0038 458 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 bagi pergerakan barang, jasa dan tenaga kerja terampil lintas negara’. masalah ini adalah masalah kebijakan yang memerlukan keputusan politik yang bergantung pada setiap negara anggota. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan masukan dalam restrukturisasi yang mendasar untuk mengatur ulang proses politik oleh aparatur negara untuk memposisikan sehingga dapat menanggapi tantangan yang dihadapi asean dengan lebih cepat. kata kunci: konektivitas asean, strucktur dan proses, prinsip fundamental kepemerintahan, konektivitas institusional introduction the envisioned emergence of an asean community is very well on its way. to concretize the vision, the hanoi declaration on the adoption of the master plan on asean connectivity was adopted on 28 october 2010. it calls for a well-connected asean in line with the vision to put in place an asean community by 2015. while the master plan on asean connectivity laid out with specific details all the various projects that cut across the asean member countries, it is cognizant of the various issues that currently exist as ‘impediments to movement of goods, services and skilled labor across borders’(asean master plan, 2012). needless to say, these issues are policy concerns requiring political decisions that hinge on the political sphere of every member country. as such, it shall be the focus of this inquiry through a content analysis of the underlying principles of the master plan for asean connectivity and juxtaposing it with the corresponding operative principles undergirding the philippine political processes. it is on this point that this paper derives its relevance. research objectives while in the main, this paper’s major objective is to track the line of fit, or lack thereof, between the envisioned asean community and the specific policy trajectory of the philippines as a member state towards asean connectivity, this paper will look specifically into the following concerns: 1. the fundamental organizing principles undergirding the envisioned asean community. 459 journal of government & politics 2. the fundamental organizing principles undergirding the philippine polity. 3. the line of fit between these specific organizing principles; and 4. policy recommendations to address dissonance, if any. the analytical framework with the effort to create an asean community grounded on a workable asean connectivity architecture, the need to harmonize the organizing principles operative in each member state to that of the emerging asean community architecture becomes a primordial concern. principles governing the workings of the system acquire a particularly significant role in actual operation. there is therefore a need to ascertain whether the pronounced principles are congruent with each other so as to facilitate the asean community building process. consequently, the dissonance if any, between the organizing principles undergirding each member state and the emerging asean community must thus be identified for possible bridging through policy intervention and advocacy work. the ultimate goal is the institutionalization of a harmonious working relations grounded on commonality of operating principles. the schematic diagram below is adapted as the research framework for analysis. figure 1: the schematic diagram of the analytical framework 460 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 the asean community: the organizing principle the hanoi declaration on the adoption of the master plan on asean connectivity was adopted on 28 october 2010. it calls for a well-connected asean in line with the vision to put in place an asean community by 2015. the hanoi declaration bespeaks of a three pronged approach for the achievement of the envisioned connectivity: physical connectivity, that is, to connect asean through enhanced physical infrastructure development; institutional connectivity, that is, effective institutions, mechanisms and processes and; people to people connectivity for an empowered people across the region. of the three pronged approach for the establishment of a well-connected asean, it is the connectivity on the institutional level that appears to be the most defining component of the package. it establishes the necessary legal regime to facilitate the whole process of interconnectedness. as to its coverage, the key elements of institutional connectivity involve the following (asean master plan, 2012): 1. trade liberalization and facilitation 2. investment and services liberalization and facilitation 3. mutual recognition agreements /arrangements 4. cross border procedures 5. capacity building programmes the building blocks of asean institutional connectivity is anchored on the principles of liberalization and facilitation of trade, investments and services. these principles are the same operative principles governing the functioning of the general agreement on tariff and trade since 1947 (irwin,1995) and subsequently of the word trade organization since 1995 (zeiler, 1999). free trade and freedom of movement of investment capital are the economic ideology that defined the workings of the global economic order engineered after the second world war 461 journal of government & politics through the instrumentalities of the international monetary fund (imf) and the world bank. known as the bretton woods twins, these two institutions served as the overseer of the global economic order through the establishment of the general agreement on tariff and trade and eventually the world trade organization (wto) in 1995. these are exactly the same organizing principles followed by the asean in its effort to create the asean community by 2015, thus further requiring some explanatory details as to how the system works. the bretton woods system: the international economic order at the end of the second world war, the united states (us), as the succeeding hegemon, assumed the responsibility and the opportunity to establish and maintain an international economic order that was to characterize the post war trading relations. it was ideologically inclined to a world economy open to trade and investments. the war had greatly enhanced its productive capacitydoubled as a matter of factand it was imperative that after the war, she be able to export her industrial surplus without restraints, or face a possible return to depression (lichauco, 1976). the desire to open the world economy to free trade and investments proved to be problematic; the world economic system before and after the war was not operating on the principle of free trade but on principles contrary to it. the european economies which constituted the largest market for american exports were managing their respective economies on the basis of mercantilism. this system is based on the view, among others, that a country must export as much as possible and import as little as it can. also, the great depression of the 1930’s and the second world war itself created a state of emergency which made imperative the strict economic planning and allocation of scarce resources according to defined priorities. these events promoted 462 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 the use of controls designed to restrict imports and outflow of capital and maximized exports. the us believed that to promote free trade on a global basis, it was necessary to create a transnational agency which would assist nations afflicted with deficits in their international trade accounts. the basic rationale for this is that, a nation in deficit is impelled to control and limit imports. hence, nations in deficit should be given temporary assistance so that they will not be compelled to do anything that would limit their importation of goods; so that they will not think of resorting to import and exchange controls, as they did in the thirties (lichauco,1976:14). to address these issues, the international monetary fund and the world bank were conceived. these institutions were designed at a conference held at bretton woods in the new hampshire mountains in 1944. though these institutions are international agencies, they are likewise controlled by the us which holds enough voting power to dominate decisions (constantino, 1977: hudson 2003). the immediate tactical function of the imf is to provide temporary relief to member countries suffering from a shortage of international currency due mainly to their transactions in foreign trade. the imf’s twin, the world bank, discharges a supplemental function, which is to promote the mobility and freedom of investments. thus, the imf promotes maximum freedom in the international flow of goods and commodities while the world bank promotes maximum freedom in the international movement of investment capital (lichauco, 1976:15). the underlying ideology of the global economic order the workings of the international economic system are defined by two elements comprising its ideology. one is the belief that economic relations should be one in which there is the highest degree of free trade in goods and services. this element of 463 journal of government & politics the ideology clearly reflects the us desire for world economic order on the basis of free trade and is enshrined in the charter of the imf. the second element is the belief in the efficiency of private international capital to undertake the reconstruction and development of the world’s economy and, therefore, the necessity to promote foreign investments. this element of the ideology of the international economic order is embodied in the purposes of the world bank (lichauco, 1976:12). to concretize the workings of the international economic order based on the bretton woods principles, the general agreement on tariffs and trade (gatt) was first signed in 1947. it was a multilateral agreement regulating international trade. according to its preamble, its purpose was the “substantial reduction of tariffs and other trade barriers and the elimination of preferences, on a reciprocal and mutually advantageous basis.” the agreement was designed to provide an international forum that encouraged free trade between member states by regulating and reducing tariffs on traded goods and by providing a common mechanism for resolving trade dispute (zeiler, 1999). over the years, gatt evolved through several rounds of negotiations. the last and largest gatt round, was the uruguay round which lasted from 1986 to 1994 and led to the creation of the world trade organization (wto) in 1995. whereas gatt had mainly dealt with trade in goods, the wto and its agreements has expanded gatt coverage and now cover trade in services, and in traded inventions, creations and designs (intellectual property). the organizing principles of the philippines polity the constitution of the republic of the philippines is the fundamental and supreme legal document that defines the parameters within which the government may act legitimately. any governmental decision or action in contravention to its constitution is for all intents and purposes null and void. the consti464 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 tution even warns government officials that “[they] may be removed from office, on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the constitution… (art xi. section2). having in mind the overall governing principles underlying the international economic order (bretton woods system) adopted by the asean in its envisioned community through institutional connectivity, it is now appropriate to juxtapose the organizing principles of the philippine polity to see the line of fit or lack thereof towards asean connectivity. while the global order and the envisioned asean community are predicated on the concepts of free trade, openness, internationalization and the like, it is now interesting to see what the philippine constitution says about these very same organizing principles. while these days, the buzz words are internationalization and moving beyond borders, the philippines is still encased in its parochialism, reminiscent of the state system of westphalia. it still speaks of an educational system that must ‘foster patriotism and nationalism’ (art. ii, section 17). its pursuit of foreign policy is still grounded on considerations dictated by ‘national sovereignty, territorial integrity, national interest, and the right to selfdetermination’ (art. ii, section 7). it still envisions the development of ‘a self-reliant and independent national economy effectively controlled by filipinos’ (art. ii, section 19). as to its national patrimony, the constitution, with great detail, prescribes to ‘protect filipino enterprises against unfair foreign competition and trade practices’ (art. xii, section 1). it further declares that “ all lands of the public domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forest or timber, wildlife, flora and fauna, and other natural resources are owned by the state…the exploration, development and utilization of natural resources shall be under the full control and supervision of the state. the state may directly undertake such activities, or it may enter into coproduction, joint venture, or production-sharing agreements with 465 journal of government & politics filipino citizens, or corporations or associations at least sixty per centum of whose capital is owned by such citizens… the state shall protect the nation’s marine wealth in its archipelagic waters, territorial sea, and exclusive economic zone, and reserve its use and enjoyment exclusively to filipino citizens’… (art. xii, section 2). further, the constitution mandates the congress of the philippines to “reserve to citizens of the philippines or to corporations or associations at least sixty per centum of whose capital is owned by such citizens, or such higher percentage as congress may prescribe certain areas of investments. the congress shall enact measures that will encourage the formation and operation of enterprises whose capital is wholly owned by filipinos … (art. xii, section 10). in the grant of rights, privileges and concessions covering the national economy and patrimony, it gives preference to qualified filipinos (art. xii, section 10). this provision goes further by emphasizing that “…the practice of all professions in the philippines shall be limited to filipino citizens, save in cases prescribed by law (art. xii, section 14). still further, the constitution requires that “…the ownership and management of mass media shall be limited to citizens of the philippines, or to corporations, cooperatives or associations, wholly-owned and managed by such citizens…only filipino citizens or corporations or associations at least seventy per centum of the capital of which is owned by such citizens shall be allowed to engage in the advertising industry. the participation of foreign investors in the governing body of entities in such industry shall be limited to their proportionate share in the capital thereof, and all the executive and managing officers of such entities must be citizens of the philippines law’ (art. xvi, section 11). the brief review of the organizing principles of the philippine polity clearly manifests the mindset that is grounded on the principles that is not attuned, if not contrary to the organizing 466 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 principles of the envisioned asean community. to address this dissonance is an urgent matter that the philippines would have to look into; otherwise, the inconsistencies and contradictions in the organizing principles would clash making it difficult to create a sound political and economic architecture that would serve as basis for governance in the asean community. and this, as already noted, would necessitate some changes in the constitution of the republic of the philippines. prospects for constitutional revision in the philippines that the philippine constitution needs to be amended to be attuned with the emerging asean architecture is no longer an issue. the pulse asia in a national survey in december 2001 observed that, for the first time in a decade, a slim majority of the people (52%) favored changing the constitution (abueva, 2002). another survey conducted in may 2006 indicated that 64 % of filipinos favor charter change (jurado, 2006). indeed, the time has come to commence the search for an alternative mode of governance in the country. subsequent surveys likewise validate the increasing receptivity of the people to effect changes in the charter. what is not clear however, is what changes should be effected in the paramount law of the country. having in mind the emerging asean community by 2015 and cognizant of the existing dissonance in the organizing principles of the philippine state and the emerging asean political and economic architecture, some degree of openness must be injected in the very protective and nationalistic provisions of the constitution. this however would have to be done on the basis of mutual reciprocity. as it currently stands, no matter how willing the philippine government may be in fine tuning its acts towards asean connectivity, it is always incapacitated by the existing constitutional provisions which limits its capacity to act accordingly. 467 journal of government & politics on the political front, this dilemma is magnified further by the political arrangements attendant in a presidential system of government that the country has. with its separation of powers and functions coupled with coequality among the three separate branches of government, the entire government apparatus is prone to deadlocks particularly if different political parties are in control of the separate branches of government. this particular issue on the structure of government was not substantially looked into by the framers of the constitution. a former member readily admits that in 1986 when the present constitution was drafted, ‘emotions were high and the major pre-occupation was how to ensure in the speediest way possible the restoration of the democratic processes…[it] was not the best time to engage in protracted debates, especially about the fundamental government structure’ (bernas, 1993). those who argued for a parliamentary set up lost to those who argued for a presidential structure by only one vote (abueva, 2002). also on the same vein and by a margin of one vote, it was decided to restore the senate whose members are elected at large and thereby to return to bicameralism in law-making (nolledo, 1987). likewise, if brevity is a virtue, the philippine constitution suffers from being ‘one of the longest in the world…[with] infirmity arising from compromises that resulted in more than fifty of its provisions, including major ones, requiring enabling laws by congress before they can be implemented’ (casiple, 2002). this loopholes subject the constitution to the prevailing political equation in the legislative department. by a very painful margin of a single vote, the horizontal structure of the philippine government decided. it is not surprising therefore, that among the major arguments for changing the charter hinges on the horizontal shift from presidential to parliamentary and vertical structural shift from unitary to a federal set up. this trend, viewed from a larger perspective, notes one writer, is simply in keeping with the overall tide of democratization that 468 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 has swept the world since the collapse of the former soviet union. in this rapid modernizing time where democratization is a common feature, only two forms of government are relevant: presidentialism and parliamentarism (sosmeòa, 2001). changing the fundamental government structure as to the appropriate political structure to be set in place, political scientists contributed their insights on the matter. dr. jose v. abueva (2002) of the university of the philippines summed it all when he said: “political scientists have concluded that democracies with a parliamentary system are more stable and productive”. for their part, juan linz and anuro valenzuela (1994) observed that south america, which is the continent of presidentialism, rarely, if ever, produced lasting political democracy. they further noted that the most stable democracies of europe have been parliamentary regimes while most countries with presidential constitutions have been unstable democracies or authoritarian regimes. professor fred riggs of the university of hawaii also joined the discourse with the observation that the presidential system has not succeeded anywhere except the united states (sosmeòa, 2001). table 130 year average gdp growth rates of selected asian countries and their form of government corroborating all these generalizations about the failures of the presidential system, the economic performance of southeast 469 journal of government & politics asian countries is also very telling. the table below is indicative of the correlation between governmental type and economic performance. fast growing asian economies noticeably have parliamentary governments while the slow performing economies have presidential governments. while the above table shows the link between economic growth and political structures, the table that follows shows the proneness to corruption of certain political structures. it does not come as a surprise to see that the presidential political set up has failed to bring economic growth in countries that has adopted it because it is also the political system that has brought forth the most number of very corrupt leaders in the world. contributory to this proneness to corruption is the manner by which the president in the presidential system gets elected. unlike his counterpart in the parliamentary system who gets elected by members of the parliament, a presidential candidate needs to campaign all over because he is elected at large. and this is no mean feat. in 1998 for instance, a serious presidential candidate in the philippines was expected to spend at least php 2 billion for his election that was to land him a job that would pay him php 693,000 per year or php 4,158,000.00 for his full term of six years. two billion pesos are certainly a large sum of money. it is the equivalent of the salaries of the office for 2,886 years! (enrile, 2002) if these tabulated statistics is to tell us something, former prime minister lee kuan yew of singapore has become its spokesman. he said: “the philippines has chosen the most difficult political system to operate, with its checks and balances and gridlocks between the executive and the legislature. if this were the system chosen by south korea, hong kong, taiwan, or we ourselves, we would not have attained the status that we have now” (enrile, 2002). one can no longer overemphasize the necessity of changing the structure of government in the philippines. the proneness to gridlocks between the executive and the legislature in a presidential system is an arrangement that is not 470 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 conducive with the emerging asean regional architecture. in parliamentary systems, the decision of the parliament binds the entire government, as there is a fusion of the executive and legislative assemblies. decision making is expedited for implementation. in contrast, the presidential set up in the philippines can keep hostage the other branches on the ground of coequality and separation of powers. if there is disagreement emanating from both the executive and the legislative branches, the likelihood of resolution is remote given that the two branches are technically separate and equal. any branch of government can be at the mercy of the other especially so if political parties of different persuasions are in control of the other branches. this is a structural dilemma that must also be addressed as the country revisits its fundamental law. conclusions and recommendations after surveying the ideological landscape that undergirds the workings of the philippine polity and that of the envisioned asean community, the following conclusions are warranted: 1. the asean community is envisioned to operate on the basis of the principles governing the international economic order that has been in effect since the end of the second world war. these principles are anchored on the free flow of goods, free flow of services, free flow of investments and free flow of skilled labor and human development to facilitate world trade. 2. the philippine polity is organized on the basis of principles that are not attuned with the principles of free trade and free movement of investment capital. it remains parochial as its constitution prescribes protectionist measures limiting foreign participation in the economy by reserving huge areas of the economy that is mainly reserved for filipino citizens or corporations effective controlled by such citizens. this does not augur well with the emerging asean economic architecture. 471 journal of government & politics 3. putting side by side the organizing principles underlying the creation of the asean community and the operating principles governing philippine polity, one observes lack of congruence and harmony in the principles in operation. 4. by way of recommendation, the philippines is urged to break free of its parochial outlook and inject openness in the economic provisions in its constitution so as to enable the government to respond to the opportunities and challenges posed by the emerging asean community. moreover, it is recommended that the structure of government be horizontally structured to shift from presidential to parliamentary and vertically structured to shift from unitary to a federal set up. these structural changes are proposed to make the philippine government more responsive to the challenges borne by the sweeping changes in the global arena. references abueva, jose v. (2002). towards a federal republic of the philippines with a parliamentary government by 2010. marikina: center for social policy and governance. bernas, joaquin g., s.j.(1993). “to amend or not to amend but how?” the manila chronicle, 19 may 1993. casiple, ramon c. (2002). imperative for constitutional reform. a paper presented at the all-parties conference technical working group, 27 april 2002, acceed center, asian institute of management. constantino, renato. (1977). insight and foresight: selected excerpts annotated by luis mauricio. quezon city: foundations for nationalist studies. coronel, shiela s., yvonne t. chua, luz rimban and booma b. cruz. (2004). the rulemakers: how the wealthy and well-born dominate congress. quezon city: philippine center for investigative journalism. enrile, juan ponce. (2002). the presidential system has failed us, let us change it. a paper delivered before the laban ng demokratikong pilipino (ldp) legislative agenda workshop held at the holiday inn, mimosa, clark, pampanga. july 19, 2002. hudson, michael. (2003). super imperialism: the origin and fundamentals of u.s. world dominance, 2nd ed. london and sterling, va: pluto press. irwin, douglas a. (1995). “the gatt in historical perspective,” american economic review vol. 85, no. 2. jurado, emil p. (2006). “senate becoming irrelevant”, philippine graphic, vol.17 no. 5, july 10 2006. lichauco, alejandro. (1976).the international economic order and the pphilippine experience, a paper prepared for a convocation of the student body of st. scholastica college, september 3, 1976, manila philippines. linz, juan and valenzuela, anuro, eds. (1994). the failures of the presidential democracy: comparative perspectives. vols. i & ii. baltimore: johns hopkins university press. 472 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 nolledo jose n.(1987). the constitution of the republic of the philippines explained. first edition. manila: national bookstore. sosmeòa, gaudioso jr. c. (2001). philippine federal republic: progression or retrogression?. a paper presented to the strategic studies group, national defense college of the philippines (ndcp), 29 may 2001. villacorta, wilfredo v. (2002). fundamental issues on changing the constitution. a paper presented at the national political summit, manila hotel, 3 may 2002. zeiler thomas w. (1999) free trade, free world: the advent of gatt layout desember 2008 elections from 1999 until 2014 are considered as free and fair elections. although in 2014 according to freedom house (2014), indonesia has experienced a declining in democratic status, indonesia is still seen as a role model of democracy in southeast asia (cochrane, 2014). however, criticisms are still unavoidable in regards to the electoral democracy in indonesia. various frauds, manipulations and malpractices of electoral process take place in indonesia’s elections; for example, the spread of bureaucracy mobilisations, (agustino, 2009; rozi, 2006) and the practice of money politics (aspinall, 2014; indonesia corruption watch, 2014). voter intimidation is also rampant in indonesia’s electoral process where voters are being threatened to not vote or give their voting rights to others and to choose or not choose a particular political party and candidate (altmeyer, 2014; clark & palmer, 2008). this situation is exacerbated by poor management of the election from chaotic voters’ registration to the manipulation of ballot boxes when they are transmitted to a higher level (kompas, 2009; mietzner, 2009). these frauds, manipulations and malpractices in elections clearly undermine the quality of indonesian democracy. therefore, supervision and monitoring on elections are essential in maintaining the credibility of an electoral democratic process. the state’s election supervisory institution that emerged since 1982 continues to have institutional strengthening, dini suryani master student at the college of asia and the pacific, the australian national university, canberra. researcher at pusat penelitian politik, lembaga ilmu pengetahuan indonesia, jakarta e-mail: u5480963@anu.edu.au/ dini.suryani@lipi.go.id defending democracy: citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 abstract the collapse of the authoritarian regime in 1998 has made indonesia as one of the most democratic country in southeast asia. to ensure the quality of democracy, in particular electoral democracy, supervision and monitoring of elections has a very important role. although the badan pengawas pemilu (bawaslu) or election supervisory body of indonesia has experienced institutional strengthening, this institution has not yet become effective in supervising and monitoring the elections. therefore, election monitoring conducted by non-state agencies, particularly the citizens become important to complement the performance of bawaslu. this article aims to explore how the election monitoring conducted by citizens in the aftermath of post authoritarian era, affect the quality of indonesian democracy. this article argues that although the citizen participation in monitoring the elections is likely to decline, but the crowd sourced method that appeared in the 2014 election has succeeded in improving the quality of the electoral process as well as defending the democratic regime in indonesia. keywords: election monitoring, citizen participation, quality of democracy, post-authoritarian, indonesia introduction since the fall of the authoritarian regime in 1998, indonesia has been considered as one of few democratic countries in southeast asia. indonesia’s 2 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ especially in the post--authoritarian era (bawaslu, 2014; supriyanto (et.al), 2012). in 2007 the institution named bawaslu was established. based on law no 22 of 2007 on general elections, its main authorities are supervising the stages of elections, receiving complaints and handling the case of administrative fraud as well as criminal and code of conduct violations of the election. in 2011, based on law no 15 of 2011 of general elections, bawaslu is also empowered by the authorities to handle electoral disputes. institutionally bawaslu continues to strengthen, but this institution is considerably ineffective in supervising and monitoring the elections (ismail (et.al), 2014; supriyanto (et.al), 2012; tjiptabudy, 2014). therefore, election monitoring by non--state agencies, especially citizens is significant to compensate for the ineffectiveness of bawaslu’s performance. citizen participation in indonesia’s elections is relatively high.1 voters’ turnout rates in 2014 election reached 67.25 per cent for parliamentary election and 69.58 per cent for presidential election(international idea, 2014a). however, citizens’ participation in democracy is not just a matter of voters’ turnout rates in elections, but it is also about participating actively to safeguard and monitor the elections in order to result ina free and fair election. this article discusses the monitoring initiated by citizens in indonesia’s electoral democracy, to see to what extent citizen participation in electoral monitoring affects the quality of indonesian democracy. with focusing to elections in national level, this paper argues that although citizen participation in monitoring the indonesian elections is likely to decline, crowd sourced method of election monitoring in indonesia’s 2014 election, such as mata massa (eyes of the masses) in parliament election and kawal pemilu (guard the election) in presidential election successfully improved the transparency and quality of electoral process as well as defended democracy in indonesia. this article will be divided into five parts. part one will explain about the research method used in the study. part two will discuss the theoretical overview of citizen participation in election monitoring and its impact on democracy.it also includes the comparison between traditional and crowdsourced methods of election monitoring. part three will examine the first emergence of citizen participation in election monitoring in indonesia, which appeared at the end of authoritarian era. part four will discuss citizen participation in election monitoring in indonesia’s post-authoritarian era by dividing it into two sub-sections. the first sub-section will discuss citizen monitoring in 1999, 2004 and 2009 elections and the second sub-section will focus on 2014 election where crowd sourced methods of election monitoring such as kawal pemilu appeared for the first time. part five will conclude the discussion. research methods this study uses qualitative -descriptive method. according to sarantakos (1998, p. 6), qualitativedescriptive method employs a non-quantitative data collection and analysis, which aimed to explore the social relations, systems, or events by providing background information about the issue in question. in this case, this article figures out how citizen monitoring in the electoral process correlates with the quality of democracy in indonesia. the data were obtained from primary and secondary resources. while the former were obtained from mata massa and kawal pemilu official application and defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 3 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ websites, the latter were sourced from books, journals and mass media articles that related to the topic discussed. the data were analysed by using thematic analysis, which emphasised on the position of the idea in the material under investigation (liamputtong & ezzy, 2005, pp. 111-112). theoritical framework what is the different between election monitoring and election observation? bjorlund (2004, pp. 40-41) explains that “monitoring” and “observation” signifying two different positions in a range along with two different aspects. first, the “degree of involvementin the process” and second, the period of time over which the activity occurs. first, concerning the involvement, “observation” connotes to something relatively passive, while “monitoring” refers to something more engaged. bjorlund (2004, p. 41) also notes that in theory level, “observation” is limited to reporting and recording, whereas “monitoring” enables some possibilities of modest interventions to correct the deficiencies or to offer recommendation for action. however, in practice, observers at the polling stations often deliver some advice or highlight some problems that can be fixed. international institute for democracy and electoral assistance (international idea) defines “observation” as activities that “involve gathering information and making informed judgement from that information” (international idea, 1997, p. 8). on the other hand it defines “monitoring” as activities that “involves the authority to observe an election process and to intervene in that process if relevant laws or standard procedures are being violated or ignored” (international idea, 1997, p. 8). however, this definition is problematic because as noted by bjornlund (2004, p. 41), most of monitoring organisations do not have formal and legal authority to intervene the electoral process. it is totally appropriate for domestic monitoring organisations to have such authority, but it may or may not be acceptable for international actors. therefore, according to bjornlund, by definition neither of observers nor monitors have a formal role (bjornlund, 2004, p. 41). nevertheless, formal role of election observing and monitoring owned by the government institutions that assigned for that function. however, as mentioned earlier, this paper will focus on citizeninitiated election monitoring rather than election monitoring institution owned by the government. second, regarding period of time, “observation” implies a shorter involvement compare to monitoring (see foeken & dietz, 2000, p. 136). the activity of domestic or international organisations that pay attention mainly on the polling day itself is called “observation” and the individuals representing those organisations called as “observers.” on the other hand, if the organisations focus on the election process over time, the engagement might be better called as “monitoring,” but the individuals representing such monitoring groups still called “observers” (bjornlund, 2004, p. 41). based on this explanation, this article tends to elaborate on election monitoring rather than election observation. the declaration of principles for international election observation, a key document for election monitoring defines “election monitoring” as a systematic, comprehensive information gathering, concerning the laws and regulation, process and institutions related to the conduct of elections. it includes monitoring in pre-election, electionday, defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 4 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and post--election periods through long-term and comprehensive observation, employing a variety of methods (united nation, 2005). in indonesian context, election monitoring activities are guaranteed by the law, the bawaslu regulation no 11 of 2014 on election monitoring. the regulation defines election monitoring as the activities that include observing, examining, inspecting and assessing the election process in accordance with the provisions of legislation (article 1, verse 25). besides emphasising bawaslu role in election monitoring, this regulation also ensures the citizens’ involvement in election monitoring as specified in article 49. the involvement includes monitoring, reporting alleged election violations are many corrupt governments, so their elections need to be monitored by other parties. second, good governance and democracy become most important principles that should be met by the governments to get financial and external support from the donor community such as world bank and european bank for reconstruction and development. elections in kenya in 1992, uganda in 1996, indonesia in 1999 and zimbabwe in 2002 are some examples that the donor communities forced the governments to be monitored (kelley, 2012, pp. 28-29). now the question is, how does election monitoring correlate with democracy? diamond and morlino (2004) suggest that citizen political participation is a key dimension of democratic quality.2 in a high quality democracy, citizens must be ensured that they could use their political participation rights to influence the decision-making process such as elections. this concept of participation brought by diamond and morlino (2004) essentially requires citizens to not only vote, but to also be actively involved in the political process as a whole, including the elections monitoring. election monitoring by citizen groups, foreign governments and international observers will contribute to democratic quality in three ways. first, it improves the transparency and quality of a political process. this in turn will result in greater public confidence in elections, which also increase the legitimation of election results (gromping, 2011; ndi, 1996). second, it encourages public involvement in public affairs. this will help to transform the way citizens view their relationship and participation in politics and governance (ndi, 1996). third, it promotes political accountability; broader political and civil liberty rights and the rule of law in general, thus could be a step forward toward substantial democracy (gromping, 2011). based on actors, there are three types of election monitoring organisations (emos) (bjornlund, 2004, p. 38). first, international observation or international monitoring of transitional or other exceptional elections conducted by missions sent by the governments, multilateral organisations, or international non-governmental organisations (ngos). second, domestic monitoring conducted by national organisations, such as non-partisan ngos and civic groups. third, international supervision managed by intergovernmental organisations of post-conflict elections, referenda and other self-determination exercises. the focus of this articlecitizen participation is clearly included in domestic monitoring. based on methods, gromping (2012) suggests that there are two kinds of election monitoring that both involved citizen participation, they are (1) traditional and (2) crowd sourced election monitoring. traditional election monitoring refers to defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 5 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ observations activities where the citizens that become observers receive some kind of training, a wider range of activities than simple observation and reporting. in other words, the actor of traditional monitoring needs an expertise. on the contrary, crowdsourced method allows citizen with no such expertise involve in election monitoring through information, communication and technologies (icts) namely internet platform (including social media) and software application both through computers and mobile phone. the name of crowdsourced itself marks a shift from the generation of relevant information from expert election observers to the “crowd” (gromping, 2011). a deeper comparison between the two methods delivered by gromping (2012)(seetable 1). from the comparison above, it is clear that the crowdsourced method has several advantages compare to traditional method, namely the speed of delivering the report is near real time and it does not dependent to donors in terms of funding due to cheap cost. however, the accuracy of crowdsourced method is questionable because one does not need accurate knowledge to do election monitoring (gromping, 2012). beside that, the output of the crowdsourced method is limited to report or mapping as the result of monitoring the election. it ignores the aspect of society capacity building, which also plays a major role in democratisation process, as accommodated by the traditional method. therefore, both have the same equal significance in monitoring the election. table 1. comparison between traditional and crowdsourced election monitoring source: (gromping, 2012) defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 6 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result and analysis the first emergence of citizen participation in indonesia’s election monitoring during the 32 years (1966-1998) of suharto’s autocratic leadership, there was only one nonpartisan organisation that was involved in election monitoring, which is komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu (kipp) or the independent election monitoring committee. kipp was founded in 1996, a year before the 1997 election, the last election in the authoritarian era. civic activists, intellectuals, journalists, lawyers, and former government officials initiated the establishment of kipp.3kipp was a response to manipulative elections that always won by the government’s party, golongan karya (golkar). it was intended to promote a fairer and more competitive election as a significant step toward genuine democracy and a real fresh hope for the public(bjornlund, 2004, p. 258; hrw, 1996). on the election day, 29 may 1997, kipp mobilised 9,000 volunteers in its 40 branches to monitor the election independently and to report the process in 600 polling stations(schiller, 1999, p. 11; van klinken, 1997). the attempt to monitor the elections certainly was hindered by the authoritarian regimesnot only by the central government in jakarta, but kipp had to face difficulties of its branches in central java, lampung, medan and east kalimantan. some golkar activists even established a ‘counter’ election monitoring organisation called tim obyektif pemantau pemilu (topp) or team for objective election monitoring that complained kipp was based on liberal democracy rather than pancasila democracy (hrw, 1996). kipp still carried on its objectives, although there were so many obstructions from the government. in carrying out their duties, kippvolunteers concentrated their monitoring to some areas thathad strong local chapters or where there was a history of election-related conflict. they monitored the ballot counting process at the election day where possible.however, the volunteers of kipp were not able to monitor the votetabulation process both at the national and provincial level. kipp also did not cover polling stations to check the results systematically (bjornlund, 2004, p. 261; schiller, 1999, p. 19). with the obstacles faced by kipp, it was unable to affect the electoral process in 1997 election. the golkar party still won the election and the authoritarian leader suharto remained in power. however, the victory of golkarin fact had been recognised from the beginning by kipp. kipp also did not want to legitimise the election, which was not fair in any way. the purpose of the emergence of kipp was two things, first, to invite citizens to organise themselves to protect their rights and second, to generate a framework for organisations committed to democratic transformations (van klinken, 1997). bjornlund (2004, p. 261)also suggests that kipp’s modest success began to popularise the idea of domestic election monitoring and the acceptance of citizen participation in electoral process. citizen participation of election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia after the collapse of the authoritarian regime in 1998, b. j. habibie as the president in the transitional period realized the promise of some substantive political reform, one of which was open election in 1999. in indonesia’s current elections, kipp is no longer the only domestic election monitoring. it indicates a more open political defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 7 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ system, allowing citizens to participate in the political system more actively, including monitor the elections. this section elaborates the citizen participation in election monitoring in post authoritarian indonesia, and divides the explanation into two sub-sections. the first sub-section discusses the citizen participation in election monitoring in 1999, 2004 and 2009 elections, and the second sub chapter focuses on the 2014 election. the election in 2014 becomes one specific explanation because it marks a new era of citizen participation in election monitoring with the emergence of crowdsourcing methods based on information communication technologies (icts). general elections in 1999, 2004 and 2009 as an election in the transitional period, the 1999 election invited the attention of civil society. in regards to election monitoring, besides kipp, there were several other domestic election monitoring organisations (emos). some of these were university network for free elections (unfrel), the rectors’ forum for democracy (the rectors’ forum) and jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat (jppr) or the people’s network for political education(bjornlund, 2004, p. 263). unfrel and the rectors’ forum were clearly university-based emo’s. on the other hand, jppr is the transformation of islamic organisations’ networks such as organisation wings of nadhlatul ulama (nu) and muhammadiyah, the two largest islamic organisations in indonesia(jppr, 2014). to monitor the election, kipp deployed 125,000 pollwatchers while the rectors’ forum mobilised more than 200,000 students, alumni, members of ngos, teachers and other citizens. the rectors’ forum also conducted a parallel vote tabulation (pvt) to verify the vote independently, based on statistically valid samples of actual polling site results from each province. this method was assessed highly successful because it allowed domestic and international observers to see the accuracy of election official tabulation. on the other hand, unfrel monitored the election by mobilisingaround 105,000 university students and faculty members in 22 out of 27 provinces in indonesia at that time. unfrel was seen as the most professional and best organised among other emos in monitoring the 1999 election(bjornlund, 2004, pp. 264-265) the emergence of these emoswas supported by the international organisations that also paid attention to 1999 election such as united national development program (undp), unites states agency for international development (usaid) and others. these international organisations provided abundance funding, encouragement and advice in regards to election monitoring (bjornlund, 2004, pp. 263-264). however, bjornlund (2004, pp. 269-274) explains that the huge penetration of international organisations resulted in conflicting advice given to the emos and the excessive funding jeopardised their sustainability. despite those unintended consequences of foreign support, the 1999 election shows the involvement of massive numbers of citizens in political activity once freedfrom authoritarian regime. however, bjornlund’s(2004, pp. 269-274) concern about funding dependencies struck emos in next elections. kipp in 2004 election had funding difficulty, which resulted in volunteer recruitment reduction up to 50 per cent (assegaf, 2004). this situation made kipp change the approach of defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 8 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ monitoring the election to sampling method. kipp’s monitoring focused on the polling stations that had a high potential for fraud and conflict such as aceh, central sulawesi, maluku and papua (ulfah & faisal, 2004). not much different from kipp, unfrel also experienced financial difficulty. to get around this problem, unfrel, which already transformed into the center for electoral reform (cetro), no longer monitored election in polling stations level in 2009 election, but instead monitored from the policy level (sihite & ginting, 2009). the biggest effect of the reduction of monitoring organisations operational funds is the decreasing number of volunteers that were involved in election monitoring as shown in table 1. although the number of kipp volunteers to monitor the election in jakarta region increased,nationally the number of kipp volunteers decreased drastically (sihite & ginting, 2009). a significant decrease in the number of volunteers was also experienced by jppr (table 2). however, despite the difficulties in defending democracy through monitoring the elections, it is also important to note that organisations like jppr also implement voters’ education programs beyond the election day. this kind of program, to some extent, also contributes to enhancing democracy(junaidi, 2013, pp. 21-25).nevertheless, the declining number of volunteers for election monitoring remains a major problem that should be resolved because election irregularities keep increasing. the 2014 election there are at least two reasons why the 2014 election is significant to be discussed separately in terms of election monitoring. first, because the previous election in 2009 was the worst management in indonesia’s post-authoritarian period (kompas, 2009), so the expectation for improvementwas higher in the 2014 election. second, because the 2014 election marked the emergence of citizen participation in election monitoring using the crowdsourced method based on information technology. two of the most prominent is mata massa (matamassa.org) or “eye of the masses” and kawal pemilu (kawalpemilu.org) or guard the election. mata massais an application that was launched by aliansi jurnalis independen (aji) or independent journalists alliance and ict laboratory for social changes (ilab) in november 2013. this application receives reports of election violations through mobile phone (see figure 1). ordinary citizens are allowed to monitor the election by reporting table 2. number of volunteers for kipp (jakarta region) and jppr source: (junaidi, 2013, pp. 6-7) defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 9 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ election fraud such as practices of money politics through this application (rumah pemilu, 2013). mata massa deployed 200 key persons to organise the reports submitted by the citizens through their devices (naing, 2014). during the earlier phase of the legislative election in february 2014, citizens reported 294 cases. the reports consisted of 173 cases reported through a smartphone application and website, followed by 64 cases through text messages and 57 cases through emails (the jakarta post, 2014). by the time this article was written, there were 421 cases that reported to mata massa (see figure 2). most of the reports related to administrative violations such as campaign attributes in inappropriate places and vote buying or money politics practices (rakhmani, 2014; the jakarta post, 2014). in total, mata massa received around 1,509 reports and it contributed 1,390 out of 8,000 reports received by bawaslu (naing, 2014; rakhmani, 2014). unfortunately, as noted by rakhmani (2014), bawaslu, as an election supervisory agency that was authorised to take action against election fraud did not respond to the reports well. jppr, which was basically use traditional method of election monitoring as explained earlier in this chapter, also utilised ict to monitor the election in 2014 to overcome the challenges of intimidation that its volunteers experienced(jppr, 2014; rakhmani, 2014). jppr volunteers using the ‘mention’ feature on twitter, an online social networking service, to members of bawaslu to raise their awareness of election fraud. this method will prevent the volunteers from direct intimidation (rakhmani, 2014). figure 1. mata massa’s display as mobile phone application source: <https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.matamassa.android.app> defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 10 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure 2. mata massa’s display on its official website source: <http://www.matamassa.org> the 2014 presidential election shows a higher competition, which for the first time involved only two pairs of candidates. they were (1) prabowo subianto, a former military leader, in pair with hatta rajasa, current government minister and (2) joko widodo, a dki jakarta governor who is also furniture businessman, in pair with jusuf kalla, a businessman who is also former vice president of the country. according to mietzner (2014), this third presidential election4 determined the future of indonesia’s democracy because the candidacy of prabowo, who is also former son in law of indonesian’s long time autocratic leader, suharto, threatened democracy. as a former military leader, prabowo promised a tougher leadership and a return to indirect election that suharto brought for 32 years, which will revive the authoritarian regime(mietzner, 2014). after failing in the presidential nomination in 2004 and 2009, it seemed that prabowo would not accept defeat anymore. mietzner (2014) shows how prabowo, who is supported by not only by the party machine, but also the oligarchic leaders. he handed out a lot of money to village heads, religious, ethnic, and social groups leaders; and promised to distribute welfare benefits and projects if he were elected. on the other hand, the second candidate, joko widodo (or popularly called jokowi) was not supported by the oligarchs who could oil the campaign with money. even worse his party machine was not properly working. he was backed by grassroots volunteerism. vote buying did not completely disappear in jokowi’s campaign, as aspinall (2014) suggests that money-politics is an important part of indonesia’s electoral competition. nevertheless, jokowi’s political machine was not as good as prabowo’s. however, jokowi was supported by grassroots volunteerism, which instead of being given money to vote for jokowi, they initiated crowd funding for jokowi’s campaign (mietzner, 2014). the competition of both candidates was more pointed when quick count (qc) electoral institutions announced their results on the election day, 9july 2014. lim (2014) summarises the quick count results with each margin of error (moe) (see table 3). as a scientific method of vote counting, lim (2014) suggests that qc is very important to monitoring the electoral process and vote counting. qc can be used to evaluate the quality of an election and in projecting and verifying official count, which in this regard is conducted by komisi pemilihan umum (kpu) or election commission. the purpose of qc is to: deter fraud; detect fraud; offer precise estimates of outcomes; confidence in the electoral process and official count; and, measure the quality of the electoral process as a whole. however, the qc made each candidate claimed their victory based on the different results of quick defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 11 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ counts which stating them as the winner. this caused the unrest in the society and the supporters of each candidate were getting more divided. according to aspinall and mietzner (2014), the difference of qc results was part of prabowo’s strategy to create instability amongst indonesians so in the midst of uncertainty, he could buy the time and steal the election results. as this paper mentioned earlier, after experienced failures in previous elections, in 2014 presidential election prabowo could not receive any defeat anymore. the two survey institutions that declared prabowo’s victory, namely lsn and jsi (see table 3) did not show clearly how much their margin of error in doing qc. beside that, puskaptis, lsn, and jsi did not show up when the organisation that oversees the entire public surveys institution in indonesia, perhimpunan survei opini publik indonesia (persepi), asked them to be re-verified as a result of different quick count results, while other eight survey institutions met the demand of reverification(tribunnews.com, 2014). this was a main indication that these organisations were paid by prabowo to execute his strategy. in this regard, although lim (2014) suggests that qc could become an election monitoring method, it also shows a limitation, as mentioned by omotola (2006) while it could be used as a political statement, rather than an objective reporting. in this kind of situation, kawal pemilu (kawalpemilu.org) or guard the election, an internet website platform, emerged to monitor the counting process conducted by kpu based on the c1 form, a form that stipulate counting resultsfrom each polling station in indonesia. ainun najib, an indonesian citizen who works as an information technology consultant in singapore, initiated this site. he admitted that this website creation was triggered by uncertain situation due to differences in estimating the presidential election results issued by survey organisations. his two other indonesian friends who work in google; felix halim and adrian kurniady, who live in the usa and australia respectively, helped him. they created software to download the data included in c1 form, a database as the backbone of the site, pages for data entry and various other features (hadi & widianto, 2014). the cost of table 3. quick count (qc) results in 2014 presidential election source: (lim, 2014) defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 12 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ purchasing a website domain and the server was only us $65.77 or around 650 thousand rupiah (hadi, 2014). kawal pemilu has asimple way of operating. all data was scanned from the c1 form which downloaded from kpu’s website with special software. this software cut the data needed, which the results, in the form of snippets from the c1 forms and this data placed in the internal sites (backbone site) were only accessible for ainun and his team. kawal pemilu founders had started the work a day after the election, 10 july 2014. to help them, 700 volunteers from within and outside the country were recruited to input the data from 478,828 polling stations (hadi, 2014). ainun guaranteed that kawal pemilu volunteers were trustworthy. the volunteer recruitment was carried out similar to multi-level marketing method and conducted carefully to maintain the integrity of the counting process. kawal pemilu had diverse volunteers, from 14-year-old middle school student until a 59-yearold pensioner, none of which was certainly paid. ainun said some of the volunteers were also supporters of prabowo or jokowi, but they were still recruited, as long as they did not manipulate the counting process. kawal pemilu also had supervisory mechanism, making it easy to suspend or blacklist anyone found to have falsified data (the jakarta post, 2014). it also allowed other citizens to report data input errors(hadi & widianto, 2014). as kawal pemilu used the same data with kpu, the official organisation of the government, it had high level of accuracy. thus, concerns of a crowdsourced method that has questionable accuracy, does not apply to kawal pemilu. this was supported by the sophistication of software used and high supervisory mechanism, thus reducing the possibility of errors or manipulations caused by human. it takes a very short time about five seconds for each c1 form; so, the data could be inputin three days from the entire polling stations. in addition, figure 3. kawal pemilu’s display on its official website source: <http://kawalpemilu.org> defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 13 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the data recapitulation could be traced easily so the voters could verify any data that appears in the site (hadi, 2014; see also figure 3). this is in contrast with the announcement of the results from kpu, which besides it took two weeks to count; it also cannot be traced back to verify the data. with different methods of counting, the result obtained by kawal pemilu and kpu were completely the same. both shows prabowo-hatta gained 46.85 per centof votes while jokowi-kalla got 53.15 per cent of votes(kpu, 2014; kawal pemilu, 2014). although comparison of the two indicates that kawal pemilu was much faster with no difference in results, kpu should be appreciated because it uploaded the c1 form to its website in the name of transparency. this allowed kawal pemilu to be able to carry out its purpose of safeguarding the election. furthermore, because the results of kawal pemilu came out first and it successfully demonstrated an objective counting process with high integrity, it put more pressure on kpu to perform the counting carefully and precisely. this made the fraud as concerned by aspinall and mieztner (2014), which could be done by prabowo, candidate who wanted to return indonesia to the authoritarian period, could be prevented. kawal pemilu has shown citizen participation in defending democracy through election monitoring. conclusion this articlehas shown that the willingnessof citizens to guard the democratic process through election monitoring has grown since before democratisation started. citizen participation, especially in election monitoring continued to increase until the first election of the post-authoritarian period in 1999. however, in regards to traditional election monitoring, citizen participation was declining as shown by kipp and jppr cases in 2004 and 2009. on the other hand, bawaslu as a state election monitoring body have not yet become an effective instrument. nevertheless, crowdsourced monitoring methods that appeared in the 2014 elections have shown that citizen participation strengthens the quality of democracy in indonesia. mata massa, an election monitoring applicationthat focuses on electoral fraud, managed to invite the enthusiasm of citizens to participate in supervising the elections by simply using a mobile device that is currently owned by almost everybody in indonesia. ordinary indonesian citizens can participate in monitoring the election. on the other hand, kawalpemilu, which appeared in the presidential electioncontributed even more significantly to guard the election. kawal pemiluoffered alternative information to assist and monitor the vote recapitulation done by the kpu.it has a very high accuracy and addressed the concern for the lack of accuracy that was attached to the crowdsourced method of election monitoring. above all, through kawal pemilu, citizen participation in monitoring the election has defended indonesia’s democracy against the threat of a retreat to an authoritarian regime. endnotes 1 although relatively high, voters’ turnout rate in indonesia tends to decrease. in the post-authoritarian regime elections, it is noted that 1999 had the highest voters’ turnout rate that was 93.30 per cent. in 2004, the number decreased to 84.09 per cent, while in 2009 the participation rate was 70.99 per cent (international defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 14 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ idea, 2014a). this figure is not much different with voters’ turnout in philippines, another democratic country in southeast asia region (international idea, 2014b). 2 according to diamond and morlino (2004) there are eight dimensions of democratic quality namely rule of law, participation, competition, vertical and horizontal accountability, freedom, equality and responsiveness. 3 bjornlund (2004, p. 258-259) notes that the idea of founding kipp was brought by rustam ibrahim, an intellectual that later became the director of lembaga penelitian, pendidikan dan penerangan ekonomi dan sosial (lp3es) or institute for social and economic research, educiaton, and information, who participated a conference of domestic election monitoring in manila in 1995. kipp was modeled on national citizens’ movement for free elections (namfrel) in the phillipines (which also the organiser of the conference), fair monitoring alliance in bangladesh and pollwatch in thailand (see also hrw, 1996). goenawan mohamad, an intellectual and journalist of tempo weekly (which closed down by the government in 1994) agreed to chair kipp after approached by the students. mulyana kusumah, human rights lawyer and veteran activist became the kipp’s general secretary. beside these two persons, the establishment of kipp also supported by pro-democracy figures such as nurcholish madjid, adnan buyung nasution, arief budiman and others (hrw, 1996). 4 direct presidential election is implemented in indonesia based on article 6 of the constitution. the first direct presidential election was implemented in 2004 and the second time was in 2009. both elections won by susilo bambang yudhoyono. references agustino, l. 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(1997). citizens organise themselves. retrieved september 16, 2014, from inside indonesia 51: http:// www.insideindonesia.org/feature-editions/ citizens-organise-themselves defending democracy:citizen participation in election monitoring in post-authoritarian indonesia / dini suryani http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0002 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, riza noer. ariani, m. asean b badan pengawas pemilu balikatan bangladesh banks, j. a. bautista, v. a. bawaslu bayanihan bourdieu, p. c cambodia caucus of development ngo networks cedaw celebes center for electoral reform central java central sulawesi che supiah cheshe codengo committee on the elimination of discrimination aga comprehensive land use plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu timor leste tran thi que typhoon u uganda unfrel university network for free elections utang na loob v venture philanthropy vietnam w west sumatra widarjono, a. world bank z zimbabwe zulkarnain a. hatta layout desember 2008 38 pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdip pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 helmi mahadi bakesbangpol dan linmas kabupaten gayo lues, nad. email: helmi_plod@yahoo.co.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research will explains on candidate recruitment of major in sleman that conducted by pdi-p and their behavior. this research uses a case study method through in-depth interviews and written documentation. the result shows that the failure of pdi-p sleman in carrying internal candidate from the party is due to the occurrence of political pragmatism. in this context, pragmatism comes from two things. firstly, internal factor is the failure of the pdi-p cadre of sleman and the phenomenon of money as a determinant of recruitment of candidates. secondly, external factor is the political culture of society that do not directly influence through elite perceptions about public preferences. keywords: political recruitment, party’s pragmatism, and society’s pragmatism. abstrak penelitian ini akan menjelaskan tentang proses rekruitmen kandidat bupati sleman yang dilakukan oleh pdi-p beserta bagaimana perilaku partai yang selalu mendominasi di kursi legislatif sleman ini. penelitian ini menggunakan metode studi kasus melalui wawancara mendalam dan dokumentasi tertulis. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa kegagalan pdi-p dalam mengusung kandidat dari internal partai adalah karena terjadinya pragmatisme politik. dalam konteks ini, pragmatisme bersumber dari dua hal. pertama, faktor internal, yaitu kegagalan kaderisasi pdi-p sleman dan fenomena uang sebagai penentu perekrutan kandidat. kedua, faktor eksternal, yaitu budaya politik masyarakat yang berpengaruh tidak secara langsung melalui persepsi elit terhadap kecenderungan pilihan publik. kata kunci: rekrutmen politik, pragmatisme partai dan pragmatisme masyarakat. 39 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendahuluan partai politik berfungsi sebagai saluran aspirasi warga negara. peran partai politik memperoleh momentumnya pada saat pemilu, ketika warga negara memilih para anggota legislatif yang akan membawa aspirasi mereka. karena itu, partai politik memiliki tugas, yaitu menyeleksi, menawarkan, dan mencalonkan kadernya sebagai calon anggota legislatif untuk dipilih rakyat. partai yang menjadi pemenang pemilu di suatu daerah, bisa dimaknai sebagai partai yang memperoleh tempat di hati masyarakat untuk menyalurkan aspirasi mereka. dalam kerangka itu, ada fenomena menarik dalam pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada). partai pemenang pemilu legislatif, seringkali tidak mencalonkan kadernya sendiri dalam pilkada. besarnya basis massa dan konstituen yang dimiliki partai pemenang pemilu, tidak menjadikannya “percaya diri” untuk maju sendiri (dan dengan kadernya sendiri) dalam pilkada. hal ini sering terjadi, partai pemenang ini berkoalisi dengan partaipartai lain, dan mencalonkan kandidat yang berasal dari luar partai. langkah yang ditempuh oleh partai-partai politik ini pun bukan tanpa alasan. hal ini karena partai politik yang menang pemilu tidak otomatis berjaya dalam pilkada. menurut catatan lsi (2005), sebagian besar (72,3%) pilkada dimenangkan oleh partai atau koalisi partai yang bukan pemenang pemilu legislatif. dalam sinar harapan (5 mei 2008; 5) salah satu yang cukup fenomenal adalah kemenangan pks dalam pilkada jawa barat. pks yang merupakan urutan kelima, berhasil memenangi pertarungan karena mengusung non-kader. berdasarkan hasil penelitian p2p-lipi, ikrar nusa bhakti dalam kompas (31 mei 2011; 2) mengungkapkan, bahwa dari 150 calon yang diusul pasangan calon kepala daerah, pdi-p hanya menetapkan sekitar seperlima yang merupakan kadernya sendiri yang diajukan dalam pilkada 2009. sisanya adalah non-kader. sebaliknya, partai golkar yang menang di banyak daerah dalam pemilu legislatif, mengalami kekalahan mutlak dalam pilkada selama 2009-2010. dalam jakarta press (6 april 2011: 7), partai golkar mengakui bahwa salah satu faktor kekalahan ini adalah karena mereka mengusung kader sendiri. akibatnya, mereka membuka lebih lebar lagi peluang non-kader untuk ikut serta dalam kandidasi. ada beberapa hal yang mungkin bisa menjelaskan fenomena di atas. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 40 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pertama, berbeda dengan pemilu legislatif yang berbasis partai politik, pilkada adalah berbasis individu kandidat. dengan demikian, ketokohan seorang figur kandidat akan sangat menentukan tingkat keterpilihannya. karena itu, sosok incumbent menjadi rebutan partai-partai pemenang untuk mencalonkannya kembali. selain karena sosok incumbent sudah sangat populer, kedudukannya sebagai pejabat diduga bisa dimanfaatkan untuk memobilisasi dana maupun dukungan dari masyarakat. kedua, faktor popularitas saja belum cukup untuk memenangi pilkada. faktor modal finansial juga sangat menentukan dalam pilkada. hal ini berarti, bahwa partai yang besar ataupun kandidat yang terkenal, harus didukung pula oleh dana yang memadai. para kandidat membutuhkan biaya yang cukup besar untuk bisa meraih simpati massa sekaligus memobilisasi para pemilih tersebut. kajian studi ini melihat, bahwa hampir semua partai pemenang pemilu 2009 di sleman, terutama pdi-p dan partai demokrat yang cukup kursi tidak mencalonkan kadernya di pilkada 2010. studi ini akan menjelaskan mengapa partai politik cenderung berperilaku pragmatis, yakni tidak mencalonkan kadernya sendiri melainkan mencari aktor lain yang mempunyai elektabilitas lebih tinggi. pada akhirnya, fokus utama studi ini melihat mengapa pdi-p sebagai partai pemenang pemilu 2009 tidak mencalonkan kadernya dalam pilkada 2010 di sleman? karena itu, apa alasan pdi-p tidak mencalonkan kadernya? kerangka teoritik pada umumnya, perilaku masyarakat masih tradisional dan pragmatis dalam memandang politik. akibatnya, sikap apatis menggejala dalam pemilu. sikap apatis pemilih menyebabkan mereka secara instan dan irrasional memilih kandidat yang menguntungkan mereka, khususnya memberi uang maupun dalam bentuk bungkusan stimulan; bantuan amal, dan bantuan pembangunan desa yang berupa material. yang terjadi kemudian adalah politik transaksional. pemilih menjatuhkan pilihannya berdasarkan logika-logika sederhana dan bersifat jangka pendek. dalam budaya politik ini, pemilih terlibat dalam aktivitas pemilu dengan cara harus diberi kompensasi uang maupun barang. hal ini menyebabkan biaya pemilu menjadi mahal. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 41 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan demikian, studi ini pada dasarnya adalah tentang perilaku partai di tingkat lokal, lebih khusus lagi pdi-p. studi ini memotret perilaku partai dalam melangsungkan proses rekruitmen politik. untuk mempersiapkan kandidat tersebut, partai politik menciptakan mekanisme rekruitmen untuk memastikan terjaringnya kandidat yang tepat. dengan demikian, partai politik mempunyai sistem seleksi dan persyaratan untuk menjaring orang luar menjadi kandidat. selain itu, partai politik mengembangkan kadernya untuk dinominasikan dalam pemilihan. dalam kerangka itu, keputusan partai akan dilacak dari dua domain secara simultan, yakni domain internal dan domain eksternal. keduanya diasumsikan memiliki peran yang sama pentingnya dalam mendiktekan pilihan. hal ini diperagakan dalam gambar dibawah ini: sumber: data primer,2010 gambar alur analisis seleksi calon kepala daerah 1. melacak alasan pencalonan: analisis internal analisis internal didedikasikan untuk melihat bagaimana partai membangun mekanisme kaderisasi, mekanisme promosi kader-kader terbaiknya untuk mengisi jabatan publik. dengan telaah ini, kita bisa menilai siap tidaknya pdi-p untuk mempromosikan kader-kader pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 42 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terbaiknya untuk berkompetisi dalam menduduki jabatan kepala daerah. analisis internal ini akan melacak apa yang terjadi dalam partai, dalam hal ini pdi-p sleman, yang berujung pada terpilihnya seseorang menjadi kandidat kepala daerah. adapun langkah-langkah analisis yang akan dilakukan adalah: (a) memetakan standar nilai normatif dalam partai politik; (b) analisis terhadap proses kaderisasi dalam partai; dan (c) proses promosi kader terbaik. tiga analisis ini akan dijabarkan sebagai berikut. a. standar nilai normatif dalam partai politik standar nilai normatif dalam partai politik mengacu pada semua kerja partai dalam mengambil keputusan politik yang berbasiskan pada ad/ art partai. partai politik merumuskannya sebagai platform partai, yang bertujuan mempromosikan kader partai untuk mengisi jabatan di struktur partai, lembaga legislatif, dan lembaga eksekutif. dalam rangka itu, mekanisme rekrutmen politik dalam rute-rute kaderisasi menjadi tahapan penting yang konsisten disepakati dalam partai politik (erawan, 2005). pada akhirnya, baik dan buruk suatu keputusan partai politik dalam membuat kebijakan partai adalah dilihat dari nilai standar normatif tersebut. dalam pengertian, apa yang ditulis dan dipidatokan dalam ajaranajaran partai itulah yang dilakukan. dengan begitu, nilai standar normatif menjadi cerminan perilaku politik di segala arena politik (norris, 2006). inilah tolok ukur suatu partai politik disebut pragmatis atau tidak. secara definisi, disebut pragmatis jika partai mengutamakan kepentingan jangka pendek dengan mengesampingkan nilai normatif partai. partai yang pragmatis akan menghilangkan peran ideologi partai dalam setiap tindakannya. suatu keputusan partai tidak lagi berlandaskan standing point ideologi, melainkan mempertimbangkan logika untung rugi (imawan, 2004: 15). dengan kata lain, partai yang pragmatis jika partai mengutamakan kepentingan cara praktis atau hasil lebih penting ketimbang hal yang lain—yang penting menang. adapun dalam pilkada, hasil akhir ini berarti kemenangan politik untuk jabatan kepala daerah. kemenangan politik tersebut dicapai dengan cara mendapatkan suara terbanyak. di sinilah pragmatisme muncul jika tujuan itu (hasil akhir/ kemenangan) dicapai dengan mengabaikan cara-cara yang telah disepakati dalam platform partai. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 43 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b. proses kaderisasi dalam partai secara normatif, kaderisasi adalah proses bahwa rekrutmen dalam partai politik akan menghasilkan orang-orang baru yang kompeten dan menjamin sirkulasi elit partai. sesuai peran partai politik untuk berkiprah dalam politik dan pemerintahan, pada tahap selanjutnya, kader-kader akan diarahkan untuk menjadi kandidat guna mengisi jabatan publik (pamungkas, 2009). sumber kader diperoleh melalui beberapa cara. pertama, dari partai politik melalui pendidikan dasar politik dan eveneven, seperti pentas kesenian, kerja bakti untuk bencana alam dan diskusi kelompok. kedua, dari organisasi sayap yang sengaja dibentuk untuk menjaring calon kader maupun ormas sebagai onderbow partai, terutama dari generasi muda yang potensial. ketiga, dari organisasi mahasiswa ataupun organisasi masyarakat yang seidelogi dengan partai (hamid, 2008; 14). secara teoritis, partai politik mencalonkan non-kader sebagai kandidat jabatan publik adalah menunjukkan macetnya proses kaderisasi ini, terutama di tingkat lokal. ada beberapa sebab macetnya kaderisasi ini. pertama, kurangnya kuantitas dan kualitas kader yang masuk ke dalam partai. kedua, kader-kader yang masuk ke partai tidak mempunyai kapabilitas sebagai politisi. mereka masuk ke partai cenderung sebagai simpatisan, tanpa latarbelakang yang memadai untuk berkiprah dalam politik maupun pemerintahan. ketiga, mekanisme penjenjangan kaderisasi yang berlangsung dalam partai cenderung tidak transparan. disinyalir, penempatan person pada pos-pos tertentu dalam partai bukan berdasar kapabilitas dan keahlian, namun pada kedekatan dengan elit maupun kemampuan untuk menyumbang dana. akibatnya, kader-kader yang mempunyai kemampuan namun minim dana, tidak bisa meniti jenjang karir secara mulus. beberapa sebab diatas membuat partai-partai pemenang pemilu mengalami krisis ketersediaan kader handal. ketika dihadapkan pada momentum pilkada, mau tidak mau partai harus bersikap pragmatis dengan mengambil kandidat yang berasal dari luar partai. alasannya, aktor tersebut mempunyai elektabilitas tinggi, ataupun kemampuan dana yang memadai. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 44 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ c. proses promosi kader terbaik proses promosi kader adalah memproyeksikan kader partai agar bisa mengisi jabatan eksekutif sesuai dengan kapasitasnya dan elektabilitasnya. kapasitas seorang kader dinilai dari kemampuannya sebagai politisi maupun birokrat. partai politik yang mempunyai banyak kader handal dan memadai dalam jumlah mencukupi, tidak akan kesulitan dalam mempromosikan kader tertentu untuk jabatan publik, yang terpenting di sini adalah aturan main untuk menentukan fase-fase yang harus dilalui seorang kader agar memenuhi syarat untuk dipromosikan. jadi, proses promosi bukan berdasar pertemanan dengan elit partai, ataupun seberapa besar modal yang dimiliki. adapun elektabilitas seorang kader yang akan dipromosikan, diukur dari tingkat penerimaan dan pengakaran di basis massa maupun masyarakat secara umum (erawan, 2005). 2. budaya politik dalam masyarakat: analisis eksternal analisis eksternal dilakukan untuk melihat situasi dan kondisi yang melatarbelakangi penentuan keputusan, tepatnya dalam penentuan calon. analisis akan memotret kultur dan perilaku politik masyarakat, yang kemudian mengejawantah sebagai aspirasi masyarakat. kultur masyarakat ini adalah hal yang penting, sebagai kancah bagi partai-partai politik untuk mendekati konstituennya, sekaligus memobilisasi suara untuk kemenangan. adapun langkah-langkah analisis yang akan dilakukan adalah: (a) menganalisis akar pragmatisme dalam masyarakat; (b) mengurai sistem seleksi dan kompetisi untuk jabatan bupati; dan (c) faktor-faktor apa saja yang penting dalam keputusan calon bupati dan wakil bupati. argumentasi dari analisis diatas akan mengindentifikasi ciri-ciri pragmatis dalam pencalonan kandidat untuk mengisi jabatan kepala daerah. analisis akan dimulai dari akar pragmatisme yang ada dalam budaya politik masyarakat, yang mencerminkan perilaku politik yang berbasis pragmatis. untuk menampakkan itu, secara teoritis akan digambarkan apa saja watak pragmatis masyarakat dan bagaimana tindakan pragmatis itu dalam mencakupi perpolitikan. a. akar pragmatisme dalam masyarakat pragmatisme dalam masyarakat mempunyai dua sisi. di satu sisi mempunyai dimensi positif, yakni mengutamakan cara-cara praktis dan pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 45 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ konkret untuk memecahkan masalah. namun di sisi lain, pragmatisme menjadi negatif ketika disusupi politik uang (marijan, 2006). berkaitan pilkada, sikap pragmatis merupakan suatu gejala yang sebetulnya positif, kalau pragmatisme itu diartikan mencari peluang yang paling besar untuk memenangkan calon. watak pragmatisme menjadi negatif jika prosesproses kaderisasi dan perekrutan kandidat dipengaruhi uang untuk memenangkan kandidat atau untuk keperluan dana partai. akar pragmatisme dalam masyarakat bisa dilacak dari kultur politik yang mencerminkan perilaku politik masyarakat. pragmatisme muncul dalam masyarakat plural, yakni keanekaragaman yang jamak terjadi di indonesia yang ber-bhinneka tunggal ika. dalam masyarakat yang plural inilah pragmatisme tumbuh berkembang, sebab dalam masyarakat seperti ini, idealisme yang kolot atau terjerumus dalam perdebatan hanya akan menghambat tercapainya komitmen dan kepentingan umum. semangat pragmatisme adalah bahwa kebenaran itu relatif, sesuai dengan konteks waktu, tempat, budaya, dan seterusnya. indikator pragmatisme tersedia pada menyebarluasnya semangat modernisme yang ditopang oleh arus globalisasi, menjadikan masyarakat lebih bergantung pada cara-cara praktis dan konkret untuk memecahkan masalah atau memajukan diri. semangat seperti ini khususnya mengemuka di kalangan generasi muda, yang cenderung “cair” nir-ideologi, dan lebih mementingkan hasil dibanding proses. sikap pragmatis bukan menjadi sesuatu yang tabu, sebab bukan semata menghalalkan segala cara guna mencapai hasil secepat-cepatnya, melainkan lebih sebagai piawai dalam pelaksanaan, bukan melulu berkubang dalam konsep (baert and turner, 2007). dengan demikian dapat dipahami bahwa tingkah laku politik merupakan pencerminan dari budaya politik suatu masyarakat yang penuh dengan aneka bentuk karakter dan aneka bentuk kelompok dengan berbagai tingkah lakunya. perilaku politik tidak ditentukan oleh situasi temporer, tetapi mempunyai pola yang berorientasi pada pola umum (common orientation) yang tampak secara jelas sebagai pencerminan budaya politik yang seringkali disebut peradaban politik. dengan demikian, perilaku politik tumbuh atas kesadaran yang mendalam tentang sistem politik yang berlangsung atau ideologi dalam suatu negara (almond, 1995: 56). pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 46 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ seorang pragmatis tidak akan peduli kubu politik mana yang menang, dan hanya peduli pada seberapa baik kebijakan telah berjalan. pragmatisme politik adalah ciri khas kultur politik dalam masyarakat yang berprinsip ‘yang penting sesuatu/program berfungsi, tak peduli caranya.’ singkat kata, pragmatisme adalah penolakan terhadap teori dan ideologi, dan lebih memilih fakta dan realitas yang telah teruji. namun, sisi negatif pragmatisme ketika masyarakat berhadapan persoalan ekonomi. masyarakat pragmatis akan mudah dipengaruhi oleh politik uang berbentuk bantuan dalam bungkus stimulan pembangunan masyarakat. kultur pragmatis masyarakat ini mempengaruhi perilaku partai tidak secara langsung, tetapi melalui persepsi elit terhadap kecenderungan pilihan publik. dengan demikian, atas dasar pertimbangan apa persepsi elit bahwa sosok kandidat yang terekrut dapat terpilih oleh publik? harapan elit partai dapat menjadi kenyataan ketika proses seleksi kandidat yang merupakan persepsi elit sesuai dengan kenyataan dan keinginan publik (marijan, 2006). dalam memutuskan orang mana yang layak untuk direkrut sebagai kandidat pilkada, elit partai mempunyai persepsi yang diukur berdasar tiga hal yaitu, modal politik, modal sosial, dan modal ekonomi. ketiga modal sosial diatas adalah persepsi elit di partai yang dapat diukur dari sosok yang mudah diterima masyarakat. ketiga modal itu bisa berdiri sendiri sendiri tanpa ada kaitan satu sama lainnya. tetapi, seringkali ketiganya berkaitan antara satu dengan lainnya. artinya, pasangan calon kepala daerah itu memiliki peluang besar terpilih manakala memiliki akumulasi lebih dari satu modal. dengan demikian, persepsi elit dalam keputusan pencalonan kandidat sejak awal tahapan di partai dan pemilih menjadi standar persepsi elit yang diperoleh kandidat di luar maupun di dalam partai. b. sistem seleksi dan kompetisi kandidat sistem seleksi dan kompetisi untuk jabatan bupati dan wakil bupati merupakan suatu mekanisme partai dalam menentukan kandidat partai yang berbasis elektoral. dalam rangka ini, rekrutmen (pencalonan) politik adalah sebagai sarana merekrut dan menyeleksi masyarakat untuk kegiatan politik dan jabatan pemerintahan melalui pemilu. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 47 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pada umumnya, terdapat dua pola sistem seleksi kandidat. pertama, inklusif (terbuka) bagi siapapun dapat mencalonkan melalui partai politik dengan memenuhi syarat ringan (eligible). jadi, tidak ada keharusan menjadi anggota partai tersebut, ataupun kesamaan ideologi. kedua, pola eksklusif (tertutup), terdapat sejumlah syarat yang membatasi hak pemilih untuk ikut serta dalam seleksi kandidat. misalnya, ada syarat khusus bagi kandidat yang ikut diseleksi. sebagai contoh, kader yang dapat diseleksi harus memenuhi syarat yakni selama 3 tahun berturut-turut menjadi anggota partai dan mempunyai visi dan misi yang sejalan dengan ideologi dan garis perjuangan partai. singkat kata, semakin inklusif proses seleksi kandidat, maka semakin demokratis. sebaliknya, semakin eksklusif seleksi kandidat semakin tidak demokratis seleksi itu—tidak transparan dan hanya internal elit saja sebagai penyeleksi ataupun penentuan kandidat (rahat dan hazan, 2006: 110). terkait perekrutan kandidat secara inklusif (terbuka), meski syarat dari internal partai cukup ringan, namun ada dua faktor yang cukup menentukan terekrutnya anggota luar menjadi kandidat. sebagaimana menurut rahat dan hazan: pertama, syarat keterjaminan terpilihnya kandidat tersebut (tingkat elektabilitas). dalam kerangka politik lokal, proses seleksi kandidat terletak pada rekam jejak seorang figur. rekam jejak dan popularitas ini sangat menentukan dapat diterimanya seseorang oleh masyarakat. prestasi seorang bupati misalnya, ditimbang melalui neraca rasionalitas, untuk menentukan apakah bisa dianggap telah mencapai hasil yang dijanjikan atau tidak. karena itulah, dalam kultur pragmatis, elektabilitas incumbent akan sangat tinggi. elektabilitas ini akan mujarab dan menjangkau lintas-kelompok, etnis, agama, dan seterusnya, karena hal-hal yang bersifat konsep dan ideologis telah diabaikan melalui kompromi dan toleransi. kedua, faktor biaya. pertimbangan penentu dalam perekrutan kandidat orang luar adalah dari segi biaya. hal ini karena keikutsertaan dalam pilkada membutuhkan banyak biaya. kebutuhan dana yang inheren dalam pilkada. dana sebagai alat peraga dalam kampanye (kaos, poster, rontek, spanduk, baliho, iklan di media massa). faktor uang menjadi penting bila kandidat ingin dapat dukungan dari sebuah partai harus memberi sejumlah uang, dengan berbagai istilah seperti sumbangan, pembinaan, pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 48 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan sebagainya. situasi ini akan muncul terutama sekali jika kandidat yang dimunculkan partai berasal dari luar partai. namun, hal ini juga bisa terjadi kemungkinan dari kader partai yang harus menyetor sejumlah uang ke partai (pamungkas, 2010; 3). sementara itu, uang juga diperlukan untuk memikat pemilih. pemilih melihat uang dalam pilkada sebagai insentif bagi mereka atas pilihan yang mereka berikan. pemilih akan memberikan dukungan suara ketika mereka menerima kompensasi uang dari kandidat. pemilih tidak melihat peristiwa itu sebagai pragmatisme tetapi lebih pada mekanisme barter yang disepakati tanpa harus melihat itu sebagai sesuatu yang buruk. kedua faktor penentu diatas, partai tetap memperhitungkan kemampuan finansial kandidat. per timbangan ak an keputusan terekrutnya seorang kandidat pertama-tama terletak pada tingkat elektabilitas kandidat, sedangkan pertimbangan berikutnya adalah faktor finansial. logikanya, bukan kemampuan finansial menjadi penentu, tetapi kalkulasi kemenangan. dalam pilkada, biaya politik yang berupa uang memang penting, tetapi kepastian menang adalah lebih penting. dengan demikian, pengorbanan atas biaya yang dikeluarkan menjadi pertimbangan rasional partai untuk merekrut orang yang potensial. di satu sisi, partai bersedia menanggung biaya pemenangan, sisi lainnya adalah kesepakatan antara partai dan kandidat yang terekrut. c. faktor-faktor penting dalam pemenangan kompetisi pemilu kepala daerah yang berbasis kompetisi merupakan momentum tepat bagi partai manapun untuk memenangkan kandidatnya. atas persoalan ini menjadi faktor penting dalam keputusan penentuan calon bupati dan wakil bupati sebagai kandidat yang potensial bagi partai. pertama, dari segi penguasaan birokrasi yang berarti dapat melibatkan birokrasi secara langsung maupun terselubung untuk mendukung pemenangan. kedua, dalam segi penentuan kebijakan dalam aspek kepentingan umum dalam menciptakan pembangunan ekonomi, sosial, budaya, dan politik dalam masyarakat. kedua hal diatas sangat menentukan dalam pemenangan pilkada, terutama dalam konteks politik lokal/daerah. dengan demikian, birokrasi menjadi sarana yang ampuh untuk berbagai kepentingan pemenangan pilkada. selain itu, kesuksesan pembangunan riil yang bisa dilihat oleh pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 49 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat, merupakan nilai tambah yang bisa dimanfaatkan oleh kandidat tertentu demi kemenangannya. 3. memahami perilaku parpol: analisis simultan terhadap domain internal dan eksternal hubungan logis antara seleksi internal dan eksternal dalam rekrutmen kepala daerah adalah berdasarkan standar normatif kandidasi untuk mengisi jabatan kepala daerah (ad/art partai). ketika kandidat terekrut dari nilai rasional yang berbeda dengan common values, maka menjadi tindakan pragmatisme karena tidak dikawal dengan idealisme sejak awal. uraian tentang analisis internal dan eksternal diatas, bisa ditegaskan beberapa hal terkait seleksi kandidat dalam pilkada sleman 2010. secara teoritis, dalam budaya pragmatis masyarakat seperti di atas, pragmatisme politik tidaklah menjadi persoalan. hal ini karena sikap normatif telah kalah oleh pertimbangan jangka pendek, sehingga masyarakat menilai prestasi adalah dari hasil, tanpa melihat cara atau proses. nilai-nilai atau ideologi telah luntur oleh proses kompromi dan aspek kepraktisan. pragmatisme masyarakat menjadikan publik tak mau ambil pusing dari mana sumber dana untuk suatu hasil tersebut (pamungkas, 2010; 4). dampaknya, politik uang pun berjalan wajar, alami, dan tumbuh subur. uang telah dirasionalisasi sebagai istilah take and give—suatu keharusan dalam bergeraknya mesin politik di masyarakat. oleh karena itu, tidak mengherankan jika akan dijumpai dominannya peran uang dalam proses politik lokal. pertama, dalam hal kaderisasi di internal partai. kedua, orang luar dalam proses seleksi kandidasi untuk mengisi jabatan kepala daerah yang berbasis persaingan. keduanya adalah alur pragmatisme yang telah menjadi sebuah siklus yang utuh: bersumber dari masyarakat yang plural dan pragmatis, lalu dikapitalisasi oleh partai politik menjadi faktor pemenangan pemilu menuju kekuasaan, dan diterima kembali oleh masyarakat melalui politik transaksional, yakni diperolehnya pemimpin yang kompatibel dengan keinginan masyarakat. persoalan diatas, menunjukkan bagaimana kita membaca praktik politisi di partai politik yang menjadikan pragmatisme sebagai sekadar strategi memenangi kontestasi di pilkada? pragmatisme politik bukan lagi bertujuan get things done, yakni mencari kepemimpinan yang tidak serba pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 50 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gamang tetapi piawai dalam tataran konsep dan piawai dalam pelaksanaan, melainkan berbentuk “kapitalisasi” politik, yaitu pengorganisasian segala sumber daya untuk pemenangan pemilu dan imbal baliknya. cirinya antara lain adanya koalisi pragmatis, subordinasi kader atas nama popularitas, serta bagi-bagi dana anggaran di birokrasi, legislatif, dan masyarakat. inilah arus besar pragmatisme politik dalam meraih kemenangan. jika demikian, partai politik gagal dalam menjalankan fungsi kaderisasi. salah satu ciri dari kegagalan ini adalah partai tidak mampu mengaktifkan mesin politiknya dan mengkapitalisasi kader internal partai menjadi sebuah sumberdaya keuangan maupun elektabilitas/popularitas. pada akhirnya, partai kesulitan menjalankan siklus kaderisasi, sehingga tidak mempunyai kader handal yang pantas ditampilkan. partai merasa lebih praktis dan taktis dengan menunggangi pragmatisme masyarakat yang permisif, sehingga melembagakan demokrasi transaksional. pragmatisme tampil dalam bentuk usaha partai politik mencari figur populer yang paling prospektif untuk pemenangan pemilu. jika figur prospektif tersebut diusung partai lain, maka terjadilah koalisi pragmatis. pada titik ini, jarak ideologi antara partai tidak masalah. yang lebih penting daripada itu adalah kalkulasi kemenangan kandidat dan untuk memenuhi syarat administrasi dalam pilkada. adapun kader partai yang tidak populer pun harus tersingkir, atau dengan bahasa lain harus mengalah. selanjutnya, uang menjadi pelicin untuk mengegolkan kandidasi, menjalankan mesin partai, dan merebut simpati masyarakat. di sinilah kita bisa melihat pragmatisme politik dalam bentuk politik uang. dalam pilkada, uang dapat dikonversi dari satu bentuk ke bentuk yang lain dengan cepat. dalam pilkada, uang dapat dipertukarkan dengan cepat menjadi baliho, spanduk, rontek dan iklan. tim kampanye dapat terbentuk dengan cepat, jumlah uang yang banyak dan merata (pamungkas, 2010c). selain itu, uang juga dapat dikonversi menjadi berbagai fasilitas pendukung kampanye dan menyewa konsultan politik secara profesional. uang bekerja sangat masif, sehingga siapa yang akumulasi uangnya banyak, dapat mengkonversinya dalam berbagai bentuk keperluan pilkada. dengan kata lain, uang menjadi penghubung antara aktor-aktor yang berinteraksi dalam pilkada, yaitu partai, kandidat, dan pemilih. berikut ini urutan logika bekerjanya politik uang. lihat gambar berikut ini: pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 51 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sumber: pamungkas, 2010 gambar urutan logika bekerjanya politik uang urutan logika diatas dapat menggambarkan tiga wajah uang dalam pilkada yaitu, partai, kandidat dan pemilih. uang diperagakan secara berbeda (1) partai; uang sebagai kompensasi dukungan partai pengusung dan partai pendukung terhadap pencalonan kandidat dan uang untuk menggerakkan mesin partai, (2) popularitas kandidat; uang sebagai alat untuk pembiayaan kampanye dan mendongkrak popularitas, (3) pemilih; uang adalah insentif untuk memilih seorang kandidat. situasi itu akan muncul terutama sekali jika kandidat yang dimunculkan berasal dari luar partai. meskipun demikian, tidak menutup kemungkinan dari kader partai pun juga harus menyetor sejumlah uang ke partai. akibatnya, yang terjadi adalah komersialisasi ketika pilkada (pamungkas, 2010; 2). kondisi ini karena otoritas untuk menentukan calon yang akan diajukan partai dalam pilkada dipegang oleh pengurus partai. dengan kata lain, komersialisasi partai terjadi karena otoritas untuk menentukan penetapan kandidat partai ditentukan oleh partai. diasumsikan, anggota partai yang disebutkan dalam ad/art partai sebagai pemegang kedaulatan partai, tidak terlibat atau tidak memiliki otoritas dalam penentuan kandidat. sementara itu, pemilih yang melihat uang dalam pilkada adalah uang menjadi insentif bagi mereka atas pilihan yang mereka berikan. pemilih akan memberikan dukungan suara ketika mereka menerima kompensasi uang dari kandidat. pemilih tidak melihat peristiwa itu sebagai pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 52 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pragmatisme, tetapi lebih pada mekanisme barter yang disepakati tanpa harus melihat itu sebagai sesuatu yang buruk. secara teoritis, dapat kita baca ketemunya antara akseptabilitas kandidat dengan pengakaran partai yang sama-sama rendah. motif subjektivitas pemilih muncul secara liar karena akseptabilitas kandidat dan mesin partai rendah. dalam pilkada, kandidat yang muncul acapkali bukan orang yang populer atau memiliki akseptabilitas yang baik di masyarakat. mereka pada umumnya individu-individu yang kurang akrab dengan masyarakat (marijan, 2006). sebagai kompensasi atas hal itu, kandidat kemudian menempuh jalan pintas mendekatkan diri ke dalam masyarakat melalui politik uang. pada saat bersamaan, partai juga gagal menjadi mesin politik yang efektif melakukan ideologisasi pemilih. di luar momentum pilkada, partai pun absen mendidik rakyat dalam kerja-kerja basis dan pengorganisasian. party identification pemilih kemudian tidak terbentuk sehingga yang ada massa cair tanpa orientasi politik yang jelas (erawan, 2005). kalaupun partai bekerja ketika pilkada, seringkali larut dalam logika pragmatis dalam melakukan persuasi kepada pemilih. singkat kata, partai-partai politik sebagai pemburu kekuasaan (office seeking) terjebak pada cara-cara praktis dan jangka pendek. tujuannya memperoleh suara terbanyak (vote seeking). dengan begitu, partai mengabaikan cara-cara dalam normatif partai. studi ini membatasi kajian pada perilaku politik pdi-p dalam proses seleksi kandidat. kajian teoritis menggunakan analisis pragmatisme. konsepsi ini akan melihat proses seleksi kandidat yang menjadi keputusan pdi-p. dengan begitu, apakah keputusan terekrutnya kandidat berbasiskan kerja partai yang mencerminkan normatif ad/art partai atau tidak? jika tidak, maka ia disebut pragmatis—mengutamakan praktisnya saja dengan jangka pendek (instan) tanpa memperhatikan efek jangka panjang. hal ini dapat berakibat negatif terhadap partai tersebut. sesungguhnya, pragmatisme politik dapat bermakna positif jika mempertimbangkan nilainilai normatif yang terdapat pada normatif masyarakat. logikanya, sesuatu yang berlaku secara umum itulah konsep common values. namun, ketika ia keluar dari rasional umum ini, maka disebut pragmatis. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 53 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ metode penelitian peneltian ini merupakan jenis penelitian studi kasus yang terkait dengan pragmatisme politik dan proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada sleman, 2010. untuk itu, teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data primer menggunakan wawanca mendalam dengan pengurus partai, legisatif dan teknik pengumpulan data sekunder diperoleh dari dokumentasi yang telah dipublikasikan, baik di media massa maupun aturan-aturan hukun yang telah diterbitkan oleh lembaga yang berwenang. sedankan teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah bersifat analisis deskriptif dengan mengkaji data primer yang diperoleh dari lapangan, kemudian di triangulasi dengan sumber-sumber sekundar untuk dianalisis untuk kemudian ditarik sebuah kesimpulan. hasil dan analisis 1. budaya organisasi pdi-p sleman selain budaya politik masyarakat sleman yang pragmatis sebagaimana akan dikemukakan berikutnya, faktor lain yang sangat mempengaruhi pilihan pdi-p dalam rekruitmen kandidat di pilkada sleman 2010 adalah faktor pragmatisme politik organisasi yang terjadi di internal pdi-p itu sendiri. budaya organisasi pdi-p dapat dilihat dari aspek doktrin dan aspek generiknya. indikator pertama adalah ideologi pancasila yang dipakai pdi-p. ternyata, ideologi pdi-p yang telah terumuskan, kadang tidak sesuai dengan realisasinya dalam apa yang diucapkan dan dipraktikkan. hal ini dapat kita lihat, misalnya bagaimana pdi-p mentransformasikan ideologi tersebut dalam isu kemiskinan di sleman. ideologi sebagai metode, adalah cara melihat dan mengatasi suatu persoalan kemiskinan dan sekaligus sebagai evaluasi kerja partai. kenyataannya, angka kemiskinan pada tahun 2005-2010 terus meningkat. bukti ini mencerminkan bahwa ideologi partai tidak berjalan, karena tidak terejawantah pada strategi bagaimana cara mengatasi dan menyelesaikan problem kemiskinan. di sisi lain, dapat dilihat pada bagaimana wajah partai di akar rumput berjalan. seperti jamak diketahui, mesin partai tidak berfungsi sebagai penghubung antara aspirasi masyarakat dengan pemerintah. realitas ini dapat kita lihat dalam angka kemiskinan dan kesehatan dari tahun ke pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 54 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tahun terus meningkat. karena itu, ideologi partai hanya tampak pada perhitungan untung rugi, lebih mengutamakan logika pasar dibanding ideologi yang jelas, program yang terstruktur, atau pendukung yang loyal. selanjutnya, peranan dari budaya politik berkenaan dengan pengaruh lingkungan sosial. dalam hal ini, pola kepemimpinan. terkaitan itu, apakah pdi-p menuntut konformitas atau mendorong inisiatif? dalam konteks pdi-p sleman, struktur partai hanya memampang orang lama, yang berarti kader-kader partai yang berasal dari generasi tua. tidak tampak adanya regenerasi sosok yang menduduki jabatan di struktur partai. kader yang tidak memiliki akses pertemanan atau klik ke elit partai ataupun bermodal tebal, tidak akan mendapat posisi tersebut. budaya organisasi pdi-p bisa dianalisis dari dua aspek, yakni: (1) kegagalan kaderisasi pdi-p dan; (2) uang sebagai penentu perekrutan kandidat. a. kegagalan kaderisasi pdi-p persoalan kader sebagai regenerasi partai tidak pernah mendapat perhatian serius dari elit partai. keberadaan kader partai didominasi senior yang berasal dari faktor insidental. dikatakan insidental, karena secara individual mereka dipertemukan pada kondisi represif orde baru. dalam kompas (9 juni 2010, p.6) mereka menjadi anggota bukan karena pdi-p mempunyai program yang memiliki daya pikat, melainkan karisma kebesaran nama bung karno, yang terdapat pada figur megawati. megawati diyakini dapat mengintegrasikan kader partai di segala level. karena itu, pdi-p tidak memiliki rute-rute kaderisasi untuk mengisi jabatan di struktur partai, legislatif, maupun eksekutif. padahal, posisi kader dalam ketiga pilar demokrasi di atas adalah sangat penting. dalam kompas (3 april 2010, p.4) sebagaimana diamati ambardi, pola perekrutan sumber daya partai, terutama individual yang nanti ditempatkan dalam posisi-posisi di pemerintahan, dipersiapkan untuk mengisi dan berkompetisi dalam pemilu berikutnya. namun, pada saatnya, mau tak mau pdip harus melakukan rekruitmen politik untuk memperebutkan jabatan kepala daerah. kondisi ini dapat dipahami dari sikap pdi-p yang tampaknya tak ingin mengulangi pengalaman pemilu 1999, yakni sebagai partai pemenang pemilu tetapi tidak terpilih sebagai presiden dan tak mendapat posisi strategis seperti jabatan ketua dpr ri atau ketua mpr ri. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 55 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam konteks pilkada, keputusan pencalon bupati dan wakil bupati, maka pdi-p mengambil orang luar yang potensial dan terukur. kriterianya adalah incumben yang sudah teruji dan terkenal dalam menguasai birokrasi pemerintah seperti sri purnomo. penguasaan birokrasi ini bertujuan untuk mempersiapkan partai menjadi lumbung suara pada pemilu 2014. meskipun terjadi konflik terbuka di internal partai tetapi lebih penting memastikan menang dalam pilkada daripada menjaga konstituen kader partai. inilah sikap pragmatis politik di pdi-p yang keluar dari standar normatif partai yang berbasis ad/art partai. kasus sleman, terlihat bagaimana dicalonkannya yuni adalah kader yang diciptakan untuk tergantung pada elit pdi-p. karenanya, yuni tidak mengakar pada level bawah. singkat kata, kader artifisial selalu memiliki keterbatasan sebab hanya bertumpu pada upaya menciptakan kesadaran palsu. karena secara konstituen, yuni tidak kritis. hal ini menunjukkan seolah hanya berurusan pada partai. kenyataannya, ketika terpilih menjadi wakil bupati harus menjalankan tanggung jawab besar. prinsip internal partai bukan berarti jauh dari urusan publik. bagaimanapun partai politik tetap entitas yang selalu berurusan dengan publik. secara detail, kaderisasi pdi-p belum mampu memunculkan orang populer yang integritasnya tidak diragukan lagi. belum ada upaya partai bagaimana melakukan teroboson dalam kaderisasi yang terlembaga. bila dilihat dari segi manajemen partai masih tradisional. dalam kasus melibatkan kader dalam menjaring kandidat untuk mengisi jabatan kepala daerah belum efektif dan modern. efektif dalam arti dari segi waktu tanpa harus memerlukan waktu bertahun-tahun untuk membangun karakter kader. dan modern dipahami sebagai kerja kader partai yang profesional. logikanya, keberhasilan kader untuk mengisi jabatan struktur partai, legislatif dan eksekutif sesuai dengan pengorbanannya. dalam pemahaman itu, kedaulatan kader ada sepenuhnya pada kader partai untuk menentukan kandidat partai yang merupakan aspirasi akar rumput. dengan kata lain, perekrutan kandidat untuk mengisi jabatan kepala daerah berdasarkan kerja program partai. karena itu, pdi-p mengalami dilema sebagai partai pemenang yang dukungannya memperbesar peluang untuk menang. terpilihnya sri purnomo adalah aktor strategis bagi kemenangan di pilkada. basis sosial pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 56 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ purnomo adalah muhammadiyah yang basisnya terbesar setelah pdi-p. meskipun ada kekuatiran pdi-p sleman akan adanya resistensi di akar rumput pdi-p (wawancara dengan toto hedi, 17 agustus 2010). kenyataan itu, tidak pernah terjadi karena terbukti selama lima tahun sri purnomo menjadi wakil bupati yang berpasangan dengan bupati ibnu subianto. kalau pun ada resistensi ini tidak begitu signifikan, terutama dalam pembangunan ideologis partai. pdi-p sangat kuat di level bawah karena kaum abangan tersebar di pedesaan sleman dan mereka memiliki budaya politik yang terjadi dari turun temurun, yakni basis pni-partai yang didirikan soekarno. baik kaum muda dan tua di pedesaan sleman masih sangat mengidolakan soekarno. dilema politik pdi-p sesungguhnya bukan pada nilai-nilai yang diyakini basis partai berubah, tetapi ketidak-patuhan sri purnomo dalam menjaga komitmen kontrak politiknya saat mencalonkan melalui pdi-p. isi kontrak tersebut salah-satunya mendukung keputusan partai dalam memperjuangkan pilihan presiden. di samping itu, dapat dilihat kontra kemunculan yuni. sebagaimana gambaran tahapan proses pencalonan di atas. yuni sangat mudah menangkap kebutuhan dana yang inginkan oleh pac. dalam kedaulatan rakyat (14 januari 2010; 6) yuni menyatakan siap maju sebagai wakil bupati. meskipun, ia belum ketahui siapa pasangannya. yuni adalah mantan ketua lsm cut nya’ dien yogya, periode 1992-sekarang sedang menyelesaikan kandidat p.hd di universitas malaysia. dan pernah juga jadi calon legislatif dapil gunungkidul. nomor urut 7. tapi tidak terpilih. selain itu, juga sang suami yamin (pernah menjadi calon legislatif dapil jateng tapi tidak terpilih. sekarang menjadi asisten pribadi taufik kiemas ketua dewan pertimbangan dpp pdi-p). munculnya yuni tanpa melalui tahapan prosedur berlapis-lapis mendapat reaksi keras dari tiga orang pengurus pac, yakni sujatmiko (tempel), bismo nugroho (kalasan), dan agus subagyo (depok) yang mendapat reaksi pemecatan. menurut sujatmiko dkk, bahwa yuni tidak dikenal di akar rumput dan dianggap kader karbitan (wawancara dengan sujatmiko, 28 juni 2010). sikap mereka dinilai tidak loyal kepada partai. sistem harus ditegakkan, karena tidak mungkin suara tiga orang mengalahkan suara 14 orang di ranting partai (wawancara dengan juwarto, 27 september 2010). dengan begitu, sistem harus menyelesaikannya. karena tanpa pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 57 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sistem, partai bisa terpecah-pecah dan sulit memenangkan kandidat yang diusung partai, sehingga keluarnya rekomendasi nama pasangan purnomoyuni adalah sebagai garis perjuangan partai harus ditaati. persoalan diatas adalah salah satu bagian pragmatisme politik pdi-p dalam pilkada sleman adalah tidak komitmen aspirasi konstituen yang tercermin dalam sikap penolakan pac terhadap pencalonan yuni. kenyataan ini, mengapa yuni tidak dicalonkan sebagai wakil bupati dengan suharto di gunungkidul, dalam pilkada 23 mei 2010, sebab yuni pernah maju caleg dprd provinsi diy. pragmatisme politik internal partai berdasarkan beberapa aspek yang telah diuraikan diatas merupakan kelemahan dalam menjalankan fungsi-fungsi normatif partai. dengan demikian, keputusan politik di partai menjadi sangat pragmatis dan berimplikasi pada kegagalan pdi-p mengusung kandidat dari internal partai. pada akhirnya, sri purnomo yang notabene bukan kader pdi-p “mau tak mau” menjadi pilihan partai untuk mengatasi krisis kaderisasi dan mengatasi kelangkaan sumber daya. b. uang sebagai penentu perekrutan kandidat pdi-p sleman memperlihatkan rendahnya derajat keterlibatan aktif dengan basis konstituennya. kedaulatan anggota partai belum diakui dan dihargai oleh pengurus partai. inilah tanda bahwa partai belum bersifat pragramatik. kriterianya, uang menjadi penentu perekrutan kandidat. akibatnya, kader berkualitas—dalam segi pengalaman dan lebih mengakar di arus bawah partai— terpental sebelum bertarung. jadi, anggota partai sebagai pemegang kedaulatan partai tidak terlibat sama sekali dalam menentukan kandidat. hanya kandidat bermodal tebal yang dapat menggerakkan mesin partai. karena bagi elit partai, pemenangan kandidat di pilkada adalah strategi untuk menghadapi pemilu 2014. selain itu, uang dapat dikonversikan menjadi fasilitas pendukung kampanye. tim struktural partai adalah tim sukses kandidat partai yang mendapat rekomendasi legal dari pusat, yakni pasangan sri purnomo dan yuni satya rahayu. tim struktural terdiri dari anggota legislatif yang berasal dari daerah pemilihannya di sleman. para anggota dewan ini mengeluarkan duit pribadi untuk mengawal pada malam pencoblosan itu. sejalan dengan instruksi dari tingkat pusat, pdi-p sleman malam itu menurunkan seluruh pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 58 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kader yang militan di setiap tps; tingkat desa, kecamatan dan kabupaten. karena itu, uang yang terkumpul dari anggota dewan dibagikan kepada para kader yang militan di semua tingkatan sebagai honor. seperti diungkapkan endi hariono: “untuk memenangkan satu putaran, kita membeli suara pemilih dengan membayar bervariasi, antara rp 20.000 sampai dengan rp. 50.000/orang.” namun, politik uang kemungkinan terjadi hanya sekitar 5 sampai dengan 10 persen dari jumlah pemilih. menurutnya, antara basis pdi-p dan muhammadiyah masih ada pengikut loyal yang tak perlu diimingi uang. jadi, uang hanya diberikan sebagai imbalan kerja semi-formal bagi kader partai yang bekerja pada malam itu, dalam kerangka target pemenangan satu putaran. senada dengan hal di atas, totok hedi menyatakan bahwa: “dalam segala aktivitas partai tingkat kecamatan juga harus diuangkan. praktiknya, anggota partai tak ada yang datang bila tak ada uang. uang secara resmi dibelanjakan untuk segala kebutuhan logistik, khususnya malam sebelum hari pencoblosan. para peserta ini terdiri dari simpatisan kader partai yang sangat cair. tidak punya ikatan apapun dengan partai tetapi bila ada kegiatan partai mereka diundang datang di tingkat kecamatan melalui kontak person partai. praktik politik uang terjadi ketika kader partai melobi orang di desa sebagai calon pemilih, kalau didatangi seseorang dalam rangka kepentingan tertentu, seperti anak kecil, kalau tidak diajak “jajan” tidak akan ditanggapi. berkaitan dengan logistik dan uang transportasi peserta. jadi, ketika menjelang sosialisasi kandidat di tingkat kecamatan yang pesertanya dari desa, baik di tempat terbuka maupun tertutup mereka harus di”sangoni”, minimal untuk logistik makanminum. meskipun, mobil yang disediakan biasanya dari panitia. tetapi uang selalu tersedia bila dibutuhkan untuk pertemuan-pertemuan partai” (wawancara dengan toto hedi, 17 agustus 2010). terkait mobilisasi inilah, selalu berkaitan dengan uang. sebagaimana yang disampiakan oleh tri widaryanta (wawancara, 20 agustus 2010): “kebutuhan uang tak pernah cukup untuk biaya mobilisasi massa secara besarbesaran”. sampai malam pencoblosan pun, uang sangat menentukan bisa datang atau tidaknya para kader yang militan. kalau tidak ada uang untuk mereka, para kader tidak akan datang”. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 59 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kekuatan uang ini pula yang memikat kader bisa terlibat pada hari pencoblosan sebagai pengawal kotak suara. uang yang bersumber dari anggota dewan tadi, dijadikan sebagai tawaran kepada kader militan untuk melobi pemilihlain. jika kita telusuri lebih jauh, penggunaan uang dalam pemilihan kepala daerah memang tidak terkendali. uang adalah faktor penting untuk menyokong berbagai kegiatan kampanye. dengan kata lain, tanpa uang sangat sulit bagi kandidat dapat memenangkan pilkada. uang digunakan berbagai kepentingan, mulai dari pengadaan material kampanye, logistik, hingga pembiayaan tim sukses dan pendukungnya. ada beberapa program kampanye yang harus dibiayai oleh para pasangan calon. berbagai program dan jenis pengeluaran pada masa kampanye pasangan sri purnomo dan yuni. pertama, mobilisasi massa pada pengerahan massa. pengeluaran operasional pengerahan massa ini membutuhkan dana sangat besar. tim sukses psangan sri purnomo-yuni, misalnya mengatakan pengeluaran yang dilakukan untuk operasional itu tidak kurang dari 2 miliar. yang menghabiskan dana paling besar adalah operasional kampanye. ribuan kendaraan roda 2 dan 4 peserta kampanye membuat pasangan ini mengeluarkan rp 10.000 s.d rp 20.000 untuk satu motor dan rp. 30.000-40.000 per roda empat untuk biaya bbm. karena itu, ia mengeluarkan dana miliaran, sedangkan untuk baliho, pamflet dan sebagainya membutuhkan sekitar 500 juta. biaya open house juga harus mengeluarkan ratusan juta rupiah. biaya operasional ini termasuk di dalamnya adalah honor, biaya bensin, dan sebagainya. dengan demikian, massif kebutuhan uang dalam pilkada ini menjadikan partai melakukan segala cara untuk memenuhinya. salah satu caranya dengan merekrut orang luar yang mampu memenuhi kebutuhan keuangan tersebut. 2. budaya politik masyarakat sleman budaya politik masyarakat sleman merupakan salah satu faktor dalam menentukan kandidat yang akan diusung di pilkada sleman 2010. secara umum, budaya politik sleman yang masih sangat paternalistik. orientasi politik masyarakat masih tersegmentasi dalam kelompok-kelompok kultural semacam keagamaan dan juga kelas sosial. meskipun ditopang dengan banyak lsm yang ada di sleman sebagai cermin masyarakat yang pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 60 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ independen, namun ternyata tidak mudah memutuskan faktor paternalisme yang berarti mudah menuruti perintah sang patron. yogyakarta sebagai sentrum politik kesultanan yang terjadi akhir-akhir ini, sesungguhnya mempercepat proses transisi tersebut. satu sisi, masyarakat sleman khususnya dan umumnya masyarakat yogya masih cenderung membabi-buta terhadap fenomena penetapan. dalam kedaulatan rakyat (5, 6 dan 11, desember 2011;2), mengidentifikasi bahwa kelakuan politik keseharian masyarakat sleman pada hakikatnya belum menunjukkan kematangan berpolitik. akselarasi isu penetapan ini sesungguhnya membuat sikap politik masyarakat itu terbelah. sisi lainnya, pilkada adalah momentum penting bagi masyarakat untuk memeras kandidat yang dibungkus dalam kegiatan aksi-aksi sosial, keagamaan dan kesenian. logikanya, jika pasca pemilu masyarakat kesulitan untuk menuntut bantuan amal ataupun kesenian. selain itu, selama ini dampak dari pilkada lima tahun lalu tidak membawa perubahan yang signifikan bagi masyarakat. jadi, masyarakat dengan mudah mengorganisir diri mereka dalam bentuk menawarkan proposal untuk pembangunan infrastruktur di setiap dukuh. dalam masyarakat sleman, masih terdapat sisa-sisa kultur kekuasaan feodal, bentuk relasi patron-klien antara bawahan dan atasan, atau antara penguasa dengan rakyat. sistem masyarakat ini merupakan warisan dari struktur masyarakat keraton jawa, dan terlembaga dalam institusi kultural yang kuat. sebagaimana diamati ari dwipayana, dalam kompas (19 januari, 2011; 4): “bukan hanya karena politik transaksional kian menguat, tetapi juga sebab kehadiran kembali karakter feodalisme baru dalam ranah politik nasional ataupun lokal. namun, sesungguhnya kecemasan akan hadirnya neofeodalisme dalam demokrasi semacam ini bukan sesuatu yang baru. ada akar historis yang panjang dan bisa ditemukan dalam debat di kalangan indonesianis tentang kegagalan eksperimentasi demokrasi liberal pada era 1950-an”. terkait budaya birokrasi, hubungan atasan dan bawahan (patron klien). pada tingkat yang lebih tinggi birokrasi dianggap koruptif, pencari rente, mengabdi kepada kepentingan kelompok pemilik modal dan mewakili kepentingannya sendiri. hubungannya dengan kekuasaan, birokrasi dilihat pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 61 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bersengkongkol dengan partai politik tertentu sehingga menjadi alat penguasa, bukan alat negara (pamungkas, 2006; 48-63). seperti diperlihatkan djoko handoyo—assek iii pemkab sleman, yang membantu sri purnomo yang maju calon bupati—pns berpolitik praktis jelas melanggar peraturan se.menpan.nomor.se/8/m.pan/3/2005. menurut pamungkas, sebagaimana dikutip radar jogya (27 maret 2010; 6) bahwa menggerakkan roda birokrasi untuk kepentingan incumben itu, ibarat gunung es. karena itu, modus yang digunakan tidak secara terangterangan tapi terselubung. istilahnya, tim bayangan, namun justru memiliki peran vital dan menjadi kunci dari tim pemenangan. seolah pucuk saja yang terlihat. padahal birokrasi di bawahnya itu tentu akan bekerja juga untuk kepentingan incumben. karena itu, incumbent yang menggunakan mesin birokrasi akan berujung pada penyalahgunaan anggaran belanja (apbd), bisa jadi apbd untuk kepentingan politis. masalahnya, kemudian menjadi efek jangka panjang bergeraknya mesin birokrat dan berpotensi konf lik, jika ternyata incumben tidak berhasil menduduki kembali kursi sebagai bupati. dalam pemahaman itu, sudah menjadi kebiasaan bagi para pns di lingkungan pemerintahan yang terbuai dengan kenyamanan yang sudah terbentuk, sehingga para pns cenderung mendukung kepemimpinan incumben. dari segi arus informasi, persinggungan dan pergaulan dengan pihak luar, munculnya pendatang, dan seterusnya, semuanya mendorong terciptanya atmosfer modernisasi di sleman. akan tetapi, kultur masyarakat yang “transisi” ini belum siap sepenuhnya untuk menjembatani pluralisme. akibatnya, muncul ekses negatif modernisasi. sikap pragmatis menjadi melenceng dari norma. tujuan get things done yakni, masyarakat yang merindukan pemimpin yang berwatak aspiratif dan akomodatif, beralih menjadi semata pencarian “jalan pintas” tanpa mau tahu dampak atau positif-negatifnya. karenanya itu, mengemuka bukanlah cara-cara praktis untuk memecahkan masalah atau menjembatani perbedaan demi tujuan bersama, melainkan sikap permisif dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. ada beberapa ciri sikap permisif ini. pertama, nilai-nilai moral tidak lagi menjadi sandaran atau rujukan untuk memahami suatu perilaku. satu contoh, sikap permisif muncul dalam bentuk begitu mudahnya masyarakat mengampuni kesalahan, mudah menghilangkan kekurangan pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 62 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dari ingatan, dan akhirnya tidak bersikap keras untuk mengambil tindakan korektif terhadap kesalahan tersebut. manusia indonesia tahun-tahun belakangan ini menonjol sikap permisif terhadap pelanggaran dan penyelewengan (lihat bab 2, kasus ibnu subianto, jarot dan empat orang pegawai sleman dalam melakukan tender pelelangan buku). dalam konteks ini, track record seseorang yang suram tidaklah menjadi persoalan, sepanjang ada hal-hal riil saat ini yang bisa dikerjakan orang tersebut bagi masyarakat. kedua, ciri permisif adalah mudahnya konflik meletus, tanpa menimbang bobot suatu persoalan. terkait ini, hal-hal yang sepele bisa memicu anarkisme, meski masyarakat bisa dengan mudah memaafkan dan melupakannya. dalam kasus ini, dapat dilihat perseteruan sukamto vs hafidh dalam menentukan kandidasi pkb sleman untuk maju dalam pilkada. dalam konteks budaya politik, sisi negatif pragmatisme ini mewujud dalam bentuk kecenderungan orang sekadar mengukur nilai kepraktisan dalam menjalankan perilaku politiknya. dalam kompas (18 juni 2010; 2) apa yang bisa menghasilkan sesuatu, itulah yang akan diikuti dan dibela. dengan demikian, sikap atau pilihan politik tidak ditentukan oleh ideologi, ataupun oleh suatu common orientation semata, melainkan oleh sikap mencari safety first. siapa yang bisa memberikan “uang lelah”, dialah yang bisa menuai dukungan massa. demi “jaminan kesejahteraan” ini pula orang akan mau saling tawuran, dan tidak lama kemudian berkoalisi demi melawan musuh bersama. nilai bukanlah berpatokan pada norma, melainkan nominal tertinggi yang bisa ditawarkan. pada budaya politik pemilih, faktor-faktor yang ada dalam budaya pemilih idealis tidak ada. ideologi atau cita-cita moral untuk mewujudkan kemaslahatan bersama sudah luntur. partai politik sudah melupakan ideologi sebagai panduan gerak politiknya. partai menjadi institusi yang murni mengejar kekuasaan semata. pada saat bersamaan, pemilih kecewa dengan perilaku partai dan politikus yang bagi pemilih dianggap mengabaikan mandat yang pemilih berikan. pendek kata, mengutip pendapat sigit pamungkas (2010: 101) bahwa budaya politik protes muncul sebagai respon terhadap perilaku politikus dan partai politik. budaya politik protes itu tidak tumbuh dari diri pemilih tetapi dipicu oleh perilaku politikus dan partai politik yang dicitrakan serba negatif. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 63 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemilih menganggap, wakil mereka akan segera melupakannya ketika pemilu dan tidak memberi manfaat kepada pemilih maka lebih baik mendapatkan kompensasi dimuka daripada tidak sama sekali. kehendak untuk serba ada kompensasi material dalam aktivitas pemilu menjadikan siklus persoalan yang pemilih kritik tidak kunjung selesai. akibatnya, politikus dan partai akan terus terjebak dalam skandal korupsi. korupsi akhirnya berfungsi sebagai cara bekerjanya politik “the way of doing politics” (lay, 2006). dengan demikian, seorang yang hendak terjun berpolitik, mestilah bermodal, dalam artian mapan secara ekonomi. partai yang hendak merekrut massa, mestilah mampu menangkap kebutuhan akan “safety” ini, sehingga janji politik, kontrak politik, dan amplop politik menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari bergeraknya mesin politik. dalam kompas (31 januari 2011; 6) dominannya peran uang dalam proses politik lokal, semakin menemukan momentumnya dalam kultur yang permisif—serba boleh. pragmatisme partai politik yang sekadar strategi memenangi pemilu, dipandang sebagai suatu taktik yang wajar-wajar saja. akibatnya, elit politik di partai tidak merasa bersalah ketika lalai dalam mengkapitalisasi sumberdaya yang dimiliki. partai politik merasa mampu saja ketika merekrut sosok asing demi memperoleh sumber dana untuk melancarkan mesin politiknya. sampai pada titik ini, partai politik menjadi cermin sempurna kultur politik masyarakat yang pragmatis-permisif. kesimpulan dalam studi ini, diperlihatkan bahwa rekrutmen kandidat eksternal adalah berbasiskan perhitungan untung rugi dan lebih mengutamakan logika pasar. akibatnya, ideologi yang jelas, program yang terstruktur, atau pendukung yang loyal tidak menjadi penentu perilaku partai politik. ukuran kandidat yang terekrut adalah berbasis popularitas dan punya uang. dampaknya, orang luar tidak bisa mengintegrasikan kader partai di semua level dan soliditas partai semakin terfragmentasi pada kepentingan jangka pendek dan tujuannya untuk memenuhi kebutuhan sesaat, yakni mengatasi kelangkaan dana partai untuk menggerakkan mesin partai. untuk lebih mengerucutkan pemahaman tentang hasil penelitian ini, berikut perinciannya. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 64 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam kasus pilkada sleman, proses rekrutmen kandidasi ditandai hilangnya peran ideologi partai dan semakin berkurangnya peran anggota partai. bukti-bukti yang saya kumpulkan; pertama, logika politik pdi-p yang menonjol adalah pragmatisme yang dibungkus dengan “kapitalisasi” politik, yakni pengorganisasian segala sumber daya untuk pemenangan sri purnomo dan yuni satya rahayu. cara yang digunakan adalah pola transaksional untuk memperebutkan kekuasaan, yang terlihat pada strategi pdi-p untuk memenangkannya. kedua, kedaulatan kader untuk terlibat dalam seleksi kandidat semakin merosot. akibatnya, tahapan-tahapan seleksi kandidat hanyalah bungkusan kecil pragmatisme yang seolah telah terjadi demokrasi di internal partai. pada prinsipnya, pdi-p memutuskan merekrut incumben-sri purnomo yang merupakan calon kepala daerah yang berpotensi menang karena mempunyai modal paling kuat sekaligus mempunyai jaringan terluas memobilisasi suara. pdi-p sebagai partai pemenang pemilu yang mestinya menawarkan jalan ideologis untuk menyejahterakan rakyat sleman, justru menyingkirkan ideology demi memenangi pemilu kepala daerah. alasannya, kemenangan ini menjadi langkah strategis untuk memobilisasi suara pada pemilu legislatif dan pemilihan presiden 2014. dalam konteks pencalonan pilkada, pdi-p sebenarnya tidak pernah idealis, yakni sejak awal tahapan seleksi kandidat tidak dikawal idealisme partai. terutama sekali, pdi-p mengingkari komitmen dengan konstituen partai. salah satu buktinya adalah tiga orang ketua pac yang menolak pasangan sri purnomo dan yuni justru menerima reaksi pemecatan. namun, partai politik yang menawarkan kandidat untuk berkompetisi di pilkada tidak berbasiskan mekanisme platform partai. elit politik di partai menggambarkan ideologi yang indah-indah. namun praktiknya berbicara lain, apa yang diucapkan dan dipraktikkan tidak sejalan. partai lebih mengutamakan kemenangan demi kekuasaan belaka. untuk itu, roh partai membela rakyat telah menyimpang. janji-janji dan program kerja yang muluk-muluk saat kampanye yang sebetulnya menunjukkan pasangan yang mendadak dipasangkan antara sri purnomo-yuni tidak dikerangkai visi dan misi mereka. apalagi meletakkan visi dan misi dalam pemahaman yang memadai tentang sistem kerja birokrasi, mekanisme anggaran dan realitas lainnya. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 65 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kenyataan ini juga terjadi pada mekanisme kaderisasi. mekanisme untuk mengisi pos-pos kaderisasi pun telah dinodai politik uang dalam mencari dukungan. akibatnya, prosedur normatif ad/art untuk mengisi jabatan di struktur partai sering disalahartikan demi mencari kekuasaan di lingkaran internal partai. perilaku politik kader seperti ini ketika berhadapan dalam berkompetisi untuk memperebutkan jabatan publik menjadi pencundang—kalah sebelum bertanding. norma-norma partai yang tertulis sering diabaikan. demikian juga dapat dibuktikan wajah partai di eksekutif. ideologi adalah sebagai evaluasi kerja partai dalam mentransformasikan persoalan kemiskinan. namun, terlihat dari waktu ke waktu pdi-p tidak mampu mengevaluasi diri bagaimana menuntaskan kemiskinan dalam masyarakat sleman. faktanya, sejak tahun 2005 angka kemiskinan di sleman semakin bertambah. pada titik ini, pdi-p memperlihatkan perilaku mencari posisi aman daripada menterjemahkan nilainilai ideologi pancasila. dalam konteks kompetisi di pilkada, partai politik berlomba-lomba merekrut kandidat yang populer dan berkantong tebal. fenomena ini dilakukan hampir semua partai pemenang, apalagi partai yang kalah tak bisa keluar dari jalan pragmatisme sebagai upaya keras untuk menutupi kelangkaan finansial partai. bila pdi-p keluar dari jalan pragmatisme maka konsekuensinya akan kalah. jelas ini berlawanan dengan cita-cita pdi-p untuk merebut kekuasaan. alasannya, kalau menuruti kerja partai yang ditopang visi ideologi adalah harus tertib, disiplin dan serius menerjemahkan nilai-nilai ideologi dalam segala aspek aktivitas partai. sebenarnya, masyarakat sleman yang homogen telah memperjuangkan suatu sistem politik yang dibingkai demokrasi subtansial sebagai jalan untuk membangun kesejahteraan bagi banyak orang. karena itu, masyarakat memiliki bargaining position untuk memberikan jalan bagi orang atau partai untuk meraih kekuasaan. pragmatisme masyarakat sleman bisa dilihat dari tiga fenomena. pertama, banyaknya gerakan civil society yang ternyata belum mampu mengikis pola fikir masyarakat yang masih kuat tergantung pada pola paternalistik. kedua, perilaku politik grass roots yang memanfaatkan momentum pilkada untuk memeras kandidat. realitas ini memperlihatkan bahwa perilaku politik grass roots tidak ingin kehilangan momentumnya karena janji-janji politik kandidat seperti pilkada atau pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 66 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemilu sebelumnya tidak membawa perubahan yang berarti bagi masyarakat. ketiga, perilaku elit politik yang melakukan pencitraan politik dengan moal besar. inilah politik berbiaya tinggi, yang dipicu dari dua faktor. biaya tinggi yang pertama, disebabkan kultur masyarakat sleman yang masih belum sepenuhnya modernis. tingkat keaktifan masyarakat dalam politik yang belum begitu tinggi, menjadikan mereka perlu dimobilisasi dan diarahkan, baik oleh patron/tokoh masyarakat maupun oleh para kandidat. dalam hal ini, orang atau kelompok tertentu bisa mengais untung dengan menjadi perantara antara kandidat dan massa. dari sinilah muncul makelar, yang bertugas mobilisasi/kampanye pencitraan di kalangan grass roots. pragmatisme masyarakat juga muncul, sebab masyarakat tidak terlalu peduli pada afiliasi politik ataupun ideologi yang diusung kandidat. lagi pula, saat pilkada merupakan kesempatan ketika mereka diperhatikan oleh para elit. adapun ketika para kandidat terpilih, masyarakat merasa diabaikan. karena itu, para kandidat pun kebanjiran proposal, mulai dari tempat ibadah hingga infrastruktur. adapun biaya tinggi kedua, yakni konsernnya kandidat pada upaya pencitraan, merupakan simbol dari pragmatisme kandidat dalam menghadapi konstituen. politik yang berlangsung adalah masih dalam bentuk permukaan dan parsial. hanya politik slogan, bukannya program riil. iklan luar yang terpampang hanya mendidik masyarakat untuk mengenal fisik calon, bukan visi dan misinya. realitas masyarakat umumnya sangat pragmatis, yakni menghindari perdebatan kontradiksi ideologi yang mandul, dan memilih cara-cara praktis yang dapat dirasakan kenyamanan bersama. ketika partai menawarkan kandidat yang dicalonkan untuk mengisi kepala daerah, sejauh kandidat itu dapat memberikan keamanan, sejauh itu juga dapat diterima. kenyataan ini dapat dilihat dari terekrutnya sri purnomo yang berbasiskan muhammadiyah, yang jarak ideologinya sangat berbeda dengan pdi-p. dilema politik ini bagi pdi-p adalah kompromi ideologi adalah suatu tindakan politik yang serba boleh kerja sama. jadi, pertimbangannya bukan atas dasar ideologi, tetapi murni kebutuhan untuk memenuhi kelangkaan finansial partai sehingga siapa yang bisa memenuhi janji akan memberikan uang saat ini atau untuk ke depan, pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 67 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dialah yang terekrut. pragmatisme terjadi pula dalam seleksi di internal pdi-p. pdi-p lebih mengutamakan membentuk patron untuk ke depan daripada menjaga konstituen kader partai. bukti ini dapat dilihat dari terekrutnya yuni yang tidak berbasiskan suara akar rumput partai. padahal, prinsipnya, pemimpin adalah suatu entitas yang tidak dapat terpisahkan dari masyarakat. kenyataan ini menunjukkan matinya proses demokrasi karena proses rekrutmen tidak memperlihatkan sebagaimana mekanisme rekrutmen yang diharapkan yakni transparan dan akuntabel. rekrutmen politik adalah manifestasi dari bekerjanya sistem kaderisasi di partai. dari sudut pandang ini, pdi-p adalah organisasi yang lemah, dalam arti sistem rekrutmen belum terlembaga. sebaliknya, dapat dikatakan profesional bila sistem rekrutmen itu terencana dan tersistematis sehingga kader partai sudah dipersiapkan siapa yang mengisi untuk jabatan kepala daerah. mungkin hal ini akan menjadi lain, karena kader merasa jaminan untuk jabatan tersebut. pragmatisme partai mewujud dalam bentuk ambil kader asal mampu. mereka tidak pernah mengkaderkan orang, dan tidak pernah ada rute-rute untuk yang memastikan jabatan tertentu. inilah bukti merosotnya peran anggota dalam menentukan garis perjuangan partai. karena itu, dapat ditegaskan bahwa partai pemenang pun tidak bisa keluar dari sikap pragmatis dalam rekrutmen, apalagi partai yang kalah. adapun watak masyarakat yang serba permisif dalam kandidasi, mengakibatkan siapapun kandidat yang ditawarkan partai tidaklah menjadi persoalan. disinilah pragmatisme masyarakat menjustifikasi pragmatisme yang berlangsung dalam partai. jadi, pragmatisme masyarakat dan partai adalah suatu lingkaran yang menjerat proses rekrutmen politik. penelitian ini mendudukkan proses rekrutmen politik dalam analisa pragmatisme masyarakat dan partai. posisi penelitian ini berupaya mengupas sejauhmana pragmatisme mempengaruhi proses rekrutmen politik pada khususnya, dan perilaku partai politik pada umumnya. dari hasil penelitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa studi ini menegaskan argumen sutoro eko tentang krisis demokrasi lokal. pertama, partai politik di indonesia lebih kental dengan personalitas para elit ketimbang sebagai organisasi yang mengakar ke bawah. akibatnya, ketergantungan organisasi pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 68 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ partai pada figur pemimpin puncaknya ketimbang kinerja secara keseluruhan, sebagai instrumen untuk melegitimasi kekuasaan. kedua, proses rekruitmen tidak berlangsung secara terbuka dan partisipatif. kandidat sama sekali tidak mempunyai kepekaan terhadap nasib konstituennya karena dia merasa hanya “mewakili” kelompoknya bukan konstituen yang sebenarnya. dampaknya, upaya membangun akuntabilitas dan responsivitas menjadi sangat lemah. ketiga, dalam proses rekrutmen tidak ada relasi antara partai politik dan masyarakat sipil. pada saat bersamaan, berbagai organisasi masyarakat berperan sebatas onderbow, mesin politik yang bertugas sekadar memobilisasi massa, bukan sebagai basis perjuangan politik partai. keempat, dalam proses rekrutmen, partai politik sering menerapkan pendekatan “asal comot” terhadap kandidat yang dipandang sebagai “mesin politik” atau “mesin uang”. hal ini cenderung mengabaikan aspek legitimasi, komitmen, kapasitas, dan misi perjuangan. misalnya, para mantan tentara dan pejabat direkrut bukan karena visi dan misinya, melainkan karena sisa-sisa jaringan kekuasaan yang dimilikinya. namun demikian, studi ini memunculkan sesuatu yang baru dibanding uraian sutoro eko (2004) maupun penelitian lainnya. hal ini karena studi ini menggunakan teori pragmatisme politik, bahwa pragmatisme politik dalam perekrutan kandidat pilkada adalah sangat dipengaruhi pragmatisme masyarakat. adapun kelebihan studi ini, adalah sifatnya sebagai studi kasus. dalam studi kasus ini, peneliti mampu membongkar rahasia internal pdi-p sleman secara transparan. hal ini didasarkan para elite yang menjadi narasumber dalam penelitian ini yang mampu memberikan jawaban yang terbuka. daftar pustaka almond, a. gabriel dan sidney verba (1990). budaya politik, tingkah lakupolitik dan demokrasi di lima negara, penterjemah, sahat simamora. bumi aksara, jakarta ambardi, dodi. 2010. “perilaku parpol dan kepentingan publik” dalam kompas, 29 juni 2010 anggara, fendi (2008). meretas jalan ke singgasana. skripsi tidak dipublikasikan. jurusan ilmu pemerintahan ugm. yogyakarta pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 69 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aspinall, edward dan greg fealy, eds (2003). local power and politics in indonesia. singapore and caberra: institute of southeast asian studies dan research school of pasicfic and asian studies, australia national university choi, nankyung http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/pdfid/463ae6272.pdf. diunduh 29 maret 2010 eko, sutoro (2004). krisis demokrasi lokal dalam mas’oed dan budiman (eds), demokrasi dan potret lokal pemilu. percik dan pustaka pelajar erawan, i. ketut putra (2005). modul kuliah legislasi, partai dan pemilu, organisasi dan manajemen kepartaian. bab i. evans, kevin raymond. 2007. sejarah pemilu dan partai politik di indonesia. pt. arise consultancies, jakarta gideon, rahat dan reuven y. hazan (2006). candidate selection: methods and consequences. hand book party politics, edited by ricahrd s katz dan william crotty. sage publishing. london hamid, farhan (2008). partai politik lokal di aceh, desentralisasi politik dalam negara kebangsaan. kemitraan. jakarta imawan, riswanda (2004). partai politik di indonesia, pergulatan setengah hati mencari jati diri. pidato pengukuhan jabatan guru besar ugm. jakarta press. “golkar yang menang di banyak daerah dalam pemilu legislatif, mengalami kekalahan telak dalam pilkada selama 2009 sampai 2010”. http://www.jakartapress.co.id/berita/0307/01/jp09.html. diakses, 22 januari 2011 james, william (1907). “pragmatism: a new name for some old ways of thinking in encyclopedia, 2005 lampiran sk nomor: 006/tap/dpc/xi/2009 tentang tim verifikasi pdi-p kabupaten sleman. ditetapkan di sleman. tanggal, 23 november 2009 lay, cornelis. 2008. “involusi politik”. jip fisipol ugm-s2 plop ugm, yogyakarta. marijan, kacun. 2010, sistem politik indonesia, konsolidasi demokrasi pascaorde baru. kencana prenada media group. jakarta --------------_____________. 2006. demokratisasi di daerah. pusdeham. surabaya mas’oed dan budiman (ed) . 2006. demokrasi dan potret lokal pemilu pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 70 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2004. percik dan pustaka pelajar norris, phillips (2006). recruitment. dalam handbook edited by r. s. katz dan w. croty. sage publication. london pamungkas, sigit (2010). pemilu, perilaku pemilih dan kepartaian. institue for democracy and welfarism. yogyakarta _______. 2010. krisis demokrasi elektoral, peta politik di era pancaroba. institue for democracy and welfarism. yogyakarta ________ 2010. pembaharuan pilkada, makalah disampaikan dalam disk usi tent ang ruu pilk ada—hak inisiatif dpd ri, yang diselenggarakan oleh the cholid mahmud center yogyakarta, 30 desember. _______. 2009. perihal pemilu. laboratorium jurusan ilmu pemerintahan dan jurusan ilmu pemerintahan. ugm. ________.2009. seleksi kandidat dalam pemilu legislatif tahun 2009. tesis tidak dipublikasikan. plod: ugm ________. 2009. tiga wajah uang dalam pilkada. makalah disampaikan dalam diskusi yang dilaksanakan oleh pusat pendidikan dan pemberdayaan etis yogyakarta, 24 juli. _________, 2006. “dilema kekuasaan birokrasi” dalam jurnal politika vol. 4. no. 2 penning, paul dan reuven y. hazan. 2000. “democratizing candidate selection; causes and consequences”, vol. 7. no. 3 dalam http// www.hazan-research.net/pdf. diunduh tanggal 10 oktober 2010 prihatmoko, joko j. 2006. pemilihan kepala daerah langsung. pustaka pelajar. yogyakarta. purwoko, bambang. 2010. “pilkada kurang greget” dalam kedaulatan rakyat, 12 november ranney, austin. 2005. “recruitment candidacy” dalam encylopedia of democracy, seymour martin lipset. congressional quartely. inc. washington, d.c. vol 1. diunduh tanggal, 10 oktober 2010 sahdan et al. 2009. evaluasi kritis penyelenggaraan pilkada di indonesia. ipd & konrad adenauer stiftung. yogyakarta sinar harapan. 2011. “cukup fenomenal, kemenangan pks dalam pilkada jawa barat” dalam http://www.sinarharapan.co.id/berita/ 0505/08/sh08.html. diakses tanggal 22 januari pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 71 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.1 februari 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sujatmiko. surat pemecat an saya at au pembebastugasan at au pemberhentian sebagai ketua pac pdi-p tempel tawakkal, george towar ikbal (2009). peran partai politik dalam mobilisasi pemilih. tesis tidak dipublikasikan. universitas diponegoro. semarang triyono, lambang. 2010. “politik tersandera”. kedaulatan rakyat, 17 mei 2010 widjaja, albert. 1988. budaya politik dan pembangunan ekonomi. lp3es. jakarta william james. 2011. “classical pragmatism”, classical sociology: religion andemotion’ in pragmatism and european social theory, edited by patrick baert and bryan turner. oxford: the bardwell press, 2007 dalam http//www.wiliamjames-research.net/pdf. diunduh tanggal 17 januari. pragmatisme politik: studi kasus proses rekrutmen politik pdi-p pada pilkada, kabupaten sleman / helmi mahadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0004 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password 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2008 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 129 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 in east java and central java, and a small portion of west java. this paper intends to critically explain several previous studies that associated with the shift in the role of kiai. explanations include the substance, the differences, similarities, advantages and disadvantages. the critical explanation will become the foundation for formulating theoretical categorization of shifting roles and political support of kiai in relation actors and structures. literature review as far as the author searches, in-depth study of the shifting roles and support of kiai in internal conflict of pkb in 2001-2011 has not been done. the study of the shifting role of scholars who have already done deals with: first, a shift in the pattern of kiai leadership, as practiced by sunyoto (1990), pradjarta (1999), sukamto (1999), endang turmudi (2003), muhsin jamil (2005). second, a shift in the role of kiai that related to sociocultural changes, as done by geerzt (1983), horikoshi (1987), manfred ziemek (1992), feilard (1999), afandi (2005), miftah farid (2007), as’ad isma’ (2008), benny subianto (2010), abdul wahid (2011). third, shifting political role of kiai, with examples of studies were conducted by riaz hasan (1985), masdar f.mas’udi (1991), fathoni (1992), kacung marijan (1992), gaffar karim (1995), tim kell (1995), faiqul ihsan (1996), laode ida (1996), ali haedar (1998 ), yusni sabi ( 2000), gregory j. fealy (2003), syamsul arifin (2003), ahmad zaini (2003), nahwari (2005), sidik jatmika (2005), achmad patoni (2007), moesa (2007), abdul haris (2008), kang young soon (2008), andree feillard (2009), abdul moqsid ghazali (2009), mulkan (2009), syaiful arif (2010), said agil siradj (2010), abdul chalik (2010), masruhan (2010), and nirzalin (2011). fourth, the shift role of kiai leadership in the pesantren. studies were conducted by siradjuddin akbar (1968), moesa (2002), zaenal arifin thoha (2003), sholahuddin malik (2007), fatkhuri (2008), firman (2008), ruslan (2009), puspitasari (2009), ruhendi (2010), in’am (2010), and ustas(2010) are some examples. fifth, the shift in kiai thinking, as written by abdul rahman haji abdullah (1997), badrun alaena (2000) and research results of nur ahmad fuad (2010). analysis and result judging from the results of the analysis, previous studies on the shift role of kiai, whether in relation to leadership, social change, education in boarding schools (pesantren), political behavior and thoughts theoretically can be categorized into three things, among others, first, the studies that explained kiai is a determinant actor in shift role and political support of kiai. second, the studies which made the structure as a determinant actors in shift role and political support of kiai. third, the studies which set link of kiai and structure as a determinant actors in shift role and political support of kiai. 1. kiai as an autonomous actor several studies set kiai as a determinant actor of shifting role and political support of kiai ‘assumed’ that the problem of shifting roles and political support of kiai is the problems that related to individual quality (quality individual) kiai alone. zaenal arifin thoha wrote that the cause in the shift pattern of kiai leadership (read: the delegitimation of kiai leadership) in pesantren tebuireng in jombang from charismatic leader to religio-feudal leader after kiai hasyim asy’ari is due to a lack of integrity kiaiship (kekiaian) quality of the next generation (thoha, 2003: 24-27). according to him, charismatic leadership is the leadership that is not just based on the managerial ability, but also by the ability of the spiritual leader and the authority of faith that is followed by the community. the pattern of leadership is synonymous with leadership of the prophet muhammad saw, that is as the absolute frame of reference or a charismatic leader in the terminology of max weber. while the religiofeudal leadership is the leadership that is based on the value of the lunches feudalistic religious dress, where formal leadership legitimacy was derived from link between genealogical of the founder kiai of the pesantren with the next generation quality of kiaiship. as the founder of the pesantren tebuireng in jombang and nahdlatul ulama (nu), generally by pesantren community and islamic society (nu), kiai hasyim asy’ari is considered to have karomah, which is supernatural powers that was only given by the creator to whom he wills because his devotion quality. through belief that karomah, kiai hasyim asy’ari is not only known as caregivers of pesantren, but also be a role model, a sample, a spiritual leader, and a figure that can solve various problems in the society and the nation, ranging from problems of religion, social culture, economics, law, shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 130 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ education and politics, both locally, regionally, nationally and internationally. delegitimation of leadership role of kiai in pesantren tebuireng in jombang occurs because there are no more kiai’s who has the same kiaiship quality just like kiai hasyim asy’ari. zaenal arifin thoha also revealed that the same thing also happened at pesantren turus in kediri. pesantren that was established by kiai ahmad khafidz applying leadership charismatic-feudal pattern. gus mad -familiar callis a descendant of the founder of primary pesantren, it is pesantren lirboyo kediri. beside being a pesantren caregivers, gus mad also is a chairman of the advisory at branch of nu in kediri and a community role models. after the death of gus dur, delegitimation of kiai leadership role has occurred in pesantren turus. delegitimation of kiai role occurs because replacement kiai was considered has a lacked kiaiship quality like gus mad. as a result, pesantren turus in kediri pillar declined. the number of students have been on the wane, and the end, the prestige of pesantren was getting dimmer (thoha, 2003: 27-28). zaenal arifin thoha posts which concluded that the delegitimation of kiai leadership role in pesantren tebuireng jombang and pesantren turus kediri occurred because of decreasing quality of replacement kiai “could be” in accordance with the reality, which is that the replacement kiai has less charisma and kiaiship quality than the previous kiai. however, these conclusions seem to deny the external factors outside kiai such as pattern of recruitment, learning and management of boarding (pesantren). if the quality of a replacement kiai decreased, certainly there are issues with the pattern of recruitment, learning and management of boarding (pesantren). in line with zaenal arifin thoha, the results of malik sholahuddin study also showed that the fading of kiai leadership charisma in pesantren as-syafi’iyah jakarta, due to replacement kiai of abdullah syafi’ie lacked quality and personal excellence. however, in contrast to zaenal arifin thoha, sholahuddin malik acknowledges that there are other factors that also affect delegitimation of kiai leadership role in pesantren as-syafi’iyah jakarta is the swift currents of modernization around the pesantren and lack of interaction between kiai with the community except to the extent recitation (www.lontar.ui.ac.id). while acknowledging there are other factors that affect the delegitimation of the replacement kiai role of kiai abdullah syafi’ie, sholahuddin malik keeps the declining quality of replacement kiai as the determining actor. kiai and also nu activist, ali maschan moesa in writing explaining that pesantren kiai leadership decadence is caused by the decadency of mastery over the yellow book. kiai quality decreased because no longer able to master classic books that should be taught to students (moesa, 2007: 56-68). in line with this, hasan hanafi explained that decadency of kiai intellectual leadership becaused the material in the yellow book that was studied in boarding schools (pesantren), especially in the field of theology into the handle basic creed of people did not associated with the pure consciousness and values of human actions. kiai is not able to associate the material with the theology of the real problems that occur in everyday life. as a result of this, the gap appears between religiosity and practical charity. individually, human thinking is disconnected with awareness, words and deeds. such awareness would easily bring to doublemoral attitudes that were reflected in the fragmentation of science and religion, speech and action, theory and practics, and the emergence of a scholar (ulama) who was greedy for the world. due to further, the grandeur of the building boarding schools (pesantren) are not accompanied by science and moral virtue. this is the real thing that push the pesantren and kiai into the twilight (thoha, 2003: 167-168). kiai as determinant shift actor also explained by imam nahrawi. according to him, the degradation of the kiai leadership role as a central figure, a priest, a role model and patron is caused by kiai involve in the world of practical politics (nahrawi, 2005). in a different language but with the same meaning, abdul wahid also concluded that the involvement of the kiai in practical politics has caused the religious social disparities among the people and the collapse of the myth of compliance with kiai (wahid, 2011). kiai said agil siradj explained that due to involvement in practical politics, a shift in the role of kiai as an agent of enlightenment people has been occurred, especially those who was marginalized by development (siradj, 2010: 85-89). according to syamsul arifin, involvement of kiai in practical politics will result in the politicization of religious symbols, reducing the valuable nature of religion and the sanctity aura of kiai (arifin, 1995). the dissertation of achmad patoni also recognized that kiai involvement in practical politics has led to a fragmentation of support among the people and reduction of kiai charisma. kiai also experienced conflict shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 131 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ between the role as a role model and be a person to look for support to get power (patoni, 2007: 173-175). kiai is not neutral anymore and can no longer consistent (istiqomah) to educate students (sulaiman, 2010: 101-110). the influx of nu kiai into arena of practical politics has led to the waning of sincerity and genuineness that is built up in boarding schools (pesantren). this change were tried to hide preformance wrap religious legitimacy. in politics, real nu kiai also implement a culture of patronage and have the same motivation with other politicians, it is the pursuit of personal and group interests (zaini, 2003). the defeat of a candidate for governor of east java from nu cadres in the east java gubernatorial election in 2008, which ali maschan moesa and khofifah indra parawangsa, whereas east java is the center of the nu kingdom shows that kiai political fatwa is no longer effective. kiai invated to support a candidate for governor from nu cadres are no longer effective, although ali maschan moesa is board chairman of nu in east java region two periods (masruhan, 2010). crushing defeat of presidential candidates jusuf kallawiranto in the presidential election of 2009, when the pair is supported by hundreds of kiai from nu and muhammadiyah in central java and east java, more complete the data which kiai is no longer being a powerful edict to political problems (ghozali, 2009). in a sense, kiai has led the delegitimation role due to entering the world of politics. studies were conducted by yusni about the decline of tengku dayah authority crisis in aceh, which is characterized by the displacement of kiai from partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) to golongan karya (golkar) were not followed, showed that has been a delegitimation of kiai political role. tengku dayah is an epithet applied to an ulama in aceh. several studies indicate that there are kiai who are experiencing delegitimation role and charisma because of involvement in the world of practical politics can not be denied. however, if not careful can make troubleshooting stuck in the fallacy of dramatic instance or over-generalization, that is the use of one-two cases to support the general or common nature argument (rahmat, 1999: 5). in a sense, if the case was generalized, it will bring negative stereotype that all kiai who engage in practical politics must be having delegitimation role and charisma. the entry of kiai in practical politics is regarded as the cause of delegitimation role or charisma of kiai. the stereotype is certainly a debatable problem and issue, because there are some kiai who still have not experienced the charisma and delegitimation role despite of involvement in the world of practical politics (suryanegara, 2009: x-xv). from a theological perspective, the inclusion of kiai in politics can not be blamed, because islam does not separate religion and politics. according to islam, there is the intersection between religion and politics. by some, the intersection is seen only in the area of moral, not a formal policy areas such as state regulation and the establishment of political parties. but others say the opposite, which the intersection is located in the region and not just in the formal moral territory (arifin, 2003: 27-30). ulil abshar abdalla called the prophet muhammad saw is a prophet and also a politician. according to him, politician is interpreted as someone who fought for “dealing with possibilities” to face the concrete fact that full of possibilities. he further said that convincingly, in a career for 23 years, muhammad saw has been demonstrated not only as a moral reform through the prophetic career, but also social reform, even politics, through the establishment of a political system and the community in medina (abdalla, 2005: xiii-xviii). thus, involvement kiai in political actually have a theological meaning, though by no means preclude the emergence of a critique to engagement of kiai in politic precisely because of this theological reasons, in addition to considering the kiai social position in society. politic is a reality that must be faced and can not be avoided by kiai. more important issue is how significantly kiai able to take the role of moral-based politics in a formal political space that tends to pull strong pragmatic interests. in addition, kiai should consider the influence of his involvement in political with the community (arifin, 2003: 27). in general, studies that put the kiai as a determinant actor of deletigimation or shifting roles, also “impressed” as judge, blame and put kiai as a suspect, but kiai did not live in a vacuum. the kiai who were studied are kiai who live in a certain system of social, cultural, economic, and political, which is more or less the system also contributes or affects political thought and behavior of kiai. the study also looks less empathetic and understand the world outside of kiai that influenced him intact. expectations, desires, thoughts and behaviors of kiai certainly are influenced by the social politics environment in which the kiai are. kiai is a complex individual figure, which shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 132 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ can not be understood without considering the various social factors associated with it, such as marital relationships, the transmission network science, religious and political organization, ideology and teachings (faruk, 1999: xxii). indeed kiai also have a dilemma (thoha, 2003: 233). on the one hand kiai required to take on the major task of bringing the mission (risalah) messengers that include speech, knowledge, teachings, deeds, behavior, mental and moral thereby necessitating kiai to always devoted, diligent prayer and ascetic (break away from the size and importance worldly). but on the other hand, kiai inevitably also have to deal with the reality of social and political change, the pragmatic-materialist culture, the culture of instant and love of power. it was a common orientation could hardly inevitable. the reality of these changes occurred in front of the eye, so that must be faced and addressed, because it can not be avoided by kiai. the study, which resulted in “syu’udzon” (prejudice) to the kiai seemed appropriate for the study of most of the modernists and western observers to nu kiai are considered opportunistic (palmier,1973:160). ernst utrecht called nu as a political party that so opportunist, so it looks like a bunch of officers who are in the grip of some kiai (utrech, 1959: 456). mochtar naim marked nu had a tendency to be opportunistic in the political arena (naim, 1960: 159). leslie palmer wrote that nu has a set of political and religious leaders (kiai) that is petty and ready to be manipulated (hindley, 1966: 240). in observation of donald hindley, nu mostly composed of religious leaders (kiai) who are not versed in politics and mingled with the knowledgeable shallow opportunist who joined forces to seek personal gain. brackman wrote that any group will be able to buy the support of nu, and that in jakarta, the party (nu) was never taken seriously as a political force (among others) because of weakness that most leaders can, and has been, easily purchased by sukarno (brackman, 1969: 45). 2. the structure as autonomous actors in contrast to previous studies that make kiai as determinant actors of shifting roles, these studies assume that the structure as a determinant actors of shifting kiai roles. by doing a study of community congregation in jombang (1990) and kudus (1994), usman sunyoto concluded that the state intervention in the era of the new order has pervaded almost every niche of life, including the life of the religious community (congregation (tarekat) qadiriyah wa naqsyabandiyah and naqsabandiyah kholidiyah). so powerful position of the state so that intervention was practiced not only affect the political attitudes of the congregation community, but also touched the substance of the teachings that became the basic of both the congregation’s social community (usman, 1998). on the pretext of legitimacy modernization, state intervened massively did not only on political choices and partisan elite institute, but also able to change the understanding of “taqlid” (absolute obedience) is becoming fundamental teacher-student interaction in the tradition of the congregation. as a result of these interventions, the political views of community congregation split into two, that are the fixed full taqlid to the teacher in all things, including politics, and that are taqlid to teachers only in matters of religion, but not the politics problem. the first group on the political affiliation to partai persatuan pembangunan (ppp) because it is considered as an islamic party and tend to be critical of government policies, although by no means hostile. while the second congregation, channeling their political affiliation to golkar. this group has close relationships with local government officials and tend to compromise or to understand the programs and policies of government. according sunyoto, through the implementation of centralized development strategies of new order and put bureaucracy as an important element as well as the floating mass policy (floating mass), making the country successfully shifted the role of political tarekat leadership. the role of the tarekat reduced was not as good as before. tarekat is no longer a reference in politics and government. kiai role in the matter has been replaced by a bureaucratic apparatus, began the village level up higher. due to the policy of depoliticization new order, there has been a shift in kiai leadership roles. kiai was no longer be influential leaders in all fields (polymorphic), but only in one area (monomorphic), i,e the field of religion. the study was conducted by sunyoto usman was able to show that the problem of shifting the kiai leadership role from polymorphic to monomorphic is not only deals with the issue of quality of individual kiai, but related to, or influenced by political strategy conducted by the new order government. this explanation gave insight and extensive knowledge to us, but seem positioned kiai as shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 133 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ passive actors who do not have the emotional and rational consideration. though kiai is a human and not as “inanimate object” that has no interest. the study was conducted by arnold green on political islam in tunisia showed that the tendency of ulama to support or oppose a regime based on the threat to the socio-economic interests of the people who are likely to arise as a result of his decision. green also noted that ulama prefered the submissive (submissive) when dealing with a strong and authoritarian rulers (bagader,1983:172). in line with green, leonard binder studies over politics in pakistan, particularly the organization of traditionalist barelvi ulama, islamic ulama jami’atul, it can be concluded to have similarities with nu. ulama of barelvi tend to align political recognition by government of the power to the position and development of islam in the country. they also stressed that the government should provide protection in return for their support(binder, 1991:33). ann lambton’s research on persian ulama indicated that persian ulama ambivalent about the cooperation with the government. ann also noted that many ulama who choose to compromise with the government as a means to bind the government and strengthen the recognition of islamic law (bagader, 1983:256). some of the above dissertation can be used also to describe the nu kiai have similar characteristics as institutional of ulama. muhsin jamil admitted that the socio-political changes have led to a shift in the leadership system of awarding tarekat kiai by murshid (teacher of tarekat) into selected (through the mechanism of elections). it also led to a shift in the source of kiai authority from kiai charisma that is so personal becomes impersonal, that is institutions of tarekat (jamil, 2005). badrun alaena mentioned that the marginalization of the political role of the nu community experienced during the new order regime, so that put nu only as a spectator fringe or even as cheerleaders who do not have significant access to the constellation of political, economic, and social in national level has led to religious and social reform movement among young people of nu. they do the shifting meaning of the doctrine as a mazhab fiqh aswaja be manhaj al fiqr (method of thinking). changes the meaning of the doctrine aswaja, it gives tremendous influence and impact for the formation of patterns of thought and behavior young people of nu, especially in the province of diy, both in social, political, either religious that is new and different from previous generations. they show patterns of thought and behavior are critical and progressive (alaena,2000:170). geertz called kiai as a intermediary of culture between the pesantren with the “outside world” (cultural broker) (geerzt, 1960). kiai filters which cultural elements are allowed in and which ones are not, which are acceptable and which are not. however, the development of communication and information technology, which makes flow of information massively, has made the kiai no longer possible to filter them. kiai be losing the role, and then just run a secondary position and not creative. kiai will experience a cultural gap in the surrounding communities. in other words, the kiai lost his role as a cultural broker due to rapid flow of information that flows along with the rapid changes taking place in society. modernization, technological developments and social changes are also recognized by imron aripin as a factor that makes the kiai is losing his authority as the sole ruler in boarding schools and the loss of personality cult, whereas before boarding development largely depends entirely on personal ability of kiai (aripin, 1993). by reason of modernization and adaptation to the times, some of pesantren implement management foundation to manage pesantren. management foundation has led to no single authority at the school, because the power is no longer concentrated in kiai. research of as’ad isma also explained that the modernization and social change has led to a shift in the role of tuan guru (an epithet applied to an ulama or kiai) in jambi seberang community, both as a madrasah teacher, stakeholders, and recitation speakers in mosque or surau as well as guard the continuity of religious tradition (isma’, 2008). modernity also cause changes in the pattern of kiai relationships and students from paternalistic to functional. kiai no longer take care of everything, including the management of existing pesantren because its own management (feillard, 2009). modernity is also recognized as having made a relationship kiai-students no longer the patron client but more rational. students become more daring to criticize kiai if the kiai proved off the mark. similar disclosed turmudi that changes in the pesantren and the muslim community in jombang has affected pesantren and tarekat kiai leadership (turmudi, 2004:320). from here then appeared profanisasi charisma, which reduced the influence of the kiai in society. the demonstration of the students at pesantren darul ulum jombang and tebuireng clarified the evidence of that. an event that never imagined could shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 134 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ happen in both the senior pesantren. changes in the political leadership of kiai occurs when nu issuing a policy of “return to khittah”. as a result of the policy was a shift in dakwah orientation of kiai from the structural to cultural. changes in the political of kiai cause changes in political islam. the kiai who at first is always linked religion and politics, finally freeing politics from religious involvement. back to khittah policy on the one hand, freeing the kiai and the people from affiliation to a particular political party, but on the other hand also lead to not only the emergence of various political orientations among nu members, but also the decline of political islam and political influence of kiai itself. posts of syaiful arif said that the development of secular culture and political is characterized by direct elections, to choose political leaders, have changed the relationship between students and kiai from sami’na wa atha’na become autonomous choice (arif, 2010:30-34). khoiruddin who said that the swift currents of democratization in all spheres resulted in a shift position and change the political behavior of kiai from moral kiai to structural kiai. correspondingly, abdul haris’s study also confirmed that the swift currents of political openness led to a reorientation of politics of nu in jember from cultural to structural (khoiruddin, 2005:85). nu in jember often display attitudes and political behavior “radicalistick progressive” associated with the tragedy of political failure that their often received. however, the progression-radicalism sticking when they fought and maintained their plot of practical politic (haris, 2010). study’s team kell on teungku dayah in aceh also showed the same thing (kell, 1995). the result of kell’s study concluded that political authority tengku dayah in aceh has been delegitimated. according to him, the delegitimation is due to the regeneration crisis among teungku dayah clan. after the death of teungku dayah’s like daud beureuh class, there is no longer a new generation that is able to replace both in terms of scientific capacity, leadership and authority. he further explained that the absence of a new generation of teungku dayah was influenced by modernization in aceh, which began in the 1970s. modernization caused teungku dayah’s children prefer schools in modern and secular formal schools than in dayah. as a result, the potential of scientific and personal capacities that they have do not make them into reliable teungku dayah. their scientific potential and personal capacity actually is absorbed in the government bureaucracy (kell, 1995). all of the above study is capable enlightening that problems of shifting or delegitimation role of kiai turns laced with rigging systems or structures that surround the life of kiai. kiai is no longer a suspect or suspects alone. structures that can be transformed into a system of political, social or cultural with the name of democratization, modernization, an era of openness, social change, technology and information advances are factors that cause delegitimation or shift in the role of kiai this is in line with the assumption that the changes in the macrolevel of social life are often influential in the micro-level, ie the life and behavior of individuals, in this case is kiai. social change and the high level of social mobility was not merely indeed institutional aspect symptoms, but also sometimes due to the problems of personal adjustment (soetomo,2008:204). however, some authors stuck in the fallacy of misplaced concretness, which is a mistake to think because concretize something abstract (rahmat, 1999:16-17). political system, socio-culture, social change, democratization, depoliticization, modernization, and progress of information technology are something that can be abstract, so it is necessary that the structure to be concretized as external factors cause the shift role of kiai became clearly. 3. linkage of kiai and structure for autonomous actor in contrast to previous studies that established kiai and each structure as determinant actors shifting roles of kiai, the following are a few studies that integrate kiai and structure factors as determinants actors the shifting of roles kiai. one of the studies was conducted by sidik jatmika to nu kiai reform era in kebumen, central java. the results of the study concluded that there has been a political repositioning of kebumen nu kiai. there is kebumen nu kiai in the reform era that is able to be political leaders (political leaders) or political players (political players), whereas the kiai has been eliminated in the new order era. they successfully utilize the opportunities open participation in the reform era. the process of expansion of the kiai position for intermediaries culture (cultural broker) become a political player progresses through the learning of movement patterns, especially with respect to the expansion efforts of resources (source of authority) and instrument (means) on the kiai movement. according to him, the kiai in their shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 135 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ movement have a lot of examples and references that they adopted from various jargon and practices of democracy at the national level and then they adjusted with the local conditions, among others, strengthening communities, anti-discrimination, reconciliation, pluralism and gender equality. kiai social movements performed on behalf of marginalized groups politically. it aims to reorganize their political power (jatmika, 2005). zaenal arifin thoha also wrote that some nu kiai used opportunities of changes to expand their position as an officer, politician or businessman (thoha, 2003). assessment of benny subianto about cultural broker also showed the same thing. post-new order that is synonymous with political openness and to see their potential as a vote getter, many nu kiai shifting the role from a cultural broker into a political broker (subianto, 2010:115-122). correspondingly, kang young soon in his dissertation on nu politics in the reform era also showed that the political change in the direction of reform, many nu kiai who use it to enter the political arena by forming a political party such as the partai kebangkitan bangsa (pkb), partai nahdlatul ummah (pnu), partai kebangkitan umat (pku) and sunni (soon, 2008). the study on the political agency crisis of teungku dayah in aceh in the era of application of islamic law by nirzalin also described the link between the agent (teungku dayah) and the structure (state) (nirzalin, 2011). nirzalin studies show that political openness and the adoption of islamic law in aceh did not end the political agency crisis of teungku dayah that has occurred in the new order era. this happened because even though the political structure changed but the power relationship between teungku dayah as an agent with the state as the structure remains unchanged. their relationship remains dualism, in which the structure with their domination of bureaucracy and economic resources still dominate their rule against tengku dayah as the new order regime. legalization islamic law from the beginning it was intended as a political package to resolve the aceh conflict, so that its implementation are bureaucratic and politically controlled entirely by the central and local governments. bureaucratization of sharia on the one hand necessitates government control, on the other hand it marginalize the role of teungku dayah in these arena. the practice of bureaucratic islamic law, demands rational knowledge building, contextual, effective, efficient and pragmatic. while the knowledge of teungku dayah is traditional and textual, so there is a gap between islamic sharia -government style with teungku dayah’s own. teungku dayah did not have the capacity to adapt quickly the changes that occurred. post-new order regime seems to use islamic law as a facility for dominating the power to teungku dayah, so that they can be used for the benefit of symbolic power. in this position the existence of islamic law in aceh was more seen as a commodity because it is used by the sheer power of the state to dominate the teungku dayah’s power than a religious law that is a tradition and a culture that provides space for various social components to participate in it. this practice led to dispossession political independence and a critical attitude of teungku dayah towards the state (nirzalin, 2011). all studies which made link kiai and structure as a determinant actor of the political agency crisis of kiai or shifting political role of kiai from cultural broker to political broker and to political player in the era of reform seem to be able to explain the problem in a comprehensive manner. the explanation which is given is also open awareness that the problem of shifting political role of kiai or political agency crisis of kiai in the reform era was not only related to the quality of the kiai alone, but also by the structure that is growing and surrounding kiai’s life. with their quality, some of kiai able to use the era of political openness that has shifted the role from a cultural broker became political broker even political player, both at local and national levels. the era of political openness has been an important factor influencing the mindset and behavior of kiai. although in the case of aceh, the era of political openness marked by politization of islamic law was also used the state to dominate teungku dayah. kiai or teungku dayah is a human who is having emotional and rational consideration, then how can address opportunities openness, whether will be used or wasted, and if it is used how, in the end, all of it back to kiai and it is determinate by kiai himself. conclusion in general, studies that put kiai as determinant actors of delegitimation or shifting roles, “impressed” as judging, blaming and put kiai as a suspect, whereas kiai is not living in a vacuum. the kiai that were being studied were living in a certain social system, culture, economy, and politics, which were little more systems also provide contribution or influence the thinking and political shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 136 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ behavior of kiai. the study looks less empathy and understanding about the world outside that influence kiai is intact. hopes, desires, thoughts and behaviors certainly are influenced by politics-social environment of kiai. kiai is a complex individual figure, who can not be understood without attention to the social factors associated with him, such as marital relationships, knowledge of transmission lines, and organization. while the study that put the structure as an autonomous actor relatively capable of enlightenment that the problem of shift role or delegitimation of kiai interrelated to systems or structures that surround the life of kiai. kiai is no longer be accused or suspects alone. the structure that can be transformed into political, social or cultural in the name of democratization, modernization, an era of openness, social change, technological advances and information are factors that cause in shift role or delegitimation of kiai. this is in line with the assumption that the changes in the macro-level social life often affect the micro level, that is the life and behavior of individuals, in this case is kiai. social change and the high level of social mobility did not merely have institutional aspect symptoms, but also sometimes lead due to personal problems and adjustments on religious and political orientation, ideology and doctrine. compared with the two previous perspectives, which made the link of kiai and structure as an determinant actor that cause political agency crisis of kiai or shift political role of kiai from cultural broker to political broker either political player in the era of reform appear more able to explain the problem in a comprehensive manner. the explanation has been given is also open awareness that the problems of shifting political role of kiai or political agency crisis of kiai in the reform era was not only related to the quality of kiai, but also by structure that developed and surrounded kiai’s life. 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(peny). 2010. dari kiai kampung ke nu miring, malang: avveroes palmer, leslie.1973.communists in indonesia. london: weidenfeld and nicholson. patoni, achmad. 2007. peran kiai pesantren dalam politik. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. pranowo, bambang.1991. ceating the tradition of islam in java. disertasi. raharjo, dawam, 1983, dunia pesantren dalam peta pembaharuan. jakarta: lp3s. shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 138 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 rahmat, jalaluddin. 1999. rekayasa sosial reformasi atau revolusi?. bandung: rosda. ridwan. 2004. paradigma politik nu: relasi sunni-nu dalam pemikiran politik. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar ruhensi, luluk yunan. kiai dan pendidikan pesantren: studi tentang motif perubahan perilaku 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local elities and development. disertasi: flinders university. australia. ______. komunitas tarekat dan politik lokal di era orde baru, penelitian di kudus, jawa tengah. jurnal jsp. fisipol ugm. juli 1998 ‘ulum, bahrul. 2002, bodohnya nu atau nu dibodohi? jejak langkah nu era reformasi: menguji khittah, meneropong paradigma politik.yogyakarta: ar-ruzz. utrech, ernst. 1959. pengantar dalam hukum indonesia, jakarta: ikhtiar. wah, francis loh kok. 2010, building bridges, crossin boundaries, every form of interetnic peace building in malaysia. selangor: malaysian social science association. _______. 2009. old and news politics in malaysia, state and society in transition.selangor: strategic information and research development centre. wahid, abdul. mutilasi peran esoteris kiai. padang to day. 12 maret 2011. zada, khamami (ed.). 2010. nahdlatul ulama: dinamika ideologi dan politik kenegaraan, jakarta: kompas. zahra, ahmad zahra. 2004. tradisi intelektual nu, yogyakarta: lkis. zaini, achmad, 2003. nu dan politik, nu dan politik: studi tentang konflik-konflik internal nu 1952-2003. tesis ui. ziemek, manfred.1986. pesantren dalam perubahan. jakarta: p3m shifting roles and political support of kiai individual, structure, and integrative perspectives / suswanta / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0013 layout desember 2008 introduction background of the study in a developing country, like the philippines, obtaining quality education is considered a stepping-stone in attaining desirable living conditions. this is particularly true among the constituents of the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm). ironically, better quality of basic education in the cuntry can hardly be found in government supported schools. quality basic education have become a domain more of the private schools rather than public schools. for instance, a study (luz, 2009) on the philippine educational system explains the following as primary factors why the country’s education performs poorly; (1) policy discontinuity (2) sub-professional management (3) lack of participation by primary stakeholders and (4) poor institutional arrangements between departments and other stakeholders basic education in the armm is managed by the department of education (deped) regional office. common observations and experiences show the poor quality of learning among elementary and secondary pupils in these areas. graduates in national secondary schools, for instance, can hardly hardle the entrance examination conducted bi-annually by mindanao state university. there are also reports showing the low performance of pupils in the national achievement tests coming from the public schools in the region. public schools in this region is the only venue where the people could sent their childen sapia moalam abdulrachman professor at the college of public affairs and director, institutional research and evaluation office mindanao state university, marawi city, philippines; apie_abdulrachman@yahoo.com badriya p.makol visiting senior lecturer, school of government college of law, government and international studies universiti utara malaysia; bp_makol@yahoo.com ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao, philippines http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 abstract the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) is a public organization in the philippines located in between the national government and the local governments. it performs unique functions quite distinct from other public organizations in the country, as it performs both political and administrative functions. using unobtrusive research design, as it relies on mostly secondary data, this paper analyzes the educational system in the region and proposes strategies in attaining administrative efficiency, economy, effectiveness and responsiveness. the paper starts with the introduction which consist of the background and statement of the problem. it is followed by a review of theoretical perspective and then by the research methodology. the fourth part portrays the findings of the study which include: deped armm resources; the management of deped armm, and the management outputs such as: net enrollment ratio, achievement rate and litaracy rate. the fifth part of the paper deals with the analyses and conclusion. the paper concludes that in addition to certain structural innovation, inculcation of appropriate work ethics in accordance with the ethical standards act, the anti-corruption law, the civil service rules and regulations as well as the islamic practices on employment must be enshrined in the reform agenda. finally, among other things that could facilitate the attainment of 3es and r in the deivery of educational services is a strategy that requires the joint collaboration and teamwork between the civil society, non-government organizations and government organizations in the region. keywords: collaboration, teamwork, administrative and behavioral reform 306 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to acquire basic education because of their financial condition. thus, the kind of services that the deped armm provides have critical impact on the lives of the constituents. in view of the importance of education in the lives of the people, this paper is written to analyze the educational system of the region using the system’s framework. statement of the problem generally, the study answers the question, “what is the staus of the educational system in the armm?” in specific terms, the following questions were answered: 1) what is the status of deped armm financial resources? 2) how does deped armmtransform its inputs into the system as indicated by: (a) performance audit report; (b) findings of the hataman administration and (c) reforms initiated by hataman administration; 3) what are the outputs of the educational system in the region measured in terms of (a) net enrolment ratio (b) achievement rate and (b) literacy rate. theoretical framework this section traces two major milestone in the development of public administration, as a field of study, in relation to the concepts of the 3es and responsiveness. the two major phases of public admiinistration includes – the traditional public administration (1880 to 1970s) and the new public administration. theories which may be considered part of the traditional public administration consist of the scientific management of frederick winslow taylor, the principles of administration by henry fayol and the bureaucratic model of max weber. these three paradigms focused on the internal aspect of organization. it underpinned the primary normative values of organization such as: efficiency, economy and effectiveness. at this juncture, let us understand the meaning of these concepts. efficiencyis generally conceived as “competency in performance, or ability to accomplish a job with a minimum expenditure of time and effort” (wikipedia free ictionary). efficiency is likewise defined as the measure of effectiveness that produces the minimum waste of time, effort, and skill (archer, 2010). simply stated, efficiency describes the extent to which time or effort is well used for the intended task or purpose. it is often used with the specific purpose of relaying the capability of a specific application of effort to produce a specific outcome effectively with a minimum amount or quantity of waste, expense, or unnecessary effort (wikipedia free dictionary). there are usually two types of efficiency, when referring to organization operations. these types of efficiency are : technical or productive efficiency, which measures the firm’s success in producing maximum output from a given set of inputs, and price or allocative efficiency, which measures a firm’s success in choosing an optimal set of inputs with a given set of input prices.efficiency is sometimes quantitatively defined as the ratio of the actual output over the target output multiplied by 100. in this paper, efficiency is better associated to technical or productive efficiency as it refers to the ability of the deped armm to perform its mandated functions. economy, according to the webster dictionary, is thrifty management, frugality in the expenditure ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 307 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ or consumption of money, materials and etc. it is further defined as “the disposition or regulation of the parts or functions of any organic whole” (webster dictionary). it connotes wise management of resources in order to attain higher productivity. in this paper, economy refers to the availability and utilization of deped armm budget pursuant to pre-determined purpose. effectiveness, according to the wikipedia free dictionary, refers to “the degree to which objectives are achieved and the extent to which targeted problems are solved”. in contrast to efficiency, effectiveness is determined without reference to costs and whereas efficiency means “doing the thing right,” effectiveness means “doing the right thing” (wikipedia free dictionary). in management, according to peter ducker, effectiveness relates to getting the right thing done. in addition, organizational effectiveness refers to the ability of an organization to meet its objectives. among private organizations, the main measure of their effectiveness is expressed in terms of how well its net profitability compares with its target profitability. other measures of effectiveness may include growth of assets and customer satisfaction. after a review of concepts’ meaning, let us procced in tracing its association with the paradigms in traditional public administration. in the scientific management theory profounded by taylor, it conceived that “to encourage production efficiency and productivity” there is a need for managers to clearly define the organizational activities that would lead to the attainment of organizational goals and then see to it that the workforce are doing their jobs “in the best and cheapest way” (hertz, 1950). it can be deduced from the work of taylor that efficieny means achieving the desired output with the least cost and that it can be attained through the formulation of the best way of doing the task and hiring people who are best fitted to the task. taylor and weber’s view on the significance of efficiency in organization is akin to the rational perspectives of organization, which emphasizes goal attainment and focuses on output variables such as quality, productivity and efficiency. the taylor’s view of efficiency may be illustrated by the figure below. figure 1 – illustration of taylor’s view of efficiency max weber, on the other hand, argued that bureaucracy is the most efficient organization provided that it possess the ideal characteristics of a bureaucracy, which include the following: impersonal positions that are earned and not inherited, rule-governed decision-making, professionalism, chain of command, defined responsibility and bounded authority (http://uregena.cal-gingrich/ 014199.htm). according to weber’s view efficiency can be attained when these characteristics are present in an organizations. . the 3es, as normative values of organization, was further supported by the classical organization theories, neo-classical and the modern organization theories. as life becomes more complex and turbulent, scholars struggle to search for more relevant explanation and solution to societal problems, hence, the effort to make things more responsive ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 308 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ become increasingly relevant. in recent years, modern organizational theories emphasize the need for organizations to be responsive to the needs and demands of the society where they operate. in specific terms, the new public administration (npa) emerged as a result of the inadequacy of traditional paradigms to explain and answer the world phenomena. in addition to the 3es, the npa advocates for 3rs which include: relevance, responsiveness and responsibility. among the 3rs, the paper puts emphasis on responsiveness in addition to the 3es. what then is responsiveness?responsiveness, in lexical term, refers to “the quality of being responsive, reacting quickly; as a quality of people, it involves responding with emotion to people an d events” (wikipedia free dictionary). in general, responsivess can be better assessed using client satisfaction survey and quasi-experimental study that reflects before and after situation. conceptual framework in analyzing the educational system of the armm, the paper uses the system framework, which describes organization as being composed of a set of inputs, throughputs and ouputs. the inputs consist of the deped-armm resources (e.g. budget, schools, teachers and others) while the throughputs otherwise known as transformation process refer to “how the agency is managed?” or simply the administration of deped-armm measured in terms of the performance audit report, findings of the hataman administration and reforms. it is assumed that economy in the utilization of its resources and efficiency in administration of the educational programs would lead to the attainment of the desired outcome. the figure below depicts this framework. figure 3 – educational system of armm research methodology research design the study is a desccriptive one. it made use of unobtrusive research design as it relies mostly on figure 2 – weber’s view of the characteristics of efficient organization ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 309 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the analysis of information from secondaray sources. nevertheless, there were also data derived from primary sources. for isntance, focus-group discussion amng teachers and school administrators were done to collect data on the management of educational services in their respective schools. locale of the study the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) is located in the mindanaoisland group of the philippines, that is composed of predominantly muslimprovinces, namely: basilan (except isabela city), lanao del sur, maguindanao, sulu and tawi-tawi. it is the only region in the philippines that has its own government. the figure below shows the location of armm in the philippine map. figure 4 – map of the mindanao showing the location of armm the regional government is situated in cotabato city although the city is not part of the region. there is only one city located in territorial jurisdiction of the region and this is the city of marawi. isabela city, which is the capital city of basilan, is also not part of the armm area. the region and most of mindanao have been the traditional homeland of muslims in the philippines long before the coming of the first colonizers. the muslim filipinos claimed that mindanao has been a separate territory distinct from the other islands of the country. there is a substantive evidence on this claim in philippine history. in fact, this situation enabled them to develop and preserve their own culture and identify. as described by a historian, the region has been the traditional homeland ofmuslim filipinos since the 15th century, even before the arrival of the spanish who began to colonize most of thephilippines in 1565.muslim missionaries arrived intawi-tawiin 1380 and started the conversion of the native population to islam. in 1457, the sultanate of sulu was founded, and not long after that the sultanates ofmaguindanao andbuayanwere also established. at the time when most of the philippines was underspanish rule, thesesultanatesmaintained their independence and table 1 – population and area of the armm by province source: national census and statistics office ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 310 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ regularly challenged spanish domination of thephilippinesby conducting raids on spanish coastal towns in the north and repulsing repeated spanish incursions in their territory. it was not until the last quarter of the 19th century that the sultanate of sulu formally recognized spanish sovereignty, but these areas remained loosely controlled by the spanish as their sovereignty was limited to military stations and garrisons and pockets of civilian settlements in zamboanga and cotabato,[3] until they had to abandon the region as a consequence of their defeat in thespanish-american war (wikipedia). thechief executive of the region is the regional governor. he implements policies and programs formulatead by the legislative assembly. he is assisted by the members of the cabinet which he himself appoint. the organizational structure of the region is depicted in figure 2 below. the first regional governor of armm was zacaria candao. after the expirataion of his term, candao was replaced by atty. lininding pangandaman, then prof. nur misuari followed, then farouk hussein, zaldy ampatuan, ansaruddin a. adiong and mujiv hataman. all of these governors belong to the ruling party of the country at the time (please see table 2). consequently, the regional secretary of deped has always been a supporter of the incumbent regional governor. nevertheless, there were times that the figure 5 – armm organizational structure ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 311 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ deped regional secretary came from the academic sector and these were in the person of : prof. salipada tamano. atty. abdulhamid barra and atty. baratucal caudang. all three are faculty members of the mindanao state university in marawi city. below is the organizational structure of the office of the regional governor. findings this portion of the paper consists of three subsections, namely: the inputs to the deped armm system, the transformation process and the outputs. the inputs: the deped armm resources before discussing the department’ resources, it is perhaps important that we first mention its vision and mission. the deped armm, just like its mother agency in the national government, envisions to develop the holistic nature of individuals composing the society. as stated in the performance audit report of the agency, and we quote the department of education (deped) in autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) was envisioned to develop the spiritual, intellectual, social, cultural, scientific and physical development of man in order to make him god-fearing, peace loving, value conscious and productive citizen thru basic education. it was commissioned to establish, maintain and support a complete and integrated system of quality education that is meaningful, relevant and responsive to the needs, ideals and aspiration of the people in muslim mindanao (performance audit report, 2006). resources. reources, as used in this paper, refer to agency budget and personnel.with regards to agency budget, we may recall that as early as its initial years of operation, it was already considered insufficient. as revealed by the first secretary of the agency and we quote . . . the funds that are supposed to go with some of the devolved powers and functions were not made available for its operation. in fact, i found difficulty with the office of the secretary because no funds were made available for its operation” (cited in tanggol, 1993:196). it seems the problem on budget insufficiency in the armm is not only true during its early years of operation. it is rather a perennial problem. as unveiled by atty. naguib sinarimbo, the armm executive secretaray who was branded as the “wind beneath the wings.” the two primary causes of the region’s snail-paced development are: inadequate budget and lack of fiscal autonomy (macabalang, september 1, 2011). since its establishment in 1989, the armm annual budget is consistently less than 1% of the national budget, the highest percentage was in 2009 (,69%) and the lowest was in 2010 (,63%) (sinarimbo cited in macabalang). . in addition, another armm official revealed that more than 60% of the region’s annual budget goes to salaries and maintenance and operating expenses, sinarimbo further elaborated to justify the discrimination in budget allocation that the “national funded infrastructure in 2011 in armm was p833m while the average share of each of the other regions was p2.9b” aside from financial resources, the human component of the organization is another critical input to the system. here, we are more concerned not only on the number of personnel but more so on the competence of and how the personnel composing the agency are recruited and promoted. ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 312 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ with regards to the number of personnel in deped armm, there are two conflicting data. according to philippine information agency, deped armm, as of 2012, has a total teaching and non-teaching personnel of 16,170. but in an interview with oic governor mujiv hataman, he said that the official number of personnel in the agency is 20,000 contrary to the claimed of 22,000. we grasp of another source which tells that the total number of employees in deped armm, as of march 2012, is more than 24,000. the situation signifies a significant controversy because if the number of personnel cannot be accurately determined, how much more of the financial transactions and services provided. nevertheless, if we use the 22,000 personnel as base in our analyasis, it means in 21 years, the number of teachers in the deped armm has increased by 78% or 9,659 teachers. in other words, there is an average increase of 460 teachers every year. nonetheless, according to noor d, saada, armm assistant secretary, in an interview by the business world, the teaching and non-teaching personnel of deped armm constitute 80% of the total workforce of armm, it may be said that the human resource management, performance and behavior of deped armm reflect that of the whole region. selection and recruitment in the armm is saddled with personalism including hiring of teachers. the dominant slogan known to applicants is “may backer ka ba?”. it means that if you don’t have somebody to back you up in your application you don’t land a job in the region, merit and competence are not the popular criteria in recruitment. it implies that the agency is manned by mostly incompetent people with the exclusion of a few who meet the job requirements. when incompetent people with questionable credentials mix with the rest, the latter’s attitude and performance can be affected (tanggol, 1993:205). the transformation process: deped armm administration as used in this paper, the transformation process includes three main topics, namely (a) performance audit report on 2006 and (b) findings of the incumbent deped armm administration; and (c) reforms initiated by the incumbent administration. summary of the 2006 performance audt report. with regards to how the agency is managed, the authors contend that the results of the performance audit conducted in the agency could be a better indicators, if not the best. on how the funds allocated for the agency is being managed, the performance audit sometime in 2006 revealed that there is somekind of mismanagement. as stated in the report and we quote 1. the existing controls in managing funds intended for salaries and mandatory contributions of deped employees were not adequate. thus, while funds allocated by the dbm to deped armm for personal services (ps) were adequate to meet its obligations, the remittances of mandatory deductions and loan repayments of employees were either delayed or not done at all. for cys 2002 to 2004 alone, the deped failed to remit to gsis, deductions from employees’ salaries representing loan repayments amounting to p233,945,228.30 and government share of p118,344,279.60. 2. despite non-remittance, the funds intended for the purpose were no longer available as the ps ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 313 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bank accounts reflect minimal balances of p57,411.80 and p10,726.81 as of december 31, 2004. these balances are not even enough to cover unnegotiated checks amounting to p104,659,500.98 which were already reported stale. 3. the ps funds are depleted on account of the following deficiencies: a. withdrawals amounting to p32,148,295.48 from the ps account during cys 2002-2004 and p1,929,205,367.41 from other accounts could not be accounted for due to the absence of debit memos. therefore, the validity and regularity of these withdrawals could not be ascertained. the amounts could not be traced as transferred to other accounts. b. during cy 2004 alone, the lbp imposed penalties and surcharges amounting to p36,021,621 for advancing payments in view of insufficient balances of deped accounts at the time the checks became due and presented for encashment. the teachers’ checks are due and demandable upon presentation. c. erroneous bank debits amounting to p7,621,524 were not detected and remained unadjusted as of july 31, 2005. d. checks issued amounting to p1,024,295,235.74 were negotiated but were not reported in the books of deped armm. thus, the nature of these payments could not be assessed. e. expenditures for salaries of casual and contractual employees exceeded the appropriation by p162,782,781.75. 4. the team also noted irregular practices contributing to the difficulty of managing funds and meeting its obligations such as: a. the deped’s practice of transferring funds from one account to another. for cy 2004 alone, funds transferred from the ps account to other accounts amounted to p150,787,000 while funds transferred to ps account from other accounts amounted to p140,680,000. b. the transfer of funds by the lbp from the ps account to the ibm payroll account was delayed. there were a number of instances where the lbp cotabato branch failed to transfer the specified amount from the ps account to the ibm payroll account despite sufficient balance at the time of request for transfer of funds. there were transfers effected only after 4 to 48 days. c. the transfer of funds by deped regional office no. ix to deped armm was also delayed. in several instances, the transfer of funds by deped region ix to cover payroll requirements of basilan province was delayed by 19 to 90 days. the transfer of funds by deped regional office no. xii to cover salaries of marawi city could not be assessed due to absence of documents ((performance audit report, deped armm (cy 2006). the above description on the deped management system is a result of the 2006 performance audit conducted by the commission on audit. what about the present administration? the agency is now under a new leadership with the assumption to office of the incumbent oic regional governor, mujiv hataman. the succeeding disucssion reveals the observations and discoveries of the new administration on the deped armm. findings of the incumbent administration. a general way of describing the deped armm ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 314 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ management maybe done using the statement of the oic governor in the armm health education summit which was attended by local executives and other officials in the region held after his assumption to office. he said and we quote “isa sa pinakamalaking problema sa armm ay ang deped. kaya nuong umupo po tayo ang unang pinagtuunan ko ng pansin ay ang department of education (in lacson). “one of the serious problems in the armm is the deped, that is why when we assume to office, the first thing that i looked into was the deped”. in other words, if the administration is able to solve the deped problems, more than half of the problems in the region will be solved. the above-mentioned problem on budget allocation appear recurrding as evidence by the fact that immediately after his assumptiuon to office, the incumbent oic regional governor, mujiv hataman discovered and revealed that deped armm has a questionable budget allocation. he said in an interview that: 60 to 70% of the budget goes to division expenses due to the splitting of 2 divisions in lanao del sur into four divisions. he also revealed that about p1.9b gsis premiums were not remitted and yet the money is not available. another problem in the agency administratioin is the irregularities in the preparation of reports concerning number of schools, number of teachers and number of pupils. in a local news report, the oic gov., mujiv hataman, acknowledged these irregularities in the region, saying that the databank system established by the previous administration showed that there are discrepancies in the number of teachers, schools, and students in the region. some of the noted irregularities include the following: 1. present records showed there are 22,000 teachers in the region, 2,000 in excess of the 20,000 who were officially hired. names of teachers who are already dead, retired, or abroad were still listed and continue drawing their salaries. 2. records showed that there are 144 schools operating in the lanao del sur province or 14 schools higher than the official number of 130 schools (as reflected in deped’s records in manila. 3. bloated enrolment reports; 4. unauthorized and illegal salary deduction of teachers.; 5. collection of fees from pupils; 6. selling of teachers’ item; 7. local chief executive interference in designation of school administrator in retrospect, administration of deped aarmm may be considered inefficient as evidence by the above data. a deeper analysis of the situation shows that absence of appropriate work ethics from the frontline workforce up to the middle level management has largely contributed to the status of deped armm performance over the years. this has been a problem since its establishment and up to the present time. considering that it is the largest department in the region that houses more or less 80% of the region’s workforce, its performance is a direct reflection on the portrayal of the regional government. reforms initiated by the incumbent administration.given the above-mentioned ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 315 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ problems in the administration of the region, the pesent administration faces the challenge of reforming the agency that was found to be one of the three corrupt laden agencies in the region. theadministration of mujiv hataman envisions to institute new policies, programs and projects geared towards effective delivery of social services, especially in the field of education. some of the reforms enunciated by his administration include, but not limited to the following: (1) financial and management reforms to correct flaws and address underlying issues that confronts the depedarmm, such as: (a) inventory of personnel; (b) validation of the database of schools, students, pupils and teachers; (c) reactivation of local school boards; (d) inventory of physical facilities; and (e) organizational strengthening through proper placement and assignment of personnel; (2) a systematic flow of personnel transactions to fast track action and approval on appointments and official communications; facilitate the processing of personnel benefits and unpaid teachers’ salaries; and minimize delay in the salaries of teachers through the automation of salaries of the employees of the department; (3) memorandum of understanding with gsis to come up with better alternatives and agreement that will address issues on the unpaid premiums of the teachers and ontime remittance of personnel contributions to the gsis. (4) revision of existing policies on recruitment, selection and promotion to devise new policies that would address issues on this matter; (5) a total of 698 classrooms will soon be constructed in armm, of which 62 classrooms have been completed and 143 classrooms are still to be constructed, along with a total of 5,000 tables and chairs that have been distributed in the school divisions. the new regional leadership also emphasizes its concern for merit and fitness to prevail in recruitment. governor hataman once said “if we want to professionalize the heath and education sectors, we must employ people who are qualified to handle the post and not just employ them because they were recommended by top political officials of the province.” kulayan’s administration claimed to have accomplished the following, namely: (1) removal of ghost teachers in the payroll; (2) prioritization of teacher’s license-holder applicants in recruitment and promotion for those already in the system by verifying teachers’ board exam results in the professional regulatory commission (prc). on the basis of the results of the focus-groupdiscussion (fgds) among teachers and school administrators in lanao del sur, some of the unique features of hataman administration are (a) “surprise visits to schools without the usual entourage”, (b) his way of engaging the civil society in governance and (c) transparency. the outputs: net enrolment ratio (ner),achievement and literacy rate. the effectiveness and responsiveness of the educational system may be measured using the following key performance indicators, namely: net enrolment ratio in primary and secondaray education, achievement test results and literacy rate. net enrolment ratio. net enrolment ratio (ner) is defined by the unesco institute for statistics as enrolment of the official age-group for a given level of education expressed as a percentage of the corresponding population. there are two types of data on this respect – net enrolment ratio in primary and net enrolment ratio in secondary ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 316 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ education. the data on the ner in primary education is not so discouraging in so far as the armm is concerned. table 2 shows that armm ranked number four (4th) in the ner for primary education. it means that high percentage of children in armm who are supposed to be in primary education are indeed schooling. however, the table also shows that ner in primary education has a decreasing trend from 2003 to 2007 and this is true to almost all regions including the armm. at the secondary level, ner increased barely by 0.1 percentage point in sy 2006-2007 and as shown in table 4, ner was steady at 58 to 60 percent in the last five years. table 4 further shows that 12 out of the 17 regions experienced declines in ner from sy 2002-2003 to sy 20062007. furthermore, as shown in the table, mindanao regions had the lowest ners. although armm had the lowest ner during the five-year period, it posted the biggest improvement with an increase of 8.9 percentage points, from 23.7% in sy 2002-2003 to 32.6% in sy 2006-2007. nevertheless, armm still got the lowest ner in secondary education. some people associate low in ner with poverty situation, especially so that regions with low ner are mostly those with high incidence of poverty. as noted in the deped source and we quote: past studies show that non-attainment of secondary education of the household head correlates very highly with poverty. . . . a highly significant correlation in net enrolment ratio in secondary schools and poverty incidence. regions with high poverty incidence are those with low enrolment ratios in secondary schools! the six regions with the highest net enrolment ratios in secondary education are the same six regions with the lowest poverty incidence! (sexy statistics-deped, 2012). in other words, parents are able to send their children in elementary but when they reached secondary education, they can no longer afford the financial requirements. table 2. net enrolment ratio (ner) in elementary education by region, sy 2002-2007 source of data: department of education ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 317 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ achievement.achievement, according to merriam webster dictionary, refers tothe “quality and quantity of a student’s work.” in this paper, achievement is measured using the results of the national achievement test. the national achievement test is an examination designed to determine the students’ academic strengths and weaknesses though the five key-major subjects: mathematics, science, english, filipino, hekasi (heograpiya, kasaysayan at sibika) in elementaryand araling panlipunan in high school. ratings obtained from nat for grade vi and fourth year serves also as a tool to measure the school’s competency and effectiveness as well as the students’ aptitude and mastery towards the basic learning areas (deped, 2012). table 4 shows the mean percentage scores of the national achievement test in grade 6 and fourth year high school sy 2006-2007. as shown in the table, the armm was consistently the lowest in both levels – grade 6 and fourth year high school. it means that students in elementary and secondary schools in the region are not able to master the basic subject areas that they are supposed to learn. consequently, they are not ready to undergo learning in secondary and tertiary education respectively. this data is further affirmed by the fact that very few students, who have finished in secondary schools in the region, are able to pass the system admission and scholarship examination given by the mindanao state university throughout mindanao every year. students’ performance in national achievement test is indicative of how they were taught in schools, although we do not discount other factors contributing to their performance like intelligence and home environment. suffice it to say that the low performance of students coming from the armm in the national achievement test is a result of the kind of inputs and the way these inputs are transformed by the management and frontline workers of the department. table 3. net enrolment ratio (ner) in secondary education by region: sy 2002-2003 to sy 2006-2007 source of data: department of education ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 318 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ literacy rate.in general, literacy rate means the percentage of people with the ability to read and write. table 6 below shows that from 1989 to 2008, or in 19 years, armm consistently has the lowest literacy rate. analysis and conclusions implications indeed, the armm educational system is in a state of performance crisis. it is manifested in our analysis of the inputs, throughputs and outputs of the system. the financial and human resources table 4 mean percentage scores of the national achievement test in grade 6 and fourth year high school sy 2006-2007 source: national education testing and research center (netrc), department of education (deped). table 5literacy rate in the philippines in different year by region sources: national statistics office and department of education. ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 319 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ which form the most part of the inputs component are inadequate to make the system work efficiently. it is aggravated by inefficient management system as indicated by the performance audit report and the findings of the incumebtnt administration. consequently, the output of the system is very much below the national standard as shown in the enrolment, achievment and literacy rate in the region. in fairness to the school admiinistrators and teachers, although some aspects of the system can be considered uniquely distinctive of the region, most of the problems mentioned are likewise true to other regions in the country. as pointed out by abad (2004), “the philippine education is in crisis.” in his paper, luz described the system as and we quote numerous studies of the problems in philippine education lead to predictable and oft-repeated conclusions: the school system has gotten too large, too unwieldy and too difficult to manage; shortages in classrooms, teachers, textbooks and material resources are at the heart of the problem; teachers are poorly trained despite having passed a licensure examination; there is little or no in-service training to improve teachers once hired; oversized classroom sections, multiple shifting or both undermine student learning to occur (luz). considering that the deped is tha largest bureaucracy in the armm, .the situation begs another question. is underperformance of deped armm cause by poor governance, or is it due to a problem of leadership? whatever is the answer to these questions, one thing is definite, the system needs change. the findings of the study suggest that some of the pre-requisites of 3esas stipulated in the works of taylor and weber are not present in the educational system of armm. for instance, there is no economy in the use of the deped resources (both human and non-human); the transformation process is inefficient and ineffective, which makes the whole system non-responsive to the vision and mission of the agency. it can be inferred that the present state of the deped armm is a triangular functions of the national government, the regional leadership and the teachers. the national government assumes a significant role in the present conditions of the agency and of the region as a whole because while the region is named as autonomous region, lots of the vital powers still remain at the national level. the department of budget and management is micromanaging and directly managing funds of armm aagencies as in undermining the authority of the regional governor (sinarimnbo). in other words, the region lacks fiscal autonomy, not to mention its limited financial resources. as the saying goes, “the promise of education reform can never be fulfilled without adequate funding” and by limiting the fiscal power and autonomy of the region the national government is hampering the development of our children in the region. as the primary responsible authority in the region, the regional leadership assumes the greater blame in this respect. it is legally and morally responsible to carry out its mandated functions accordingly. no matter how insufficient, the power vested upon the regional leadership since its establishment should have been fully utilized following the principles of good governance. it is ironical that while the concepts of good governance emanates from islamic principles and traditions (the qur’an and hadith), these are not ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 320 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ observed by muslim officials in the region. the regional leadership largely contributes to the absence of merit and competence system, financial mismanagement and structural inadequacies. there is no political will to institute real education programs for the children. every candidate during election has made a number of promises to our people. sadly, these promises on social and economic development (relevant health and education services) and other benefits have existed more in rhetoric than in reality. as the frontline service provider, the teachers likewise play a critical role in the status of basic education in the region. under a democratic management system, they could have aired out any deficiency in the system and for their part, at least, the classroom under their control should have been managed in accordance with the approved classroom teaching methods and strategies so that desired outcomes can be derived. as the saying goes, “. . . when sound instruction takes place, students experience the joys of new-found knowledge and the ability to excel (daniel akaka in quotepia).it is sad to say that as if the school administrators and teachers have not educated themselves in the real sense of the word, for if they have, they would have done their best in educating the children. as stated by nancy astor, “real education should educate us out of self into something far finer; into a selflessness which links us with all humanity” (quotepia). on the whole, it is inferred that the components of the educational system of armm are cyclically interrelated. while the resources in the form of budget and human resources were insufficient to meet the requirements of the agency, the problem has been magnified by mismanagement of the system. the non-economical utilization of resources coupled with inefficient and ineffective management system contributed, to a large extent, on the performance of students in the national achievement tests. recommendations and conclusion on the basis of the findings and implications derived thereat, the following recommendations are forwarded. as a society composed of people who claim themselves as muslims, any recommendations intended for their progress should be anchored on islamic perspectives. regarding development, allah says in the holy qur’an “god will not change the conditions of the people, unless they themselves will change what is in them”. there must be an intrinsic desire and willingness to change, among the primary stakeholders (deped administration and teachers), the status quo. there are two levels of change required. one is organizational change and the other is individual behavioral change. organizational change, in this respect, entails search for visionary leader with commitment and proactive attitude to enforce the principles of merit and competence as well as effective financial and human resources management. it is ironic to say that appointing a technically and morally competent executive is most of the time easier said than done because there is no standards for measuring moral competence. nevertheless, the incument leadership of armm shows some amount of sincerity in strategizing solutions to the inherited administrative and technical problems in the department. it is only a question of sustaining the reforms and further injecting innovative strategies to eliminate the ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 321 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cancerous parts of the system. regarding the need for competent deped armm regional secretary, it is suggested that aside from other political requirements, possession of career executive service officer (ceso) eligibility, at least masteral degree in management or public administration, and proven dedication to public service as demonstrated in previous work experiences be made as minimum requirements. in order to ensure economy, efficiency effectiveness and responsiveness in the agency, the following recommendations are forwarded. since one of the serious problems identified in the agency is unreliable statistics on the number of teachers, pupils and schools, it is suggested that physical inventory of these things be done in all public elementary and secondary schools located in the region. establishing a valid information on the number of teachers, number of pupils and schools is extremely necessary for financial and human resources management. another aspect of organizational change includes a review of deped policies, processes and procedures through policy analysis and strategic planning. it is through strategic planning that organizational weaknesses and strengths as well as environment threats and opportunities are determined. in this regard, two things are forwarded: formation of task force that will review the existing policies and procedures and capability training of deped officials on strategic planning and financial management.training on financial management is an immediate concern among deped officials because lots of the identified problems pertain to defective fund utilization. as stressed by the 2006 performance audit report “most of these deficiencies could have been detected, addressed and accounting records adjusted had there been regular bank reconciliation of bank records with the accounting records of deped armm.” part of the processes that may be done is redesigning the curriculum to include not only the substance, but also the needed classroom teaching methodology, testing methods, counseling and even extra curricular activities to supplement classroom learnings. there is likewise a need to develop the capability of school principals and head teachers to manage their schools and its resources. in this regard, it is suggested that passing in a licensure examination for principals be instituted as a requirement.among the incumbent principals and headteachers, short-term management courses may be undertaken. next to principal managerial skill enhancement is decentralization of decision making. at present, decision-making is more a function of the regional government or at the very least at the division. for as long as the principals or headteachers are managerially incapacitated, it is suggested that decision-making on matters affecting their schools must be brought down. on the aspect of behavioral change, the strategy of the incumbent governor of the region in conducting surprise supervisory visit to elementary and secondaray schools (without the usual entorouge) needs to be sustained, although it may not always the governor himself. the regional secretary’s hands-on supervision on these schools is recommended. finally, inculcation of appropriate work ethics in accordance with the ethical standards act, the anti-corruption law, the civil service rules and procedures as well as the islamic practices on ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 322 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ employment must be enshrined in the reform agenda. references books hertz, d. and r. livingston. (1950). contemporary organizational theory: a review of current concepts and methods. human relations, 3 (4), 373-394. luz, juan miguel (2009). the challenge of governance in a large bureaucracy (department of education): linking governance to performance in an under-performing sector philippine hdn (human development network) report 2008-09. tanggol, sukarno, d. (1993). muslim autonomy in the philippinesl rhetoric and reality, mindanao state university, press and information office. taylor,f.w. (1911). the principles of scientific management. new york: harper brothers. reprinted in 1990. weber, max. economy and society: an outline of interpretive sociology. university of california press, 1978. 1403 periodicals national census and statistics board, 2010. national education testing and research center (netrc), department of education. nscb resolution no. 13 series of 2007, approved on 9/5/200). department of education, 2012 national achievement test: an overview. commission on audit (2006) armm, department of education performance audit report. newspaper articles business world, n.d. “education sector is real challenge in armm reform agenda, says armm official”. inquirer press release, february 2012. “luistro confident with new deped aramm leadership.” manila bulletin, september 1 issue, “incumbent officials conveys armm status.” by ali g. macabalang. manila bulletin, 2012. “ armm holds health education summit” by noynoy lacson e. philippine information agency press release, march 2012. “deped armm soon to enjoy right benefits as gsis members” webpages. acher, timothy scott “the efficiency theory” in http://www.the efficiency.theory.com. department of education, 2012 “ sexy statistics” in wikipedia free encyclopedia, http.www.free encyclopedia.org. organization theory in wikipedia. free dictionary. http://www.nscb.gov.ph/secstat/d_educ.asp “rationalization and bureaudcracy” 14 october 1999 in http://uregina.ca/-gingrich/ o14f99.htm. others abad, florencio b. (2005) keynote address, educators congress, bacolod city, 2004. city “raising national competencies in english, science and math”, presentation to the president and the national anti-poverty council, july. ensuring 3es and responsiveness in the delivery of educational services in the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm) in the philippines / sapia abdulrachman, badriya makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0018 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" 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announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123139 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan an integration scenario of visa and residence permit in indonesia during covid-19 outbreak: a policy learning from australia dede lalan maulana1, ridwan arifin2 abstract: indonesian visa and residence permits have separated functions, where a visa is an approval to enter, but a residence permit is to stay in indonesia. today’s onshore and offshore visa policy is the breakthrough in rolling out an online visa application process to grant an electronic visa that is not inte grated with residence permit functions. this study looks into a visa scheme and an integration scenario of visa and residence permit that responds to the covid-19 outbreak in indonesia. using a document analysis and policy learn ing from the australian government, this study proposes the functional inte gration between the indonesian visa and residence permits into one single visa provision as the approval mechanism for foreign visitors to enter and stay in indonesia’s territory. this study shows that integration scenario sup ports the proponent factors such as the current policies, systems, and practi cality and simplification, and the public demand for improved public service delivery. future work also should discuss the post-pandemic visa policy in indonesia and the integration of other agencies’ application systems from the perspective of e-government. keywords: covid-19; visa policy; residence permit; onshore visa; offshore visa abstrak: visa dan izin tinggal di indonesia memiliki fungsi yang berbeda, bahwa visa merupakan persetujuan untuk masuk dan izin tinggal untuk berada dan berkegiatan di indonesia. saat ini, permohonan visa dalam negeri dan luar negeri adalah terobosan terbaru direktorat jenderal imigrasi dalam penerbitan visa secara daring, walaupun masih belum adanya integrasi dengan fungsi izin tinggal. studi ini mengkaji skema visa di indonesia dan skenario integrasi antara visa dan izin tinggal dalam merespons pandemi covid-19 di indonesia. melalui dokumen analisis dan pembelajaran kebijakan dari pemerintah aus tralia, studi ini merancang integrasi antara visa dan izin tinggal menjadi satu kesatuan dalam sebuah visa bagi orang asing untuk masuk dan sekaligus berada di indonesia. hasil riset ini menunjukkan bahwa integrasi tersebut mendukung faktor-faktor penting seperti kebijakan terbaru, sistem, praktis, simplifikasi, dan tuntutan masyarakat untuk peningkatan kebijakan pelayanan 282 affiliation: 1kantor imigrasi jakarta barat 2politeknik imigrasi correspondence: ridwan.arifin@poltekim.ac.id how to citate: maulana, d. l., & arifin, r. (2021). an integration scenario of visa and residence permit in indonesia during covid-19 outbreak: a policy learning from australia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 12(3). 282-311 article history: received: may 31, 2021 revised: august 23, 2021 accepted: september 23, 2021 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:ridwan.arifin@poltekim.ac.id https://orcid.org/my-orcid?orcid=0000-0001-6616-6976&justregistered https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7311-2068 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 283 publik. riset selanjutnya dapat mengkaji kebijakan visa pasca-pandemi di indonesia serta integrasi kesisteman antar-instansi terkait dari perspektif pemerintahan elektronik. keywords: covid-19; kebijakan visa; izin tinggal, visa daring introduction the indonesian government performs the ‘immigration se lective policy’ in which selected foreign visitors who gives ben efits and will not endanger the public security that will be al lowed to enter then indonesia’s territory. as roles and functions, the directorate general of immigration (dgi) indonesia is re sponsible for a public service delivery, law enforcement, national security, and public welfare development support (indonesia, 2011). in terms of public service, dgi has an authority to issue a passport and travel documents for indonesian citizens, and visa and residence permits for foreign visitors. in relation to interna tional and immigration crimes that threaten national security, the immigration law enforcement is conducted through the bor der security and immigration operations (arifin, nurkumalawati, & briando, 2019). in addition, the facilitator of public welfare development requires the dgi to support and be in line with the other public policies regarding economic development. from a more general perspective, the indonesian immigration policy defines and distinguishes visas and residence permits as two different things. the indonesian immigration act no.6 of 2011 defines visas and residence permits, respectively, and it has dif ferent functions. visa is a written information issued by an im migration officer at indonesian embassy or consulates overseas, which contains entry approval for a foreign visitor to travel to the indonesia’s territory. on the other hand, residence permit refers to a permit granted to foreign visitors holding visa and staying in indonesia for a short-term visit. the indonesian visa policy is implemented to select and invite visitors by providing different types of visas. visa on arrival (voa) is applied at points of entry upon arrival approved with an entry stamp and a label sticker. visitor visa (single/multiple entries) and temporary jurnal studi pemerintahan residence visa are applied at indonesian embassy or consu lates prior to their travel to indonesia. all types of indonesian visas cannot be extended, but visitors enter indonesia, they must apply for a residence permit and ex tend them at selected immigration offices (handayani & wahyuningsih, 2020). the difference is clearly described that a visa is to enter indonesia, and a residence permit is a permit during their stay in indonesia regardless of their visa types ( putra & arifin, 2020). visitors who hold different types of visas will indicate their further residence permit with a specific period of stay. as a result, the foreign visitor is required to apply for visa and residence permit separately which could be a challenging process for them to stay legally in indonesia. foreign visitors holding a temporary residence visa (vitas) may be granted a temporary residence permit (itas) to remain in indonesian for a limited period and purposes as indicated in their visa. the purposes consist of working, business, investment, research, study, family reunion, dependent, repatriation, and retirement (“indonesian immigration act,” 2011). once visitors apply for an itas at immigration offices, they will be required to apply for a multiple reentry permit (mrep) stamp as a permit to leave and reenter indonesia. visitors can apply for a perma nent residence permit (itap) if they hold an itas. it indicates visa and residence permits have separated functions, and it leads to confusion among foreign visitors when applying for residence permits again at immigration offices. dgi today’s visa policy fo cuses on foreign nationals who could not leave indonesia due to a lockdown policy, but they will expire the validity of residence permits (indarti, 2021). based on the regulation of minister of law and human rights no. 27 of 2021, foreign nationals can apply for a new visa in indonesia without lodging any required documents in person at indonesian embassy overseas, so -called an offshore visa application, where they can apply online from their home country. also, they can apply for an onshore visa application when they are in indonesia. this visa and residence 284 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 285 permit arrangement shows complexities in the application pro cess because visitors must go through several stages to get their permits. this study looks into a visa scheme and an integration sce nario that responds to the covid-19 outbreak in indonesia as the new study discussed the indonesian migration policy and immigration governance during the covid-19 pandemic (arifin & wiraputra, 2020). previous studies have widely discussed in donesian free-visa policy (dhesinta, 2017; sudarwati, 2015) and visa on arrival (pujiharini & ichihashi, 2016), including visa vio lation (yuktatma & darmadi, 2017), impacts to the tourism in dustry in indonesia (loda, 2016), simplification through e-gov ernment (cordella & tempini, 2015). of these, the discussion of visa and residence permit integration has not been examined a visa grant, particularly during the covid-19 outbreak in indo nesia. the functional integration of visa and residence permits in indonesia is further discussed as a gap in the context of indo nesian visa policy by drawing lessons from the australian immi gration policy. the question is to what extent the visa policy in indonesia is redesigned towards the integration of visa and residence permit? this study proposes the functional integration between the in donesian visa and residence permits into one single visa provi sion as the approval mechanism for foreign visitors to both enter and stay in the indonesia’s territory. it claims that this functional integration can be successfully implemented by the dgi indo nesia, and this simplification could contribute to solving a visa status of a foreign visitor who are isolated or in the lockdown area during the pandemic and post-pandemic era. this study shows an integration of visa and residence permit support the proponent factors such as the current policies, systems, and prac ticality and integrity of this functional integration, and the pub lic demand for improved public service delivery. this functional integration displays benefits for organizational accountability, simplicity, effectiveness, and efficiency. also, downsizing the or jurnal studi pemerintahan ganization means decreasing the number of employees which can lead to minimizing the power abuse by officers, such as cor ruption and bribery. this study contributes to restructuring a visa policy during the covid-19 pandemic to simplify the visa application process both offshore and onshore scheme. regarding policy learning, the australian immigration policy has only one provision regarding visas. it defines visa as the approval for foreign visitors to both enter and stays in the coun try. thus, the dgi can draw a lesson from the australian immi gration policy in defining visas as approval that can contribute to organizational simplicity, effectiveness, and efficiency. austra lia is a selective country regarding its immigration policy, yet the process is simple in practice. in contrast, indonesia provides a visa-free facility to many countries, but its permit issuance is less practical. literature review and research focus indonesian visa and residence permits on behalf of the selective policy, the directorate general of immigration is responsible for immigration services, law enforce ment and national security, and public welfare development sup port (indonesia, 2011). its public service affairs deal with the issuance of travel documents (passport) for indonesian citizens and visa and residence permit for foreigners. regarding inter national and immigration crimes that threaten national secu rity, immigration law enforcement is conducted through border security and immigration surveillance (arifin, nurkumalawati, & briando, 2019b). in addition, the facilitator of public welfare development requires the indonesian immigration department to support and be in line with the other public policies regarding economic development. people migrating from one country to another cannot be sepa rated from an immigration document called visa. visa policy in every country may vary to control people movements where they apply for a visa prior to their arrival (mau, gülzau, laube, & 286 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 287 zaun, 2015). in particular, the indonesian immigration act de fines and differentiates visas and residence permits, respectively (indonesia, 2011). it mentions that visas is written information issued by an immigration officer of the overseas indonesian gov ernment representatives, which contains the approval for a for eigner to travel to the indonesia’s territory and underlies the residence permit issuance, i.e., any permit provided for foreign ers to stay in indonesia’s territory for a particular amount of time. meanwhile, a visa is not the only document needed by foreigners to enter indonesia’s territory. every foreign national must present their travel documents and visa at indonesia’s borders and immigration officers exam ine their eligibility to enter (indrady, 2020). the officers do ‘pas sengers profiling’ to check and examine foreigners in detail, in cluding the validity of required documents and physical appear ances, to ensure that the individual passenger presents his/her own document. this determination is also regarded as the imple mentation of the ‘selective’ policy, underpinning only eligible foreign nationals who can enter indonesia, generate positive impacts, and maintain national security (akbari, 2015). further more, a visa cannot fully guarantee that foreigners can stay in indonesia for a particular period. foreigners should also obtain a residence permit in order to be able to stay in indonesia’s territory (indonesia, 2011, 2013). simplification of bureaucratic process public service delivery as one of the administration processes cannot be separated from government bureaucracy. bureaucracy has been viewed as a structure to improve organizational effi ciency (cordella & tempini, 2015). the effectiveness and effi ciency of the organizational procedures can derive from the sim plification of the system. a range of literature has explored this concept. first, system simplification can be part of business pro cess reengineering. according to (glick, 2015), business process reengineering is defined as a systematic way to transform the jurnal studi pemerintahan processing system as a result of redefining the organization to ward the customers that encompass “strategy, structure, culture, jobs, and information system”. functional simplification in in formation and communication technology (ict), proposed by (cordella and tempini, 2015, p. 281), contributes in resolving any technological issues which provides stages to solve the main problems. breaking down the function and problem, this func tional simplification concept can support bureaucratic practices to reform the administrative process and improve public service delivery, particularly when it is associated with e-government (cordella & tempini, 2015). another concept of system simplification is online one -stop government implementation (hamad, petri, rezgui, & kwan, 2017), in which public authorities are interconnected in one in tegrated system, and citizens can apply for services in one access point. this integration can be successfully implemented through the reengineering of public administration processes into online services. similarly, the implementation of a one -stop integrated service in the indonesian context aims to reform the public ser vice by simplifying the application processes where all related public service agencies are located in the same site, or by inte grating all related processes into one system (gaus, sultan, & basri, 2017). more specifically, the example of a simplified con cept of immigration permit mechanism derives from the austra lian immigration policy. a visa is only needed when foreigners want to enter and stay in australia. there is no provision oblig ing foreigners to gain a residence permit. for example, the visa detail for business innovation and investment and temporary work in australian does not mention a residence permit, only the length of time that foreigners can stay (home affairs, 2019). it implies bureaucracy, public administration, and public service delivery are strongly intertwined and simplification of a business process in public sectors is significantly employed by a techno logical approach. this literature review has highlighted necessary information 288 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 289 exploring the circumstances, potential factors, and possible ben efits of the functional integration of indonesian visa and resi dence permits into one single provision on visa as the approval for foreigners to enter and stay in indonesia’s territory. the con cepts of simplification have been discussed and can be the refer ence in integrating systems from a more technical perspective. then, from a policy perspective, this study focuses on function al integration, which should be further discussed as a gap in the context of indonesian immigration by viewing and drawing les sons from the australian immigration policy. research method this study employs a qualitative document analysis (karppinen & moe, 2019) to analyze official documents such as laws, regula tions, reports, policy brief, position papers by public sector orga nizations. this method is the most appropriate because it in volves the extensive analysis of the supporting factors for imple mentation of the functional integration of visas and residence permits into one single visa provision. this study is reviewing secondary data which is collected from reports, regulations, and publications. data sources are publicly accessible and mainly from books, journal articles, and conference papers, and the data is analyzed and interpreted. governmental documents such as leg islation, policies, and legal letters are the key sources. a qualitative approach to policy learning is to examine poten tial policy learning and implementation for the dgi indonesia. policy learning identifies concepts, principles, paradigms, proce dures that must be learned and measured (dunlop, 2017). it con cerns about lesson learned in terms of policy instrument, policy issues, or feasibility studies related with political factors. in this regard, it evaluates policy related to the integration of visas, which the australian immigration agency has implemented. australia is a good example due to its similarity to indonesia in terms of the high mobility of people through their borders. data from the document analysis and policy learning is analysed by inter jurnal studi pemerintahan preting meanings, comparing them, and summarizing key con cepts based on the theoretical framework applied. result and discussion the indonesian visa and residence permit immigration selective policy in indonesia concretely defines officers to conduct passenger profiling by checking and examin ing every foreign visitor in detail, including the validity of re quired documents and physical appearances. foreign visitors shall obtain a visa to enter and residence permit to stay in indonesia for specific time and purposes (“indonesian immigration act,” 2011). visa cannot guarantee foreign visitors to enter unless they are eligible with entry requirements upon arrival. the dgi has rolled out an online visa and residence permit application where foreign visitors apply with a different login. visa and residence permit applications are processed in the management informa tion system of immigration (simkim) which has been devel oped as a technology system utilized for data collecting, process ing, and presenting to support immigration functions (indone sia, 2011). apart from the visa policy, indonesia has launched visa waiver programs (free-visa policy) to invite international tour ists from selected countries. the following paragraph discusses the visa policy in indonesia, types of visas, processes, and proce dures, including the residence permits. in general, there are four types of indonesian visas: diplo matic, official, visitor, and temporary residence visa. diplo matic and official visas are authorized by the ministry of for eign affairs, while the dgi issues visitor and temporary resi dence visas under the ministry of law and human rights (in donesia, 2011). visitor visa is granted for short periods of visit for a social, business, family affairs, and tourism purposes, while a temporary stay visa is granted for limited periods for work, study, research, and investment (indonesia, 2011). there are three types of visitor visa: visa on arrival (index b213), single entry visa (index b211), and multiple entry visa (index d212). this 290 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 291 visitor visa index b211 and d212 are issued at the indonesian embassy or consulates, with two types: single visit (extendable) and multiple visit (non-extendable) (directorate general of immigration, 2013). foreign visitors holding visitor visa and tem porary residence visa, upon arrival, will be approved by an entry stamp as a residence permit while they stay in indonesia (indo nesia, 2013). in the presidential regulation number 21 of 2016 on visa exemption, free visa facility is a visa granted for the passport holders of the 169 selected countries that can be used for tour ism, social, family, cultural, and governmental purposes for a non-extended stay of 30 days (directorate general of immigra tion, 2016). visa on arrival (voa) is granted for passport hold ers from the selected countries used for business, social, culture, family, governmental, and tourism purposes for 30 days. for eign visitors with voa will be approved an entry stamp on their passport/other travel documents, which is valid as their resi dence permit (indonesia, 2013). this visa is issued on arrival at immigration clearance, and they can apply once for a residence permit to stay for another 30 days. there are ten subclasses of temporary residence visa (index c311-c320) issued in the indonesian embassy or consulates. the process of temporary residence visa involves other related agencies like ministry of manpower for permit of hiring foreign workers (imta), investment coordinating board (bkpm) for investor permit, ministry of education for student’s letter of ac ceptance. foreign visitors holding temporary residence visa, after their arrival, will be required to apply for a temporary resi dence permit at local immigration offices in the region where they stay. this permit application should be made within thirty days from the date of their arrival. this shows foreign visitors arriving for a short-term visit, work, study, research, and invest ment purposes must apply for both a visa and residence permit separately. in 2018, presidential regulation number 20 of 2018 on for jurnal studi pemerintahan eign workers was enacted to increase the business and invest ment in indonesia and consists of work permit arrangements for foreign workers (indonesia, 2018b). to support the policy, the regulation of ministry of law and human right number 16 of 2018 on visa and residence permit grant to foreign workers, and the letter of directorate general of immigration number imi-um.01.01-5713 of 2018 on the procedures of temporary residence permit application and extension for foreign work ers via tka online application, have been passed (indonesia, 2018a, 2018c). foreign workers shall apply for a work visa at indonesian embassy or consulates before entering indonesia. when they arrive at selected airports, they will be granted a temporary resi dence permit and multiple reentry permits without applying for it at designated immigration offices. the temporary resi dence permit will be granted upon their arrival by collecting their biometric data, and an electronic permit notification grant will be sent to their email. figure 1. visa on arrival process source: the minster of law and human rights regulation number 51 of 2016 on indonesian visa policy figure 2. visitor visa process source: the minster of law and human rights regulation number 51 of 2016 on indonesian visa policy figure 3. temporary residence visa process source: the minster of law and human rights regulation number 51 of 2016 on indonesian visa policy 292 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 293 figure 4. procedure of temporary residence visa for foreign workers source: the regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 16 of 2018 on temporary residence permit for foreign workers the different provisions on visa and residence permits, and their application processes for each type, indicate the complexi ties of policies, regulations, systems, and processes to approve foreign visitors to enter and stay in indonesia. a foreign visitor has a global perspective of visa to enter and stay in a country for specific periods and purposes. the payment process is made at different payment centers or designated banks. the visa or resi dence permit application is not effectively implemented because an online application is not working properly. they fill in an application form and make a document lodgment at immigra tion offices, rather than applying online at the official website. it implies foreign visitors will proceed to different places to apply for visa and residence permits and spend more time. two different provisions between visa and residence permits underlie different policies and frameworks. this separation has a long history of immigration policy development in indonesia. at the early stage, migration politics in indonesia was under the dutch east indies as the dutch colony called the open door poli tics (syahrin, 2019). after the dutch colony ended, the japanese settlement in indonesia separated visa and residence permit. japa nese colony’s administration regulated a filed operation and con trol over foreigners who reside in indonesia. foreigners must apply surat pernyataan berdiam orang asing (foreigner’s resi dence letter) as an identity card (syahrin, 2019). this letter was issued as a guidance for the surveillance operation to all foreign ers in indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan table 1. current indonesian visa and residence permits scheme 294 no. types of immigration documents 1. visitor visa places of issue visa and residence permit forms place of issue for residence permits visa on arrival (voa) b213 visit visa (single entry) b211 points of entry (not applicable during the covid-19 pandemic) offshore visa application at dgi visa label and entry stamp upon arrival electronic and entry stamp upon arrival extended at immigration offices immigration offices onshore visa application at dgi electronic visa immigration offices visitor visa (multiple entry) offshore visa application at dgi electronic and entry stamp upon immigration offices d212 arrival onshore visa application at dgi 2. temporary residence visa electronic visa immigration offices working purpose c311, c312 offshore visa application at dgi electronic visa and entry stamp upon arrival immigration offices onshore visa application at dgi electronic visa immigration offices non-working purposes (investment, study, research, family) c313-c320 offshore visa application at dgi electronic visa and entry stamp upon arrival immigration offices onshore visa application at dgi 3. temporary residence permit electronic visa immigration offices working purpose electronic and entry stamp upon arrival immigration offices non-working purposes (investment, study, research, family) stamp and card immigration offices source: indonesian immigration act number 6 of 2011, government regulation number 31 of 2013, regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 27 of 2014, regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 16 of 2018, letter of directorate general of immigration number imi-um.01.01-5713 of 2018, regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 26 of 2020. in the post-colonial era, indonesia continued to issue visa and residence permit separately. selective policy became essen tial border policy with prosperity and security approaches ( arifin & nurkumalawati, 2020; indrady, 2020). however, today’s frag vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 295 mented rules, regulations, procedures, bureaucratic processes, and information systems lead to complexities, as shown in table 1. for example, a foreigner who plans to work in indonesia must apply for a temporary residence visa (visa tinggal terbatas/ vitas) index c312. upon arrival, they present their passport and visa before an immigration officer at arrival check, where their vitas is converted into a temporary residence permit (izin tinggal terbatas/ itas) for work. they also must apply for a re -entry per mit. visa validity, length of stay for itas, and re-entry permit (rep) validity are different subject to the applicant’s request. other than the c312 visa index, after landing, a foreigner must apply for itas and rep at an immigration office in the area where an applicant stay (“indonesian residence permits procedures,” 2014). additionally, a foreigner can apply for itas for work and visitor visa (itk) b211 index for work interchangeably (budiartha, 2018). this bureaucratic process illustrates complexities in visa policy and management. this indicates an increasing workload for the organization is inevitable. table 1 illustrates the current indonesian visa and residence permit scheme in response to the global lockdown policy situa tion due to the covid-19 pandemic. indonesian visa now is ap plied online at https://visa-online.imigrasi.go.id/. offshore visa is applied for from outside of indonesia without appearing at indonesian embassy overseas, while onshore visa is applied for from inside of indonesia without applying in person at dgi or immigration offices. visa grant notification, called electronic visa, is sent to an applicant’s and sponsor’s email. an applicant must apply for a residence permit for staying in indonesia, and they must lodge required documents in person at immigration office. this visa is granted only for purposes of emergency and essential works, maritime crews, workers at national strategic projects, and medical or humanitarian aid workers. free visa program and visa on arrival are suspended during the covid-19 outbreak because the indonesia government has closed its international borders since april 2020 based on the travel restrictions policy. jurnal studi pemerintahan focusing on the service delivery of visa and residence per mit issuance, the dgi has designed systems to accommodate increased applications: the online visa application and online residence permit application https://izintinggal-online.imi grasi.go.id/. another institution rolls out the online single sub mission (oss) to facilitate foreigners obtain an approval letter from other authorities. for example, foreign workers must apply for a work permit under the ministry of manpower at https:// tka-online.kemnaker.go.id/ (ministry of law and human rights, 2018). this online application system will cut the process for foreign workers to get work permits and other documents. in addition, as a response to the increased number of student visa applicants, the ministry of higher education has created a new online application system https://izinbelajar.kemdikbud.go.id/ to support students in applying a student visa at dgi. this online system is created to make study permit issuance for foreign visi tors more effective, efficient, and accountable, and to support the internationalization program of indonesian higher educa tion (patdono in menristekdikti, 2017). besides, foreign investors who apply for investment visa must apply online for an investment permit from bkpm (investment coordinating board) at https://www.investindonesia.go.id/. however, when applicants received an approval letter, they must apply for an indonesian visa at different online application system. all of these applica tions are not integrated into a single window for an application system to apply for an indonesian visa. according to the indonesian statistics bureau data in 2019, there has been a 14% increase per year between 2014 to 2018, and only a 9% increase per year in the period of 2009 to 2013. it is predicted to be 18 million foreign tourists visiting indonesia until 2019 (widowati, 2019). the indonesian investment coor dinating board (bkpm) released data about the investment that in the second quarter of 2019, the total foreign direct invest ment realization climbed 9.6% to idr 104.9 trillion compared to the same quartal in 2018 (darwanti, 2020, p. 40). there were 296 http://www.investindonesia.go.id/ http://www.investindonesia.go.id/ vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 297 14,027 international students in indonesia (unesco, 2013), while the ministry of research, technology, and higher educa tion has issued 6,967 study permits for the international stu dents (menristekdikti, 2017). the indonesian government is now concerned with national economic development. foreign direct investment (fdi) has focused on the indonesian economic development strategy as it is relatively stable and the most supporting form of capital work for economic growth (gopalan, hattari, & rajan, 2016). series of policies about economic development and investment is set up to attract foreign investment. in 2018, the indonesian president enacted presidential regulation number 20 of 2018 on foreign workers. the enactment of this regulation is regarded as the commitment of the indonesian president for national in vestment, particularly in regulating foreign workers. this policy enactment is positive in which this policy simplifies the process where companies can more easily get permits for foreign worker employment, and foreign workers can easily obtain their work permits (suhayati, 2018). in contrast, some people think this policy is contradictory to the policies decreasing the national unemployment rates because it can confiscate job opportunities from the locals (llewellyn, 2018). public demand for better visa policy in indonesia is implied to be a significant variable for integrating visa and residence per mits into one function. the role of technology supports the e government in the visa application process. a visa integration with a residence permit will facilitate demands from any aspects: economy, business, investment, and tourism. potential policy learning and implementation this section examines the potential policy learning and its implementation on the integration of visa and residence per mit into one single provision on visa as the approval for foreign visitors to enter and stay in indonesia. in this context, australia’s policy lessons that have a single provision to enter the country jurnal studi pemerintahan will be drawn. both australia and indonesia have a significant number of movement of people across the borders. australia has a long history of immigration that influences its nation-states, policies, and frameworks. people have been mov ing to australia for many reasons: political, wars, economic, and education. moreover, since australia ratified the 1951 refugee convention, it has been dealing with asylum seekers and refugee resettlement issues, and it has made australia the third country with the highest numbers of refugee resettlement (inglish, 2018). for so long, australia has been a destination country for many purposes. in addition to refugee resettlement, cities in australia have also been favorable destinations for international tourists as australia is listed in the top 10 most tourists-friendly coun tries (world economic forum, 2019). seeing a growing trend over the past years, it is expected that there will be 10 million arrivals of foreign tourists in 2019, a 5.2 % increase from the previous year (molloy, 2019). in terms of education, the austra lian department of education and training reported that aus tralia became the third most popular english-speaking country for study, following the us and uk (macionis, walters, & kwok, 2018). this indicates the increased number of visa applications such as work visa, business visa, and visitor visa, and may influ ence the visa policy, regulations, schemes, and processes. these circumstances have probably impacted the immigration policy that is related to the visa issuance. the australian migration act 1958 requires any foreigner to obtain a visa to enter and stay in the country related to policy on visa and residence permits. it mentioned, ‘subject to this act, the minister may grant a non-citizen permission, to be known as a visa, to do either or both of the following: (a) travel to and enter australia; (b) remain in australia’ (australia, 2019). the visa provision also contains the conditions of what the visa holder is and is not allowed to do. it means that there is only one provi sion, i.e., a visa; an approval to enter and stay in australia. aus tralia provides an online visa application at https://online.im 298 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 299 mi.gov.au/, and the visa grant notification, in an electronic form, will be sent to the applicant’s email. the visa template contains an application status, visa conditions, visa duration and travel, visa summary, useful links, and the authority who issued the visa. as a result, foreign visitors only need to apply for a visa without a residence permit to be able to enter and stay in that territory. having analyzed the visa policy in australia and indonesia, there are some similarities, differences, and potential lessons. australia and indonesia have an influx of foreign visitors through their borders despite different conditions. vacations are the first reason (47% of the arrivals) for foreign visitors to visit australia in 2018-2019 (bureau of statistics, 2019). unlike australia, in donesia is not a country that ratifies the 1951 refugee conven tion because of its low capacity and legal framework (suryono, 2019). indonesia has been dealing with asylum seekers issues because indonesia is a transit country to continue their journey to the destination countries like australia. with regard to visa exemptions, the indonesian government has given visa-free fa cilities to 169 countries to boost international tourists (director ate general of immigration, 2016). meanwhile, all passport hold ers from any country will be required to obtain a visa before entering australia. only new zealand passport holders can get an australian visa on arrival (department of home affairs, 2018). the integration of visa and residence permits policy scenario public service delivery as one of the administration processes cannot be separated from the government bureaucracy. bureau cracy has been viewed as a structure to improve organizational efficiency (cordella & tempini, 2015). the effectiveness and efficiency of the organizational procedures can derive from the simplification of the system. functional simplification in infor mation and communication technology (ict), proposed by (cordella and tempini, 2015, p. 281), ‘embodies the operational jurnal studi pemerintahan logic that underpins how a technology defines the problem do main it applies to and the steps that need to be taken in order to solve that problem domain.’ breaking down the function and problem, this functional simplification concept can support bu reaucratic practices to reform the administrative process and improve public service delivery, particularly when it is associated with e-government (cordella & tempini, 2015). another concept of system simplification is an online one stop government implementation (hamad et al., 2017) which public authorities are interconnected in one integrated system, and citizens can apply for services in one access point. this inte gration can be successfully implemented through the reengine ering of public administration processes into online services. simi larly, the implementation of a one-stop integrated service in the indonesian context aims to reform the public service by sim plifying the application processes where all related public service agencies are located in the same site, or by integrating all related processes into one system (gaus et al., 2017). more specifically, the example of a simplified concept of immigration permit mecha nism derives from the australian immigration policy. a visa is only needed when foreign visitors want to enter and stay in aus tralia. there is no provision obliging foreign visitors to gain a residence permit. for example, the visa detail for business in novation and investment and temporary work in australia does not mention a residence permit, only the length of time that foreign visitors can stay (home affairs, 2019). the concepts of simplification explained above can be in line with the spirit of bureaucratic reform in indonesia. this reform is strongly influenced by the idea of new public management (npm) in which the governmental agencies manage and regu late in order to provide a professional, accountable, effective and efficient bureaucratic system so that quality public service can be delivered, and democratic management can be established to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century (gaus et al., 2017). also, as the implication of the presidential regulation number 20 of 300 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 301 2018 on foreign workers indicates, the procedural simplifica tion of the indonesian visa, residence permit, and re-entry permit issuance for foreign visitors with working purposes can be viewed as an example of bureaucratic reform. the functional integration of visa and residence permits into one single visa provision as the approval for foreign visitors to enter and stay in indonesia can be implemented as well as a new policy and its framework. borrowing and adopting terms from (bowen et al., 2009, p. 453) on a feasibility study, practicality refers to what extent a new system can be processed with the existing one. as previously discussed, the dgi has developed the management information system of immigration (simkim) as the implication of e-government to accommodate public service delivery and law enforcement functions, with innovations and improvement toward effectiveness and efficiency. the introduction of one single provision on visa as the approval for foreign visitors to enter and permit to stay in indonesia can be merged into one framework and integrated with the current system. there will not be any significant changes in the existing system, yet it will bring significant improvement to the process of visa issuance system. the dgi has simplified the visa application process for pro fessional workers, but another foreign visitor is required to apply for visa, residence permit, and re-entry permit separately. re sponding to this situation, it is essential to set up a scenario for integration of visa and residence permit policy. at the first stage, the identification of the problem (from public) including data are collected and analysed, such as uncertainty in visa and resi dence permits application process, number of system errors, types of complaints, processing time average, and numbers of agencies involved process. the online application process for work visa, which has been simplified into a single visa provision, applied at selected airports, and issued electronic residence permits, might be reviewed to support the first stage. the next step is to learn from the visa policy and framework of the department of home jurnal studi pemerintahan affairs, australia in relation to a procedure and requirements, an information system, an application process, stakeholders’ analysis, types of visa, and electronic visa formats. referring to the first and second stages, it is important to design a legal and policy framework about requirements, an application process, visa grant procedures, mitigation plans, visa format designs, and an analysis of stakeholders. the legal and policy framework will instigate a design of an online application process and the use of technology for the in formation system and network. building an information system for visa and residence permits application process is intercon nected with other existing systems such as border control man agement (bcm) system, enhanced cekal system (ecs) or move ment alert list, passenger’s movement system (pms), interpol i 24/7 system, and advanced passengers information system (apis). figure 5. a scenario of integration of visa and residence permit policy source: authors and adopted from (jann & wegrich, 2017; sidney, 2017) figure 5 demonstrates the process of integration of visa and residence permit policy from agenda setting, policy learning, ict design, trial and error, to an implementation and evaluation. at an ict design stage, it should integrate interoperable applica tions from other agencies such as ministry of manpower, minis 302 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 303 try of education, ministry of investment. the application sys tem must consider a citizen-centric app development such as user interface, user friendliness, and network quality. visa applica tion review stage is to verify and validate applicant’s required documents referring to the database from those agencies. this integrated system will benefit foreign applicants to apply for an indonesian visa all at once. figure 6. online visa application process source: authors after designing steps are completed, trial and error will be an integral part of evaluating and improving areas. at last, it is to roll out the new visa policy where foreign visitors will apply for an online visa application which includes visa, residence permits, and multiple reentries permits. the electronic visa grant notifi cation will be sent to an email of applicants, and they are not required to apply for a residence permit to an immigration of fice. the benefits of one single visa provision integrating means to reunite separated parts into one part. borrowing the principle of business process reengineering (bpr), an organization focuses on an integration of entire process, inte grated system, unified activities, structures, principles, tools which result in effectiveness, productivity, behavioral change (bhaskar, 2018). as a continuous process towards organizational develop ment, this bpr implementation has key success factors and fail ure indicators. it means that integrating two processes into one single process will unify the two different sectional goals into a broader goal of a whole process. another step in bpr is reorga nization and reduction of any units in an organization to im prove efficiency in public service delivery (rinaldi, montanari, jurnal studi pemerintahan & bottani, 2015). the ineffectiveness and inefficiency are caused by inevitable delays and errors when a task is carried out by sepa rated a person/unit, in particularly the application process of visa and residence permits in indonesia. figure 7. proposed templates of an integration of visa and residence permit directorate general of immigration indonesia visa grant notification 304 visa information status : granted types of visa : b211 (single entry) visa number : … visa conditions/purposes : social visa. work prohibition. join a training program/short course. join a seminar/conference/meeting/workshop. date of issue : … place of issue : indonesian embassy in singapore personal data full name : … passport number : … date of birth : … date of expiry (passport) : … place of issue (passport) : … travel duration information type of permits : temporary residence permit visa validity or length of stay : … visa entry : multiple entry must arrive after (date) : … must leave before (date) : … immigration attaché indonesian embassy in singapore contact number: email: directorate general of immigration contact number: email: warning: if overstaying your visa (below 60 days), you will be imposed on a penalty rp1.000.000/day. if overstaying your visa (more than 60 days), you will be imposed on a deportation order and denied entry (listed on the movement alert list). source: authors and adopted from indonesian immigration act no.6 of 2011 and regulation of minister of law and human rights no.51 of 2016 about indonesian visa policy. vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 305 the process of the application of these two different approval documents encompasses data input, process, and output either manually and/or electronically. there is potential for delays and errors caused by humans or the system. those two different ap proval documents will be unified as a single approval to both enter and stay in indonesia by doing such functional integra tion. as a result, errors can be decreased so that the process of the issuance of visa will be more effective. also, the number of officers, the delays, and the documentation file (archive) can be decreased so that the process will be more efficient. the follow ing figure is the proposed template of an indonesian visa, as a result of an integration of visa and residence permit presented in one page of a4-sized paper. second, integrating two different processes into one system means decreasing the number of officers from related agencies in issuing permits. in the concept of online one-stop service, it focuses on an operation, interoperability, and integration of whole process including from other agencies by an electronic service, at anytime and anywhere (hamad et al., 2017). in the current procedure, foreign visitors need to apply for a visa in their home country and obtain their residence permit in indonesia (immi gration checkpoints or local immigration offices). the contacts between the applicants and officers are inevitable. by such func tional integration of visa and residence permits, they only ap ply for a visa in their home country that functions as the ap proval for both entering and staying in indonesia. similarly, integrating two different processes aims to unite two or more divisions/units. it will avoid overlapping authori ties and fragmented policy and legal frameworks from different agencies. visa application requires foreign visitors to lodge re quired documents issued by other related agencies like manpower indonesia, ministry of education, and investment coordinat ing board. in the context of the dgi, visa and residence per mits are two different businesses carried on by two different divi sions. visas are authorized by the directorate of immigration jurnal studi pemerintahan documents and border control, while residence permits are authorized by the directorate of immigration residence permit (directorate general of immigration, 2019). by doing such func tional integration between visa and residence permits, includ ing required documents from other authorities, it will be regu lated and authorized by only one directorate in one application system. downsizing the organizational structure in the dgi and integrated system from other agencies will result in the reduc tion of costs and will lead to an increase in the effectiveness, efficiency, productivity, and competitiveness of the public ser vice delivery and security system in the organization. conclusion this study assumes the dgi indonesia can successfully imple ment this functional integration by implementing the policy stages. the integration of visa and residence permits supports the proponent factors such as the current policies, systems, and practicality of this functional integration and the public demand for improved public service delivery. this revolutionary concept will benefit the organization towards accountability, simplicity, effectiveness, and efficiency of public service delivery to mini mize overlapping authorities, fragmented policy, and dispute le gal implementation. also, downsizing the organization means decreasing the number of employees from different agencies, which can minimize the power abuse by officers, such as corrup tion and bribery. table 2 show the simplification of visa applica tion process for an electronic visa, including a residence permit, by an online service based on the website and app platform. business project reengineering (bpr) and the other concepts of simplification have been discussed in the literature. it has been clearly revealed that simplifying the procedure in public service delivery has radically contributed to organizational effectiveness and efficiency. there should no longer be a differentiation be tween visa and residence permits, and electronic forms replace visa label. indonesian visa and residence permits should be func 306 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 307 tionally integrated into one single provision. there should be only one single visa provision as the only approval for foreign visitors to both enter and stay in the indonesia’s territory. as a result, foreign visitors only need to apply for and obtain a visa before entering and staying in indonesia. this study recommends that online onshore and offshore visa application process should be developed in terms of integrating an application system from other authorized agencies, and standard visa templates. no. types of visa table 2. one visa provision and electronic visa places of issue forms of visa visa extension 1. visitor visa integrated with visitor residence permit (itk) visa free facility points of entry (airports, seaports, border crossing stations) with an online pre-authorization. electronic entry stamp upon arrival no extension visa on arrival (voa) b213 points of entry with an online pre authorization. electronic entry stamp upon arrival no extension visitor visa (single entry) b211 visa online application by onshore and offshore at dgi. electronic visa sent to email no extension visitor visa (multiple entry) d212 visa online application by onshore and offshore at dgi. electronic visa sent to email no extension 2 integration of temporary residence visa (vitas), temporary residence permit (itas), multiple reentry permit (mrep) visa index c311 c320 visa online application by onshore and offshore at dgi. electronic visa sent to email no extension source: authors and adopted from indonesian immigration act number 6 of 2011, government regulation number 31 of 2013, regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 27 of 2014, regulation of ministry of law and human rights number 16 of 2018, letter of directorate general of immigration number imi-um.01.01-5713 of 2018. this study is expected to contribute to restructuring a visa policy during the covid-19 pandemic to simplify the visa appli cation process both offshore and onshore scheme. for further research, this study is limited to discussion about visa and resi dence permit validity, an online pre-authorization process, fees and charges, permanent residence policy, roles of technology and jurnal studi pemerintahan systems, and interagency public service. future work also should discuss the post-pandemic visa policy in indonesia and an inte gration of other agencies’ application systems from the perspec tive of e-government. acknowledgement the authors would like to thank the flinders university for vigorous supervision during this study and politeknik imigrasi for the freedom of research principles. this research has not pre viously been published, and the authors reported no potential competing interest to disclose. references akbari, a. r. 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https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2019/07/17/5-tahun-%20terakhir-rerata-pertumbuhan-kunjungan-wisawatan-mancanegara-14 https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2019/07/17/5-tahun-%20terakhir-rerata-pertumbuhan-kunjungan-wisawatan-mancanegara-14 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kerthanegara/article/download/8982/6758 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kerthanegara/article/download/8982/6758 layout desember 2008 32 evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 mohammad khozin sinergi visi utama konsultan yogyakarta. email: ozin_siin@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract minimum service standard policy applied since 2002 are based on the minimum service standard (spm) arranged in circular minister of home affairs no. 100/756/otda/2002, then set up further in government regulation no. 65 2005 edge various obstacles both at internal level bureaucracy nor the external environment. this research tries to answer how far the implementation of the policy of minimum service standards could improve the quality of health service?. the public service is an activity that is performed by a person or a group of people with a materially factors through the system, specific procedures and methods in order to attempt to satisfy the interests of others in accordance with his authority. the research method used is a qualitative method by combining data analysis of primary dan data secondary. standard service for a minimum of gunungkidul regency field can be accomplished with either. this can be seen from a comparison of the data from the indicator one year sections that have been compiled. but of the many indicators of the performance of service sections that have been set, still there are some indicators that are not obvious targeting. keyword: public services, minimum standard of public services, health service abstrak kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal dilaksnakan sejak 2002 didasarkan pada surat edaran menteri dalam negeri no. 100/756/otda/2002 kemudian diatur lebih lanjut 33 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam peraturan pemerintah no. 65/2005 menimbulkan berbagai macam tantangan, baik dari internal birokrasi maupun lingkungan eksternal birokrasi. peneltian ini mencoba untuk menjawab sejauhmana implementasi kebijakan spm dapat memperbaiki kualitas pelayanan kesehatan. pelayanan publik adalah suatu aktivitas yang dilaksanakan oleh perorangan atau kelompok dengan faktor yang didasarkan pada sistem, prosedur yang spesifik, dan metode dalan tatanan untuk memuaskan kepentingan lainnya sesuai dengan kewenangan yang dimiliki. metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode qualitatif dengan mengkombinasikan data promer dan sekunder.standar pelayanan minimal pemerintah kabupaten gunungkidul dalam bidang kesehatan telah dilaksanakan. ini dapat dilihat dari perbandingan data dari indikator dalam setahun yang telah ditentukan. walaupun ada beberapa indikator kinerja belum memenuhi target. keyword: pelayan servis, standar pelayanan minimal, pelayanan kesehatan pendahuluan dalam satu dekade terakhir ini bangsa indonesia sedang berupaya memperbaiki kinerja pemerintahannya. berbagai agenda reformasi birokrasi pada berbagai sektor dilakukan untuk dapat mewujudkan “good government”. salah satu upaya konkrit untuk mewujudkan “good government” di indonesia adalah dengan diberlakukannya otonomi daerah pada tahun 1999. otonomi daerah merupakan pelimpahan sebagian wewenang dari pemerintah pusat kepada pemerintah daerah untuk mengatur dan mengurus urusan pemerintahan yang bersifat lokal atas prakarsa sendiri berdasarkan aspirasi masyarakat dan potensi lokal untuk memecahkan berbagai masalah dan pemberian pelayanan masyarakat setempat untuk mensejahterakan masyarakat. dimana dalam pelaksanaan pemberian pelayananannya pemerintah musti berdasarkan pada standar pelayanan yang telah ditetapkan. dengan demikian akan terjadi kesamaan standar dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah kepada masyarakat indonesia. ketentuan tentang standar pelayanan minimal (spm) diatur dalam surat edaran menteri dalam negeri no. 100/756/otda/2002, kemudian diatur lebih lanjut dalam peraturan pemerintah no. 65/2005. ketentuan tent ang spm yang harus dipenuhi oleh pemerintah kabupaten/kota dalam penyediaan pelayanan publik. pemahaman spm secara memadai merupakan hal yang signifikan berkaitan dengan hak-hak konstitusional perorangan maupun kelompok masyarakat yang harus mereka peroleh dan wajib dipenuhi oleh pemerintah, berupa tersedianya evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 34 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pelayanan publik (pelayanan dasar) yang harus dilaksanakan oleh pemerintah kepada masyarakat. di jajaran birokrasi pemerintah sendiri pengertian spm masih sering dikacaukan dengan standar persyaratan teknis, standar kerja dan standar pelayanan prima. dengan adanya otonomi daerah yang ditandai dengan disahkannya undang-undang no. 22/1999 yang selanjutnya diperbaharui dengan uundang-undang no.32/2004, ternyata makin memperlonggar kewenangan daerah dalam berbagai bidang. hal ini mengakibatkan pelaksanaan kewenangan antar daerah yang satu berbeda dengan daerah yang lain. wacana ini menuntut pemerint ah pusat tetap harus memperhatikan hak-hak masyarakat indonesia secara keseluruhan, sehingga untuk menjamin hal itu, pemerintah pusat membuat kebijakan mengenai standar pelayanan minimal. dalam pasal 10 ayat (1) undang-undang no. 32/2004 disebutkan pemerintahan daerah menyelenggarakan urusan pemerintahan yang menjadi kewenangannya.. kemudian pasal 11 ayat (3) menyebutkan urusan pemerintahan yang menjadi kewenangan pemerintahan daerah berdasarkan kriteria sebagaimana dimaksud pada ayat (1), terdiri atas urusan wajib dan urusan pilihan. luasnya cakupan pelayanan dasar sebagaimana urusan wajib yang menjadi kewenangan daerah. sehingga perlu adanya pengaturan standar pelayanan, paling tidak dalam kategori minimal dengan berpedoman pada standar yang ditetapkan. tujuannya adalah untuk mengukur tingkat kualitas pelayanan jasa, pelayanan barang dan/atau pelayanan usaha yang diberikan pemerintah dan/atau pemerintah daerah dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat. standar pelayanan minimal (spm) merupakan tolok ukur untuk menilai kinerja penyelenggaraan pelayanan dasar kepada masyarakat di bidang pemerintahan umum, pendidikan, kesehatan, fasilitas umum dan layanan publik lainnya. penerapan spm membutuhkan aturan normatif dan memiliki kekuatan hukum yang jelas dan kuat. sehingga dapat diimplementasikan dengan baik. selain itu perlu juga dilakukan evaluasi serta monitoring untuk mengetahui seberapa jauh keberhasilan dari kebijakan spm ini. penerapan spm dilingkungan instansi pemerintah daerah secara kelembagaan dimonitor dan dikendalikan melalui gubernur sebagai wakil evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 35 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintah di daerah (dekonsentrasi). banyaknya keluhan dari masyarakat mengindikasikan sistem monitoring pemerintah terhadap penerapan spm ini belum efektif. monitoring dan evaluasi ini seharusnya melibatkan juga pihak eksternal pemerintah yang independen. dengan demikian jika ditemukan adanya penyimpangan dari spm maka dapat diambil sanksi. meskipun kewajiban penyusunan rencana target pencapaian spm bagi pemerintah daerah di seluruh kabupaten ataupun kota di seluruh indonesia sudah lama diserukan, namun belum semua pemerintah daerah memenuhi kewajibannya tersebut. selain mereka belum paham sepenuhnya tentang konsep spm ini, mereka juga memiliki kendala dalam penyusunannya seperti penentuan indikator maupun masalah dana. hanya saja beberapa daerah sudah mulai menyusunnya. meskipun belum semua bidang dapat disusunkan standar pelayanan minimalnya. salah satunya adalah pemerintah daerah gunungkidul. kabupaten yang berada di wilayah provinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta (diy) ini dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan kepada masyarakatnya telah berpedoman pada standar pelayanan minimal yang diterbitkan oleh kementrian terkait di pemerintah pusat. wilayah ini menarik penulis untuk dijadikan sebagai obyek kajian karena wilayah ini memiliki kendala geografis yang cukup sulit untuk penyelenggaraan pelayanan kesehatan. namun demikian, pelayanan kepada masyarakat harus tetap dilaksanakan sesuai dengan standar pelayanan minimal yang sudah ditetapkan. selain itu karena kajian ini diawali pada awal tahun 2007 yang merupakan masa rekonstruksi pasca bencana gempa bumi yang melanda wilayah propinsi diy dan memporakporandakan berbagai fasilitas umum termasuk di dalamnya adalah puskesmas dan wilayah kabupaten gunungkidul adalah wilayah yang relatif tidak parah. termasuk puskesmas yang menjadi salah satu obyek dari kajian ini juga tidak mengalami kerusakan sebagaimana di bantul, kota jogjakarta, sleman maupun kulonprogo. karena hal ini dapat berpengaruh pada penilaian masyarakat dalam proses pengumpulan data yang berkaitan dengan kualitas pelayanan puskesmas yang salah satu indikator penilaiannya adalah bangunan fisik puskesmas. beberapa bidang yang telah tersedia standar pelayanan minimalnya, menurut penulis perlu kiranya untuk dilakukan evaluasi untuk dapat mengetahui apakah standar pelayanan minimal ini dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 36 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat. untuk itu menarik kiranya jika ada studi yang mengukur kinerja pemerintah daerah dalam melayani masyarakatnya. agar pembahasan dalam kajian ini lebih fokus maka pembahasan masalah dibatasi hanya pada bidang kesehatan saja. dengan demikian diharapkan penulis dapat lebih tajam dalam membahasnya. diharapkan kajian ini dapat menjawab pertanyaan yang selama ini berkembang pada sebagian masyarakat tentang apakah standar pelayanan minimal bidang pelayanan kesehatan dasar di lingkungan pemerintah kabupaten guningkidul dapat tercapai?. dan seberapa jauh penerapan kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kesehatan?. tinjauan teori 1. pelayanan publik menurut h.a.s moenir (1995) pelayanan publik merupakan upaya yang dapat memberikan manfaat bagi pihak lain dan dapat ditawarkan untuk digunakan, dengan membayar kompensasi penggunaan. pelayanan publik adalah kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh seseorang atau sekelompok orang dengan landasan faktor materiil melalui sistem, prosedur dan metode tertentu dalam rangka usaha memenuhi kepentingan orang lain sesuai dengan haknya. pelayanan publik dapat dilakukan oleh perorangan, badan usaha, dan negara dalam hal ini baik pemerintah pusat, pemerintah daerah maupun badan usaha milik pemerintah. dan sebagai produk yang sifatnya intangible, maka aktifitas pelayanan publik tidak menghasilkan kepemilikan sesuatu. dalam ilmu ekonomi kita mengenal dua macam barang, yaitu : barang-barang individual (private gods) atau barang-barang swasta dan barang-barang publik atau masyarakat umum. contoh dari barang-barang individual adalah beras, pakaian, kendaraan,dan alat-alat rumah tangga. sedangkan contoh dari barang-barang publik adalah jalan umum, jaringan listrik, pelabuhan, air bersih, dan lain sebagainya. (nurmandi, 1996). pelayanan publik di indonesia banyak dikenal dengan sifatnya yang terlalu birokratis. sehingga tidak jarang sering mendapatkan keluhan dari masyarakat. hal ini bisa terjadi tak lain karena birokrasi kurang memperhatikan kepentingan masyarakat dalam melayani. paradigma yang evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 37 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dipergunakan para pengelola pelayanan publik cenderung lebih bersifat direktif yang hanya memperhatikan/mengutamakan kepentingan birokrasi sendiri. sedangkan masyarakat sebagai pengguna mau tidak mau harus tunduk pada birokrasi. seharusnya pelayanan publik dikelola dengan paradigma yang lebih memfokuskan diri kepada kepentingan masyarakat. sejalan dengan perkembangan manajemen pemerintahan negara dalam upaya mewujudkan pelayanan prima dan berkualitas, paradigma pelayanan publik berkembang dengan fokus pengelolaan yang berorientasi kepuasan pelanggan yang memiliki ciri-ciri sebagai berikut: pertama, lebih memfokuskan diri kepada fungsi pengaturan melalui berbagai kebijakan yang memfasilitasi berkembangnya kondisi yang kondusif bagi kegiatan pelayanan. kedua, memfokuskan diri pada pemberdayaan masyarakat, sehingga masyarakat mempunyai rasa memiliki yang tinggi terhadap fasilitas pelayanan. ketiga, menerapkan sistem kompetensi dalam hal penyediaan pelayanan publik tertentu, sehingga masyarakat memperoleh pelayanan yang berkualitas. keempat, fokus pada pencapaian visi, misi, tujuan dan sasaran yang berorientasi pada hasil (outcomes). kelima, mengutamakan keinginan masyarakat. keenam, pada hal tertentu, pemerintah juga berperan untuk memperoleh masukan dari pelayanan yang dilaksanakan. ketujuh, mengutamakan antisipasi terhadap permasalahan pelayanan. kedelapan, lebih mengutamakan desentralisasi dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan. sembilan, menerapkan sistem pasar dalam memberikan pelayanan. (lembaga administrasi negara). di indonesia upaya menerapkan pelayanan berkualitas dilakukan melalui konsep pelayanan prima. konsep ini dijabarkan dalam berbagai sistem seperti pelayanan satu atap atau pelayanan satu pintu. perubahan kebijakan dan peraturan perundang-undangan dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dan pembangunan daerah juga tidak lepas dari upaya untuk meningkatkan efisiensi dan kualitas pelayanan. perubahan tersebut juga didasari pergeseran paradigma dari sentralistis ke desentralisasi dalam upaya meningkatkan efisiensi, mutu dan efektivitas pelayanan. 2. standar pelayanan publik adanya otonomi daerah saja tentu tidak akan menjamin pelayanan akan menjadi lebih baik. namun pemerintah harus lebih tegas dalam evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 38 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ membuat kebijakan berkaitan dengan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. salah satunya adalah dengan membuat standar pelayanan publik. setiap penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik harus memiliki standar pelayanan dan dipublikasikan sebagai jaminan adanya kepastian bagi penerima pelayanan. standar pelayanan merupakan ukuran yang dibakukan dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik yang wajib ditaati oleh pemberi dan atau penerima pelayanan. menurut keputusan menpan nomor 63/ 2004, standar pelayanan sekurang-kurangnya meliputi : a. prosedur pelayanan prosedur pelayanan yang dibakukan bagi pemberi dan penerima pelayanan prosedur pelayanan yang dibakukan bagi pemberi dan penerima pelayanan b. waktu penyelesaian waktu penyelesaian yang ditetapkan sejak saat pengajuan permohonan sampai dengan penyelesaian pelayanan termasuk pengaduan c. biaya pelayanan biaya/tarif pelayanan termasuk rinciannya yang ditetapkan dalam proses pemberian pelayanan d. produk pelayanan hasil pelayanan yang akan diterima sesuai dengan ketentuan yang telah ditetapkan e. sarana dan prasarana penyediaan sarana dan prasarana pelayanan yang memadai oleh penyelenggara pelayanan f. kompetensi petugas pemberi pelayanan kompetensi petugas pemberi pelayanan harus ditetapkan dengan tepat berdasarkan pengetahuan, keahlian, keterampilan, sikap dan perilaku yang dibutuhkan (ratminto & atik septik : 2005) metode peneltian peneltian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian evaluatif yang berusaha untuk mengkaji implementasi spm di dinas kesetahan di kabupaten gunungkidul. tenik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah metode survei, observasi, dan wawancara mendalam. metode survei ditujukan kepada masysrakat yang merasakan implementasi spm, sedangkan evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 39 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ wawancara ditujukan kepada kepala dinas, kepala bidang, kepala seksi, staf di dinas kesehatan kabupaten gunungkidul. teknisanalisis data yang digunakan adalah perpaduan antara kuantitatif dan kualitatif. data kuantatif akan digunakan untuk melihat persepsi masyarakat terhadap implementasi dan dipadukan dengan analisis deskriptif untuk ditarik sebuah kesimpulan. hasil dan analisis 1. dinamika penyelenggaraan kebijakan standar pelayanan di kabupaten gunungkidul pembahasan dilakukan dengan menganalisis data-data primer yang berhasil dikumpulkan melalui survei untuk mengetahui bagaimana dinamika penerapan kebijakan spm di lapangan. untuk menjawab pertanyaan ini survai dilakukan kepada obyek kebijakan, yaitu; masyarakat dan wawancara mendalam kepada pejabat puskemas . untuk mengetahui bagaimana dinamika pelaksanaan kebijakan spm di level puskesmas diperlukan lebih banyak data primer yang dapat digali dari manajemen puskesmas, terutama para kepala puskesmas. diawali dengan penggalian informasi mengenai pengetahuan mereka terhadap kebijakan spm. ketiga kepala puskesmas menyatakan mengenal dengan baik apa itu spm. menurut salah satu dari ketiga responden utama ini spm bidang kesehatan disusun dengan melibatkan seluruh puskesmas dan dinas kesehatan. namun ada salah satu dari mereka yang tidak dapat memberikan informasi yang cukup tentang proses penyusunan spm karena tidak terlibat pada proses penyusunannya. puskesmas ternyata memiliki peran penting dalam penyusunan spm bidang kesehatan, terutama pelayanan dasar. pada saat spm di susun menurut kepala puskesmas panggang ii mereka diminta menentukan indikator-indikator pelayanannya dan kemudian menentukan target capaian yang akan dicapai pertahun. sebab mereka adalah pelakunya, jadi harus hadir dalam penyusunan dokumen ini terutama dalam penentuan capaian indikator layanan. tak jarang mereka harus tawar menawar dengan para stakeholder lain yang datang pada penyusunan dokumen tersebut. kemudian bagaimana dalam implementasinya? banyak fenomena menarik pada bagian yang satu ini, kebijakan spm yang pada saat itu evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 40 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ termasuk merupakan hal yang baru memunculkan banyak wacana, pencampuradukan pemahaman antara standar pelayanan minimal dengan standar pelayanan teknis menjadi salah satu wacana yang cukup panjang di kalangan pelaku kebijakan, terutama di puskesmas. maklum spm adalah barang baru dalam dunia pelayanan birokrasi, sehingga membutuhkan waktu dan sosialisasi yang cukup. namun di kalangan puskesmas kabupaten gunungkidul hal ini tidak begitu menjadi masalah, karena banyaknya kegiatan sosialisasi yang dilakukan pemerintah provinsi dan pemerintah kabupaten membuat para birokrat pelaku layanan mudah dan cepat memahami apa itu spm dan bisa membedakan antara spt dan spm. dalam implementasi spm puskesmas memiliki peranan penting, hal ini mengingat puskesmas adalah penyelenggaraan pelayanan kesehatan dasar atau basic six yang langsung berhubungan dengan masyarakat. keterangan dari para kepala puskesmas yang menjadi sampel dalam penelitian ini didapatkan infomasi bahwa mereka mengaku dilibatkan dalam spm ini, meskipun harus beberapa kali hadir dalam forum di tingkat kabupaten, mereka aktif berpartisipasi didalamnya. seperti yang disampaikan oleh kepala puskesmas panggang ii berikut ini: “kami memang dilibatkan dalam penyusunan dokumen tersebut, terutama dalam menentukan target capaian kinerja. pemerintah kabupaten memang harus melibatkan kami, sebab yang akan melaksanakan adalah kami. jadi jangan sampai target yang dipatok terlalu berlebihan dan tidak sesuai dengan kemampuan kami ini.” (wwawancara dengan kepala puskesmas panggang ii26 september 2007). namun demikian dalam proses penyusunan spm tersebut memang tidak harus kepala puskesmas yang harus datang langsung. seperti yang dilakukan oleh kepala puskesmas ponjong 1, pada waktu penyusunan spm tahun 2003 lalu kepala puskesmas ponjong ini mempercayakan salah satu dokternya untuk dapat mewakili dirinya, dengan alasan bahwa pejabat fungsional lebih bisa menguasai prosedur kerja, sehingga dia akan lebih tahu bagaimana capaian kerja bisa dicapai. meskipun demikian personil yang mewakili pada proses penyusunan spm tersebut tetap melaporkan dan berdiskusi dengan personil lainnya di puskesmas. setelah melalui proses yang cukup panjang, dokumen spm disahkan evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 41 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebagai sebuah produk hukum daerah yang memiliki kekuatan. target atau capaian kinerja yang tertuang dalam dokumen spm sebetulnya sudah boleh di bilang standar dan bahkan mudah untuk dicapai, meskipun demikian pengawasan dalam implementasi kebijakan ini harus diawasi. puskesmas selaku agen utama penyelenggara pelayanan kesehatan dasar masyarakat memiliki tanggungjawab yang cukup berat dalam implementasi spm ini. kebijakan spm yang ada hanya merupakan alat untuk dapat menggiring kinerja pelayanan agar pelayanan bisa menjadi lebih baik. menurut pendapat kepala puskesmas panggang ii tanggung jawab puskesmas sebetulnya hanya menyelenggarakan pelayanan seperti apa yang sudah ditugaskannya. dengan adanya kebijakan spm ini, maka puskesmas harus mencapai target yang sudah ditetapkan, meski pada kebijakan tersebut adalah target minimal. kepala puskesmas wonosari i berpendapat, menurutnya target yang ditetapkan pada kebijakan spm ini sangat minimal sekali, jauh dari standar iso yang sebetulnya bisa kita capai meskipun bertahap. memang yang terjadi dilapangan adalah demikian, tidak hanya di puskesmas wonosari i saja, di puskesmas panggang ii dalam penerapan spm target yang dicapai bisa melebihi dari apa yang sudah ditetapkan oleh pemerintah. hal ini dilihat dalam laporan tahunan mengenai capaian indikator spm yang diterbitkan oleh dinas kesehatan setempat yang menunjukkan hasil yang memuaskan. (lihat tabel 1) dari tabel diatas dapat kita lihat bahwa pencapaian kinerja dari indikator-indikator yang telah ditentukan dari tahun ke tahun selalu meningkat dengan angka capaian yang lebih tinggi dari angka yang sudah ditetapkan, sepertinya memang target yang mudah untuk dicapai. tidak semua pelayanan kesehatan yang disebutkan dalam dokumen spm menjadi tanggungjawab puskesmas, puskesmas hanya menangani basic six saja atau hanya pada masalah pelayanan kesehatan dasar saja. namun demikian puskesmas tetap menjadi ujung tombak keberhasilan pelayanan kesehatan di setiap daerah. karena pada kenyataannya masalah diluar basic six pun juga tertangani oleh puskesmas. evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 42 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tabel 1.capaian indikator spm dari tahun ke tahun evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 43 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 44 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ padahal pelayanan kesehatan dasar atau basic six yang harus ditangani puskesmas sudah cukup banyak. itu pun tidak hanya yang berkaitan dengan pengobatan saja, tapi juga termasuk masalah kesehatan lainnya yang berhubungan dengan masyarakat, yang kadang melibatkan sektor lain. padahal puskesmas dibebani oleh pemerintah daerah yang dalam hal ini dinas kesehatan untuk mencapai target target yang telah ditetapkan dalam dukumen spm. lalu bagaimana puskesmas berbagai tugas dengan sektor lain dalam upaya mencapai target tersebut? kepala puskesmas pada ketiga obyek penelitian menyampaikan bahwa selama ini mereka bekerjasama dengan banyak pihak terutama untuk program-program yang lintas sektoral. kepala puskesmas panggang ii mengaku melakukan kegiatan rutin pertemuan dengan para kepala desa dan kader desa 3 bulanan, selain itu puskesmas juga aktif dalam kegiatan kegiatan yang diagendakan oleh kecamatan. hal ini dilakukan sebagai upaya melibatkan sektor lain diluar puskesmas untuk dapat berperan dalam pencapaian keberhasilan target kinerja yang sudah ditetapkan dalam spm. bahkan di puskesmas ini didirikan bpp (badan penyantun puskesmas) sebagai wadah bagi stakeholder puskesmas untuk melakukan intervensi evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 45 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ program pelayanan kesehatan. bpp ini beranggotakan tokoh masyarakat setempat, pejabat di kelurahan, karang taruna, tokoh agama) dengan melibatkan mereka dalam kegiatan dan program-programnya kepala puskesmas merasa beban pencapaian target dapat lebih mudah. paling tidak puskesmas akan lebih mudah mengajak bpp untuk lebih memperdulikan kesehatan dan diharapkan bisa ikut membantu melakukan promosi kesehatan. sayangnya lembaga ini hanya ada di wilayah kerja puskesmas panggang ii , di puskesmas lain belum ada yang mendirikan lembaga ini. hal yang unik lagi adalah upaya puskesmas menurunkan angka resiko kematian ibu melahirkan dengan merangkul para dukun beranak yang ada di wilayahnya untuk tetap terlibat dalam proses melahirkan dan bukan mengambil lahan mereka. di wilayah puskesmas panggang ii para dukun beranak dibina dan diajak bekerjasama dengan puskesmas. ada pertemuan rutin bagi para dukun ini yang dilakukan 3 bulan sekali. mereka mendapatkan bimbingan mulai dari bagaimana melakukan perawatan kehamilan sampai upaya merujuk para ibu hamil untuk melahirkan dengan bantuan tenaga medis. para dukun ini tidak merasa kehilangan lahannya lantaran ibu hamil yang mereka rawat tidak melahirkan dengan menggunakan jasanya, melainkan dengan tenaga medis di puskesmas, karena puskesmas panggang ii mensiasatinya dengan memberikan insentif bagi mereka yang merujuk kelahiran ke puskesmas. lalu bagaimana dengan upaya dari puskesmas ponjong i dan wonosari i? kepala puskesmas wonosari i mengungkapkan bahwa ada beberapa kerjasama dengan lintas sektoral yang mereka kerjakan seperti program gizi, desa siaga, posyandu dan pembinaan kader. sedangkan di puskesmas ponjong i mereka menyelenggarakan pertemuan lintas sektoral satu kali sebulan dengan para stakeholder yang berkepentingan di dalamnya, seperti camat dan kades tapi sayangnya mereka kadang tidak datang. padahal pertemuan ini sangat penting sekali untuk membahas berbagai hal yang berkaitan dengan pelayanan kesehatan dasar kepada masyarakat. di puskesmas wonosari i, kepala puskesmas di wilayah kota wonosari menyampaikan bahwa angka-angka tersebut sebetulnya mudah untuk dicapai. namun ada yang menjadikan pelayanan menjadi kurang maksimal, sebab reward yang diberikan kepada para sdm-nya masih evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 46 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sangat rendah, sehingga tidak dapat memacu untuk dapat berbuat lebih dari hanya sekedar mengejar angka. secara psikologis dalam melayani masyarakat tidak bisa meningkat. karena kunci dalam keberhasilan pelayanan adalah reward yang jelas bagi pelayanannya. selain itu masalah anggaran juga menjadi penghambat bagi terselenggaranya pelayanan kepada masyarakat. model penganggaran yang sering lambat mencairnya (kerja dulu, dana belakangan) merupakan penyakit lama birokrasi yang selalu menghadangnya. demikian juga hambatan yang diutarakan oleh kepala puskesmas panggang ii, lambatnya pencairan dana dan prosedur birokrasi yang berbelit sering menjadikan beberapa program pelayanan kepada masyarakat tertunda. apalagi untuk program program yang sifatnya lintas sektoral dengan melibatkan skpd lain, maka hal ini sangat tergantung sekali pada anggaran yang belum cair. berbeda lagi dengan kondisi di puskesmas ponjong i, menurut kepala puskesmas bahwa kondisi puskesmasnya kini bisa lebih baik karena ada program iso sehingga beberapa hambatan yang ada dapat diatasinya. kondisi sebelum ikut program iso sangat menyedihkan, untuk mencapai target spm yang sudah ditetapkan oleh pemerintah daerah tidak ditunjang oleh sdm yang memadai. penempatan sdm yang tidak sesuai dengan job description-nya, standar kompetensi sdm bidan, perawat yang tidak sesuai kompetensinya, “selain itu masih ada contoh lain tidak memadainya sdm untuk menunjang pencapaian kinerja kami, misalnya pada bagian farmasi, obat (yang handel bukan orang yang berkompeten dan tidak menguasai dibidangnya) terus masalah rekam medic (hanya dipegang oleh lulusan smp) dan intinya sdm belum sesuai dengan tupoksi dan anggapan orang orang diluar kesehatan (masyarakat) merasa bahwa kesehatan seakan cuma tanggung jawab/ urusan puskesmas saja padahal kalau kita tahu masyarakat juga harus ikut andil.” (wawancara tgl 10/10/2007) hambatan hambatan internal yang di alami oleh puskesmas ponjong i teratasi dengan adanya bersertifikasi iso 9001-2000. sebab untuk mendapatkan sertifikat iso 9001-2000, puskesmas harus melengkapi dirinya dengan berbagai persyaratannya. bagaimanapun juga hambatanhambatan tersebut harus mereka hadapi, karena tugas puskesmas sebagai ujung tombak pelayanan kepada masyarakat harus memberikan pelayanan evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 47 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang terbaik. sebab selain tanggungjawab melayani, puskesmas juga memiliki kewajiban untuk mencapai angka-angka absolut capaian kinerja yang sudah ditetapkan dalam dokumen spm. kepala puskesmas panggang ii menerapkan strategi pencapaian angka absolut dengan menyelenggarakan berbagai program-program yang lebih bersifat promotif dan melibatkan masyarakat langsung. diantaranya adalah program desa siaga, kia, k4. pembukaan kelas hamil, penyuluhan, senam hamil (sebula sekali) dan kalau ada uang diselenggarakan acara minum susu bersama. hal lain yang bersifat kemitraan juga dilakukan untuk menekan angka resiko tinggi melahirkan bagi ibu hamil dengan merangkul para dukun bayi untuk turut serta dalam perwujudan desa siaga serta memberikan reward untuk dukun beranak kalau mau merujuk ke puskesmas, menyelenggarakan pelatihan untuk para dukun beranak sampai pemilihan dukun teladan yang diselenggarakan sekali dalam setahun. upaya lainnya adalah dengan melibatkan masyarakat dalam pengambilan keputusan dengan membentuk lembaga badan penyantun puskesmas yang beranggotakan para stakeholder di lingkungan puskesmas panggang ii seperti camat, kepala desa, kepala sekolah, rt/rw, serta tokoh agama.. di puskesmas wonosari i ternyata ada beberpa upaya yang sama dilakukan, program penbinaan kepada para dukun beranak aktif dilakukan untuk menekan jumlah kegagalan ibu melahirkan. sedangkan upaya lainnya tidak banyak dilakukan, yang penting bagi puskesmas adalah meningkatkan kepuasan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. kalau masyarakat puas, pastinya angka absolut juga akan tercapai. jadi selama ini puskesmas wonosari i lebih memaksimalkan pada penyediaan sarana dan prasarana penunjang kegiatan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. demikian juga yang dilakukan oleh puskesmas ponjong i bermitra dengan para dukun dan masyarakat ternyata cukup efektif dijadikan upaya untuk dapat mencapai target kinerja. bagi puskesmas ponjong i yang sudah bersertifikat iso 9001-2000, hambatan-hambatan yang mereka hadapi sudah relatif terselesaikan karena tingginya standar yang ditentukan dalam program iso. 2. pengawasan (monitoring dan evaluasi) evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 48 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kegiatan monitoring dan evaluasi implementasi sebuah kegiatan akan lebih baik jika dilakukan oleh dua pihak, yaitu internal maupun pihak eksternal. keduanya tentunya memiliki batasanbatasan dan wilayah yang harus diawasi. kemudian bagaimanakah pengawasan pada kebijakan spm ini dilakukan di level puskesmas? menurut kepala puskesmas panggang ii pengawasan penyelenggaraan kebijakan spm di puskesmas diserahkan sepenuhnya kepada masyarakat. intinya spm adalah upaya untuk meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada masyarakat, sehingga jika masyarakat merasakan ada yang tidak sesuai dapat melakukan komplain langsung baik kepadanya maupun kepada puskesmas. sedangkan pada tataran internal, spm dievaluasi oleh dinas kesehatan dua kali dalam setahun. untuk mempermudah masyarakat menyampaikan hasil pengawasannya, pihak puskesmas menyediakan kotak saran. khusus di puskesmas ponjong i mereka punya mekanisme audit terhadap internal mereka sendiri yang dilakukan oleh tim iso 9001-2000. selain melakukan pengawasan dengan melibatkan masyarakat, pihak puskesmas juga melakukan pengukuran terhadap penyelenggaraan pelayanan kesehatan yang diselenggarakannya. hal ini untuk mengukur apakah pelayanan yang dilakukan oleh pihak puskesmas makin membaik atau tidak. seperti yang dilakukan oleh ketiga puskesmas dalam penelitian ini, mereka melakukan pengukuran secara rutin untuk mengetahui kepuasan masyarakat terhadap penyelenggaraan pelayanan kesehatan. masing-masing puskesmas melakukan survey kepuasan. dari ketiganya yang paling intens melakukan adalah puskesmas ponjong i, sebab semenjak puskesmasnya mendapatkan sertifikat iso 9001-2000, diwajibkan melakukan survei kepuasan pelanggan 4 bulanan. berbeda lagi yang dilakukan puskesmas panggang ii, selain mereka melakukan survey kepuasan pelanggan, mereka selalu aktif melakukan pengecekan terhadap angka cakupan kerja (tinggi rendahnya) apakah sudah tercapai apa belum. menyerap aspirasi dari masyarakat pun dilakukan melalui badan penyantun puskesmas dan turun ke dusun siaga. dengan demikian diharapkan puskesmas akan mendapatkan banyak masukan dari masyarakat. hasil pengamatan diketahui bahwa upaya dari ketiga puskesmas untuk melakukan pengukuran kinerja sudah lumayan bagus, namun sayangnya evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 49 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kegiatan survei yang dilakukan masih dikelola sendiri oleh penyelenggara pelayanan, sehingga keobyektifannya masih dipertanyakan. seperti keraguan yang diungkapkan oleh salah seorang personil di puskesmas ponjong i berikut ini. “ aku juga sanksi mas, kok setiap dilakukan survei pasti hasilnya bagus, bagus, dan bagus terus. apakah memang demikian atau karena masyarakat tidak obyektif dalam menjawab ya?”(wawancara, 25/8/2007) kebijakan spm telah dituangkan dalam keputusan bupati. sehingga satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd) yang telah disusunkan spm wajib memenuhi standar ini. bila dalam implementasinya terjadi penyimpangan kebijakan spm ini, maka puskesmas dapat dituntut oleh masyarakat. seperti yang diungkapkan oleh kepala puskesmas panggang ii berkut ini. “ jika terjadi penyimpangan terhadap spm mungkinkah pemerintah daerah dalam hal ini puskesmas akan dituntut oleh masyarakat. jangan salah, meskipun masyarakat tidak pernah tahu dan dan bahkan mungkin tidak kenal apa itu spm, tapi masyarakat mengetahui apa hak dan kewajiban mereka dalam pelayanan kesehatan. dokumen spm memang tidak pernah kami pampang dipapan pengumuman puskesmas, namun karena spm memuat pelayanan kesehatan yang notabene sangat mendasar sekali sehingga tidak begitu jauh dengan yang ada dipemikiran masyarakat luas. kaitannya dengan penyimpangan atau tidak terpenuhinya standar, kepala puskesmas ini mengaku pada tahun 2003 lalu pernah mendapatkan surat kaleng yang berisi tentang komplain akan pelayanan yang diselenggarakan oleh puskesmasnya. dan yang paling sering adalah tuntutan dari masyarakat untuk dilakukannya fogging karena takut dengan demam berdarah. selain itu masih juga banyak complain yang masuk melalui forum bpp”. (wawancara, 26/9/2007). demikian juga pendapat dari puskesmas wonosari i dan ponjong i, pada intinya masyarakat sekarang sudah semakin cerdas, sehingga pemerintah harus terus meningkatkan kualitas pelayanannya. ditambahkan kepala puskesmas ponjong i, mulai tahun 2007 ini tiaptiap unit pelayanan di puskesmas melakukan pengecekan penilaian kerja berdasarkan spm yang kemudian dilaporkan ke dinas kesehatan, dan dinkes yang akan merekap mengenai apa dan berapa persen taget yang sudah bisa dicapai puskesmas berdasarkan spm. namun sayangnya evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 50 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mereka tetap mengalami kendala seperti keterbatasan sdm dan juga sara prasarana lainnya seperti komputer. dari pengamatan penyusun, memang di papan pengumuman maupun disudut manapun di puskesmas tidak ada sedikitpun poster maupun flayer yang berusaha mengenalkan apa itu spm kepada masyarakat, apalagi sampai memaparkan dokumennya. sehingga menurut penyusun ini adalah salah satu kelemahan spm, sebab janji pemerintah untuk memberikan pelayanan dengan standar yang minimal pun tidak pernah dikomunikasikan kepada masyarakat. padahal jika dokumen ini bisa dipaparkan meskipun secara garis besarnya saja dengan bahasa yang mudah difahami masyarakat, tentunya akan lebih fear dan masyarakat dapat turut serta mensukseskan kebijakan ini. upaya menampung keluhan masyarakat yang disediakanpun masih relatif standar dan tidak berbeda jauh dengan upaya peningkatan kualitas pelayanan pada umumnya. sampai sekarang media yang disediakan adalah kotak saran dan keluhan, selain itu juga disediakan nomor telepon pengaduan. namun jarang sekali dipergunakan oleh masyarakat. apalagi untuk menyampaikan penyimpangan ataupun target kebijakan yang belum tercapai, sepertinya belum memungkinkan. meskipun demikian ternyata ketiga kepala puskesmas yang penyusun jadikan sampel berpendapat bahwa standar pelayanan minimal tetap sangat diperlukan untuk menjaga kualitas pelayanan. “karena dengan adanya standar, kami tidak bisa bekerja seenaknya sendiri. semuanya ditentukan standarnya, minimal harus seperti yang sudah ditargetkan pada dokumen spm” (wawancara dengan kepala puskesmas panggang ii, 26/ 9/2007) seperti halnya iso 9001-2000, spm diperlukan sebagai upaya meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada pelanggan. sayangnya spm tidak sedetail program iso. instruksi kerja dan prosedur kerja di dalam spm untuk mencapai target tidak diatur lebih detail. selain berpersepsi bahwa spm tetap diperlukan dalam upaya meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada masyarakat, kepala puskesmas panggang ii dan ponjong i tetap yakin bahwa kebijakan spm ini dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kesehatan kepada masyarakat. dengan adanya spm bisa memotivasi bagi puskesmas itu sendiri untuk mencapai target yang ditetapkan. terlebih evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 51 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pada puskesmas ponjong i, puskesmas ini sudah berusaha lebih dari melaksanakan kebijakan spm, mereka berusaha untuk lebih dari itu. dengan disertifikasinya pelayanan mereka dengan sertifikasi iso 9001 2000 membuktikan, bahwa mereka berkomitmen dalam menyelenggarakan pelayanan. namun hal ini juga harus dibarengi reward yang jelas. jika pelayanan bisa meningkat kualitasnya, maka retribusi pelayanan baru bisa dinaikkan. pastinya ini menjadi harapan bagi siapapun yang memiliki prestasi. kunci sukses implementasi sebuah kebijakan adalah adanya evaluasi dan monitoring. dengan demikian implementator kebijakan akan mengetahui apa kekurangan dan apa saja hambatan yang dialaminya. menurut para kepala puskesmas ini, masih banyak yang harus dibenahi dari kebijakan spm ini. setiap tahun sebaiknya dilakukan evaluasi. karena ada beberapa variabel yang bagi puskesmas masih sulit untuk dipahami bagaimana merealisasikannya. selain itu dukungan data yang valid dalam merumuskan kebijakan spm sangat penting sekali. harapan mereka spm ini tidak menjadi bumerang bagi mereka sendiri, sebab kemampuan puskesmas yang satu dengan yang lainnya berbeda-beda. dari uraian diatas dapat disimpulkan bahwa penyelenggaraan kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal pada level puskesmas sudah dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik. bahkan sebetulnya target-target yang sudah ditetapkan dapat dengan mudah untuk dicapai, mengingat angka capaiannya tidak terlalu tinggi dan sesuai dengan kemampuan mereka. apalagi bagi puskesmas yang sudah bersertifikasi iso 9001-2000. meskipun demikian kendala tetap ada, reward bagi mereka tak kurang kadang tidak bisa menjadi penyemangat buat mereka untuk bisa lebih berpestasi. selain itu masalah klasik terlambatnya anggaran masih menjadi kendala dalam pelayanan kepada masyarakat. padahal pelayanan kepada masyarakat tidak dapat ditunda-tunda apalagi kalau berkaitan dengan kesehatan dan nyawa manusia. 3. implementasi pelaksanaan spm kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan ini dalam implementasinya pada awalnya butuh waktu yang cukup untuk mengenalkan kebijakan ini kepada semua kalangan. terlebih sebelumnya tidak evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 52 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pernah ada standar yang diterapkan oleh pemerintah. namun sekarang mereka dituntut dapat melayani masyarakat dengan standar yang telah ditetapkan sebelumnya, meskipun masih dalam tataran minimal. “spm di kabupaten gunungkidul memang boleh dibilang sudah terimplementasikan. namun pada awalnya susah juga, sebab perlu pengenalan yang intens kepada semua kalangan. terutama bagi seluruh sdm di dinkes sendiri. kemudian mengenalkan kepada para stakeholder dan puskesmas. setelah mereka tahu apa itu spm dan apa tujuannya menjadi relatif mudah dalam mengimplementasikannya”. (hasil wawancara dengan bagian perencanaan dinkes kab. gunungkidul, 10/2/2008) bagi pemerintah kabupaten gunungkidul sendiri menurut salah satu narasumber dari penelitian ini belum memiliki arah mau kemana, sistem yang ada belum diarahkan pada pencapaian tujuan tertentu yang divisikan. jadi penerapan kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal masih sebatas memenuhi kewajiban peraturan pemerintah saja. padahal hasilnya akan luar biasa jika kebijakan ini bisa diarahkan dengan sistem yang lebih jelas. standar pelayanan minimal secara garis besar berisi mengenai indikator indikator capaian yang telah ditetapkan. tugas dari pemerintah adalah melayani masyarakat dengan berpedoman pada kebijakan ini dengan harapan indikatorindikator yang telah ditetapkan tadi dapat tercapai. dengan tercapainya indikatorindikator capaian tersebut dapat diasumsikan bahwa pemerintah sudah dapat dengan lebih baik. namun bagaimana dengan pencapaian indikator pelayanan kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul?. menurut hasil wawancara dengan bagian perencanaan dinas kesehatan kabupaten gunungkidul, indikator indikator yang telah ditetapkan ini dapat tercapai meskipun belum bisa mencapai angka absolut 100%, tapi paling tidak dari target angka yang sudah ditetapkan dapat dicapainya. bahkan pada jenis pelayanan tertentu bisa lebih. dengan pembiayaan yang di back up apbd dan didampingi dak dan dau kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal di kabupaten gunungkidul dapat diimplementasikan. meskipun terjadi penyusutan sekitar 10% dari anggaran yang diajukan ke tim anggaran pemerintah daerah, namun harus disyukuri oleh dinas kesehatan kabupaten gunungkidul, sebab evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 53 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dana pendamping dari dau dan dak selalu naik dari tahun ke tahun. selain itu costing bukanlah satu-satunya penentu keberhasilan pelaksanaan spm, karena masih ada method, man, material and mechine yang akan menjadi penentu keberhasilan implementasi kebijakan ini. pemerintah daerah kabupaten gunungkidul dalam mengimplementasi kebijakan ini melibatkan birokrasi. pada level dinas kesehatan pemegang tanggung jawab kendali murni berada pada kepala dinas kesehatan, kemudian dia di back up oleh beberapa bidang yang bertanggungjawab terhadap bidang tersebut. untuk level selanjutnya kendali puskesmas yang melakukan direct service kepada masyarakat. dimana penyelenggaraan sepenuhnya dipegang oleh kepala puskesmas dengan dibantu para staffnya. masingmasing level memiliki tugas masing-masing yang telah ditentukan. dinas memiliki peranan sebagai fasilitator dan puskesmas pelaksana pelayanan kepada masyarakat. dalam implementasi spm, keduanya saling membutuhkan dan ketergantungan. dinas memerlukan data pelayanan yang telah dilakukan oleh puskesmas, dan dinas menjadi fasilitator dan pembuat kebijakan. namun sayangnya pekerjaan catat mencatat masih dipandang bukanlah pekerjaan bagi orang puskesmas. puskesmas beranggapan bahwa pekerjaan mereka adalah melayani masyarakat, mengobatinya jika ada yang sakit. pekerjaan catat mencatat bukanlah pekerjaan orang medis. hal ini terbukti dari banyaknya data yang banyak tidak tercatat dan tercecer dimana mana, bahkan dari 29 puskesmas yang ada di kabupaten gunungkidul hanya ada 2 puskesmas saja yang boleh dibilang aktif dan rapi datanya. padahal mekanisme reward sudah diterapkan bagi puskesmas yang cepat menyerahkan laporan datanya, namun karena rendahnya komitmen dari mereka maka data yang masukpun tetap terlambat. adanya banyak level birokrasi yang terlibat dalam implementasi kebijakan ini menjadikan koordinasi antar level mutlak harus dilakukan, apalagi kondisi geografis dan jarak yang tidak dekat sedikit menghambat implementasi. selama ini koordinasi yang dilakukan oleh puskesmas dan dinas kesehatan selaku pilot implementasi kebijakan stándar pelayanan minimal adalah dengan menyelenggarakan rapat koordinasi bulanan. mengenai mekanismenya setiap bulannya dinas kesehatan mengundang puskesmas dalam rapat dinas rutin, kemudian setiap bulannya juga evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 54 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ puskesmas mengundang dinas kesehatan untuk berkoordinasi dalam rapat forum komunikasi semua puskesmas yang ada di kabupaten gunungkidul. selain koordinasi, untuk mencapai capaian indikator kinerja yang sudah ditetapkan ada perumusan pembagian beban kerja pada masing-masing level. dengan demikian bisa semakin jelas pembagian tugasnya, sehingga target kinerja dapat dengan ringan dicapai. pada dokumen standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan, terdapat banyak pelayananpelayanan yang merupakan turunan dari kewenangan. dan disanapun tampak jelas mana tugas yang harus dikerjakan pada level dinas, mana tugas yang harus dikerjakan oleh puskesmas dan ataupun yang harus dikerjakan oleh kedua-duanya secara bersamaan. meskipun ada pembagian tugas, namun bukan berarti mereka harus berjalan sendiri-sendiri, dinas kesehatan dan puskesmas tetap harus bergandengan tangan agar target yang telah ditetapkan pada dokumen spm dapat tercapai. untuk itu mekanisme selama ini yang dilakukan oleh dinas kesehatan untuk mengkoordinasikan hal ini adalah dengan menunjuk seorang programer yang bertugas berhubungan dengan puskesmas untuk menyampaikan dan selalu memonitor target yang sudah tercapai. dinkes melalui programer inilah mendistribusikan target dan meminta laporan puskesmas. pemeliharaan kesehatan masyarakat bukan hanya tanggungjawab dari dinas kesehatan dan puskesmas saja, melainkan juga multi sektor. dinas kesehatan dan puskesmas hanya sebagai leading sektor yang memiliki kewenangan membuat kebijakan. namun, dalam implementasinya harus banyak pihak. adapun pihakpihak yang selama ini mendukung penyelenggaraan program-program pemeliharaan kesehatan masyarakat adalah camat, kades, kader dan stakeholder lainnya. peran serta dalam implementasi kebijakan spm dinas kesehatan banyak melibatkan para camat dan kades di wilayah kabupaten gunungkidul. peran sertanya lebih banyak pada himbauan dan menggerakkan masyarakat untuk aktif dan turut serta mensukseskan program-program kesehatan. selain itu camat dan lurah sering menjadi penyalur aspirasi masyarakat tentang pelayanan kesehatan, serta pengawasan penjagaan kesehatan lingkungan. contoh yang selama ini adalah lurah selalu menjadi tempat masyarakat mengadu ketika mereka evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 55 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ meresahkan akan bahaya demam berdarah. oleh karena itu, menyampaikan aspirasi permintaan foging dilakukan diwilayahnya. tanpa ada laporan dari masyarakat kepada lurah, pastinya dinas kesehatan tidak akan pernah tahu bahwa ada keresahan dari masyarakat. selain itu yang tidak kalah pntingnya adalah peran para kader kesehatan yang ada pada setiap desa yang aktif membantu pelaksanaan program-program pelayanan kesehatan yang dilakukan di desa. pada umumnya, implementasi spm melibatkan banyak pihak dengan biaya yang tidak sedikit. hasil wawancara dengan bagian perencanaan dinas kesehatan kabupaten gunungkidul didapatkan beberapa informasi: a. terlambatnya turunnya dana. tadinya semua pihak merasa lega dengan munculnya kebijakan baru mengenai sistem penganggaran pada apbn dan apbd kita (kepmendagri 29/2002). dengan sistem penganggaran yang berbasis pada kinerja, diharapkan anggaran akan lebih efektif dan efisien. namun ternyata harapan itu belum bisa terwujud. sebab tradisi lama masih juga terjadi, yaitu sering terlambatnya anggaran cair. padahal program harus segera dilaksanakan. apakah mungkin pelayanan kepada masyarakat juga ditangguhkan menunggu anggaran turun, atau dinas harus menalangi terlebih dahulu. inilah masalah klasik yang masih menggerogoti sistem pelayanan di negeri ini. b. rendahnya komitmen sdm di puskesmas pada tugas non medis. pekerjaan catat mencatat bukan pekerjaan medis, pekerjaan medis adalah mengobati pasien. jadi harus ada kerjasama dan komitmen yang baik antar puskesmas dengan dinas kesehatan, selain itu sistem kesehatan di daerah juga belum disepakati sehingga masih sering membingunkan, selalu berganti-ganti, struktur gonta-ganti, sistem keuangan juga berubah-ubah. dinas kesehatan menyampaikan bahwa ada lima hal yang dapat menentukan keberhasilan pelaksanaan kebijakan spm, yaitu; money, methode, man, material and mechine. ada beberapa teknik yang dilakukan dinas kesehatan kabupaten gunungkidul, diantaranya adalah a. melakukan desiminasian angka capaian tahun sebelumnya. cd dan profile kesehatan tahun sebelumnya selalu diserahkan ke puskesmas evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 56 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ untuk dijadikan tolok ukur dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan tahun berjalan dan diharapkan ada feedback nya. b. melakukan evaluasi kembali pembagian tugastugas kepada masingmasing level, jika ada yang belum bisa mencapai harus diambil kebijakan dan bagi yang sudah tentunya harus ditingkatkan. hasil dan analisa pencapaian program kesehatan tahun 2007 (data tahun 2006). data dari bps kabupaten gunungkidul, rata-rata angka harapan hidup penduduk gunungkidul adalah 70,53 tahun. masih tinggi dibandingkan dengan angka rata-rata nasional yang 68 tahun. hal ini menandakan bahwa, meskipun banyak kendala hidup di gunungkidul, ternyata mampu bertahan hidup dan berumur panjang. beberapa faktor yang mempengaruhi panjang umur penduduk di gunungkidul antara lain kesederhanaan hidup, tidak ada faktor stress, dan relatif tidak banyak persaingan, disamping pola hidup kekeluargaan yang tinggi. angka kematian bayi baru lahir (neonalis) sudah berhasil melampaui rata-rata nasianal yaitu, 47 per kelahiran hidup, hal ini menandakan bahwa program upaya kesehatan bayi, anak, dan balita cukup berhasil. demikian pula pada upaya kesehatan ibu hamil, melahirkan, dan ibu nifas. angka kematian ibu pada tahun 2006 ada 8 kasus, oleh karena eklamsia, pendarahan persalinan dan kelahiran, walaupun demikian masih ada kematian bayi karena tetanus nenotorum sebanyak 1 kasus. angka kematian kasar adalah cukup baik yaitu 3,38 per 1000 penduduk, artinya sudah melampaui rata-rata kematian nasional yang 7 per 1000 penduduk. angka kematian pada golongan semua umur sebesar 7,98%. angka kematian bayi absolute sebesar 63 bayi atau sebesar kurang dari 1 persen kelahiran. hal ini menandakan adanya keberhasilan upaya kesehatan dan penanganan bayi baru lahir,neonotus, dan bayi. status gizi. kasus kep,kek masih banyak di jumpai, dan dari kategori status gizi masyarakat gunungkidul masih tergolong rendah. angka gizi buruk masih diatas standar nasional yaitu1,25% yang seharusnya kurang dari 1 persen. kek wus 35,6% diatas rata-rata nasional yang seharusnya 20%. kasus anemia pada ibu hamil masih cukup tinggi yang seharusnya kurang dari 30%, pada tahun 2005 ternyata ada 11,3%, sedangkan kecamatan rawan gizi sebanyak 6 kecamatan, bebas rawan gizi sebanyak evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 57 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 10 kecamatan, dan 2 kecamatan dinyatakan aman. sumber daya kesehatan. total tenaga kesehatan yang ada di kabupaten gunungkidul, proporsi tenaga medis sebesar 14,87%, proporsi tenaga paramedis (bidan, perawat dan teknis medis) sebesar 66,91% dan proporsi tenaga lainnya sebesar 18,22%. proporsi yang demikian, terutama di puskesmas masih dirasakan kekurangan, meskipun pada tahun 2005 ada rekruitment pns medik dan paramedis. namun setelah dicermati, pendaftar adalah dokter dan paramedis ptt dan tenaga honorer, sehingga tidak menambah jumlah. upaya kesehatan ibu dan anak, cakupan k1 dan k4 cukup berhasil, namun dalam cakupan persalinan oleh tenaga kesehatan hanya tercatat 78,50%. kemungkinan hal tersebut dikarenakan kurangnya dokumentasi persalinan dan pelacakan kasus yang dibawah 70%. sedangkan pertolongan persalinan dilakukan oleh bidan sebesar 68,05%, oleh dukun sebesar 20,55%, oleh dokter 9,32%, oleh paramedis sebesar 0,79% dan lainnya sebesar 1,79%. bila dibandingkan tahun 2005, terjadi kenaikan immunisasi bcg, dpt1, campak, polio dan immunisasi hepatitis b. cakupan desa uci di gunungkidul sebesar 66,675. deteksi tumbuh kembang pada bayi 84,2, balita sebesar 35,62% dan pra sekolah 2,63%. program perbaikan gizi dengan cara pemberian vitamin a, fe, dan kapsul yodium. dari semua sasaran pemberian perbaikan gizi masih dibawah target. desa dengan rawan yodium masih cukup tinggi, ditunjukkan oleh cakupan desa dengan garam beryodium baik sebesar 73,05%. sedangkan rumah tangga yang mengkonsumsi garam beryodium baru 51,71%. pelayanan pengobatan/perawatan, angka kunjungan rawat jalan puskesmas (di dalam maupun diluar puskesmas) cukup tinggi, hal ini menandakan bahwa terjadi peningkatan kesadaran masyarakat dalam kepedulian terhadap kesehatan. untuk pemanfaatan rawat inap puskesmas masih sangat rendah karena tingkat hunian rawat inap puskesmas ratarata hanya 29%. hal ini dikarenakan masih ada beberapa puskesmas yang tidak optimal kinerjanya bahkan ada yang mati suri. angka kunjungan rawat jalan di rsud wonosari cukup tinggi, begitu pula dengan kunjungan rawat inap mengalami peningkatan yang cukup fantastis di tahun 2006, karena adanya overutilization rsud akibat gempa. pemberantasan penyakit menular dan penyehatan lingkungan. demam evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 58 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berdarah dengue (dbd) terjadi penurunan kasus dbd dari tahun 2004, hal ini menandakan intensifnya penanganan dbd, serta peningkatan kesadaran masyarakat untuk phbs dan pemberantasan sarang nyamuk. faktor lain yang mempengaruhi adalah musim kemarau yang panjang, sehingga sedikit air tergenang. pada tahun 2005, ada satu kematian akibat dbd. malaria selama tahun 2005, hanya ada satu tersangka kasus malaria terlacak, dan itupun karena yang bersangkutan berasal dari pulau sumatera yang pulang ke gunungkidul. dari hasil pelacakan lanjut negatif malaria. diare terjadi klb diare akibat keracunan makanan, meskipun demikian tidak ada kasus kematian akibat diare. secara umum ada peningkatan kasus diare dibandingkan tahun 2004. hal ini menandakan di masyarakat walau sudah ada peningkatan kesadaran dalam pola makan dan cara yang bersih dan sehat, namun belum membudaya. sedangkan kusta ada 2 kasus baru kusta dan tingkat rft sebesar 100%, artinya dapat terlacak dan ada penanganan lanjut. sampai saat ini terus dipantau dan diikuti perkembangannya. angka tbc paru masih cukup tinggi, ada 320 kasus tbc, 189 diantaranya dinyatakan positif tb. hal ini menandakan gunungkidul masih belum bebas dari endemik tb. kepatuhan penderita dalam minum obat tb (pktb) masih juga rendah, karena proses yang panjang, dan jumlah obat yang banyak, sedangkan status gizi penderita juga masih kurang. penyakit yang dapat dicegah dengan immunisasi (pd3i), ada 1 suspect diphteri, 1 kasus kematian akibat tetanus neonaturum. hal ini menandakan masih ada baksil baksil penyakit yang bebas di masyarakat akibat penanganan pasca kelahiran bayi yang kurang bersih dan higienis. peran serta masyarakat dalam pembangunan kesehatan, cukup meningkat pesat. perhatian stakeholder pada pembangunan kesehatan cukup aktif mulai dari lokmin, musrenbang dari tingkat desa-kecamatankelurahan-kabupaten, sampai penetapan peraturan daerah. jejaring kesehatan di masyarakat seperti kader kesehatan dan posyandu, poskesdes/polindes, serta peran serta masyarakat dalam bidang kesehatan perlu dilestarikan. dari uraian diatas dapat kita simpulkan bahwa pada level inipun optimis bahwa terget standar pelayanan minimal dapat dicapai dengan baik dan dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada masyarakat. kuncinya adalah pada koordinasi antar unsur terkait dalam evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 59 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ urusan pelayanan kesehatan. namun lagi-lagi kendala tetap saja ada. lambatnya proses penganggaran dan lamanya pencairan menjadi salah satu faktor buruknya penyelenggaraan pelayanan kesehatan, selain itu rendahnya komitmen sdm puskesmas pada pekerjaan yang berhubungan data menghambat untuk diperolehnya data untuk segera mengambil kebijakan yang tepat. harus disadari bahwa masing-masing level memiliki tugas masing-masing yang telah ditentukan. dinas memiliki peranan sebagai fasilitator dan puskesmas pelaksana pelayanan kepada masyarakat. dalam implementasi spm, keduanya saling membutuhkan dan ketergantungan. dinas memerlukan data pelayanan yang telah dilakukan oleh puskesmas, dan dinas menjadi fasilitator dan pembuat kebijakan. dengan saling menyadarinya tugas dan peran masing-masing diharapkan pencapaian tujuan dapat dengan mudah untuk dilakukan. kesimpulan setelah dilakukan penelitian di lapangan dan penyusun melakukan analisis terhadap datadata yang telah berhasil dikumpulkan, maka dapat disimpulkan sebagai berikut: 1. bahwa pada dasarnya standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan pemerintah kabupaten gunungkidul dapat tercapai dengan baik. hal ini bisa dilihat dari perbandingan data capaian indikator dari tahun ketahun yang telah dikompilasikan. namun dari sekian banyak indikator capaian kinerja pelayanan yang telah ditetapkan, tetap saja ada beberapa indikator yang tidak jelas angka capaiannya : antara lain penerbitan perijinan sarana kesehatan, penerbitan perijinan apotek dan toko obat, pelayanan operasi pada penderita katarak keluarga miskin dan pengawasan kualitas lingkungan rumah tangga, pada pelayananpelayanan tersebut tidak didapatkan data yang akurat, sehingga menjadikan tanda tanya terhadap capaian indikator kinerja pelayanannya. hasil penelusuran ketidaklengkapan data ini diakibatkan karena masih rendahnya kesadaran pihakpihak yang berkaitan pada bidang tersebut diatas dalam hal pengumpulan dan pelaporan data. khusus untuk pelayanan kesehatan dasar yang ditangani oleh puskesmas, kelemahan utama dari tidak terukurnya capaian kinerja ini disebabkan karena egoisme puskesmas yang hanya menganggap evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 60 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pekerjaan catat mencatat bukanlah pekerjaan mereka, karena tugas mereka adalah memberikan pelayanan medis. 2. kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal diyakini dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kesehatan kepada masyarakat, meskipun baru mengcover secara umum saja dan dapat dilihat hasilnya dari capaian indikator pelayanan yang makin tahun makin meningkat dan hampir sebagian besar melampaui angka yang telah ditetapkan. sedangkan kesimpulan dari analisa data yang kami peroleh dari pihak puskesmas dapat disimpulkan bahwa standar pelayanan minimal ini sebetulnya memang dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kepada masyarakat, hal ini terbukti dapat dengan mudahnya angka angka target kinerja pelayanan yang ditentukan dapat dicapai dengan baik. saran mengingat terlalu rendahnya angka capaian kinerja yang ditetapkan oleh pemerintah daerah kabupaten gunungkidul, maka perlu dikaji ulang angka capaian kinerja layanan yang telah ditetapkan. dan pastinya hal ini perlu diikuti dengan anggaran yang cukup. ketidaktahuan masyarakat terhadap standar pelayanan minimal ini bisa jadi disebabkan oleh kurangnya sosialisasi yang dilakukan oleh pembuat kebijakan. karena sifatnya yang luas, menjadikan masyarakat kesulitan untuk memahaminya. untuk itu dokumen ini perlu dibuatkan turunannya yang berupa spt yang merupakan satu kesatuan dengan dokumen spm. dan perlu dilakukan sosialisasi yang lebih intens kepada masyarakat dengan membuat poster berupa ajakan untuk ikut serta meningkatkan capaian kinerja pada bidang-bidang yang masih rendah capaian kinerjanya. perlu penyamaan persepsi antara pemerintah dengan kalangan tertentu bahwa spm bukan standar pelayanan teknis, tapi merupakan dokumen yang meng-cover standar pelayanan yang harus diberikan kepada masyarakat sebagai kewajiban pemerintah atas dilimpahkannya wewenang tersebut. karena pada dasarnya masyarakat harus dilindungi dan mendapatkan hak pelayanan yang sama dari negara. untuk itu spm dan spt harus merupakan 1 paket kebijakan. daftar pustaka evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 61 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ atik & ratminto, manajemen pelayanan, pustaka pelajar, yogyakarta, 2005 depdagri, pedoman pelayanan bagi pemerintah daerah bidang pelayanan publik, 2006 dunn, william. pengantar analisis kebijakan publik, gadjah mada university press, yogyakarta, 2003 keputusan menteri kesehatan ri no.1091/menkes/sk/x/2004 tentang petunjuk teknis standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten/kota keputusan menteri kesehatan ri no.1457/menkes/sk/x/2003 tentang standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten/ kota mahmudi, manajemen kinerja sektor publik, upp, amp.ykpn, 2005 moenir, manajemen pelayanan umum, jakarta, bina aksara, 1995 morgan, colin dan stephen murgantroyd, total quality management in the publik sector, great britain : colin morgan and murgan troyd associaties nurmandi, achmad, manajemen perkotaan, sinergi publishing, yogyakarta, 2006 nurmandi, achmad, publik service dalam pelayanan publik perkotaan di indonesia, laporan penelitian, jurusan ilmu pemerintahan, fisipol umy, 1996 penyusunan standar pelayanan publik, lembaga administrasi negara, jakarta, 2003 sukarwo dkk, pelayanan publik dari dominasi ke partisipasi, surabaya, airlangga university press, 2006 suprapto, j, penjelasan tingkat kepuasan pelayanan, jakarta, rineka cipta, suwandi, made, standar pelayanan minimal, pelayanan publik oleh pemerintah daerah, vol ii no.2 nopember 2002 winarno. budi, teori dan proses kebijakan, media pressindo, yogyakarta, 2002 evaluasi implementasi kebijakan standar pelayanan minimal bidang kesehatan di kabupaten gunungkidul / muhammad khozin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0003 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 more private sector involvement in infrastructure procurement. since 1990s, this involvement has moved to an integrated model of a public private pratnerships (ppp) contract which bundles the design, construction, financing and operation activities into a single long-term contract. hodge et al (2010, p. 595) noted that the importance of the ppp has increased worldwide. from table 1, it can be seen that a number of countries, such as spain, italy, the united states and canada increased their use of the ppp procurement route. meanwhile, the uk, was the country with greatest ppp investment in the mid-2000s (yescombe, 2007, p. 30). kappeler and nemoz (2010, p. 8) reported that the uk was, by 2009, the largest ppp country with the investment portfolio, comprising 52.5% of the total ppp investment in european countries. cuttaree and mandri-perrott (2011, p. 8) noted that global ppp investment rose from 2005 to 2007. however, in 2008 there was a slight decrease as an effect of the world financial crisis and a greater decrease in 2009 as the crisis went on. in contrast, there is a growing phenomenon since 2009 that middle income countries, such as brazil, india, russia turkey and south africa, increased their use of ppp which contributed to worldwide ppp investment increases (p. 15). hawkesworth (2011) stated that, based on an oecd survey, the percentage of public sector infrastructure investment through ppp varies among countries and can reach more than 20%. table 2 shows that two countries (mexico and chile) are using ppp for more than 20% of public sector infrastructure investment. they are followed by south korea with a percentage of between ten to 15 and another seven countries including the uk with percentages of between five and ten (hawkesworth, 2011). the development of the ppp market has been growing in different stages. in figure 1, deloitte (2006) classified the worldwide ppp market, based on its sophistication and activities. countries in stage one are those with the lowest level of market maturity. they focus ppp activities on establishing policy, initiating a central unit to guide implementation, developing deal structures and public sector comparators, building the new marketplace, and rizal yaya universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta , email: r.yaya@umy.ac.id or rizalyaya@gmail.com public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 abstract for more than two decades, public private partnerships (ppp) had developed worldwide as an instrument to procure public infrastructure where government funds are limited. this practice supports the covergent theory of the public and private sector. indonesia experience with ppp follows most of what had been done by countries overseas with some deviations. the main reasons for going for ppp for indonesia government is to fill the gap in finance and capability in procuring the infrastructure. unofficial reason such as for off-balance sheet and ideological is not relevant. up to now, the government only allow investment in hard economic infrastructure. instead of using pure private finance, indonesia government facilitates public funds either from central government or local governments to finance ppp projects. in most cases, this involvement is because of marginality of the project. this results in the condition where the government still has dominant role in the existing ppp projects. compared to the ppp framework in other countries like in the uk, indonesia ppp lacks of attention on output specification and risk transfer. this may be because of lacking of experiences as well as due to high degree of government involvement. rigorous policy is needed in this area to ensure government to achieve better value for money. keywords: public-private partnerships, public infrastructure procurement, international ppp, indonesia ppp, value for money mechanism introduction growing demand for public infrastructure in the context of limited public funds has pushed governments in many countries to see 210 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 1: international public private partnership programmes source: dealogic in yescombe (2007) table 2: ppps’ percentage in public sector infrastructure investment source: hawkesworth (2011) figure1: ppp market maturity curve source: deloitte (2006, p. 6) public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 211 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ applying early lessons from transport to other sectors. countries in stage two focus on developing new hybrid delivery models, expanding the ppp marketplace, leveraging new sources of funds from capital markets and using ppp to drive service innovation. countries with a high level of maturity, such as the uk and australia, focus on refining new innovative models, developing more flexible approaches to the roles of the public and private sectors, providing more sophisticated risk models and infrastructure, giving greater focus to the total lifecycle of projects, and increasing the learning of the public sector from private partners. in indonesia, the ppp is developed after decentralisation reform in 2000s and starts to be used intensively in the last few years. based on strategic asia’s (2012) assessment, in terms of market maturity, indonesia can be categorised under stage two where the government had undergone establishing policy, building new market and developing non-transport ppp and now focusing on ppp market expansion. this article aims at analysing indonesian’s experience with ppp as compared with international development. the analysis focuses on comparison on how international ppp especially and indonesia ppp is developed, reasons for the ppp and mechanism in project assessment. this comparison is useful to identify deviations and how they may affect ppp development. theoretical foundation of ppp development the term ‘public sector’ is associated with governmental activity. this can be seen from the early studies of the public and private sectors which refer to the comparison between public agencies owned collectively by members of political communities and the private firms owned by entrepreneurs or shareholders (boyne, 2002). in this area, organisation theorists have come up with two different accounts which some describe as different in nature but others describe as convergent (allison, 1979; boyne, 2002; hughes, 2003; rainey et al, 1976). from the literature it can be seen that there have been some changes in the nature of the differences between the public and private sectors. higher degrees of differences in the past have diminished. rainey et al (1976) argued that the government aspects are so wide, varied and continually evolving that it is difficult to draw a clear line. they further explained that there are two interrelated phenomena that have made the public sector more convergent on the private sector: first the intermingling of governmental and non-governmental activities; and, second, the increasing similarity of function, context and role of the public sector with the private sector. rainey (2009) considered that there is little difference between public and private organisations. he explained that an organisation’s tasks and functions have more influence on organisational characteristics than the status of being public or private. this argument suggests that, if the public sector has similar tasks and functions to the private sector, they can be carried out by the private sector. one area, where public sector is largely similar with private sector, is infrastructure procurement. yescombe (2007) said that public infrastructure can be classified either by function or by form. in terms of function, public infrastructure can be categorised into economic infrastructure and social infrastructure. economic infrastructures are those which are expected to enhance productivity and innovation (grimsey and lewis, 2004). economic infrastructure can be classified based on its form into hard or soft economic infrastructure. hard economic infrastructure includes roads, highways, bridges, ports, power and telecommunications: soft economic infrastructure covers vocational training, financial facilities for business transaction, research activities, technology transfer and export assistance. social infrastructures are those which are needed for the structure of society and relate to providing basic services to households (grimsey and lewis, 2004). they can be classified further, based on their forms, into hard or soft social infrastructure. hard social infrastructure encompasses hospitals, schools, water supply, sewerage, housing, prisons and care homes for the elderly: soft social infrastructure include social security, community services and environmental protection programmes. the public private partnerships (ppp) was introduced in 1992 by the then uk conservative government under the term private finance initiative (pfi). later, the labour government introduced the term ‘public private partnerships’, referring to similar transactions. treasury (2000), in its document ‘public private partnerships – the government’s approach’ defined the ppp as: the public sector contracts to purchase quality services, with defined outputs, on a long-term basis from the private sector, and including maintaining or constructing the necessary public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 212 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ infrastructure. the term also covers financially free-standing projects (e.g. the second severn bridge) where the private sector supplier designs, builds, finances and then operates an asset and covers the costs entirely through direct charges on the private users of the asset, with public sector involvement limited to enabling the project to go ahead through assistance with planning, licensing and other statutory procedure (p. 47). this definition suggested that the ppp procurement route is not aimed at buying an asset as what the government does in conventional procurement but at buying the required services for a lengthy period. in addition, ppp is applicable for services which are paid for by either the public authority or the end-users. the uk then pionereed the development of ppp around the world, but the ppp definition does not necessarily refer to the idea of buying services as strictly in the uk. the canadian council for ppp for instance defined ppp as ‘a cooperative venture between the public and private sectors, built on the expertise of each partner, that best meets clearly defined public needs through the appropriate allocation of resources, risks and rewards.’ unlike the uk way which separate the role of public and private sector, the canadian ppp open the opportunity for both the public sector in the activity of design, build, finance and operate based the appropriate allocation of resouces, risk and rewards (siemiatycki, 2013). the ministry of finance of singapore (2004) defined ppp as ‘long-term partnering relationships between the public and private sector to deliver services. it is a new approach that government is adopting to increase private sector involvement in the delivery of public services.’ according to kpmg (2007), in singapore, ppp is seen as a way of bringing in specialist private sector expertise to stimulate an exchange of ideas and bring more international players into the domestic market (kpmg 2007). meanwhile, in india, the department of economic affairs of the ministry of finance (2005) defines ppp as ‘a project based on contract or concession agreement between a government or statutory entity on the one side and a private sector company on the other side, for delivering an infrastructure service on payment of user charges.’ this definition focuses on government’s concession to the private sector to develop a project and provide services in return for payment of user charges. the public sector’s engagement in the indian ppp is limited to the granting of the concession, owing to financial constraints and lack of modern technology. in indonesia, the initial regulation promoting the use of ppp after the 1997 financial crisis was presidential decree no 67/2005. this regulation suggested public infrastructure to be procured through partnerships with business entities such as private companies, state owned enterprises (bumn), local government owned enterprise (bumnd) and cooperatives. in that regulation, some characteristics of ppp are incorporated that the purposes of the partnerships are: (1) to finance the project through private sector involvement; (2) to improve service’s quantity and quality through healthy competition; (3) to improve the quality of project’s management and maintenance; (4) to push the implementation of the principle of the users pay for the service received. ppp definition is stated in presidential decree (perpres) no 13/2010 as ‘infrastructure procurement through partnership agreement or concession granting between ministry/head of government body/head of local government with business entity.’ again, this definition is considered as a broad terms which does not limit ppp to buying service as pioneered by the uk ppp. the advantage of this broad definition is facilitating government to have variations in project arrangements based on available resources. ppp delivery methods grimsey and lewis (2005, p. 346) stated that ppp procurement is used to fill the gap between conventionally procured government projects and full privatisation. in addition, ball and king (2006) differentiate ppp and conventional procurement in three aspects. first, conventional procurement only includes infrastructure procurement in its contract. however, under the ppp, the contract also includes private sector involvement in financing and in post-construction activities, such as infrastructure operation and maintenance. second, instead of specifying how the infrastructure should be designed and procured, the ppp contract adheres to output specification provided by the client who describes the services that the public sector client needs. this approach is expected to enable ppp bidders to come up with the best design that the private sector can offer to serve these needs at an affordable cost. third, significant public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 213 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ risks associated with the project should be transferred from the public sector client to the private sector. among the three aspects, the oecd (2008, p. 18) considered risk transfer to be the fundamental feature which differentiates ppp from conventional procurement. the difference between conventional and ppp procurement can also be analysed from two dimensions as suggested by pietroforte and miller (2002), namely financing and delivery. the financing dimension can be either direct or indirect. direct finance is procurement which is fully funded by the public sector, while indirect finance is procurement fully funded by the private sector. the project procurement dimension comprises either segmented delivery or combined delivery. segmented delivery is a method of procurement where each activity is undertaken under a separate contract. in contrast, combined delivery is procurement whereby all activities are undertaken under a single contract with the private sector. the relation of the two dimensions is captured in the four quadrants in figure 2. the four quadrants examine the combination of project delivery and methods of financing. quadrants 1 and 4 show the situation where the private sector has the least role in financing activity. in these quadrants, the private sector does not have any responsibility to provide the needed funds. the difference between quadrant 1 and quadrant 4 is on the degree of procurement activities. projects in quadrant 4 undertake only one activity in a single contract. projects in quadrant 1 are allowed to undertake all the procurement activities in a single contract. in quadrant 2, the private sector has the greatest role in both financing and infrastructure delivery. procurement in quadrant 2 shows that the private sector has responsibility for providing funds and performing all procurement activities. the procurement method in quadrant 2 the subject of this thesis) represents the characteristics of ppp, while quadrants 1 and 4 represent the conventional types of procurement. quadrant 3 is blank because no delivery method exists with the combined charactistics of segmented delivery and indirect finance. indonesia first experience with ppp type project is tangerang merak toll project in 1987. prior to this project, all toll roads were solely managed by pt jasa marga as a state owned company. this early model is more similar to joint venture where the government has significant share in project company. it used modified bot model with a private company where the government also participated in financing the project (pradono et al, 2012). table 3 shows toll road projects managed by the private sector in indonesia and how they are financed. among eight toll networks managed by the private sector, six used modified bot and only two purely used bot. the bot model is relatively similar to the origin ppp developed in the uk where the financing of land acquisition, construction and operation and maintenance is fully funded by the private sector. however, through modified bot, some parts of construction and land acquisition are expected to be financed by the government. consequently, under this modified model, the main ppp characteristics in terms of risk transfer will not properly applicable. figure 2: classification of project delivery methods source: adapted from pietroforte and miller (2002) public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 214 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ reasons for using the ppp based on the experience of other countries such as the united kingdom, there are a number of reasons suggested for the extensive use of the ppp. these can be categorised into official and unofficial reasons. the official reasons are those stated by the government, while the unofficial reasons are those interpreted by the public, especially academics or public policy observers. the following sub-sections discuss the two categories. 1. official reasons the ppp policy was adopted by the uk conservative government in 1992 and continued by the labour government from 1997 until 2010. in their official statements, governments of both persuasions have stressed achieving greater investment and vfm for tax payers as the main purposes for using the ppp. i. greater investment ford and zussman (1997) said that in the 1980s, governments considered two alternative mechanisms for engaging the private sector: total privatisation of public facilities and ppp. the privatisation enables governments to transfer to the private sector the total responsibility for developing, managing, and providing public services. however, through ppp, governments are able to invite private sector entities to finance and develop infrastructure projects without losing state control over the regulatory aspects of service provision, including the pricing of the services provided by the infrastructure facility (abdulaziz 2007). in its development, ppp became the popular option rather than privatisation which controversial politically. further, governments were hesitant to subject certain facilities to total privatisation for reasons such as national security. in treasury’s (2000) ‘public private partnerships: the government approach’ state that the suggested reforms to the ppp policy were expected to result in significant increases in the contribution made by private finance to publicly-sponsored total gross investment, from 10% in 1998-99 to an average of 15% in 1999-2000 to 2001-02 (p. 13). this contribution was predicted to increase following further reforms to the ppp to extend the scope of public sector activities to which this procurement method could be applied. in its 2013 ppp book, indonesian ministry of national development planning (mndp) also used similar argument on the need for ppp. it is said that by 2013, indonesia’s infrastructure investment to total output is at around 3% which is below its pre-financial crisis level of around 7% (mndp, 2013, p. vi). the book quoted a un report that infrastructure investment is urgently required because of rapid urbanization in indonesia. prior to this, in a report published by oecd, it is said that public spending on infrastructure in 2009 was only 1.9% of gdp. in may 2011, indonesian government launched a development strategy called master plan for the acceleration and expansion of indonesia’s economic development (mp3ei) published by the coordinating ministry of economic affairs (cmea) (2011). the then president yudhoyono said that this national strategy aims to leapfrog indonesia into the ten biggest economies by 2025. the strategy is expected to increase gdp to us $4.5 trillion as well as by increasing gdp per capita income from a current level of us$ 3000 to us$ 15,000. the master plan suggests indonesia development is based table 3: toll road networks managed by the private sector source: indonesia toll road authority, ministry of public works (2008) and pradono et al. (2012) public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 215 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ on six economic regions or called ‘six corridors’. each corridor has its own theme and focus of economic development: sumatra economic corridor as a center for production and processing of natural resources and as nation’s energy reserves; java economic corridor as a driver for national industry and service provision; kalimantan economic corridor as a center for production and processing of national mining and energy reserves”; sulawesi economic corridor as a center for production and processing of national agricultural, plantation, fishery, oil & gas, and mining; bali – nusa tenggara economic corridor as a gateway for tourism and national food support; and finally papua – kepulauan maluku economic corridor as a center for development of food, fisheries, energy, and national mining. the total investment for the six corridors will amount to rp. 4,012 trillion and 43% of which will be channelled towards infrastructure development (cmea, 2011). to fund the program, the private funding is projected to contribute to 51% of the funding, or rp. 100 trillion per year. in 2010, the coordinating ministry of economic affairs targeted to raise fund idr 980 trillion under the ppp scheme (cmea, 2010). this amount is equivalent to more than 68.5% of its idr 1,430 trillion infrastructure investment required at the national level over the period 2010-14. looking at the projected time span, the target seems ambitious and doubtful to reach. based on the experience with first big ppp projects in power plant, it took 39 months to complete a process from the beginning to financial close. this duration is much longer than projects neighboring country like singapore (18 months), or canada (18 months) and the uk (30 months) (strategic asia, 2012). assuming, the same condition still exist, the timetable to achieve the expected target needs to be revised. otherwise, improvement in ppp framework mechanism needs to be simplified, resources who manage the procurement process needs to be improved and best practices need to be shared and adopted to address problems, ii. value for money value for money is another reason for governments to use ppp schemes. in an annex to the statement ‘public private partnerships: the government approach’, the uk treasury addressed the cost overruns and delays in some traditional procurement contracts which might be alleviated under the ppp procurement route. the following table shows problems that were identified in some projects under conventional procurement. mott macdonald (2002) studied the delays and cost overruns in both traditional and ppp projects in the uk. they examined 39 traditionally-financed projects and reported high levels of delay (p. 14). the highest average delays occurred in the equipment/development type of project (54%), followed by non-standard buildings (39%), standard civil engineering (34%), non-standard civil engineering (15%) and standard building type of project (4%). in addition, the traditionally-procured projects had a high level of cost overruns. the highest occurred in the equipment/development type of project (214%), followed by non-standard civil engineering (66%), non-standard buildings (51%), standard civil engineering (44%) and standard building type of projects (24%). achieving value for money has also been identified by the canadian governement as the primary rationale for delivering infrastructure through ppp. the canadian practitioners of ppps defined value for money as a measure of the extent to which cost savings are achieved when delivering a public infrastructure project through a ppp relative to a traditional government-led procurement approach. siemiatycki (2013) reported that ppp in canada had been attractive because of delivering the project earlier than the agreed schedule: ‘public-private partnerships promise better value, timeliness and accountability for public infrastructure projects. that’s exactly what the city of winnipeg experienced with our 3.5 kilometre chief peguis trail extension. the project, including an underpass, multi-use pathway and pedestrian overpass, was completed one year ahead of schedule thanks, in large part, to this innovative approach.’ indonesia government has experienced a number of delays in infrastructure projects such as jakarta monorail, sunda strait bridge; and unsuccessfull projects such as dumai water suply which has spent government fund for idr 239 billion. this problem is similar to the problems in countries which have developed ppp earlier. however, very few arguments provided in indonesia ppp investor guide which highlight value for money issue. this may indicate that the government is so far only concern on inviting private partners but put less attention on value for money they need to achieve from the public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 216 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ppp. in addition, the guidance provided by the government has lack attention on the importance of output specification, which is the heart of the ppp procurement. 2. unofficial reasons failing to be convinced by government, a number of reasons for using the ppp have been articulated by public policy observers in the uk. since these reasons were not officially stated, they are described as unofficial reasons. these are off-balance sheet and ideological reasons. i. off-balance sheet financing a number of studies reported that the use of the ppp was driven by the opportunity to have the asset recorded off-balance sheet in the government accounts (broadbent and laughlin, 2002; heald, 1997; heald and georgiou, 2011; hodges and mellett, 1999, 2012; mcquaid and scherrer 2010, p. 30; terry, 1996). the importance of this accounting instrument is to enable the government to develop public infrastructure without increasing the level of public borrowing. this is because the rules imposed by the european union on member state budget deficits and debt have potentially limited public borrowing (mcquaid and scherrer, 2010). based on its risk transfer methodology, the use of the ppp can camouflage an investment as ‘a series of smaller annual revenue expenditures over the life of the project’ and consequently allow the acquisition of new infrastructure without apparent increases in public borrowing (mcquaid and scherrer, 2010, p. 30). heald and georgiou (2011) identified that, up to october 2007, there were 87% of 618 ppp projects in the uk which were off-balance sheet. the scottish government and the department for children, schools and families in england were the two top departments in the uk with the largest number (114 and 98 respectively) and with the highest proportion (99% and 100% respectively) of off-balance sheet ppp projects. these figures show that all projects in the school sector in england and almost all projects in scotland did pass the off-balance sheet requirement of tttn1 through significant risks being transferred to the private sector. this situation, according to heald (2003), may imply lower vfm for the public sector, since the accounting treatment was the dominant consideration in project selection rather than obtaining vfm from public expenditure. in indonesia context, off-balance sheet is not a critical issue as in the united kingdom. based on data release by trading indicators, the ratio of debt to gdp for indonesia is only 26.11%, far below the united kingdom of 90.60%. in addition, indonesia has no restriction to have greater debt as imposed on european countries under through 60% maastricht debt criterion ii. ideology ideology is suggested as another important unofficial reason by academics and political commentators to explain why the uk government insisted on the use of the ppp. referring to government policy since the end of the 1970s, edwards and shaoul (2003, p. 397) asserted that public policy in the uk has been dominated by the neo-liberal agenda of privatising state-owned trading enterprises such as public corporations and government agencies. similarly, the ppp has been designed to have the delivery of public sector support services and, increasingly, their core services provided by the private sector based on long-term contractual arrangements. consequently, the government and its agencies would become ‘the procurer and regulator of service rather than the provider’ (edwards and shaoul, 2003; hatcher, 2006). thus, the ppp policy was widely perceived as another way table 4: problems with conventional public procurement source: treasury (2000, p. 18) public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 217 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of privatising public service delivery that could not be fully privatised for financial or political reasons (edwards and shaoul, 2003; monbiot, 2002; connolly et al, 2008). this approach, according to broadbent and laughlin (2002), was not a technical matter, but more an ideology: there were strong ideological elements in the conception of ppp. an element of this is a belief that there should be a greater private sector involvement in the services that have been provided, in the past, by the uk’s public and government authorities (p. 630). criticism on the neoliberal agenda by the then president susilo bambang yudoyono did exist during his administration. however, there is no specific rejection to the inception of ppp programs initiated by the government as what happened in the uk. this can be understood for the following reasons. first, all ppp projects offered in indonesia are for hard economic infrastructures and none of them in the category of social infrastructure such as school in the uk ppp. it is clearly said in the ppp guidance that the scope for the ppp are airports, sea and river ports, roads and bridges, railways, water supply and irrigation system, drinking water, waste water, solid waste, ict, electricity and oil and gas. second, high demand from the public for better infrastructure where they will not concern whether procured by the public or the private sector. three, the new ppp projects is still at early phase and no risk had been transferred yet to the public such as extra cost they have to pay for the services provided. in addition, no transparency from the government to the public about the cost that the public will have to pay. in addition, the government will be likely to provide subsidy if the cost is too high for the public. ppp value for money mechanism the treasury (2004a, p. 17) defined vfm as ‘the optimum combination of whole life costs and quality’. it clarified that vfm is not about achieving the lowest initial price. in addition, the treasury (2006b, p. 7) required vfm assessment to compare the potential or actual outcomes of the alternative procurement options. in its early guidance, the treasury taskforce (1999a) suggested the ppp procurement team make vfm judgements based on the whole life costs rather than individual cost components. the whole life costs should include the future upgrade/maintenance requirements of the asset and its residual value if the asset reverts to the public sector at the end of the contract: as ppp is about the delivery of a stream of services over the longer term, judgements should be made on whole life costs rather than on individual cost components incurred at particular junctures. the evaluation of bids needs to focus on the overall cost of services over the life of the contract rather than on the phasing of items of expenditure or individual cost components within it. for example, in competing for the same service requirement, two rival bidders may have different approaches, with one choosing to have high upfront capital investment with lower future upgrade/ maintenance requirements, and the other relatively low initial capital investment but with more frequent renewals and upgrades. the procurer should concern itself with the overall npv of bidders’ unitary charges rather than the mix or balance of individual components within it. if the asset reverts to the public sector at the end of the contract, the procurer should also assess the residual value of that asset to get a whole life value of each bidder’s proposals (treasury taskforce, 1999a, para. 4.2.1) the treasury taskforce (1997, p. 8) acknowledged that there are extra costs incurred from the use of the ppp. these are provider’s profit, bid costs and borrowing costs. however, it was claimed that the extra costs incurred can be outweighed by the benefits derived from the ppp, as shown in figure 3. figure 3: the vfm balance source: treasury taskforce (1997, p. 8) to measure value for money of a ppp project, most countries used public sector comparator as assessment tool (grimsey and lewis, 2004). uk policy statement public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 218 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ number 2 (treasury taskforce, 1998b, para. 1.3.2) defines the psc as ‘a cost estimate based on the assumption that assets are acquired through conventional funding and that the procurer retains significant managerial responsibility and exposure to risk’. grimsey and lewis (2004, p. 137) considered the psc as a benchmark cost of providing required services under conventional procurement. the psc is to be produced prior to the procurement of a project, to test the potential vfm of procurement options (treasury, 2003a, p. 7). the overview of the cost structure of the psc and the ppp is shown in figure 4. both the psc and ppp include the same retained risk, which is the risk retained by the public sector. in addition to the retained risk, the psc should include risk adjustment and project base costs. on the other hand, the ppp cost structure only includes the cost of service payments in addition to the retained risks. figure 4: value for money comparison between a psc and a pppbid source: treasury taskforce (1999c, p. 6) under the psc, all relevant and material risks should be identified and assigned (treasury taskforce, 1999c, p. 40). some risks could be clearly classified as transferable to the supplier, such as design risks, or as retained in the public sector, such as policy risks. however, there are risks which are potentially either transferable or retainable. these are classified as negotiable risks and could be partially transferred to the private sector according to a given formula (p. 40). the procuring authority is suggested to include in the psc the estimates of the basic costs of capital assets, including any fit-out costs needed to convert an existing property to the required use (treasury taskforce, 1999c, p. 14). besides the upfront construction costs, the basic capital costs should also include the full lifecycle costs of maintaining the assets in order to deliver the output specification (examples of these costs are the replacement of lifts, rewiring or changes in equipments with shorter life expectancies). the basic capital cost estimation in the psc should reflect all resource costs of the project, including the opportunity cost of the asset if sold or used for another purpose. all the assumptions should follow the latest experience of conventional procurement, such as assumptions about construction techniques. besides basic capital costs, basic operating costs should also be included in the public sector comparitor. the operating costs include the costs of services according to the output specification over the period of contract (treasury taskforce, 1999c, p. 16). indonesia ppp guidance acknowledges common ppp practices to use psc as tool for value for money assessment. however, the guidance declines to use the psc for reasons of being unrealistic to be applied in indonesia due to limited government budget and capacity. traditional vfm analysis determines whether a ppp approach will deliver the service or infrastructure more effectively and at less cost than through standard public sector means, as represented by the public sector comparator (psc). however, this traditional approach is based on assumptions that do not reflect conditions in indonesia. for example, a traditional vfm analysis using a psc implicitly assumes that public sector development of the infrastructure is a realistic option. due to limited government budgets and capacity, it may not be an option in indonesia. (cmea, 2011) as alternative, indonesian ppp uses project modalities approach with a sequence steps. first, a full range of project modalities from fully public to fully private are identified. second, parametersthat can affect project success are identified, which include social, institutional, technical and economic factors. third, modalities are evaluated qualitatively relative to one another against these parameters to determine the most promising modalities. fourth, available risk mitigation mechanisms are then considered, which may re-order or expand the feasible modalities. finally, the top-ranked modalities are then evaluated quantitatively using a financial model to determine which modality yields the highest revenue constrained project net present value. the revenue public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 219 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ constraint is applied to reflect end-user willingness to pay or off-taker avoided cost. problems with this methodology is lack attention on identifying risk and transferring them to the best party able to manage it as compared to the psc model. under the psc, from the very beginning risk should be identified and that process is helpful in making clear private partner responsibility. in addition, a thorough process is essential in the implementing risk transfer mechanism. under common ppp approach some factors are identified to result in better value for money (treasury taskforce, 1997, para. 3.08). these are: (1) bundling of design, build and service operation; (2) output specification that encourages innovative design, re-engineering, avoidance of over-specification, new materials or more efficient maintenance (including guaranteed maintenance at the appropriate time); and (3) efficient allocation of risks to the parties best able to manage them at least cost. details on how the above aspects contribute to vfm are now discussed and compared with indonesia experience. 1. ppp bundling martimort and pouyet (2008) explained some circumstances where ppp methodology would perform better than conventional procurement. they proposed that, in a situation where a performance contract can be written and infrastructure design can save operating costs, bundling the tasks of building and managing the assets would be the optimal organisational structure. the argument is that private consortia can better internalise the impact of the improved infrastructure quality on operating costs. consequently, a private consortium will strive to produce better design of the infrastructure in order to gain a bonus by lower operating costs. these benefits do not exist under conventional procurement, as the building and managing asset tasks are undertaken by separate entities. de bettignies and ross (2010) added that better performance under bundling is caused by the efforts made by the ppp builder and operator. as the builder’s efforts can have a positive impact in reducing operating cost, they would exert the first-best level of effort to increase project quality. by contrast, under unbundling, the builder would only exert ‘a strictly positive but second-level effort’. in addition, iossa and martimort (2008, p. 16) suggested that the effort level with bundling is higher. ppp projects in indonesia do not necessary follow the pure method of project bundling in overseas. this can be seen from the establishment of pt. indonesia infrastructure financing (pt. iif) by indonesian government through its state owned enterprise pt. sarana multi infrastructure (pt smi) to provide funding towards commercially feasible projects. to increase its capacity pt iif received loan from world bank and asian development bank. this company plays it role in increasing the availability of equity and long term debt, particularly rupiah available for private infrastructure investment in indonesia. therefore, the project company in indonesia may consist of project sponsors, either from the private sector including local and foreign invetsors, and/or government through state-owned enterprise. this mechanism follow the canadian ppp where some projects may have upfront finance by the government and only one third as private finance (siemiatycki, 2013). the advantage of this approach is to reduce high cost of private finance which is usually more expensive than public funds. 2. ppp output specification and value for money the treasury taskforce (1999c, p. 10) defines output specification as ‘a statement of needs to be satisfied by the procurement of external resources’. it is an instrument to specify what the public sector client wants to procure and what the supplier is expected to provide. this instrument is used by the public sector to construct the psc, and is utilised by the private sector to prepare ppp bids. the treasury (2003b, p. 33) stated that the output specification is different from the input specification approach under conventional procurement. under conventional procurement, the procuring authority describes precisely the work required to deliver particular services. this is then tendered for to secure competitive pricing and the most economically advantageous proposal for the construction. however, 4ps (2001), a consulting body for ppp projects established by the local government association and partnerships uk, stated that, if the design and plan produced by the public sector was inappropriate, it is the public sector that will bear the cost to put the construction back on track if costs increase because of project delays. consequently, conventional procurement has the potential to cost more than the original estimated cost, or can fail to meet the initial public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 220 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ output objectives. in addition, a number of uncertainties in terms of building lifecycle maintenance, ongoing provision of services, and efficiency of facilities, would exist after asset construction (4ps, 2001). under ppp procurement, the procuring authority only specifies the services required (treasury, 2003a). the selection of a preferred bidder is based on the competition to offer better whole life costs and the quality to meet users’ requirement and not necessarily based on the one with lower construction cost. according to 4ps (2001), this approach would encourage a focus on strategic needs rather than on ‘the history and detail of current provision’ (p. 5). a proper output specification would drive the private sector to come up with new ideas about the design, construction and operation of schools (p. 6). as this approach also encourages bidders to develop means to deliver the outputs within a fixed performance-related pricing mechanism, 4ps (2001, p. 6) stated that the ppp should ‘lead to better designed and operated schools in the longer term’. the treasury (2003a) also argued that the use of an output specification would benefit the public sector as this can drive the private sector to meet the desired output objectives by using their best expertise and know how to deliver the service. although output specification is at the heart of the use of the ppp, guideline on ppp performance standards in indonesia is very limited. in the investor guideline issued by the coordinating ministry of economic affairs, performance standards is one of the elements to be included in the document of cooperation agreement. however, there is no further details about how the performance standards will be used and what mechanism will be applied to record the performance. transparency and the existing of clear guidance in this area is very much needed as much of the government needs private involvement. value for money study in the country with mature ppp phase shows the important of clarity in output specification. yaya’s (2013) study shows that projects with poor output specification is less value for money than those with thorough output specification. 3. ppp risk transfer and value for money risk transfer is defined by the treasury taskforce (1999c, p. 63) as ‘the process of moving the responsibility for the financial consequences of a risk from the public to the private sector’. this concept is based on the public sector’s efforts to find a solution for cost overruns in public infrastructure procurement. the tttn number 5 (treasury taskforce, 1999c, p. 8) stated that an optimum risk transfer can lead to ‘dramatic improvements in value for money’. however, oecd (2008, p. 49) suggested that risk allocation to the party best able to manage it does not mean maximum risk transfer. figure 5 shows that risk transfer could improve vfm to a certain level after which vfm declines as the result of more risk transfer. figure 5: risk transfer and optimal vfm source: treasury taskforce (1997, p. 11) theoretically, vfm is improved by transferring risk to the private sector which can reduce it in terms of the probability of occurrence or financial consequences, if the risks do materialise. however, vfm will decline if the public sector keeps transferring risks which cannot be best managed by the private sector. the decline is caused by the benefits of risk transfer being outweighed by the premium charged by the private sector. furthermore, having too much risk transfer may result in the public sector paying a premium for something that will not be delivered. this is because there are many ppp projects with services which cannot be neglected, such as health and education. consequently, when problems arise, the public sector would have to step in, thus providing an implicit guarantee to the private sector. it is the optimum rather than the maximum total risk transfer which should be aimed at by the ppp procurement method. under indonesian ppp framework, risk transfer issues seem not properly addressed. this can be inferred from no clear guidance about what penalty will be imposed for not meeting the standards and and how it will be executed. conclusion the development of ppp around the world has public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 221 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ attracted indonesia government to use this approach intensively for its new infrastructure projects. ambitious target has been set up by the government to raise idr 980 trillion under ppp to fund its idr 1,430 trillion new infrastructure projects over the period 2010-2014. reasons for using the ppp follow the argument of other countries of the need for greater investment and better value for money. however, the ppp framework in indonesia does not address properly the issue of output specification and risk transfer which is the key point to achieve better value for money. references 4ps (2006), competitive dialogue – a new chapter in procuring large and complex projects, public private partnerships programme, london. allen, g. 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(2004), public–private partnerships: the worldwide revolution in infrastructure provision and project finance, edward elgar, cheltenham. grimsey, d. and lewis, m.k. (2005), ‘are public private partnerships value for money?: evaluating alternative approaches and comparing academic and practitioner views’, accounting forum, vol. 29(4), pp. 345-78. hawkesworth, i. (2011), ‘from lessons to principles for the use of public-private partnerships’, paper presented at 4th annual meeting on public-private partnerships, oecd conference, paris, 24-25 march. heald, d. and georgiou, g. (2011), ‘the substance of accounting for public-private partnerships’, financial accountability & management, vol. 27(2), pp. 217-247. hodge, g.a. (2010), ‘reviewing public-private partnerships: some thoughts on evaluation’, in g.a. hodge, c. creve and a.e. boardman (eds.), international handbook on public-private partnerships, edward elgar, london. ball, r and king, d. 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(2007), public-private partnerships: principles of policy and finance, elsevier ltd., oxford. public-private partnerships: an international development vis a vis indonesia experience / rizal yaya / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0020 jurnal studi pemerintahan 104 affiliation: 1carnegie mellon university in qatar (cmu-q) 2hamad bin khalifa university (hbku) correspondence: savanid vatanasakdakul, muhamad fatih azka mazka@hbku.edu.qa how to citate: vatanasakdakul, s., & azka, m. f. (2021). the adoption of crowdfunding by indonesia' s political party: a case study on partai solidaritas. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (2).104-131 article history: received: 2021-01-30 revision: 2021-02-01 accepted: 2021-02-08 the adoption of crowdfunding by indonesia’s political party: a case study on partai solidaritas indonesia savanid vatanasakdakul1 muhamad fatih azka*2 abstract this paper offers an analysis of crowdfunding adoption by a political party in explore the phenomenon of crowdfunding for political causes, which is an under-researched topic, and provide a new contribution to knowledge that raises awareness of the potential and challenges of adopting crowd funding by a political entity in indonesia, which is partai solidaritas indonesia (psi). by having a case study on psi adoption of crowdfunding, this paper analyses psi crowdfunding campaigns’ effectiveness, strength, and weaknesses. it also draws an analysis on the implications of this funding model beyond political votes. the findings suggest that although kitabisa was created for crowdfunding campaigns with social purposes, psi’s political campaigns inkitabisa gained more funds than its social campaigns. however, the overall success rate of psi political crowdfunding campaigns is very low. despite ahigh level of social mediaengagement, its campaigns lack coordination. keywords: crowdfunding; politics; political crowdfunding; indonesia; social media; digital politics; kitabisa; partai solidaritas indonesia. abstrak tulisan ini menawarkan analisis tentang adopsi crowdfunding oleh partai politik di indonesia untuk mencapai target pendanaannya. signifikansi penelitian ini adalah untuk mengeksplorasi fenomena crowdfunding untuk tujuan politik, yang merupakan topik yang kurang diteliti, dan memberikan kontribusi pengetahuan baru yang meningkatkan kesadaran akan potensi dan tantangan adopsi crowdfunding oleh entitas politik di indonesia, yang adalah partai solidaritas indonesia (psi). dengan studi kasus tentang adopsi crowdfunding psi, makalah ini menganalisis efektivitas, kekuatan, dan kelemahan kampanye crowdfunding psi. ini juga menarik analisis tentang implikasi dari model pendanaan ini di luar suara politik. temuan menunjukkan bahwa meskipun kitabisa dibuat untuk kampanye crowdfunding dengan tujuan sosial, kampanye politik psi di kitabisa memperoleh lebih banyak dana daripada kampanye sosialnya. namun, tingkat keberhasilan kampanye crowdfunding politik psi secara keseluruhan sangat rendah. meskipun tingkat keterlibatan media sosial tinggi, kampanyenya kurang terkoordinasi. kata kunci: penggalangan dana; politik; penggalangan dana politik; indonesia; media sosial; politik digital; kitabisa; partai solidaritas indonesia. introduction many political parties or candidates in indonesia have difficulty financing costly campaigns. this problem is mailto:mazka@hbku.edu.qa https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1289-5641 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7729-8031 vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 particularly acute for partai solidaritas indonesia (psi)or the indonesian solidarity party, founded in 2014. the 2019 indonesian general election was the first time they ran for public votes. psi not only had to fight for popularity and legitimacy, but it also had to secure a substantial amount of funding to contest older and much wealthier political parties. using technology for its advantage, psi adopted crowdfunding as a significant source of funding (jurnaliston, 2018). crowdfunding is an emerging ap plication that is based on the internet where “campaigners,” to denote people who seek funding through a crowdfunding plat-form, receive funds, usually in a small amount of between 1 to1,000 usd, from a large number of “backers,” which refers to the people who supported the campaigns (rubin & callaghan, 2019; teberga & oliva, 2018; w. zhang et al., 2019). by using this definition, this study will look at every online fundraising campaign that psi organized within their official website or through third-party crowdfunding platforms such as kitabisa.com. furthermore, any activities of soliciting funds from crowdfunding for political purposes, such as what psi did during the 2019 indonesian general election, can be regarded as political crowdfunding. donations are crucial for political candidates to survive where the free and fair election is conducted. before crowdfunding, indonesian politicians used to depend on funds acquired from their own pockets and wealthy businesspeople, consisting of a limited and often unaccountable group of people (klumpp, 2015; taolin, 2020). in addition, they receive a certain amount of funding from the government and joint ventures from their cadres or members (hidayat, 2016; taolin, 2020). numerous studies found that since the advent of social media, people have the opportunity to democratize their political framework, including the process of political fundraising campaigns (effing et al., 2011;saraswati, 2018; spinner & cronin, 2011). now, people of all stripes can 105 jurnal studi pemerintahan 106 participate in funding for political purposes thanks to the social media platforms where crowdfunding campaigns thrive. many studies have analyzed the development of crowdfunding in indonesia. they have looked at how it has been adopted, its impact, and the challenges and opportunities it has presented (adiansah et al., 2016; bhawika, 2017). however, no research has explored the adoption of crowdfunding by political figures in the country. that is why this study is conducted in order to fill the gap of knowledge. this study will also analyze and evaluate social media’s effectiveness in enabling psi to reach its crowd-funding targets. this paper raises questions on psi crowdfunding campaigns’ strengths and weaknesses and their impacts beyond political votes. the remainder of this study’s structure is a literature review. it discusses the existing studies on political crowdfunding, crowd funding studies in indonesia, a psi background, and its motivations in adopting crowdfunding for political causes. next, it discusses the research methodology to collect the data to achieve its research objectives. after that, it covers the study’s result and critically examines the effectiveness, strength, weakness, and im-pact of the adoption of political crowdfunding by psi. finally, before it offers a conclusion where it brings together knowledge and practical contribution, it first recommends avenues for future studies based on this study’s limitations. literature review crowdfunding crowdfunding can be divided into four main types; namely donation-based, equity-based, crowdlending, and reward-based crowdfunding (allison et al., 2017; colombo et al., 2015; mollick,2014). all of these types were classified based on how the backers receive compensation for their financial supports. thus, since political crowdfunding does not offer a monetary reward to its backers, political vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 crowdfunding then falls under the category of donation based crowdfunding. the sophisticated and relatively novel technology of crowdfunding seems to bring promises of well-funded projects to those aspiring to reach their funding target. the impacts of crowdfunding depend on the type of crowdfunding platforms that are adopted by the users. for example, donation-based crowdfunding platforms will affect society differently than crowdfunding platforms that are equity-based or reward-based (behl & dutta, 2019;li et al., 2018). however, a general conclusion that can be drawn is that the adoption of crowdfunding platforms has been beneficial for the public. this section will highlight the real-world political, social, and economic implications. political impact crowdfunding has also been used in various political initiatives. the phenomenon of political crowdfunding has helped political candidates in democratic countries where free and fair elections are held. these candidates adopt crowdfunding as a funding source to cover the costly election campaigns in their countries (baber, 2020; kusumarani & zo, 2019). in addition to that, political crowdfunding has helped to fund political cam paigns and demonstrations. for example, numerous crowdfunding campaigns were organized to support activities held by the political opposition group in russia (sokolov, 2015). democracy will thrive where active citizens frequently influence political frameworks in the country (davies, 2015). thus, crowdfunding can be a platform for people to exercise their political supports to finance a political candidate of their choosing or political activities. furthermore, (sokolov, 2013) argues this application can influence citizens’ political life, increasing politicians’ accountability, and expanding political awareness. politicians who use crowdfunding will also benefit from “bypassing” the government as there are political campaigns that could face rejection from the government 107 jurnal studi pemerintahan 108 due to political standing or the nature of the campaigns. they can also attract the young population through crowdfunding as most internet users are young people. social impact the adoption of crowdfunding platforms to raise funds is helpful to entrepreneurs and community workers, non government institutions, and individuals with social project initiatives. (latysheva, 2020) argues that crowdfunding can be a solution to tackle social and cultural issues in rural communities. by examining major russian crowdfunding platforms, boom starter andplaneta.ru, the study concludes that social projects in rural russian villages dominate the platforms, and the projects are more successful than the other types of projects in terms of reaching their target funding (latysheva, 2020). another example with a local context, “sedekah jariyah 10.000 qur’an untuk korban bencana” has raised a total of over two billion idr or around 142,601 usd, via kitabisa. this project in indonesia aims to help provide supports for the victims of natural disasters in indonesia in 2021. furthermore, crowdfunding platforms offer a fast, efficient, and effective means of gathering funds and global support for local humanitarian projects. for example, a crowdfunding campaign “impact lebanon” was launched on justgiving.com in august 2020 as soon as the incident happened. a month later, the campaign had raised over £160,000 to help the beirut explosion victims. this was one of the many campaigns started on various crowdfunding platforms globally and locally to help co ordinate humanitarian endeavors for the victims (sullivan, 2020). this example highlights the positive impact of crowdfunding adoption in an emergency humanitarian crisis. business and economic impact apart from the social impact, the adoption of crowdfunding has also affected how we conduct our business and economic activities. with their features that vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 allow them to gather funds from the crowd, crowdfunding platforms have provided the in-vestment and support needed by entrepreneurs and small and medium enterprises (smes) owners. one of the most significant constraints on smes’ development is a lack of financial resources to start, sustain, and grow their businesses. financial shortage in the segment is alarming: 55 to 68 percent of formal smes in the developing world are either underserved or unserved by financial institutions (world bank, 2017). the worldwide economic crisis of 2007-2008, coupled with higher regulations and prudence norms implemented by financial institutions, further reduced the sme sector’s credit flow. on the other hand, smes are often reluctant to approach financial institutions for credit due to the non availability of adequate and timely credit, the high cost of credit, and collateral requirements. as a result, financial shortages within the segment are accumulated and remain a perennial issue. despite these issues, the growth and development of innovative finance options in sme financing, particularly crowdfunding, provide an alternative credit source. as crowdfunding continues to grow, it offers solutions to the funding problems of small and medium enterprises. crowdfunding is a “financing escalator” as it enhances the smes, improves finance sources, and eases the access of finance for the segments (ibrahim, 2018). for instance, the indonesian-based crowdlending platform, modalku.co.id, has cumulatively raised over usd 21 trillion idr or 1,497,312,600usd of loans to smes in indonesia. besides, the growth of smes means the creation of more jobs available to reduce the unemployment rate as crowdfunded campaigns tend to hire new talents (shah & shah, 2017; valanèienë & jegelevièiûtë, 2014). moreover, crowdfunding platforms have become a promoter of innovation. these platforms offer a means of communication between investors and entrepreneurs to 109 jurnal studi pemerintahan 110 improve their product innovation performance (valanèienë & jegelevièiûtë, 2014). (shang et al., 2020) investigated the impact of venture investors’ monitoring of crowdfunding projects on product innovation performance in the follow-up projects. the study’s findings show that venture investors’ monitoring of crowdfunding projects has a positive impact on product innovation in the follow-up projects, and the financing performance mediates the relationship between venture investors’ monitoring and product innovation (shang et al., 2020). this result can help venture capital better understand the impact of crowdfunding projects on financing performance and further product innovation in follow-up projects, which will have important practical implications. another impact of crowdfunding for entrepreneurs is that it has become a market test for their products. by having communication with their supporters and a general audience via the platforms, entrepreneurs can conduct what amounts to market research (valanèienë & jegelevièiûtë, 2013). when they are finally successful in reaching the target, the supporters’ demographics can be used to evaluate their success factors. they will also learn about market reactions when their project fails. for example, (zhang et al., 2019) studied the people’s intentions to support sustainable milk products in china to identify potential target groups and estimate market demand. the study found that milk quality, nutrition improvement, emissions reduction, and environmental benefits were the significant factors that explain why people are willing to support the project (zhang et al., 2019). challenges despite the significant benefits and highlighted significance of crowdfunding, some challenges discourage people from adopting this emerging application. those challenges include fraudulent campaigns, the possibility of ideas being stolen, lack of aware-ness of the potential and proven benefits of crowdfunding, andlack of financial vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 inclusion. that being said, some opportunities can mitigate the hindrances and offer an optimistic outlook of what the future of crowdfunding july look like. crowdfunding is a nascent yet increasingly popular means of getting funding poses some serious challenges. the existence of fraudulent campaigns, in particular, undermines the viability of crowdfunding as a safe financial technology platform. for example, many fraud cases are reported, especially in medical crowdfunding, where campaigners seek health related expenses. while providing crucial access to care for many, it is also accom panied by increased fraudulent activity risks. (zenone and snyder,2019) investigated types of fraud that occur within medical crowdfunding. by developing a typology of fraud cases described in the news media by retrieving 52 instances of medical crowdfunding fraud, the study identified the following categories of fraud: faking or exaggerating one’s illness, faking or exaggerating another’s illness, impersonation, and misapplication of funds. moreover, it is difficult to prove the scammers guilty once they are identified. this is because sometimes there is not enough motivation to prosecute the case. after all, the backers are mostly small, unsophisticated investors and the campaigners are mostly small startups about whom little is known (bradford, 2017). neither individual litigation nor group actions will usually be feasible, and the cost of suing will usually exceed the expected recovery. state securities regulators are also unlikely to focus their limited enforcement resources on small crowdfunding offerings. realizing this challenge, people who wish to donate or invest in crowdfunding platforms can perform self-initiate fraud checks before they engage. this is why documenting the characteristics of fraudsters is of paramount importance. a study found that fraudsters are less likely to have engaged in prior crowdfunding activities, are less likely to have a social media presence, and are more likely to provide easy-to read campaign pitches with a more significant number of enticements through pledge categories (cumming et al., 111 jurnal studi pemerintahan 112 2017). secondly, the lack of awareness about what crowdfunding has achieved and its potential has also hin dered its adoption. a study on the crowdfunding platform in morocco discovered that very few people are aware of crowdfunding platforms such as cotizi, zoomaal, and the us based crowdfunding kisskissbankbank.com (korchi et al., 2019). this lack of awareness leads to a lack of trust in the platforms to become a viable alternative source of funding (abushaban, 2014). thirdly, crowdfunding poses challenges to startups and tech entrepreneurs with regards to the possibility of ideas being stolen (valanèienë & jegelevièiûtë, 2013). on crowdfunding platforms, many innovative and creative ideas are presented to the broader public. this exposure could risk the novel ideas being stolen. not only can people others copy the model of the products themselves, but also the business model. there are many cases of entrepreneurs reporting the misappropriation of their ideas. for example, ”formlabs” managed to raise around usd 3 million on kickstarter to commercialize an accessible 3d printer. as soon as their success went viral, an established company, 3d systems, sued them for patent infringement (smith, 2013). this example highlights the importance of protecting the firm’s intellectual capital via patents, trademarks, and/or copyrights (almerico, 2015). opportunities all is not lost. crowdfunding still has a promising future. this is because trends support the growth of crowdfunding adoption in the world in general and in indonesia in particular. one of the prominent trends is the creation of digital tools and policies to mitigate the challenge presented by fraudulent campaigns. (perez et al., 2020) came up with a digital method to detect scammers on crowdfunding platforms by utilizing machine learning. the technique computes various textual and image-based features and studies their distributions and how they associate with campaign fraud. using these attributes, the vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 researchers build machine learning classifiers and show that it is possible to automatically classify such fraudulent behavior with up to 90.14%accuracy, only using features available from the campaign’s description at the moment of publication (i.e., with no user or money activity) (perez et al., 2020). crowdfunding users should take advantage of this tool when they want to confirm a crowdfunding campaign’s authenticity. moreover, policies such as arbitration for crowdfunding frauds and potential donors and investors’ requirement to educate themselves about the risks of scams on crowdfunding have been put in place (perez et al., 2020; zenone & snyder, 2019). this education package that is being promoted by the platforms encourages tech startups to secure their products’ patents before launching crowdfunding campaigns. these developments suggest the creation of a safer and more reliable crowdfunding environment. furthermore, a significant increase in internet adoption due to the covid19 pandemic provides more opportunities for people to be exposed to internet-based applications such as crowdfunding. due to movement restriction orders on a national and international scale, the pandemic has compelled millions of people to work and study from home by utilizing the internet (koeze & popper, 2020). for context, a cybersecurity firm, akamai, reports that global internet traffic has grown by as much as 30 percent this year compared to last year (kemp, 2020). this trend has helped people realize the crucial significance of internetenabled applications to support their daily lives. this, hopefully, will translate into more people being aware of the presence of crowdfunding and its substantial positive impacts on our political, social, and economic development. political crowdfunding numerous studies have exclusively examined the phenomenon of political crowdfunding. (sokolov, 2015) 113 jurnal studi pemerintahan 114 qualitatively evaluates political crowdfunding campaigns in russia. (kusumarani andzo, 2019) and (baber, 2020) quantitatively analyze the users’ intentions on political crowdfunding adoption globally, and specifically in india, by using social-behavior theories such as the civic volunteerism model (cvm) and theory of planned behavior (tpb). although these studies have contributed to political crowdfunding’s knowledge and practice, there are still gaps that will be discussed in this section. the study by (sokolov, 2015) contributes essential insights into political crowdfunding in russia by analyzing case studies. he provides a comparative analysis of russia’s political crowdfunding campaigns, which were held from the beginning of 2011 through 2014. those campaigns are navalny’s rospil project, boris nemtsov’s pamphlets about president vladimir putin, moscow’s 2011 protest demonstrations, the moscow helsinki group, pussy riot, and local electoral campaigns. the findings suggest that these campaigns were generally not successful, except the navalny’s rospil project. however, even this project did not yieldits expected target as it took a long time to collect the funds, and only a few people took up the majority of the funds collected. sokolov suggests that the speed with which political crowdfunding is adopted and implemented in society depends on how soon politicians understand the advantages offered by this way of communication in russia’s developing civil society. (kusumarini and jo, 2019) examine the factors driving people’s intention to participate in online political crowdfunding. by employing the civic volunteerism model (cvm) and cognitive dissonance theory, this study develops an integrated model to explain people’s motivations for participating in online political crowdfunding. it finds that perceived congruence between politicians and individuals is one of the most significant driving factors for online political crowdfunding participation. it further reveals that resources, such as financial and information resources, do not influence vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 people’s intentions to participate in a political crowdfunding campaign as much as the previous cvm study showed. (baber, 2020) also applies cvm to the study of people’s intentions to participate in a political crowdfunding campaign in india. however, unlike kusumarini and jo’s study, baber found that resources are a strong factor in participation. overall, their studies can be replicated albeit would not endin the same result. for example, sokolov’s russian case studies, kusumarani and jo’s mechanical turk participants, and baber’s indian participants have completely different political and cultural frameworks from indonesia, albeit all are democratic. these studies have become the foundations on why evaluating political crowdfunding in indonesia is pertinent. based on the limitations explained above, it is crucial to conduct a study about indonesia’s political crowdfunding. many studies have been conducted regarding the development of crowdfunding in indonesia, its factors and impacts of adoption, as well as its opportunities and challenges (adiansah et al., 2014; bhawika, 2017;nugroho & rachmaniya, 2019). however, there is no research evaluates the the adoption of political crowdfunding by a political party in the country. accordingly, this study aims to fill this knowledge gap. indonesian solidarity party the psi was established in 2014 and chaired by grace natalie,a former journalist and news anchor with various prominent national media agencies. she had no experience as a politicianbefore she founded the party, but she was the director of a leading political think tank, saiful mujani research and consulting. the party’s slogan, “terbuka, progresif, itu kita!” which means “transparent, progressive, it’s us!” demonstrates its left-leaning, liberal, progressive orientation. in addition, psi is well-known in the indonesian public as the political party of young people due to its regulations, which do not allow anyone over 45 to be a 115 jurnal studi pemerintahan 116 party member or staff member (zulfikar, 2017). during the 2019 general election, psi formed a coalition with the incumbent political party. the election was not a success, and psi did not meet the parliamentary threshold of 4% of the total national votes, gaining only 1.89% or about 2.6 million votes (kpu ru, 2019). however, some of their politicians reserved seats in provincial level constituencies as 13 psi politicians gained seats in 6 regional parliamentary provinces. two of their politicians held positions in the executive branch of the government as a vice minister in the ministry of agricultural affairs and spatial planning, as well as a legal expert in the presidential office. motives behind the crowdfunding adoption for grace natalie, there were several reasons why crowdfunding was a key fundraising strategy (nadlir, 2018). she believed that democracy thrives when people have a stake in the success of their political representatives. this works both ways, and crowdfunding ensures that political parties are aware of their responsibility to the people. for psi members, using crowdfunding to seek funds for their political campaigns will also help them focus on their job performance and delivery once they got selected in the election, as an act of repatriation for the public’s contribution. natalie explained that the party did not provide any financial support to its candidates (jurnaliston, 2018). instead, it offered them training in online and offline fundraising methods. this sets the party apart from the incumbent parliament members sponsored by private companies or wealthy individuals. she contended that the psi funding model would lower the likelihood of corruption, democratize the campaign fundi ng system, and would help to eradicate ‘money politics.’ research method based on the knowledge gap found from the literature vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 review process, this study aims to answer the following research questions: “what are the crowdfunding campaigns that psi organized in the period before the 2019 indonesian general election to 2020?” and “how effective the campaigns are in reaching their target funding?”. due to the limited primary source, this study will contribute to the knowledge on the phenomenon of political crowdfunding in indonesia by offering empirical data on the platform’s adoption by a political party, which in this case is psi. to achieve that, this study employs qualitative content analysis of various internet-based platforms such as psi official website, psi official social media accounts, and psi crowdfunding platforms. this study also brings together primary and secondary data reported from various sources such as official documents of indonesia’s election commission, psi’s reports, news articles, journals, and other sources. furthermore, to evaluate psi crowdfunding campaigns’ effectiveness, this study uses web-based tools such as foller.me and socialstatus.io. result and discussion crowdfunding campaigns the funds collected were announced for a plethora of reasons, such as for funding the renovation of their headquarter office (arigi, 2019), supporting their political candidates in the election (rachman, 2018), and for social projects (aryodamar,2019). to do this, psi has employed several crowdfunding programs to reach their financial plan. based on web platforms’ adoption, psi crowdfunding streams can be divided into two types: firstly, by creating its own crowdfunding sites and secondly, by organizing it through a third party platform. a more elaborate explanation is as follows: crowdfunding hosted by psi websites the official party’s website www.psi.id hosts three of its own crowdfunding campaigns, which did not partner with 117 http://www.psi.id/ jurnal studi pemerintahan 118 any external entities. these programs are: launching of sakti cards sakti is the acronym for solidaritas anti korupsi & anti intoleransi, which means anti-corruption and anti intolerance solidarity. the sakti card crowdfunding program is listed on https://teman.psi.id/kartusakti, an extension site from the main official website. through this card, psi aims to eradicate vote-buying. instead, it gives the general public the platform to fund psi by donating through the sakti card scheme. in a way, this card serves as a ‘bond’ that people have in psi. people who are sympathetic towards the psi mission could donate specific amounts of funds annually. there are six levels of sakti card, which are as follows: (see table 4.1) regardless of the amount people can donate, they will receive various benefits. the rewards for the backers varied such as political privilege on the decision-making process and votes in the internal affairs of the party, communication access to the leadership board of the party, community channel that allows its sponsors to get connected with all psi members, and get invited to special events organized by the party. besides, sponsors are given a chance to participate in online and offline training organized by the party. however, there is no data found on how much this platformhas gained so far. table 1. sakti card types and the amount converted from indonesian rupiahto u.s. dollar as of 29 march 2020 (www.xe.com). type amount per year (usd) classic 1.55 bronze 6.16 silver 61.61 gold 616.12 platinum 6.161.23 vvip 61.612.39 (source: teman.psi.id/kartusakti, 2020) solidarity funds besides sakti cards, psi has other streams of donation vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 programs named dana solidaritas, or solidarity funds, which people can access through www.dana.psi.id. apart from being the channel where people can register their donations, the web portal serves as the center of all information regarding the crowdfunding mission, including a running total of the donations and the number of sponsors. dana solidaritas was launched on 11 septem ber 2019. what differentiates this program from the sakti card is that it does not offer the same benefits and does not specify donation amounts. it also does not have a specific level of quantity that people can donate structured in sakti card. however, the web portal does provide transparency on the number of do-nations received, unlike sakti cards. so far, the crowdfunding campaign has received 43,194 usd. even though psi does not reveal how much their target is, the amount collected from this crowdfunding campaign so far is the highest compare to the other fundraising campaigns. solidarity room another crowdfunding campaign hosted inside the main official website is ruang solidaritas, which means solidarity room. the campaign is hosted at the web address https://psi.id/ruang solidaritas. starting on 7 september 2019 and still active to date, this campaign’s primary goal is to raise funds exclusively for the party’s headquarter office in jakarta. the main difference be tween the two campaigns is that in ruang solidaritas, sponsors can donate funds based on the renovation cost per square meter, from a quarter m2 that costs about 30.75 usd to 15 m2 around 1,844 usd. so far, solidarity room has received 28,621 usd from the total target of 122,749 usd. in other words, the entire success rate for this crowdfund campaign is 23%. crowdfunding organized through a third-party site besides relying on its own websites, psi utilizes www.kitabisa.com as another crowdfunding platform. surprisingly, psi has more crowdfunding campaigns hosted by kitabisa than on its own. there are seven crowdfunding campaigns shown in figure 1. it also can be 119 http://www.dana.psi.id/ jurnal studi pemerintahan 120 seen that the purposes of psi crowdfunding campaigns on kitabisa are varied from social to political causes. in addition, it can be concluded that most of the kitabisa crowdfunding campaigns by psi did not succeed in reaching its target funding, except on the fundraising for the heroes of democracy. the campaign is considered a social cause because it aimed to help ease the deceased election committee staff’s family during the 2019 elections, whose deaths were caused mainly by being overworked. figure 2 depicts two purposes of psi crowdfunding campaigns, which were created for political and social causes. it can be seen from the figure that crowdfunding campaigns intended for psi political causes have gained more funds than its social cause campaigns. figure 1. psi crowdfunding campaigns on kitabisa with the figure ofitsamounts garnered against the goal. (source: authors’ compilation from kitabisa.com, 2020) . vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 figure 2. type of causes that psi kitabisa crowdfunding campaigns support (source: authors’ compilation from kitabisa.com, 2020) other streams of donation several other funding streams are based offline. fundraising events conducted offline have different purposes. for example, psi organizes charity concerts for various missions, such as funding psi headquarter office renovation once every three months. psi also conducts auctions for causes such as providing financial support to the families of committee members who have died (aryodamar, 2019). the latest fundraising events for giving health workers the safety equipment in fighting the covid-19. in addition, during the 2019 general election, the party held on the ground donation drive events to raise funds for its political candidates (rachman, 2018). 121 strength based on we are social and hootsuite’s latest statistics, there are currently 160 million active social media users in indonesia. the largest percentage of users are from indonesia’s youth population as 20.6%. because young people make up the majority group in indonesia’s social media, they play a significant role in boosting the number of social media followers and engagement levels that the psi social media accounts. socialstatus.io social media analysis affirms that psi has a vast number of follower sand the highest engagement level compared to the incumbent political party, pdi perjuangan, and the main opposition, partai gerakan indonesia raya (gerindra), in both facebook jurnal studi pemerintahan 122 and twitter. it can be seen from table 2 that both psi and gerindra have had over 3 million followers. pdi perjuangan has the lowest number of followers. psi also has the highest number of comments and engagement rates among the other two major parties. it indicates that despite being a new political party, psi has the most influential facebook account. facebook posts related to the psi crowdfunding campaigns are beneficial. table 3. the statistics of facebook engagement gathered via socialstatus.ioanalysis. party follower post comment engagement (%) psi 3,039,638 91 17,723 0,06 gerindra 3,633,994 96 5,205 0,02 pdi perjuangan 1,568,969 681 7,599 0,02 (source: psi, gerindra, pdi perjuangan official facebook accounts, 2020) in addition, twitter analysis conveys a similar trend for the three parties. despite having the lowest number of followers, psimanaged to have the largest engagement rate and the highest number of interactions, as shown in table 3. this indicates that psi twitter followers are more engaged and interactive. table 4. twitter analysis by socialstatus.io on the three parties in comparison party follower post interaction engagement (%) psi 135,530 238 27,461 0,09 gerindra 543,129 124 4,885 0,01 pdi perjuangan 221,060 42 519 0,01 (source: pis, gerindra, pdi perjuangan twitter accounts, 2020) by comparing psi social media accounts with the most important political parties in indonesia from those in opposition and those in power, we can understand how influential psi’s social media presence is. weakness even though psi has its organic crowdfunds hosted by its official website, there is no central coordination on psi-related crowdfunding efforts in the third-party crowdfunding platform, kitabisa. this red flag can be seen as different figures from psi conducted their own vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 campaigns. it is found that the psi’s official kitabisa account has its own campaign, as does grace natalie and individual party members. these campaigns would be a lot more effective if they could be centrally coordinated under the psi party’s account. effectiveness this section discusses whether or not the campaign was successful in reaching its goals. the campaign’s effectiveness can be judged based on how much money they have raised through the channels. this study’s analysis of the eight campaigns that set explicit targets shows that they were unsuccessful meeting their objectives. however, it is worth noting that there was one highly successful campaign. this study uses the success rate garnered from the amount of funds collected against its goals to indicate the effectiveness of a crowdfunding campaign by a political party. figure 3 depict search campaign’s success rate and includes those hosted on the party’s website and those hosted on kitabisa. overall, the success rate of crowdfunding campaigns from both platforms has only achieved 16.35%. it can be concluded that, in general, psi’s crowdfunding campaigns yielded 16.35% of both hosted on kitabisa and its own website. if compared between the two platforms, kitabisa and psi’s website, psi has more success rate in kitabisa. psi has a 53.25% success rate in the kitabisa platform, while it only obtained 23% from its own website. thus, it indicates that psi’s crowdfunding campaigns perform better in the third-party platform kitabisa. 123 jurnal studi pemerintahan 124 figure 3. the total success rate of the psi crowdfunding campaigns. (source: authors’ data, 2021) figure 4. a screenshot of the most successful psi crowdfund campaign’sinterface, which is hosted by the party’s verified account. (source: kitabisa.com, 2020) it also shows that only two campaigns were hosted on the kitabisa platform that reached over 50% success rate, namely the national convention of good indonesians for 62.04% and fundraising for the heroes of democracy for 101.07%. the most significant success was the campaign fundraising for the heroes of democracy hosted by the verified psi account at the kitabisa site, as shown in figure 4. while there are many reasons why most of the crowdfunding campaigns by psi have flopped, it can be concluded that the weakness mentioned earlier plays a significant role in the failures. the critical failure is the vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 lack of centralized coordination. the only campaign which succeeded in reaching its fundraising target was the official psi account on the kitabisa platform. the other eight experienced lack of coordination as they were hosted, unverified individuals. however, we can learn something not only from its failures but also from its success. the most successful crowd fundings were supported by organized social media strategies directly coordinated from psi’s official social media accounts. there are key factors that indicate the effectiveness of psi’s most successful campaigns. the followings are the strategy: hashtag campaigns psi regularly employs hashtag campaigns to complement its publicity efforts for the fundraising events. their hashtags are #bersamalawancorona #psibersamarakyat #solidaritaslawancorona. the hashtag campaigns featured in psi fundraising related posts on social media had a tremendous effect. according to many studies, hashtags are useful in delivering messages to a broad audience, functioning as a source of information, and mobilizing specific causes (bonilla & rosa, 2015; yang, 2016;offori-parku & moscato, 2018). 125 use of language in delivering the message the way the party delivers its message on social media is effective and talks with the language used by most of its followers, the youth. it addresses its party figures as bro and sis, using an informal, casual, and friendly tone. it can be seen in figure 2, which shows the most frequent word clouds; the words “bro” and “sis” appear among the most commonly used words in psi official twitter account. figure 5. most frequent word clouds by foller twitter analysis on the psiofficial twitter account’s frequent words (source: psi official twitter account, 2020) jurnal studi pemerintahan 126 impacts crowdfunding development in indonesia is still nascent. this research shows that there is no literature until today that discusses the use of crowdfunding for politics. indonesia also does not have a specially designed crowdfunding platform that works for its politics, whereas the u.s. has crowdpac.com and the u.k. has crowdfunder.com. psi’s reliance on collecting funds virtually through establishing its own crowdfunding platform and creating fundraising projects from kitabisa.com show that there isa demand from the political sector to utilize crowdfunding as a means to raise funds. what is more, psi’s adoption of crowdfunding for purposes other than its political expenses, such as social causes, portrays political parties’ changing role. this stems from the fact that psi’s most successful crowdfunding campaigns supported a social cause. indeed, it poses an opportunity for political parties, who have incredible power and influence in our society, to call for social changes that extend beyond the traditional political realm. recommendation even though this research has achieved its objectives, more research is required to get a whole picture of indonesia’s political parties’ crowdfunding adoption. therefore, the limitations of this study can be an opportunity for future further researches. first of all, this study does not cover a comparison between the effectiveness of psi’s offline fundraising and crowdfunding campaigns. thus, it is recommended for future studies to compare the effectiveness of offline fundraising and crowdfunding campaigns organized by political figures. secondly, this study only uses one indicator of the effectiveness of a crowdfunding campaign by a political party: the success rate garnered from the amount of funds collected against its goals. therefore, it can be a significant contribution to the literature if there is a study discussing plausible determinants of effectiveness in this research type. vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 thirdly, this study conducted social media analysis to find out engagement level that psi and other major political parties have. it also analyzed what psi posted on its social media about particular crowdfunding campaigns such as the use of the hashtags. however, it does not include what people say about these psi crowdfunding related posts on its social media. thus, it will be interesting to know whether the people give positive or negative comment about the posts by conducting a sentimentanalysis. conclusion all in all, the findings suggest that even though kitabisa was created for crowdfunding campaigns with social purposes, psi’s political campaigns in kitabisa gained more funds than its social campaigns. this is interesting as kitabisa is created for crowdfunding campaigns for social purposes, not political ones. this study finds that the overall success rate of psi political crowdfunding campaigns is very low. despite a high level of social media engagement, its campaigns lack coordination. it can also be concluded that partai solidaritas indonesia’s social media, especially facebook and twitter, is the main strength that gives the party a significant advantage in crowdfunding campaigns. it is due to its vast followers and high level of interaction and engagement. comparing psi, gerindra, and pdi perjuangan social media accounts helps put psi’s social media’s power into perspective. however, having such strength was not significant enough to help succeed its crowdfunding campaigns reaching its goals. the main weakness found in the campaigns is the lack of proper centralized coordination in the campaigns. this can be seen from the fragmented movements of campaigns organized by unverified individual fundraisers in the platform of kitabisa. this study’s findings suggest that a great majority of crowdfunding campaigns by psi failed to reach their targets and were, there-fore, ineffective, albeit they could 127 jurnal studi pemerintahan 128 keep all the funds collected. nevertheless, the only successful virtual fundraising tells that psi should have used a verified official account backed with centralized social media strategies such as hashtags and the appropriate use of language delivery for most of its followers. psi’s crowdfunding campaigns have demonstrated crowdfunding’s potential to be an innovative application for indonesia’s social and political change. acknowledgement we would like to thank dr. marc owen jones for giving his feedback to this article. references abushaban, r. m. 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https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/06/beirut-explosion-how-you-can-help-lebanon-victims-fund-donate-donations-food-relief http://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/ https://www.gatra.com/detail/news/466945/politik/laporan-dana-pembinaan-partai-politik-harus-pakai-uang https://www.gatra.com/detail/news/466945/politik/laporan-dana-pembinaan-partai-politik-harus-pakai-uang http://www.gatra.com/detail/news/466945/politik/laporan-dana-pembinaanhttp://www.gatra.com/detail/news/466945/politik/laporan-dana-pembinaanhttps://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/bij-06-2017-0156/full/html https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/bij-06-2017-0156/full/html https://ecoman.ktu.lt/index.php/ekv/article/view/3713 https://ecoman.ktu.lt/index.php/ekv/article/view/3713 https://doi.org/%2010.1016/j.sbspro.2014.11.248 https://doi.org/%2010.1016/j.sbspro.2014.11.248 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/poi3.188 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/poi3.188 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apenergy.2019.113694 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apenergy.2019.113694 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apenergy.2019.113694 https://doi.org/10.1108/%20oir-09-2017-0271 https://doi.org/10.1108/%20oir-09-2017-0271 https://doi.org/10.1108/%20oir-09-2017-0271 https://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2017/10/10/psi-%20tidak-terima-berusia-45-tahun-untuk-jadi-pengurus https://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2017/10/10/psi-%20tidak-terima-berusia-45-tahun-untuk-jadi-pengurus http://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2017/10/10/psivol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 https://kitabisa.com/campaign/kopdarnaspsi2015 https://kitabisa.com/campaign/bantubencana https://kitabisa.com/campaign/psipahlawandemokrasi https://kitabisa.com/campaign/chrisjulianto https://kitabisa.com/campaign/politikbersihnesal https://kitabisa.com/campaign/untuknaj https://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/projects/search/ category:politicsw 131 a https://www.crowdpac. com/ social media statistics https://www.statista.com/statistics/997297/indonesia-breakdown-social-media-users age-gender/ https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2020-indonesia social media analytics tools https://app.socialstatus .io/ https://foller.me/ http://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/projects/search/ http://www.crowdfunder.co.uk/projects/search/ http://www.crowdpac.com/ http://www.crowdpac.com/ http://www.crowdpac.com/ http://www.statista.com/statistics/997297/indonesia-breakdown-social-media-userslayout jgp mei 2016 pick your own rubbish: an analysis of target group compliance in public policy implementation tutik rachmawati, dhia kalila rinjany rachmawati.tutik@gmail.com & dhyakalilaa@gmail.com parahyangan catholic university abstract the purpose of this research is to analyse the implementation of local government act bandung municipality number 11/2005 about orderliness, cleanliness and fineness of bandung city (ketertiban, kebersihan dan keindahan). the study focuses on a target-group compliance perspective. by analyzing the level of public compliance, this research will contribute to the understanding of factors contributing to the success of public policy implementation. an analysis of the noncompliance behaviours of the target group is based on three concepts: (1) factors affecting the level of compliance by weaver; 2) organizational compliance factors for economic co-operation and development/oecd; and 3) the failure of policy implementation (patton and sawicki, 1993)). an early observation showed that the low level of public compliance were caused by several factors such as 1) problem of reward and punishment; (2) low level of law enforcement by internal investigator or petugas satuan polisi pamong praja, 3) the lack of autonomy within the public to comply the legal regulation;4) the lack of information about the policy and its implementation and (5) the value hold by the society that cleanliness is not the society responsible, that it is acceptable to throw any waste anywhere, and 6) the lack of resource to enable the society to comply with the policy. this research evaluates whether such factors also present among the target group of this policy. keywords: public policy implementation, target group compliance. level of compliance, enforcement. abstrak penelitian ini mengeksplorasi pelaksanaan peraturan daerah kota bandung no 11 tahun 2005 tetang ketertiban dan kebersihan dari perspective kepatuhan. terdapat tiga konsep yang digunakan dalam penelitian yaitu faktor yang mempengaruhi kepatuhan; faktor kepatuhan organisasi dan kegagalan pelaksanaan kebijakan (patton dan sawicki, 1993). hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa rendahnya tidak kepatuhan pada peraturan tersebut. kanta kunci: pelaksanaan kebijakan publik, kepatuhan, tingkat kepatuhan dan penegakan hukum journal of government & politics 373 received 21 june 2016 revised 13 may 2016 accepted 29 july 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0034 mailto:rachmawati.tutik@gmail.com mailto:dhyakalilaa@gmail.com mailto:alilaa@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0034 vol.7no.3 august 2016 introduction in indonesia society, garbage or rubbish is something that unwanted and has no economic value. adding to this belief is 374 low quality of waste management provided by the local government of bandung city. bandung as one of the biggest cities in indonesia is also facing the problem of poor waste management. this has created a severe problem that according to voa indonesia was mentioned as ‘the city of garbage’ in 2005 and again in 2013. bandung was awarded the dirtiest city and calamity took place in 2005 when there was a garbage (not a land) slide in temporary dumpster inleuwigajah temporary dumpster(tempat penampungansampah sementara) in which156people injured1. this has become a fundamental reason of the local government of bandung city to be seriously adressed the problem of low quality of waste management. moreover, not-picking-yourown-rubbish have become a culture in indonesia, as somebody else (mostly labor with cheap wage) will do it for you. this needs to be changed as it will be very damaging to the environment. the local government of bandung city address this problem through the creation of local government act related to waste management (local government act number 11year 2005) which focus on the orderliness, cleanliness and fineness of bandung city. further, on december 1st, 2014, the local government of bandung city has started to implement strict law enforcement of that act. from december 1st littering in bandung city is punishable by fine or charge and also byadminstrative punishment such as a temporary detainment of id card or family card and further public shaming. it is evident from the researchers’ observation that the introduction of fine and punishment as the key of low enforcement is not effectively implemented. this is shown by news from media and result of observation. a news from sindonews.com dated thursday february 3rd 2015, it is stated that 19 drivers had been find to pay 250.000 because they don’t have trashbin in their car.2 further, researchers’ observation in cicadas where there are lots of people throw the garbage into cidurian river. the people who lived in the edge of the river are unable to stop their bad habbit. some of the people had known about the rules but the others don’t.3 another evident can be found in superhero park in bandung city, one of several public parks in bandung city. those evidents show the low level of compliance of target group of local government act number 11/2005 is very low. this paper will elaborate more on what factors affecting the low level of target group compliance to comply with the implementation of local government act on orderliness, cleanliness and fineness. by understanding the level of compliance, a better understanding of successful factors of public policy implementation is able to be gained. researchmethod this research uses a mixed method (qualitative and quantitative method). for the quantitative part, an explanatory survey method was done through the collection of quantitative data using questionnaires and then data was analyzed using the statistic descriptive analysis. once the quantitative study ended, the qualitative study was conducted though interviews with key persons and also through observations. the researchers collected data from our population (community live in 30 sub-municipalities in bandung city). the sample selection was purposive sampling technique. we categorized the target groups of the policy implementation into three categories: local people (community who lives in that locality), people who live in the riverbank, and car users. hence, our sample for this study consists of these three categories and make up 90 people as our respondents. as an addition, we interviewed 10 key persons (the law enforcement officers) who are also the target group of the policyimplementation. journal of government & politics 375 vol.7no.3 august 2016 376 literature review to understand the level of compliance of the target groupof the public policy implementation being studied, we employed three concepts of compliance approach for this research. the first concept is the factors affecting the compliance of the target group based on weaver (2009). second is the concept of factors matter in compliance by organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd) (2000). the third, we used factors leading to the failure of policy implementation suggested by patton and sawicky(1993). weaver (2009) identified several factors affecting the level of compliance of the target groups in public policy implementation. these factors are: a. incentives and punishments several punishment and lack of incentives can trigger the noncompliance behaviour of target groups to the public policy implementation. policy makers should understand that the target groups will behave rationally and maintain the balance struck between the cost (punishments) and the benefit (incentives). hence, imposing severe law enforcement for designated policy may result in non-compliance behaviour among the target groups. further, providing decent incentives will enable the target groups to consider their rational to comply with the publicpolicy. b. monitoring it is agreed that to do monitoring is costly because it comes with law enforcement, which required abundant resources. it is common knowledge in indonesia that it is easier to create policies than ensuring the success of those policies’ implementation through law enforcement. critique to the low quality of governing in indonesia evolve around the lack of the law enforcement and how street-level bureaucrats favor on more rent-seeking rather than enforcing the laws and regulations. certainty in law enforcement is very much needed in such situation. consistency and certainty in monitoring and the application of firm punishment and incentives will help to reduce the non-compliance behaviour. c. resources weaver (2009) argued that the lack of resources may lead to non-compliance behaviour among the target groups. these resources are needed to enable target groups to comply with the public policy implementation. the resources needed can be found in various forms such as money, good health, human capital, and strong social commitment or social capital. d. autonomy similar to resources, weaver (2009) argued that having a sufficient level of autonomy will enable the target group to comply with the public policy implementation. related to autonomy, there are two ways of affecting the target groups to complywith the public policy implementation; 1) to influence the group with the decision power and 2) to empower the target group to gain the autonomy to comply with thepolicy. e. information other obstacle of the target group compliance is when the target group experience a lack of information. the lack of information made the target group further lack of relevance and sufficient information to comply with the policy implementation. f. norms and values norms and values held by the target groups can be very influential for their compliance. in this study, the example of value is the belief of the people in indonesia that the back part of the house is the place where dirty and unwanted stuffs are kept. this kind of value will makes it harder for people to obey the local government act on orderliness, cleanliness andfineness. patton and sawicki (1993:365) provided us with the second journal of government & politics 377 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 378 concept to understand as to why certain public policies are failed to be implemented. they further argued that the failure of policy implementation is caused by: a. the formal implementing agency (it is normally one of government agencies) do not have enough capacity and commitment needed the capacity and commitment of the implementer will be needed so that they fully understand what is the policy, what are the problems to be addressed by the policy and what are to be expected of the target groups. in return, when the implementer fully know the detail of the policy and commit to the success of the implementation, the target group will also behave the same and comply to the policy implementation. this is similar to what weaver (2009) said that the important factor of target group compliance is the availability of the needed resources. b. rigid and heavy mechanism for the public policy implementation when the mechanism of the public policy implementation is too rigid and heavy, it will lower the flexible autonomy of target group policy hence eliminate the opportunity over the decision to comply with the policy. this is in-line with what weaver said that the lack of opportunity and flexible autonomy to show the norm can be a factor of the group of society not comply to the policy itself. c. the society ignores the program issued by the government this relates to the level of the acceptance of the society to the governmentpolicyor program.if the societyignoredthe policy program issued by the government, it can be sure that the society will not comply to the policy or program implementation. d. there is a little incentive to support thecompliance. as weaver (2009) argued that the level of compliance of the target groups will be improved when a good system of incentive and strict punishment is in placed, patton and sawicky believed that when government is in a difficult situation to enforce the punishment for non-compliance behaviour, the option for the government is to implement incentives for good compliancebehaviour. e. the target groups involved in the program implementation but do not understand what they need. most of the time the target groups do not understand what they need due to the lack of relevance information regarding the policy. this will increase the level of non-compliance behaviour of the target group. a non-compliance behaviour is a also a result of the lack of understanding toward the need of the society, hence the policy or program implemented will not meet people’s need. in weaver (2009) argument, this relates to the value and norms held by the target groups. when a policy or program implementation is not compatible with the value and norms of the target group, they will believe that the policy or program implemented is not what theyneed. according to oecd (organisation for economic co-operation and development), regulatory compliance is defined as a form of compliance conducted by the target population to the regulation.4 there are several factors needed to establish a compliance behaviour. a. aware of the rule and understand it. the target group should be aware and understand the rule. unclear regulation will cause non-compliance behaviour. this is relevant to what weaver (2009) and patton and sawicki (2003) argument. they argued that the implementer of the policy or program should fully understand it, which will enable good law enforcement toward the target group. on the other hand, the target group should understand how the policy or program will meet their needs, hence will enable them to comply with the rule. both target group and implementer will understand the rule (policy or program) when they have sufficient knowledge of journal of government & politics 379 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 380 that policy or program. b. willing to comply according to oecd, the availability of an economy incentive can motivate the compliance behaviour of the target groups. further, strong law enforcement will reduce a non-compliance behaviour. further, incentive and punishment enforcement (weaver, 2009) will affect the level of compliance among the target groups. c. able to comply according to oecd the target groups will comply to the rule when sufficient information and other technical supports are provided by the government. when one of these provision is missing, non-compliance behaviour among the target groups will occur. weaver (2009) agreed with this. according to him sufficient level of information supply will enable the target groups to comply with the rules. discussion from the research finding it can be concluded that the level of compliance of the people in bandung (the target groups) to local government act (perda) number 11/2005 is still low. it is showed by the number of respondent (53.3%) of the target groups showed non-compliance behaviour. hence, the 46.6% showed compliance behaviours. a good compliance level will be that 100% of the target groups comply with the rules. the table 1 show the result of the survey. further it is found that the low level of compliance is caused by: a. the lack of information received by the people related to the implementation of the local government act (perda) number 11/2005 about littering fines. b. the absence of incentive and strict punishment conducted by the government c. insufficient resources to enable target groups to comply with the regulation. d. the absence of strict and consistent monitoring conducted by the government e. insufficient autonomy of the targetgroups. table 1. level of compliance table 2 access to information through neighbourhood forum the next section will discuss each of the factors influencing the low level of compliance. a. the lack of information received by the people related to the implementation of the local government act (perda) number 11/2005 about littering fines. local government of bandung city does not provide sufficientinformation to thesocietyeventhoughthegovernmentprojournal of government & politics 381 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 382 vided various forms of media information. we have identified several means of media to channel the information to the citizen: 1. information delivered through neighbourhood forum such as rt, rw, kelurahan and kecamatan. from table 2 it can be understood that majority of the target groups (63.3%) claimed that they did not get any information about littering fines from the neighbourhood forum. the table 3 shows other non-verbal media to channel the information about littering fine. table 3. various forms of media from the table above, we can see that the most effective media of information is the promotion media. promotion media covered flyers, banners, posters which are placed in spots near main road and the target groups surrounding. it is also evident from our observation that it is important that the local government provide information about the volume of garbage produced by bandung city in total everyday. bandung produces 1500m3 of garbage everyday. this amount of garbage makes it hard for the local government of bandung city to manage. to reduce the level of waste management problem, the citizen of bandung need to be informed with the huge volume of garbage everyday. by doing this, the citizen can be expected to support the waste management byreducingthe amount of garbage they produced. this need to reduce the amount of garbage willaffectthe behaviour changeamong the target groups, the citizen of bandung city. this is relevant to what patton and sawicki (1993) said that the failure of policy is caused by the low level of understanding of target group toward the problem of the policy that is trying to be addressed. further, for the target groups need to be aware of rule and understand it, and able to comply (oecd, 2000), the need to have sufficient information related to policyimplementation. b. the absence of incentive and strict punishment conducted by the government according to weaver (2009) the provision of incentive and strict punishment will increase the level of compliance oftarget group. local government act (perda) number 11/2005 does not at all provide any incentive but there is a punishment scheme such fines/charges or administrative punishment. this will demotivate people not to comply to the regulation. this is relevant to what weaver (2009) and oecd (2000) argued that people are rational human beings, who will do something if there are feedbacks, either negative or positive. the punishment and the incentives are the forms of thefeedbacks. below is the table that show about the number of respondents who experience incentives and punishment. table 4 incentives and punishment c. insufficient resources to enable target journal of government & politics 383 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 384 groups to comply with the regulation it is evident in one of the study area in this research (kecamatan cidadap, kelurahan hegarmanah, in which there is no temporary dumpster nearby and rubbish collectors are not able to collect the target groups rubbish because of the geographical character (it is a hilly, and steep area in the river bank) of the area. this geographical character makes it very difficult for the rubbish collector to collect the rubbish. adding to that, the rubbish collectors are not given any wage for their works. hence, there are no rubbish collectors willing to collect the rubbish. as the result, people in this area throw their garbage to cipaganti river which is very near and much more convenient for them than waiting for the rubbish collectors. another observation revealed that the temporary dumpsters are always full of rubbish that it is impossible to pile any more rubbish there. further, the trucks to transport the rubbish from the temporary dumpsterto the final dumpster do not have enough capacity to load all the rubbish. temporary dumpster in antapani is one of the example of the mention problem. everyday, an amount of 24m3rubbish are dumped in this temporary dumpster but only 20m3 rubbish are being transported to the final dumpster. hence, there is always a left out of rubbish accumulated every day. data from the questionnaire showed that only 18.9 % of the target groups claimed that they are provided with a rubbish bin. 91.1% of the target groups claimed that they do not have any access to rubbish bin. the above elaboration showed that resources provided by the government to enable the compliance behaviour of the target groups are very scarce. d. the absence of strict and consistent monitoring conducted by the government as weaver (2009) argued, the absence of monitoring to the law enforcement of the public policy implementation will make the target group shows non-compliance behaviour. low levelof law enforcement (punishment or fines for littering) will also affect the compliance behaviour of the target groups. table 5 monitoring of the policy implementation e. insufficient autonomy of the target groups the absence of sufficient autonomy of the target groups will affect the ability of the target groups to enable them to comply with the implementation of littering fines. this is showed by the fact that there are limited number of community association in waste management such as rubbish banking the neighbourhood level (rt, rw, kelurahan). our data showed that there is only 18.9% of the target groups claimed that there is a community association that will enable them to have autonomy to comply with the regulation. seventeen (17) people from the target groups have the knowledge of the community association existence, but they do not involve actively in thatassociation. conslusion understanding the low level of compliance, the local government of bandung city has a lot of homework to better implemented the local government act (perda) number 11/2005 about littering fines. we have set up an action plan for the local government of bandung city related to the wastemanagement. 1. local government of bandung city need to give continuous information about the volume of garbage produce in bandung daily. journal of government & politics 385 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 386 2. local government of bandung city must inform the citizen about the implementation of littering fine through promotion media. 3. local government of bandung city must apply strong law enforcement and strict punishment of the littering fine. this has to be done in conjunction with the activities such as impromptu checking of the law enforcement. 4. local government of bandung city should give incentives to compliance behaviour of the target groups. this should be established in the form of legal law. 5. local government of bandung city should provide more resources to enable target groups to comply with the regulation. these resources could be more temporary dumpster, more rubbish bin, more trucks to transport the rubbish to the final dumpster. 6. local government of bandung city need to monitor the citizen, either direct monitoring by government or electronic media such as cctv installed in thelocation. 7. local government of bandungcity must encourage activities in the community to reduce the amount of garbage through the creation of rubbish banks, recycling centres, and the provision of composters. endnotes 1 http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/bandung-kembali-jadi-lautan-sampah/ 1578882.html, diakses tanggal 30 april 2015 pukul 8.16 wib 2 http://daerah.sindonews.com/read/959246/21/tak-miliki-tempat-sampah-19pengemudi-mobil-dipaksa-bayar-denda-1422939359, diakses pada hari kamis, 19 februari 2015 pukul 16:33 wib 3 http://news.babe.co.id/2733138, diakses pada hari kamis 19 februari 2015, pukul 16:39 wib 4 organisation for economic co-operation and development. reducing the risk of policy failure: challenges for regulatory compliance. 2000. reference patton. carl v., & sawicki. david s. (1993) basic methods of policy analysis and planning. englewood cliffs, nj. organisation for economic co-operation and development (2000) reducing the risk of http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/bandung-kembali-jadi-lautan-sampah/ http://daerah.sindonews.com/read/959246/21/tak-miliki-tempat-sampah-19http://news.babe.co.id/2733138 policy failure: challenges for regulatory compliance. ripley, randal b. (1985) policy analysis in political science. chicago, il: nelson hall publishers,. weaver. r. kent (2009) target compliance: the final frontier of policy implementation. issues in governance studies, number 27. september 2009. http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/bandung-kembali-jadi-lautan-sampah/ 1578882.html, diakses tanggal 30 april 2015 pukul 8.16 wib http://daerah.sindonews.com/read/959246/21/tak-miliki-tempat-sampah-19-pengemudimobil-dipaksa-bayar-denda-1422939359, diakses pada hari kamis, 19 februari 2015 pukul 16:33 wib http://news.babe.co.id/2733138, diakses pada hari kamis 19 februari 2015, pukul 16:39 wib. journal of government & politics 387 http://www.voaindonesia.com/content/bandung-kembali-jadi-lautan-sampah/ http://daerah.sindonews.com/read/959246/21/tak-miliki-tempat-sampah-19-pengemudihttp://news.babe.co.id/2733138 pick your own rubbish: 373 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 layout desember 2008 city are designed base on a top-down approach, so they are considered as objects, which must accept all government programs aimed at them. keywords: democratic policy accountability, implementation of street vendors policy, and empowerment policy introduction in democratic country, sovereignty or supreme power is in the hands of the people. in this case, the people who determine the leaders and delegation of authority to manage this country to meet their interests. consequently, leaders who have won the trust from him and his officials (state officials) must account for all of its performance, which include policies, programs, and projects that designed to them through state mechanisms that apply. herein lies the importance of accountability to those state officials who have provided “decree” to manage the country properly (without corruption, without any waste, and without any fraud). accountability of public policy is a form of public accountability. accountability of public policy is an important in the perspective of public administration, because it is the realization of political will of the state officials and it is one of the forms of responsibility to the people. as implementers of political will of the people, they must demonstrate their performance in the management of public policy. one of kinds of public policy in the study is rulinawaty kasmad teaching staff of public administration department, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah makassar. e-mail: rulinawaty@yahoo.co.id alwi teaching staff of public administration department, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas hasanudin, makasar. democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city recieved 13 march 2015; accepted 10 july 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 abstract policy accountability is a form of manifestation of public officials responsible to the people. one form of policy accountability that is discussed here is street vendors policy accountability, because they are a group of citizens who have the economic activities in public spaces. the existence of this policy however, the number of street vendors from year to year increase in makassar city. therefore, this study seeks to uncover and explain the democratic policy accountability through the street vendors’ responses and expectations to the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city; and to uncover and explain the democratic policy accountability through the stakeholders’ responses and expectations to the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city. to achieve these objectives, the study uses democracy theory, in which this theory focuses on togetherness in discussing solutions to the various problems of street vendors and in the policy implementation as well.this study used a qualitative design and case studies strategy. data collection techniques used was observation, interview, and documentation. data were analyzed with case description its settings. the results of this study pointed out that the interests and needs of the street vendors are not met through the empowerment policies vendors. this is caused by the absence of accountability forum as a place of togetherness all of street vendors empowerment stakeholders’. street vendors empowerment policy in makassar ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 187 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 street vendors policy. the policy is intended to empower street vendors are still relatively poor, as intended by hudson & lowe (2004) that the purpose of a public policy to address public problems, such as poverty problem in indonesia. the policy is a form of manifestation of government accountability to the public. such accountability in the accountability perspective is called policy or program accountability (chandler & plano, 1982; mckinney & howard, 1998). the study focuses on the democratic public policy accountability through the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city. street vendors are a group of people who are engaged in small-scale business and vulnerable to poverty. however, they also need to survive, including in economic life, as stipulated in article 27 of 1945 constitution, that every person is entitled to a decent life and work. on the one hand, in street vendors run a economic enterprises is a constitutional claim, on the other side, the street vendors are one source of the problem, which caused the highway traffic jams that occurred in all the major cities in indonesia, including the makassar metropolitan. there are policies should be based by the government of makassar city in handling of street vendors in makassar city are local regulation no. 10 year 1990 on control of street vendors in makassar city; makassar’s major decisions no. 20 year 2004 on control procedures (sop) of informal sector traders (street vendors) in makassar city; and presidential decree no. 125 of 2012 on coordination of street vendors management and empowerment. the existence of the policies above, but they have not shown significant results for the economic activities of street vendors, as seen around the tjokroaminoto road, pasar sentral and the main streets in makassar city. the places still many street vendors who cause chaos and traffic congestion, because they have taken a portion of the road. the same thing can be watched in hertasning road, where users of the road have been felt uneasy with the presence of street vendors that cause of traffic congestion (rakyat sulsel.com, sabtu, 07/juli/2012). in addition to the mention above, the number of street vendors in makassar city is increasing from year to year. based on data of department of industry and commerce of makassar city (2013), the number of street vendors in makassar city in 2009 was 10,426. in the year 2010 has increased about 11 328 street vendors. in 2011 has occurred surge around 11 592 street vendors and in 2014 has occurred surge again about 14,000 people in makassar city (www.makassar.go.id). the phenomenon above indicate the lack of policy accountability of state officials, especially in terms of implementation of street vendors policy in makassar city. it can be shown there is a tendency increasing number of street vendors in the last 5 years and there are many street vendors who carry out economic activities in public places in makassar city. therefore, the authors sought to uncover the mechanisms of policy accountability by exploring and explaining stakeholders’ responses and expectations in handling of street vendors in makassar city. thus the purpose of this study was 1) to uncover and explain the democratic policy accountability through the street vendors’ perspective in empowerment policy implementation in makassar city; and 2) to uncover and explain the democratic policy accountability through the democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 188 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ stakeholders’ perspective in the street vendors empowerment policy implementation in makassar city. theoritical framework concept of accountability in the public policy context in the context of public policy, public accountability is an important concept, because policy makers or public officials must realize the public needs and resolve public problems. in this respect, public accountability is a form of accountability of state officials or public officials to public. furthermore, according to oliver and drewry (1996), public accountability is state officials obliged to provide an explanation or justification for his actions and then make improvements if they make a mistake in performing their duties. this definition indicates a necessity of state officials as policy makers show their performance in formulating and implementing public policies to public. so that mosher (1968) asserts “responsibility may well be the most important word in all the vocabulary of administration, public and private.” obviously, responsibility is meant here is internal responsibility of bureaucracy as an implementer of poor empowerment program. the urgency of state officials accountable to public because as a consequence of democracy, where the people as the public should be the main orientation in public service. another definition of public accountability proposed by bovens (2006), a relationship between an actor and a forum, in which the actor has an obligation to explain and justify his or her conduct, the forum can pose questions and pass judgments, and the actor may face consequence. based on the definition, the actor can be either an individual or organization. than, accountability forum, can be a specific person, such as a superior, a minister, or journalist, or it can be an agency, such as parliament, a court, or the audit office, but it can also be a more virtual entity, such as, in the case of public accountability, the general public. the relationship between the forum and the actor, the account giving, usually consists of at least three elements. first, the actor must feel obliged to inform the forum about his conduct, by providing various sorts of data about the performance of task, about outcomes, or about procedures. the obligation that is felt by the accountor can be formal and informal. public managers often will be under a formal obligation to give accounts on a regular basis to specific forums, such as their superiors, supervisory agencies, or auditors (bovens, 2005). second, the information can prompt the forum to interrogate the actor and to question the adequacy of the information or the legitimacy of the conduct. this is the debating phase. hence, the close semantic connection between “accountability and answerability (bovens, 2005). third, the forum usually passes judgments on the conduct of the actor. it may approve of an annual account, denounce a policy, or publicly condemn the behavior of a manager or an agency. in passing negative judgments the forum frequently impose some sort of sanctions on the accountor. these sanctions can be highly formalized, such as fines, disciplinary measures or even penal sanctions, but often the punishment will only be implicit or informal, such as very fact of having to give an account in front of television democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 189 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cameras, or of having your public image or career severely damaged by the negative publicity that result from the process (bovens, 2005). the relationship between the forum and the actor can be visualized as follows: figure: accountability (bovens, 2005) based on the picture above, that the relationship forums and actors, where the actors responsible to the forum. the actors will take responsibility for all actions related to the formulation and implementation of a public policy. similarly, actors need to prepare reports or information about the performance of public policy. forums that have been identified by bovens (2005) just as the place for accountability of public actors, but in the study forum is a place to meet among state officials / government as a determinant and implementer of policies with citizens to discuss public issues and also implementing them. the forum as a container together is a manifestation of the interests of citizens who need to be accommodated in the determination of public policy. this is explained by the theory of democratic citizenship, in which citizens do not only considered as legal status, but more than that, citizens as individual’s capacity to influence the political system; it implies active involvement in political life. so the role of government is to make sure that the interplay of individual self-interests operates freely and fairly (denhardt & denhardt, 2007). democratic accountability of public policy is an accountability mechanism that allows state officials as a determinant and implementer policies together with citizens implement them. state officials can understand very well the needs and interests of citizens if they are in a mechanism being with them. state officials as a determinant and implementer of the policy will be accountable to the public when the policy meets their needs and interests. this is the focus of the study, due to the togetherness mechanism with stakeholders will be able to bear a policy that can resolve public problems. then, this means policy accountability realized through the democratic mechanisms. in connection with the above, the author presents the results of previous research related to this study, where the results of research are a reference in determining the focus and position of this research in the context of accountability research. the results of these researches can be seen in table 1. based on the table 1 above, the authors focused on democratic policy accountability. policy process that involves the people will guarantee realization of interests and needs of the people especially the poor. similarly, implementation process as such would ensure the democratic accountability of policy implementation. public accountability in public administration perspective the development of public administration studies can be understood from the development democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 190 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ or shift of paradigm. in general, there are three paradigms of public administration, i.e. the classic paradigm of public administration, new public management, and new public services (denhardt and denhardt, 2007). as a paradigm, of course, have different points of view, especially from the epistemological perspective. classic public administration paradigm or classic bureaucracy more focused on the efficient public services delivery with an emphasis on rules and hierarchy (weber in shafritz and hyde, 1987). the same thing was stated by wilson (shafritz and hyde, 1987), an efficient public service delivery performed by the separation of the functions of political and administrative functions. than, goodnow (shafritz and hyde, 1987) developed separation of the function became a separate thought and he called as the dichotomy of politics and administration. political functions focus on policy formulation while administrative functions implement policies that have been formulated by politics. public accountability in this paradigm is table 1 the results of previous research accountability and the difference of this research democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 191 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ more focused on ensuring that administrators adhere to standards and conform to the rules and procedures establish for them in carrying out their function. it is not a matter of using discretion appropriately and responsibly, it is a matter of avoiding the use of discreation by closly adhering to the law. regulation, organizational procedures, and directives of the supervisor (denhardt & denhardt, 2007). new public management paradigm is a paradigm of public administration that denies the existence of old public administration paradigm, because the paradigm is deemed no longer able to answer the challenges of the current public administration (hughes, 1994). this paradigm focuses on the efficient public services delivery by using management techniques are widely used in business organization, run government like a business (hughes, 1994). in this case, business and the market model are superior and ought to be emulated in the public sector. public service programs are designed and implemented depending on the needs of the market, -customers. the focus of accountability is, than, on meeting performance standards to produce results. new public service paradigm is a paradigm in public administration which is different from the two paradigm mentioned above. this paradigm emphasizes the democratic public service delivery. in this case, public officials as policy maker and implementer of public policy seek to understand the public interest in the formulating and implementing public policy (frinaldi and embi, 2013). because public interests will be basis for the policy formulation policies and programs. in this paradigm, the implementation of public services does not emphasize the use of management techniques in business organizations, because business and public organizations have a different orientation, as proposed by denhardt & denhardt (2007), “government should not run like a business; it should be run like a democracy. .... both elected and appointed public servants are acting on this principle and expressing renewed commitment to such ideals as the public interest, the governance process, and expanding democratic citizenship. “public accountability that is understood here is the public officials ability to meet their needs and resolve their problems. the study focuses on policy accountability that based on the new public service paradigm. in this case, the government as state officials and public service providers need to engage them in solving the public problems and involve them in the implementation. democratic public policy accountability policy accountability is one type of the accountability concept. this type of accountability found in dwivedi & jabra (1989) by calling it as political accountability. the legitimacy of a public program is largely determined by political accountability, which is a program that designed by policy makers encompasses all the interests of citizens. this policy accountability also can be identified with accountability program proposed by chandler and plano (1982), in which a public program can meet the public needs. political accountability is closely associated with the concept of democracy and legitimacy. in this case, the state officials accountable when they can account their actions to the public, either directly, because they are political officials elected or appointed (when politically elected or appointed), or democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 192 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ indirectly because they were subordinates of politically elected officials (indirectly as subordinates of politically elected bodies). politically elected public officials are politically had to accountable to political “promises” through policies and programs that are oriented to the public. policies and programs as such can be increased level of acceptance or legitimacy of an elected political official. the essence of democratic public policy accountability is the fulfillment of public needs and problem solving through togetherness process with them. togetherness process is important in a democracy, because democracy is understood as expressed by the originator of democracy, abraham lincoln, democracy is of the people, by the people and for the people. this indicates that the sovereignty is belonging of the people. therefore, the main reference of state officials in formulating and implementing public policy is public/ people interests. therefore, definition of accountability in the study is in line with that proposed by oliver and drewry (1996), those state officials shall provide an explanation or justification for his actions and then make improvements if they make a mistake during performing their duties. democratic accountability of public policy is a policy designed by policy makers refer to the interests and needs of citizens. in the determination process, the state officials as a determinant and implementer of policy together with the citizens. togetherness in formulating and implementing policies is a form of democratic policy accountability. democratic public service, in fact, is public service, which is held by the public bureaucracy by taking into account the citizens’ interests (gawthrop, 2002; lynn, 1996). the interests of citizens will become basis of the public service delivery and should be prioritized. public services provider needs more “listening” citizens rather than “telling” and provides “serving” rather than “steering”. citizens and public officials are expected to work together to define and solve problems in a way that is cooperative and beneficial to both parties (denhardt & denhardt, 2007). in public administration perspective, especially in the new public service, emphasizing the democratic public service. public services as such look every citizen has a variety of interests that need to be understood by the state officials and the realization in the form of policies, programs, and projects. to avoid bias on understanding of the people interests, then they should be involved in the policy formulation and implementation. togetherness among the state officials and the citizens in formulation, implementation, and evaluation of policies, programs, and projects, which according to the author is essential mechanisms of public accountability. in connection with the above, the togetherness will avoid errors in interpretation of the citizens’ interests so that the response of the state officials will not be biased as well in policy formulation. public administrators have limited understanding of their interests, as many cases, so it becomes important democratic mechanism to overcome these problems and can make state officials more accountable. state officials need to provide a mechanism for citizen involvement in policy formulation and implementation. their involvement in the policy implementation process, because it requires a lot of discretion to the achievement of the policy objectives (denhardt & denhardt, 2007; lipsky, 1980). democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 193 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ discretion is necessary because of the often-conflicting policy implementation related to policy coverage, resources, and interaction with them (lipsky, 1980). based on the above authors describe a model of democratic street vendors policies accountability in makassar city, as shown below. based on the figure 1 below, the policy formulation stage of democratic street vendors need to involve all the stakeholders in makassar city so that the problems can be solved together. similarly in street vendors policy implementation, they need to be involved because it often appears barriers can be a problem in street vendors policy implementation. the existence of a model or a mechanism to involve all stakeholders in the formulation and implementation of street vendors policy that show a proof democratic accountability of street vendors policy in makassar city. research methods this study is located in makassar city, because the city is the most number of street vendors in south sulawesi province, where the last 3 years has increased significantly. the research design used is a qualitative design and case study research strategy. the research design and strategy can reveal implementation of street vendors policy accountability based on its context. this study used type of explorative and explanative case study. both types can be used simultaneously (yin, 2000) to obtain infigure 1: model of democratic street vendors policy accountability democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 194 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ depth explanation about the democratic street vendors policy accountability in makassar city. determination of the informants in the study was determined purposively, i.e. they are deemed to have competence in relation to democratic street vendors policy accountability. such determination is based on the judgment of experts (or the researchers themselves) for a specific purpose or specific situations (neuman, 1997). the informants in this study are: · mayor of makassar city · coordination team of street vendors management and empowerment in makassar city · head of industry and commerce department of makassar city · head of community empowerment board of makassar city · the street vendors in makassar city · ngos · the community leaders in makassar city data collection used is observation, depthinterviews, and documentation. depth-interviews techniques were conducted to the leaders of local institutions, ngos, and community leaders who are directly related to the implementation of street vendors policy empowerment in makassar city. observations were made on tangible objects, which are directly related to the implementation of street vendors policy empowerment in makassar. in addition to the primary data collected through in-depth interviews, it is also very necessary support by a variety of secondary data, such as the various policy documents relating to street vendors. documentation technique is to collect data from documents in the form of regulations, drawings, journals and the results of previous studies related to addressing poverty in south sulawesi province. data were collected from a variety of techniques are processed by means of the data classification, categorization, and clarifying. the data is processed through data reduction, then the result will be analyzed using case study analysis strategy. data analysis was performed by descriptive cases and its settings (yin, 2000). results and analysis analysis of democratic policy accountability based on the street vendors’ perspectives in street vendors empowerment policy implementation in makassar city the study focuses on the democratic accountability of street vendors policy implementation in makassar city. this is necessary to understand what they reveal about the implementation of the street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city. this case is required to present what government do to overcome their problems and to empower them. information about them obtained through tangible objects that are directly related to the economic activity of the street vendors. besides this, the data obtained also from the results of indepth interviews to the street vendors, and secondary data. similarly, the information obtained from the focused group discussion with the street vendors in several districts in makassar city. based on all these data sources, the writer’s process data through data reduction, as are shown in table 2 below. democratic accountability of street vendors policy implementation is a implementation process of the policy which involve them in the process. their involvement is designed in a togetherness mechanism to discuss solutions of the problem and democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 195 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ its implementation. in general, as in table 2 below, based on the perspective of pkl structuring and empowerment undertaken by the government of makassar in the three district samples, district of ujung pandang, district of makassar, and district of bontoala, is the government makassar city has always wanted to relocate and displacing the street vendors. in district of ujung pandang, the street vendors responded that the government policy of district of ujung pandang have changed where they have been given a special location to carry out economic activities. the policy undertaken by government after he closed the location of laguna pantai losari as a location of they’re selling. the government allowed selling along the bridge, since mid-year 2013. in addition, the government provided identification numbers registration to them that must be installed on their carts. however, they are still worried about how long such conditions persist, because during this time that the leadership change street vendors arrangement will also change and the change is not always in their favor. they have recognized that there have been changes since mid-2013, but they were actually hoping that the government provides aid carts and chairs uniformly to all street vendors in the pavilion of losari. likewise, they are expecting financial aid from the government of makassar. this expectation is justified, because the pavilion of losari is a historic district and is known as the culinary locations in makassar city. in addition, this location is also an icon of makassar as a metropolitan city and will become a world city as it became his vision. based on the recognition of several informants – street vendors around the pavilion of losari beach, they have been given permission early january 2014 by the government of ujung pandang district, mostly merchant who sells in the pavilion of losari beach derived from the laguna where the laguna is the location of culinary area managed by the government tourism office of makassar, but due to land tenure conflicts and thuggery which occurred at that location, the government tourism office proposed to the mayor of makassar city to stopped culinary activities in the location and most of them relocate to pavilion of losari beach. the phenomenon is only occurred in the district of ujung pandang, because the mayor of makassar has delegated authority of management of street vendor to the lowest government level, namely the district government. this is in accordance with the spirit of contemporary public administration perspective, which the government carries out delegation of authority to the lower levels of government because, this government to deal directly with citizens in the public service delivery. similarly, the problems that arise will allow could be solved quickly and precisely, so that the policy objectives can be realized effectively. delegation of authority from the mayor of makassar to the government of ujung pandang district in structuring and empowerment of street vendors is in conformity with law no. 34 year 2014 on local government, where government function of district has changed from function of government administrative area to the function of government working area. the function reinforced by the regulation of mayor of makassar no. 80 year 2013 regarding the arrangement of street vendors and collection of retribution. the change of the function is expected to overcome the democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 196 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ problems. similarly, the various complaints of citizens can be responded quickly and provide appropriate solutions. furthermore, district of ujung pandang differ two other sample districts, namely district of makassar and bontoala. both of these districts have not organized selling locations of them. this can be seen them in every road, due to they have not received the authority of the mayor of makassar. in addition, there has been no delegation of authority on the handling of street vendors in the two districts of the samples; the street vendors do not feel safe in their economic activities. they still always haunted by the eviction carried out by the civil service police unit of makassar until today. on the one hand the government of makassar city require order and beauty of the city, but on the other side of the street vendors as citizens claim run economic activity in strategic places or public facilities, such as on the edge of the highway. economic activities on the edge of the highway would greatly disturb to road users who cause congestion and chaos of the city. the foregoing shows that there is a gap between reality and expectations of them on the government of makassar. this gap indicates that the government did not consider the interests of them in formulating and implementing the policy in makassar city. this is not in accordance with democratic theory, which determinants and implementing policy that are expected to involve them in the process of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city, as expected by the perspective of the new public service (denhardt and denhardt, 2007). state officials as a determinant and implementing public policies that turned out to have a wide table 2 expectations and responses of street vendors in democratic implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city source: results of data reduction, 2014 democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 197 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ range of street vendors. it can be shown interests and needs of the street vendors were not accommodated in the policy of structuring and empowerment of them in makassar city. as a democratic country, the country should pay attention to disadvantaged citizens, because it is the mandate of the 1945 constitution, the earth and the water used for the welfare of the people. based on this, government must be responsible for them through policies and mechanisms that involve them in the policy process. the absence of policies and mechanisms that involve them, so that the street vendors in the district of makassar and the district bontoala have seen chaotic and disturbing the peace, beauty and hygiene of environment. they run economic activities any places in the edge of road, which tend disturbing pedestrians and bikers or car. in addition, they also did not care the problem of waste or garbage, so that the beauty of the environment was difficult to realize. the qualities of traded goods have not been considered, so it will harm consumers. (observations, 2014). the phenomenon above shows the government, as state officials have not been accountable for policy implementation. this happens because the implementers of this policy are not professional, as stated by frederick (denhardt and denhardt, 2007) that professionalism determine bureaucratic accountability as policy implementers. it can be seen the implementers such as community empowerment institute (lpm) which has the responsibility to empower street vendors turns its structure follows the bureaucratic structure so that the workings of the lpm follow the workings of bureaucracy. all cadres in the lpm in makassar include community leaders who do not have empowerment of street vendors background. as a result, the problems of them are not handled effectively so that it becomes an obstacle to realize his vision, makassar to become a world city. steps taken by the government to empower street vendors in makassar is the capital aid provided by the government, which is a revolving fund for small businesses, including street vendors therein. this revolving fund managed by the community empowerment agency in each village. each of them to obtain funds from the government the amount varies depending on the type of business of them, ranging from rp 500,000, up to rp 2.000.000, -. the funding program, unfortunately, does not include assistants to assist them in managing the revolving fund, so that the level of success is also difficult to measure. based on the explanation above indicates the absence of a mechanism built by the government that enabling them to engage in it. district and sub district, as the government is directly responsible for the handling and empowering them turned out he did not much care to them. the relationship mechanism between the government and street vendors is instructive mechanism, as there are in the government bureaucracy. such mechanisms are not accountable in handling and empowerment of street vendors in makassar city. bureaucratic mechanism did not allow them involved in the process of determination and implementing empowerment policy of street vendors. this shows the lack of accountability of public officials, as mentioned by oliver and drewry (1996), states that the implementer is obliged to provide an explanation or justification for his actions and then make improvements if they make a mistake in performing their duties. democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 198 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ analysis of democratic policy accountability based on stakeholders’ perspective in street vendors empowerment policy implementation in makassar city the section above discusses democratic street vendors policy accountability from the standpoint of target groups, namely street vendors in makassar city. in this section the discussion is directed to implementer of the policy, namely district government, sub-district government, community empowerment agency, community empowerment board, and department of industry and commerce. this can be illustrated in table 3 below. based on the table 3 below, the government of district and sub-district levels who are in direct contact with street vendors considers that they table 3 expectations and responses of stakeholders in democratic implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city source: results of data reduction, 2014 democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 199 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ carry out economic activities in public places are actually banned by the government of makassar. this is caused by the street vendors still have the mindset that have not care the chaos and beauty of the city. to overcome this problems, the government of district and sub-district trying to ban to new comer who sell in this area. likewise, they need to be in place at a particular location that allows them to be controlled by the government. furthermore, the main constraints faced by the government in the process of empowerment of street vendors is how to change the mindset of them from the old mindset to a new mindset, changing their consciousness of hygiene of selling place and cleanliness of wares. according to government of district, to change the habit of throwing garbage in any place would be very difficult to do even less to change the mindset becomes more effective. moreover, cleanliness is also the barriers for them, so that each sub-district give responsibility to them to clean up their sales locations. another obstacle, based on the table 3 above is the location of the street vendors very difficult to manage. they sell the merchandise in along the road, which is the place is prohibition to sell, so that their presence does not only damage the urban planning but also cause congestion. based on the above phenomenon, government of district and sub district as levels of government dealing directly with them, evidently he unable to solve their problems. this shows the government, as public service providers, development, and community empowerment has not been have a mechanism that allows the implementers and citizens to discuss issues of common concerns and formulate common solutions to these problems. mechanism as such is a forum of accountability (bovens, 2005) for state officials and its citizens. such mechanisms also show a model of democratic accountability policy. one of the partners of sub district government for community empowerment is community empowerment agency. this agency is the only institution recognized by the government in community empowerment and is confirmed in mayor regulation no.1 of 2013. in the street vendors empowerment, government of makassar city mandated the community empowerment agency for revolving funds delivery to them in makassar city. the amount of funds transferred to them through the community empowerment agency as much as idr 50,000,000, per sub district. the fund is administered in two stages: the first stage of idr 25,000,000, and the second stage of idr 25,000,000, -. this fund is given to them as capital with the value varies depending on the type of merchandise, ranging from idr 500,000, to idr 2.000.000, -. the provision of capital is selected by the community empowerment agency. the providing of such assistance was also unable to bring them organize their future, as proposed by narayan (2002). empowerment not only means providing the materials facilities to them but also provide the ability and authority to them to control their lives. in this case, government policy is not able to meet their needs, so that the government is not accountable in terms of the revolving fund program. one of the stakeholders in street vendors empowerment is community empowerment agency of makassar. the institution is not specifically to the empowerment of street vendors but society in general. it focuses on in-kind assistance democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 200 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and skills training. the other stakeholder is department of industry and commerce of makassar city. it also helps them to obtain capital and provide assistance to street vendors carts. government as a formulator and implementer of public policy, based on the description above, does not involve them in the public policy process. the policy model is often referred to as the topdown approach. policy model is not sensitive to the interests and needs of grass roots communities, such as street vendors. bureaucracy as the implementer of the policy more use of this model in the formulation and implementation of public policy. consequently, public programs that emerge do not meet of the poor needs, such as street vendors as the target group of the program. they are difficult to be eliminated as occurred in the big cities in development countries. the policy implementers cannot be done properly. it can be seen that the relocation is expected, as the main solution apparently does not always find an agreement between the government and street vendors. it is very difficult to find a convenient location with low cost. therefore, to overcome street vendors problems need to involve all stakeholders in a forum of accountability, so that solutions that arise are shared with them and implemented also together. such mechanism ensures democratic public policy accountability. the problems that arise, such as clutter, uncleanliness their merchandise, and they fight against the government are a form of lack of responsibility in the government’s handling them in makassar city. therefore, the government needs to change the top-down model of policy and bureaucratic mechanisms for implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city, because the model is an unaccountable and undemocratic policy model. the model that is needed is to build an accountability forum, where the forum provide a mechanism of togetherness between the community empowerment agency, street vendors, relevant institutions, district and sub-district government, and community empowerment board in formulating a solution to their problems and implementing it together anyway. the mechanism of togetherness with all the stakeholders, both the formulation and the implementation of empowerment policies can empower them. conclusion government as implementer of the policy has not demonstrated a democratic accountability mechanism of the street vendors policy implementation in makassar city, because the interests and needs of them have not been fulfilled by the policy. various issues that arise in the empowerment of them, but it has not involved all the stakeholders together to solve these problems and its implement also together. the citizen engagement mechanism is a accountability forum for all stakeholders in makassar city. the accountability forum is a form that explained by democratic and accountability theories. community empowerment agency should play the forum, because the institution can facilitate and involve all stakeholders in empowerment of street vendors. so the democratic model of policy accountability is a solution to the complex public problems. therefore, government of makassar city needs to activate the community empowerment agency which can run the functions as forums that allow all stakeholders involved to democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 201 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ discuss solutions to these problems and also implement jointly. references adang djaha, ajis. 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(2nd edition). usa ; the dorsey press. yin, robert k. 2000. studi kasus : desain dan metode. cet. iii, terjemahan m. djauzi mudzakir. jakarta : raja grafindo persada. democratic model of public policy accountability. case study on implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in makassar city / rulinawaty kasmadsi, alwi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0014 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img 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pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 eu-china relations: through the narrative of china’s media dechun zhang abstract china is the second-biggest trading partner of the european union, and theeu is the biggest trading partner of china. hence, china adds eu have a close relationship. in this sense, it is vital to find the media perception of the eu and the political ideology behind their relationship. however, most of the existedstudies explore china-eu relationship through their trade information, whileignore the role of chinese media frame of eu. this study believe that china’s official media frame offer a strong evidence to understand china-eu relationship. this article aims to examine china’s official media perception of the eu by systematically examine the previous study. this study finds that chinese mediaframe eu as an economic and political partner in a positive way but try to avoidmentioning the contradiction and friction, the selective negative is-sues aremainly for propaganda and conform to chinese government attitude. hence, this study discusses that chinese official media follow the narra tive ofthe chinese government and reflect the eu-china relationship from the chinese government perspective. keyword: media, china, european union, media logic abstract cina adalah mitra dagang terbesar kedua uni eropa, dan ue adalah mitra dagang terbesar cina. oleh karena itu, china menambahkan uni eropa memiliki hubungan yang erat. dalam hal ini, sangat penting untuk menemukan persepsi media tentang ue dan ideologi politik di balik hubungan mereka. namun, sebagian besar studi yang ada mengeksplorasi hubungan china-ue melalui informasi perdagangan mereka, sementara mengabaikan peran bingkai media china dari ue. studi ini percaya bahwa bingkai media resmi china menawarkan bukti kuat untuk memahami hubungan china-uni eropa. artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji persepsi media resmi china terhadap ue dengan mengkaji secara sistematis penelitian sebelumnya. studi ini menemukan bahwa media china membingkai ue sebagai mitra ekonomi dan politik dengan cara yang positif tetapi mencoba untuk menghindari menyebutkan kontradiksi dan gesekan, isu-isu negatif selektif terutama untuk propaganda dan sesuai dengan sikap pemerintah china. oleh karena itu, penelitian ini membahas bahwa media resmi china mengikuti narasi pemerintah china dan mencerminkan hubungan ue-china dari perspektif pemerintah china. kata kunci: media, cina, uni eropa, logika media introduction the european union (eu) and china are playing a huge role in the world. in the 21st century, china is already becoming the world’s second-largest economy in2010 (bbc 2011). meanwhile, after china and eu established their diplomatic 156 affiliation: university of leiden correspondence: dechun zhang d.zhang@hum.leidenuniv.nl leiden university how to citate: zhang, d. (2021). eu chinarelations: through the narrative of china's media. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (2). 156-168 article history: received: 2021-03-13 revision: 2021-04-14 accepted: 2021-04-14 mailto:d.zhang@hum.leidenuniv.nl mailto:d.zhang@hum.leidenuniv.nl https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2284-2378 jurnal studi pemerintahan 157 relations on 6 may 1975, they built upa close relationship on diplomatic and trade. china isthe second biggest trading partner of eu, and eu is the biggest trading partner of china (european commission 2019). hence, the dialogue between china and the eu is becoming increasingly important to each other. china has significantly enhanced its presence in the eu, “the group of chinese journalists has become the most numerous in brussels” (orbetsova and men 2016, 4). media plays a vital role in forming the country’s image and to know each other, which could influence on countries’ political relationship at official and people-to-people level (orbetsova and men2016). media coverage from both the eu and china is playingan important role as an information source for each other sincethe geographical, cultural and political differences. (meanwhile, men, 2009) and (pan, 2012) find that people from china and eu both lack of understanding of each other enough. hence, media perception is important to each other, as jervis (1974) suggest that perception is important to explain a country’s foreign policy and behaviors. especially, in china, the media perception is important. media content are still highly controlled by state (tang and sampson 2012; fingleton 2016). although the media system in china is more globalized and commercialized, chinese media still need to serve the chinese communist party’s interest (yao 2005; zhang d. 2020a), normally they are characterised by ‘loyal eyes, ears and tongue’ of the partystate (chang 1989, 163). more importantly, policy-making process in china is vague, track chinese media perception is the way to find out the government think (zhang 2016; zhang d. 2020b). hence, scholars suggest that there is a close relationship between china’s media perception and its international relations with other countries (zhang 2011; liu and yang 2015). they suggest that analysis media perception is not only value for international relations research (liu and yang 2015; zhang 2016), but also vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 strengthenexisting analyses of external understandings of the eu (zhang, 2016) and avoid potential conflicts by predicting future chinese foreign policy (liu and yang 2015). concerning this issue, theresearch question arises: what is the media perception of the eu in chinese media, and to what extent chinese media portrayal is a reflection on the chinese relationship with the eu. in orderto find answer of research questions, the paper will list the previous researches on china-eu relationship, then, exam the chinese media perception on eu based on existing researches, finally to discuss to what extent chinese media portrayal is a reflection on the chinese relationship with the eu. china-eu relationship the relationship between china and eu is a debated topic as previous researches discuss. one on hand, there were several intense diplomatic and trade cooperation between eu and china(udroiu 2017), (morelli, 2019) suggest that the eu-china relationship begin with economic cooperation, it still become the firstpriority cooperation issue to each other. bilateral trade between china and eu amounted approximately 466 billion euro in 2014(brown and beatson 2016), which make china becomes eu’s second-biggest trading partner. eu and china have close relation-ship on economic cooperation (holslag 2011; udroiu 2017; sattar 2012; morelli 2019; brown and beatson 2016). the eu-chinastrategic partnership was established in 2005, which not only include economic and trade, but also include “foreign affairs, security matters and international challenges such as climate change and global economy governance” (udroiu 2017, 33). hence, eu’s relationship with china involve political, economic and strategic cooperation. (morelli, 2019) also finds china regards eu not only as an economic actor, but also a political actor. on the other hand, some scholars concern the challenges 158 jurnal studi pemerintahan 159 foreu-china relationship. it is undeniable fact that china and euhave differences on political ideology and system, understand-ing on issues related to the problematic regions, culture (sattar2012). (meanwhile, men, 2016, 21) also suggests that political differences between china and eu are in the “norms and values and their different understanding on global governance”. however, previous researches also concern the mistrust between china and eu, since they still have conflicts interests and contradictions on some issues, for example, the relationship with us (holslag 2011; men 2016). (holslag, 2011) argues that eu-rope is still the second importance in china’s foreign policy, alsochina and eu lack of mutual interest. in conclude, eu-china relationship has both opportunities and challenges. media perception when analysis a media perception, in the previous research about concepts media perception into “attention intensity”, “image” and “issue dimensions” (liu and yang 2015). attention intensity refers to the attention one pays to other, which is measured by high volume of publications implies that actors or issues are being prioritized on agenda (zhang and meadows iii 2001). image is a vital part of perception, which is measured by tones expressed by the publication or media (tammen and kugler 2006). issue dimensions more likely to be measured by the subject distribution (liu and yang 2015). hence, the paper focuses onvolume, tone and subject distribution to analysis the chinese media perception on eu, and to compare with previous finding on eu china relationship to find to what extent chinese media portrayal is a reflection on the chinese relationship with the eu. volume eu got limited attention from china’s mainstream vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 media. (zhang, 2011) finds people’s daily coverage on eu only occupied three percentages of overall international news over 17 years, which indicates that eu does not attract high media attention inchina. previous researches find the same results as well (dai and zhang 2007; zhang 2016). (dai and zhang, 2007) finds that euhas low visibility in chinese media. (meanwhile, zhang, 2016) also finds that compare to eu, china’s media give more space to “united states, russia, japan and other countries in the region, and international organizations such as the un, nato, asean, etc.” (zhang 2016, 467). on the other hand, it reflects the eu-china relationship. although they have cooperated on some issues, eu is still the secondary importance in china’s foreign policy due to strong cultural and political differences and interests (holslag2011, 309). behalf, it also reflects china’s foreign policy. previous research finds that people’s daily not only show declining attention to eu, but also reveals a declining pattern to untied states and other powerful political actors (liuand yang 2015). this situation may reflect that chinese government considers weakening importance of great power politics in international relations. (liu and yang, 2015) find that the people’s daily coverage on us is fluctuated, the fluctuation is along with the newsworthy issues, but also shift with sino-us relationship. same as people’s daily coverage on eu, it is fluctuated as well. (zhang, 2011, 67) finds that the change “driven by the big events in the development of the eu’s integration process and newsworthy issues between the eu and china”. people’s daily big volume of cover-age on eu are driven by the newsworthy issues like eu’s passing of the maastricht treaty, the euro, but also because of the high points of cooperation between china and eu (zhang 2011). for example, the high volumes of people’s daily coverage on eurepresent increase in the number of sino-european cooperation projects and whether and when the eu lifted 160 jurnal studi pemerintahan 161 the arms embargoon china (zhang 2011). hence, the closer relationship between china and eu, chinese media cover more on eu, and vice versa. more specially, although people’s daily regards eu as minor focus when it covers news on europe (dai and zhang 2007), the news about eu is increased among european news in terms ofthe proportion (zhang 2011). the people’s daily volume of coverage on eu is low before 1990s, however, since the increasingly more influence after integration process of the eu, media much more covering on eu instead of member states individually (zhang 2016). this phenomenon not only indicates that the close attachment between china and eu, but also reflect that china’sregard eu as a major force on the world (brown and beatson 2016) and a pole in a multi polar world. in other world, to some extent, it reflects china’s attitude that eu as a whole, and eu as an economic, trade and political partner. according to previous research, indicate that chinese media covers less on eu since the geopolitical thinking and the dynamic world affairs environment (zhang 2016); buton the other hand,china has expectation that eu as a whole instead of divided into individual countries to play a role oneconomic and politics in the world. coverage the tendency the tone of the news coverage plays a vital role in indicating the eu’s image in media. concerning the image, it is usually measured by media tone, which are positive, negative or neutral (du and rachul 2012; zhang 2011, liu and yang 2015; dai and zhang 2007). (zhang, 2011) finds that people’s daily mostly cover eu in positive or else neutral or mixed tone, only 13.4 percentof news in negative tone when cover on eu. this result conforms to (dai and zhang’s, 2007) result that chinese media frame eu mostly in a positive or neutral tone. however, on chinese vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 media perception of united state, (liu and yang, 2015) finds that 22.46% of the coverage on the us in people’s daily is in a negative tone. hence, it is more likely to reflect that eu china relationship ismore stable and cooperative compare to the sino-us relationship. it is also worth notice that there was more positive tone when coverage on eu after their comprehensive partnership was built (zhang 2011). the same pattern was found by (liu and yang, 2015) that the people’s daily tone of coverage on us is shift along with the chinese government’s attitude towards us. chinese media are usually defined as “prosperity without freedom” (he 2007). in china, media are all owned and supervised by the chinesecommunist party (qin, stromberg and wu 2018). hence, thereare some party-line journalism, the most famous one is people’s daily, one of the biggest newspapers in china, also famous as“chinese government mouthpiece”. hence, the paper argues that people’s daily tones of coverage on eu reflect the chinese government’s attitude toward eu to some extent. although the majority of news coverage on eu from people’s daily is positive or neutral, there are still some negative news coverages. when news coverages relate to european internal economic situation, the tone is negative, “with a focus on the high level of unemployment and slow economic growth” (zhang 2016, 470) and debt crisis (men 2016). on one hand, chinese government need it as a tool to propaganda (men 2016; zhang 2016);on the other hand, it reveals the chinese government’s concern on eu’s economic, which reflect the chinese government’s expectation on eu to recover its economic buoyancy as eu is china’s biggest trading partner. the positive or neutral tone on coverage on eu from people’s daily on one hand reflect eu-china relationship is relatively more stable than us. for instance, for the case of us, us and china have more conflict interest, there 162 jurnal studi pemerintahan 163 are more negative tones in people’s daily when the conflicts happen. (liu and yang, 2015) finds that after ep-3 spy plane incident in the spring of 2001, people’s daily articles related to us are narrative in a negativeway; on the other hand, the media discourse also reflects the chinese government expectation that eu as a “friendly and effective partner of china” (zhang 2016, 473). for instance, themedia coverage on european internal economic situation is negative, it reflects the chinese government’s concern on eu’s capability of economic, since china expect eu could be an effective partner. subject distribution research on issue dimensions on a nation are varied (e.g., trade, security, culture, and education) (zhang 2016; zhang 2011; men 2016; liu and yang 2015; dai and zhang 2007). (dai andzhang, 2007) finds that people’s daily coverages on eu mostly concerning the eu as an economic power, followed by politicalpower. it may imply the chinese media not only regard eu asan economic actor, but also regard it as a political actor. this conform to what (zhang, 2011) finds, that people’s daily coverages on eu are more likely to cover issue on economic, followed by politics, which reflect the relationship between china and eu. as (zhang, 2011, 93) did qualitative interview with chinese journalists based in brussel, “in sino-eu relations, the economic and trade relations are the most important. compared with the political relations, they are more substantial, more concrete and they are the aspect that people in china care more about...” hence, the content of coverage reflects the reality that economic relationship between china and eu is the most important. more specially, (men, 2016) also did a qualitative interviewwith chinese correspondents based in brussels, she finds that chinese correspondents based in brussels vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 are more likely to to coverage issue on european debt crisis, juncker plan and refugee crisis (men 2016), which is also relate to economic and politics. to revisit the relationship between china and eu, (men, 2016) believes that the reason why chinese journalist preference on those three issues is more from economic concern. hence, it also confirms that economic and traderelationship still play an important role on eu-china relationship. the chinese reports on those three issues also reflect the political and cultural differences on governances. (men, 2016)suggests those three issues demonstrate the weakness of eu government, which conform to ( holslag’s, 2011) argument that al though china and eu have established specialized dialogue and cooperation, they still have differences on political ideology and governances. the huge political differences offer some challenge for the relationship between eu and china (sattar,2012). hence,it reflects the political and cultural differences on governancesbetween eu and china make then lack of “solid basis of political understanding” (men 2016, p.21). 164 discussion and conclusion eu-china bilateral relationship is not only important to theireconomic and social develop, but also affect world affairs. eu-china relationship is featured as a love-hate trade story by themedia. previous researches have already revealed that eu andchina have a close economic and trade relationship (holslag 2011; udroiu 2017; sattar 2012; morelli 2019; brown & beatson 2016). although eu’s relationship with china also involves political, economic and strategic cooperation, pervious researches also concern the ideology, political cultural differences also offer the challenges to eu-china relationship (holslag 2011; men 2016; sattar 2012). at the same time, media serves an important rolefor each other as an information source for both sides. especially in jurnal studi pemerintahan 165 china, (hoddie, 2006) suggest that the documenting frequency and content of chinese media news coverage is an effective means of measuring the current leader’s interest and perspective on a particular topic. especially in china where highly controlled the media. hence, chinese media perception is important tool to understand china’s relationship with eu. china’s official media perception of the european union is a complicated issue. the annual intensity of chinese media attention to the eu is low, reflecting that the eu is still the secondary importance in china’s foreign policy (holslag 2011, 309). in this sense, the eu, although one of the biggest powers in world politics, is still not the primary target of china. on the one hand, itis not one of the leading ‘imagined’ enemies with china. japanand china had had historical conflicts before. moreover, japan recently has conflicts on diaoyu island with china. the same as japan that america continually has conflicts with china. how-ever, although the eu and china have small conflicts from time to time, they never had a significant conflict. hence, the eu isnot the major ‘imagined’ enemy for the chinese and it government. on the other hand, although the eu and china have a close economic relationship, it never closes since the geographical and ideological factors (holslag 2011). in this sense, it is understandable that the eu is the primary target of chinese media. however, it is worth noticing that the eu’s news is increased among european news in terms of the proportion, reflecting the chinese government’s expectation that the eu should be as a whole rather than divided into individual member countries toplay a role in economic and political cooperation. in this sense,it could be argued that the chinese government is willing to see the european union’s unification. in terms of the positive im-age and negative image frame of the eu, previous research shows that chinese vol. 12 no. 2 july 2021 media are most likely to cover the eu positively, which reflects the euchina relationship is stable. it also im-plies that the chinese government is willing to keep a close rela tionship with the eu in order to expand its economic benefits.meanwhile, the most like to cover the subject that chinese media like to cover is economics and trade, which also reflect their close economic and trade relationship. hence, it could be argued that the chinese government’s main purpose is to keep aclose economic tie with the eu rather than expand their relationship in politics and military. chinese media also negatively frame the eu’s economic situation, reflecting the chinese government’s expectation of the eu as an effective economic partner and reflecting political differences between china andthe eu. however, it is also worth mentioning that the chinese government designs chinese media to express a sense of nationalism. chinese nationalism is rooted in its humiliating history (zhang d. 2020b). hence, chinese media usually negatively frame other countries’ situation to reflect the ‘better’ china, which injects a sense of nationalism (zhang d. 2020a). hence, it alsoreflects that the chinese government also regards the eu as aneconomic partner rather than a more all-around friend. previous researches find that chinese media perception of soviet union and us can well reflect the sino-soviet union and sino-u.s. relations respectively (xu 1991; liu l. 1991). however, the paper argues that the chinese media perception can only partly reflect the relationship between china and eu. base onthe findings, the paper finds that chinese media frame eu as economic and political actor in the world, and china-eu withstable and health relationship but mostly focus on economic and trade. meanwhile, the fluctuated volume and varied tone on specific issue shift with the chinese government attitude toward eu. the chinese media have a selective agenda, which means choose the topic 166 jurnal studi pemerintahan 167 which conform to chinese government taste, chinese media more likely choose subject relate to economic, but also choosing negative topics in order to facilitate topropaganda (zhang d. 2020b). in conclude, chinese media frame eu as a economic and political partner in a positive way, but try to avoid to mention the contradiction and friction, the selective negative issues are mainly for propaganda and conform to chi nese government attitude. hence, above analysis conform to the (bree and li, 2013) find that chinese media news coverage onforeign issue is to be the ears, eyes, throat and tongue for the party, and the portrayal of a foreign nation or international organization in the chinese media well follow the narrative of chinese government (zhang 2011). hence, the paper suggests thatto some extent that chinese media could reflect the eu-chinarelationship, but only from the perspective of chinese government. chinese media perspective of the eu cannot give the full picture of the eu-china relationship. however, the research also has some limitations, since the previous researches mainly focus on people’s daily, there are less research focus on other chinese media party and commercial newspapers. meanwhile, there are less researches focus on the tv news in china like china central television (cctv), hence, for the future research, it will be important to include other chinese major newspaper, and compare the cctv and newspaper’s coverage on eu to analyzed the media perception of eu. acknowledge i would like to express my gratitude for dr. mark boukesin helping me to complete this research. 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communication and media studies 6 (1): 1-19. zhang, dechun. 2020b. “china’s digital nationalism: search engines and online encyclopedias zhang, li. 2011. “china’s national interests, foreign policy, and the media coverage of the eu .” in news media and eu-china relations, by li zhang, 87-110. new york: palgrave macmillan . zhang, li. 2016. “ ‘reflexive expectations’ in eu-china relations: a media analysis app roach*.” journal of common market studies 463-479. https://diser.springeropen.com/about/editorial-board https://diser.springeropen.com/about/editorial-board https://diser.springeropen.com/about/editorial-board https://diser.springeropen.com/about/editorial-board https://diser.springeropen.com/about/editorial-board 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https://www.google.com/search?q=zhang%2c%2bcui%2c%2band%2bcharles%2bwilliam%2bmeadows%2biii.%2b2001.%2b%e2%80%9cinternational%2bcoverage%2c%2bforeign%2bpolicy%2c%2band%2bnational%2bimage%3a%2bexploring%2bthe%2bcomplexities%2bof%2bmedia%2bcoverage%2c%2bpublic%2bopinion%2c%2band%2bpresidential%2bagenda.%e2%80%9d%2binternational%2bjournal%2bof%2bcommunication%2b76%e2%80%9395.&oq=zhang%2c%2bcui%2c%2band%2bcharles%2bwilliam%2bmeadows%2biii.%2b2001.%2b%e2%80%9cinternational%2bcoverage%2c%2bforeign%2bpolicy%2c%2band%2bnational%2bimage%3a%2bexploring%2bthe%2bcomplexities%2bof%2bmedia%2bcoverage%2c%2bpublic%2bopinion%2c%2band%2bpresidential%2bagenda.%e2%80%9d%2binternational%2bjournal%2bof%2bcommunication%2b76%e2%80%9395.&aqs=chrome..69i57.11j0j4&sourceid=chrome&ie=utf-8 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345391564_digital_nationalism_on_weibo_on_the_70th_chinese_national_day https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345391564_digital_nationalism_on_weibo_on_the_70th_chinese_national_day https://www.researchgate.net/publication/345391564_digital_nationalism_on_weibo_on_the_70th_chinese_national_day https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340541847_china%27s_digital_nationalism_search_engines_and_online_encyclopedias https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340541847_china%27s_digital_nationalism_search_engines_and_online_encyclopedias https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340541847_china%27s_digital_nationalism_search_engines_and_online_encyclopedias https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230118638_5 https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230118638_5 https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9780230118638_5 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jcms.12286 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jcms.12286 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/jcms.12286 layout desember 2008 performing the roles that still cannot be played by rt. keywords: neighborhood group, participatory development, decentralization introduction after the collapse of suharto regime, indonesia rapidly moved from centralized to decentralized country. in 2001, the government transferred power, tasks and budget for rural development to village government. this moment made a fundamental shift in rural development, from topdown to bottom-up approach. it aimed to facilitate communityparticipation, improve local capacity and empower community. while decentralization increased the power of village government, rural institutions could not be regarded as dynamic part of decentralization. despite the introduction of village parliament, most of the otherinstitutions were not changed much in term of structure and pattern of relationship(sutiyo & maharjan, 2014).thus, there are many concerns on whether decentralization could be effectively implemented throughthis rural institution setting. in the initial years of decentralization, several studies find that there had been some positive changes toward more participatory rural development in indonesia.alatas, pritchett, and wetterberg (2005) find that decentralization improved community membership in rural institutions, especially in groups providing services of health, education, finance and general neighborhood assistance. another sutiyo civil servant inbappeda, district government of purbalingga, central java province, indonesia sutiyobanyumasan@yahoo.com roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 abstract neighborhood group (rukun tetangga/rt), an association of fifties households living in the same areas, is expected to promote participatory development in indonesian decentralization. this study aims to analyze whether it could promote participatory development. to do so, a case study was conducted in three villages, namely kedarpan, serang and sumilir, in purbalingga district of central java province. totally 240 household heads in 24rts were randomly selected to be the respondents. data were analyzed through qualitative and quantitative techniques. three main findings emerge from this study. firstly, community involvement was pseudo participation emphasizing more on resource mobilization but less in generating idea and controlling the government. secondly, capacity of rtheads was good enough in term of informativeness, encouragement, fairness, creativity, responsiveness and submission to consensus, but slightly poor in term of accountability. thirdly, rt was not able to empower community, so community understanding to decentralization terms, development programs and village governance was generally poor. although some potentialities were found,it can be generally concluded thatrt is not completely successful in promoting participatory development.complexities of institutional problems, whichinclude weak capacity, trouble in technical regulations and lack of support from government, are among the factors hampering rt to play its role. thus, hand in hand with capacity development ofrthead, the government is supposed to establish regulations supporting the empowerment of rt, and involving other rural institutions to help 126 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ study conducted by antlöv (2003) also finds that decentralization improved community participation in rural development, especially by providing space for dialogue in development planing and establishing a mechanism of accountability. antlöv (2003), alatas et al. (2005)and many other studies have presented that the policy of decentralization launched in 2001 has been a starting point in creating a more participatory and democratic local government. however, no one can guarantee that decentralization will be successful in achieving its objectives. to be successful, decentralization always needs an active government and civil society engagement that will ensure that the regulations are not distorted during implementation and that communities are continuously involved in development processes (antlöv, 2003). currently, after about fourteen years of decentralization, little is known about the implementation of decentralization in grassroots level. whether positive changes in the initial years of decentralization are still continued and institutionalized in village governance is still a big question. in-depth analysis of interaction between community, institution and government is therefore needed to understand what really happening. while the other studies analyze village governance as a unity of many kinds of rural institutions, this study tries to focus on one institution, namely neighborhood groups (rukun tetangga/rt). whether this institution could promote participatory rural development is the central question in this study. analyzing roles of an institution in participatory development requires attention to specific processes, which include the ways in which community is involved in rural development, the leadership capacity of institution heads, and the impact of those processes on community empowerment.thus, the rest of this paper is organized as follows: section 2 will provide literature reviews; section 3 will present research method and data set; section 4 will present findings consisting of description of research location, community participation, leadership capacity and community empowerment within rt; section 5 will develop discussion; section 6 will draw conclusion and policy implication. theoritical framework neighborhood group (rukuntetangga/rt)is an association of fifty to hundred households living in the same area. the head is elected by community, and all households are automatically the member. in the structure of village government, rt provides a connecting line between village government and households. rt was established by japanese army in java during world war ii. it was originated from an institution named tonarigumi, literally means neighborhood association, in japanese societies. initially, rt tasks were to control people, prevent espionage, foster villager’s self-help and mobilize logistic for armyin order to win the war (kobayashi, 2007).rt got high enthusiastic from javanese people since it was propagandized to promote community mutual aids (gotong-royong), which was a tradition in javanese rural areas. from various sources, kobayashi calculates that justwithin one and a half year since the decree of establishment, there had been about 500,000 rts in java. simply speaking, rt was the greatest penetration in indonesian society among all measures introduced by japanese military government. roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 127 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ although the war was ended in 1945, the structure of rt continued to exist. even, through regulation of ministry of home affairs 7/19831, the government of indonesia made it a mandatory organization throughout indonesian areas. virtually established in all areas of indonesia, rt then became one of the most effective state initiated groups reaching community. it should be noted that the position of rt is ambiguous.the regulation stipulates that it is a community organization to provide neighborhood assistance to villagers. yet, rt was also given bulky governmental tasks and became the lowest state institutions reaching households. thus, rt plays dual roles, either as a community organization or as a pseudo governmental institution. as community organization, rt manages daily affairs of community, which include collecting garbage, promoting peace, conducting night patrol, holding marriage, funerals and religius ceremonies, cleaning roads and other infrastructures (dwianto, 2003; grootaert, 1999). as a pseudo administrative institution, it has tasks to collect property taxes and dues, update demographic data, socialize government programs andconnect the communication between villagers and village government(antlöv, 2000). during suharto administration, although it was propagandized that public participation was encouraged in rural development, numerous studies present that what really happening was a bureaucratization of village government.study by antlöv (1995) in one village of west java province finds that given the nature of authoritarian regime at that time, virtually all rural institutions, including rt, were made as client of the state. power was monopolized by village elites focusing on relations with central power holders at the expense of community. participatory processes in rt were just a formality, and rt heads just became a tool of the state to collect taxes and to mobilize cash and labour contributions. similarly, another study conducted by warren (1990) in several villages in bali province also finds that rural institutions, including rt, played passive roles in rural development due to intervention from government agencies. whilemany studies find that rt plays only passive roles in executing participatory development during suharto administration, several studies find that rt can help villagers in addressing their livelihood problems. for example, study by grootaert (1999) in 48 villages of six districts finds that community perceived rt as one of the most important rural institutions to help their livelihood problems. most rts had monthly meeting to discuss local issues like road maintenance, infrastructure reparation, religius ceremoniesand local festive. in the same location, evers (2000)finds that with regard to participatory development, community initiatives and collective actions were focused within rt. this was because community had no formal instrument to influence village government, and trust between villagers and their formal leaders was low. after decentralization was launched, the government perceived rt as one of potential organizations to execute decentralization in village level. several regulations clearly mention that rt should be involved in the whole of rural development processes2. various tasks were mandated to rt, like becoming the first place to conduct villagers meeting, generating development proposals, mobilizing local resources, socializing government programs, roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 128 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sharing village government accountability report, and more importantly, empowering community and increasing their democratic skill. either study by grootaert (1999), evers (2000), antlöv (2003)or sutiyo and maharjan (2014) present the importance of rt in promoting participatory development within decentralization context. as the lowest administration level, rt is deemed to have strong roots within community and can organize villagers better than the other institutions. just like the other rural institutions, the effectiveness of rt in promoting participatory development will hypothetically depend on government commitment to support and always involve this institution in the whole development process (antlöv, 2003), and whether rt itself can manage internal conflicts, eliminate domination of certain people and continuously improve its capacity though learning process (uphoff & buck, 2006). research methods this study is a kind of case study at village level. three villages were purposively selected to be the study sites, namely kedarpan, serang and sumilir villages in purbalingga district, central java province. data were collected by interviews, questionnaires, observations and documentary study, during june to july 2014. this study purposively selected 8 rts in each village, and 10 households from each rt were randomly selected. total respondents were 240 households. data were collected through observation, interview and questionnaires, and are analyzed through both qualitative and quantitative techniques. test of questionnaire validity was conducted through item analysis by using pearson product-moment correlation, and reliability test was conducted through cronbach alpha test. only the questions that pass the tests are utilized in the subsequent calculation. respondent’s perception is arranged in likert scale ranging from poor (score 1), slightly poor (score 2), good enough (score 3) and good (score 4). further, respondent’s answer is summed, and a mean is created by dividing total score by total respondents. the interpretation of the mean is: score 1-1.74: poor; score 1.75-2.49: slightly poor; score 2.5-3.24: good enough; score 3.25-4: good. to measure the capacity of rt heads, this study uses indicators of community leadership capacity developed by sutiyo and maharjan (2014). the indicators were derived from combination of leadership concept and traditional roles of leader in javanese society. the indicators include informativeness, encouragement, accountability, fairness, creativity, responsiveness and submission to consensus. with regard to community empowerment, this study emphasizes empowerment as a process to improve villager’s skill to participate in the decentralization context. community skills in decentralization are measured through several proxies, which are the understanding on terms of decentralization, understanding on some major government programs implemented in the study sites, and understanding on some village institutions. result and analysis description of study villages and respondents the villages of kedarpan, serang and sumilir covered an area of 13.09 km2, 2.25 km2 and 2.26 km2, respectively. number of rts was 11 groups in kedarpan, 33 groups in serang and 9 groups in sumilir. by 2014, there were 598 households living roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 129 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in kedarpan, 1,256 households living in serang, and 564 households living in sumilir. among 240 respondents selected by this study, majorityof them were male (91%), aged between 40 and 49 years (36%) and graduated from primary level (59%). most respondents worked in agriculture (59%), with landholding mostly less than 0.5 ha (table 1). community participation in rt having tasks to promote participatory development, it was important for rt to have a periodic meeting with the member. it was found that17 rts had periodic meeting, mostly monthly. further, in 2 rts in serang and 3 rts in sumilir, the meeting was not held periodically but as per need. in kedarpan, 2 rts never arranged meeting for years. however, real participation is not simply carrying meetings, but also attendance and quality of discussion. with regard to community attendance in rt meeting, it was found that most respondents (59%) often or always came to attend the meeting (table 2). this means that community attendance was quite good. however, most respondents never generated idea during the meeting. thus, the meeting basically had no dynamic discussion.most respondents had limited involvement in decision making, and came to the meeting just to listen the information delivered by rt heads and village apparatus. table 1: socio economic condition of respondents source: field survey, 2014. note: number in parenthesis indicates a percentage roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 130 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ it should be noted that for most villagers, the meeting in rt was the only meeting that they could join.meeting at village level usually only invited the heads of rt, village parliament and some other rural institutions. decree of purbalingga district head 14/20103, which was the main technical regulations related to village development planning, stipulated that it was procedurally enough to conduct village planning meeting just by involving village apparatus, head of village parliament (bpd), head of village development committee (lkmd), heads of rts and some community prominent figures. although community came to the meeting just as listener and was not deeply involved in decision making, resources mobilization was surprisingly high. coercive methods from rt heads were not found. this means that community voluntarily contributed to projects. social pressure, in which a villager was fearful of being criticized by neighbors if he did not contribute, was part of the motivating factor why resource mobilization was high. days of labour contribution in government project and self-initiated infrastructure maintenance were averagely 22 days per year, with no significant difference across the study villages (table 2). most activities had been routinely scheduled, for example once a month to maintain the road, once in six month to maintain irrigation channel, once a year to maintain cemetery, public well and mosque. cash and material contribution was averagely idr 149,183 a year, with the highest rate in sumilir. this amount was equivalent to the wage of 4 days-labour in cropland. most respondent perceived that frequency of rt meeting and labour and cash contribution were the same as ten years before. however, substantial number of respondents perceived that the indicators were increased. this means that the change to be more participatory community organization was happening in rt. table 2: community participation in rt source: field survey, 2014. note: number in parenthesis indicates a percentage; chi square technique was applied, and ***, **, * mean significant at 1%, 5%, and 10%, respectively roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 131 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. capacity of rt heads to understand the capacity of rt heads, it was important to consider that becoming rt heads was a voluntary job receiving no incentives. some villagers were appointed to becomert headsimply because no one was willing to hold this job. most rt heads had education in primary level and occupation as farmer. it was found that informativeness, submission to consensus, responsiveness, encouragement, creativity and fairness were good enough. yet, accountability was slightly poor (figure 1). fig. 1: respondent’s perception on capacity of rt head source: field survey, 2014 note: score 1-1.74: poor; 1.75-2.49: slightly poor; 2.5-3.24: good enough; 3.25-4: good most respondentsperceived that rt heads were informative enough, in which they informed and socialized government programs to the villagers in rt meeting. any decisions made during the meeting weremostly followed by the rt head, thus most respondents perceived that the indicator of submission to consensus was good enough. rt was the closest institution with community, thus it confronted day-to-day community problems, complaints and other affairs. most respondents perceived that rt heads were responsive enough to those problems. during project implementation, they motivated and encouraged villagers to voluntarily contribute labor. however, many respondents perceived that their creativity was a little bit low. the way to solve problems was without innovation. this is why the score of creativity was slightly low. relatively low score of creativity might be related to the education of rt heads which was mostly primary level. further, most respondents perceived that rt heads were fair enough, in which theytreated everyvillager without discrimination. with regard to accountability, many respondents perceived that they were rarely given report of village budget.many said that information about development projects were given just before the projects was started, especially related to the name of programs and what villagers should do in the implementation. however, after the projects were finished, very limited information about budget utilization was shared to community. there was indication that their low score in accountability was a result of the same low-accountability from the higher administrative level. village responsibility meeting, which was supposed to be a meeting where village head reported the fund utilization, was not always conducted. many rt heads said that they were given neither information of village budget nor other project from village head, thus nothing could they share to the community. report of fund utilization was only printed for the district government. community empowerment through rt given tasks to promote participatory development, rt was still not able to improve community understanding to decentralization. the underroles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 132 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ standing on terms of decentralization (otonomidaerah), which was broadly quoted in indonesia, and participatory budgeting (musrenbang), which was annually held, was slightly low. most respondents just ever heard the terms, but did not understand the meaning (figure 2). fig. 2: respondent’s understanding on decentralization matters source: field survey, 2014 note: score 1-1.74: poor; 1.75-2.49: slightly poor; 2.5-3.24: good enough; 3.25-4: good the understanding on some major development programs, like national program for community empowerment (program nasional pemberdayaan masyarakat) and house renovation program (program pemugaran rumah miskin), village budget (alokasi dana desa) were slightly low. whereas, the three programs were implemented in their village annually. most respondents just ever heard the program, but did not know the meaning, program recipients, amount of fund and its utilization. further, understanding on health insurance program (askeskin) was good enough because many respondents became the recipients (figure 2). the understanding on matters related to village government, like village parliament (badan permusyawaratan desa/bpd) and village development committee (lembaga ketahanan masyarakat desa/lkmd) were low. most respondent did not know the members of these institutions and their tasks (figure 2). low community understanding on decentralization indicates that the process ofdeveloping community capacity through rt was not completely successful. in the other words, community empowerment was not effectively channelized through rt.some trainings were conducted by district government, but only for village head and apparatus. although some capacity existed in rt heads, it was not a result of capacity development from district government but a learning by doing process. related to participation in rt, it can be said the quality of community involvement is pseudo participation emphasizing more on resource mobilization but less in decision making. although periodicmeeting exists in most rts, the essence of participation is not real. community perceived leadership capacity of rt heads as good enough, mostly with high scores in indicators related to traditional leaders and low scores to indicators related to accountability and creativity. although it is still far from being clear, this phenomenon indicates that rt heads are not able to transform themselves to practice the principle of modern organization. considering the pseudo participation of community and inability of rt heads to practice accountability, it is not surprising that community understanding on decentralization is still low. community does not experience an upgrade of capacity on issues related to decentralization and development programs in their village. on the other words, roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 133 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ community may be not aware about the change happening in the decentralization system. findings of this study are contrary to grootaert (1999) and evers (2000). while they find that rt, as community organization, could manage common livelihoods problems of community, this study finds that as pseudo administrative units, rtis not completely successful. this institution is not able to facilitate broad participation, accountability and capacity development for community, or to be the institution where villagers learn democratic skills in decentralization. however, this does not happen only on the community as the target of empowerment, but also in the rt heads as the community leaders. as findings of this study presents, indicators in term of creativity and accountability were low. this means that capacity development to them was also low.thus, what really happening is that the role of rt may depend on the capacity development to its head. yet, some potentialities are identified. for example, most rts hold scheduled meetings, and substantial number of respondent perceived that participation is increased in the last ten years. further, in most indicators of leadership capacity, rt heads have performed their role as a good enough community leader. thus, what the government should do is to optimize the potentialities of rt. looking at the current conditions of rt, there are two options can be done for improving the success of decentralization. the first is to develop the capacity of rt head, so that they can practice accountability, improve creativity and transfer their knowledge on decentralization to community. as far as capacity development was delivered to them, and accountability is shared to them, it will be very probably that they will share to community. the second, hand in hand with capacity development to rt heads, the government should not limit the bottom-up proposal and participatory development only through rt. the other institutions in rural areas should be involved to help playing the roles that cannot be played by rt. conclusion and recommendation it can be generally concluded that rt is not completely successful in promoting participatory rural development. community participation does not substantively happen in rt, and there are leadership problems implying to the weak institutional capacity of rt. as an impact, community empowerment is not optimally channelized through rt. as this study presents, complexities of institutional problems, which range from weak capacity, trouble in technical regulation and lack of support from government, are among the factors hampering rt to perform its roles. what happening in rt indicates that the participatory development is still far from being institutionalized in indonesian decentralization. government commitment to always involve rt and community in the development process is needed. empowerment to rt heads should be delivered so that they can perform participatory meeting and deliver empowerment to the community. hand in hand with these, the government should revise the technical regulation in rural development so that community participation is not limited in rt level. the regulation should guarantee more seats for individual to be involved in village meeting. it is also important for the government to involve the other rural institutions roles of neighborhood group to promote participatory development in indonesia: case of three villages in purbalingga district, central java province / sutiyo http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0010 134 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to help playing the roles cannot be played by rt. theoretically, this study also suggests that preparing the technical regulations, improving the capacity of local institutions and restructuring rural institutional setting should be an important step before decentralization is launched. to be successful in promoting participatory rural development, decentralization requires strong commitment and continuous support from the government to overcome the problems of implementation at grassroots level. acknowledgement the author would like to thank to the sumitomo foundation of japan, which provides research grant for this study through the program of grant for japan-related research project, 2013. endnotes 1 permendagri 7/1983 tentang pembentukan rt dan rw 2 government regulation 72/2005 on village; presidential regulation 49/2001 on guideline of rural community institution; regulation of ministry of home affairs 5/2007 on guideline of rural community institution arrangement 3 peraturan bupati purbalingga no. 14 tahun 2010 tentang pedoman alokasi dana desa references alatas, v., pritchett, l., & wetterberg, a. 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plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu 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https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 79 metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 misrina universitas khairun ternate, maluku utara . email: miz_rina85@yahoo.com.sg ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research describes the dynamics of internal faction of golkar party when the north maluku governor election was held in 2007-2008. it can be observed during the process preelection to the post-election. this research uses the qualitative method the data are collected by conducting the documentation, observation, and interview. the result of this research shows, that the factionalisms occurred in the golkar party in the election of north maluku governor caused two factors, the pragmatism of supreme members of golkar partyand the patron-client. the faction characteristic of golkar party based on the faction fragmentation shows that there are two factions (bipolar), which are the faction supporting thaib and the faction supporting gafur. keywords: golkar party, internal factionalism of political party, abstrak penelitian ini menguraikan tentang dinamika faksionalisme di internal partai golkar pada saat pilkada (pemilihan umum daerah) provinsi maluku utara pada tahun 2007-2008. dinamika faksi internal partai golkar dilihat dari proses menjelang pilkada sampai pasca pilkada. jenis penelitian ini adalah kualitatif riset. dalam pengumpulan data, penelitian ini menggunakan metode dokumentasi, observasi dan indept-interview. hasil penelitian ini menyatakan, faksi yang terjadi di internal partai golkar disebabkan oleh dua hal, yaitu pragmatis elit partai golkar dan hubungan patron-klien antar-elite yang menyebakan konflik semakin menguat. karakteristik faksi partai golkar dilihat dari fragmentasi faksi 80 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terpecah mejadi dua kubu (bipolar) yaitu kubu pro thaib dan kubu pro gafur. kata kunci: partai golkar, faksionalisme internal partai politik pendahuluan perkembangan partai politik di indonesia pasca orde baru mengalami perubahan yang signifikan. hal ini terlihat dari hadirnya berbagai wajah partai politik baru. reformasi membuka arena pertarungan kompetisi baru bagi partai politik untuk menegakkan demokrasi di indonesia setelah sekian lama di tutup oleh rezim yang otoriter. partai politik sebagai pilar penegakan demokrasi merupakan salah satu yang wajib ada pada negara demokrasi modern untuk mengagregasi dan mengartikulasi kepentingan masyarakat dan sebagai representatif dari berbagai kalangan. dilihat dari tingginya pluralitas bangsa indonesia, partai politik sangat dibutuhkan untuk membawa aspirasi dari setiap perbedaan. penegakan demokrasi di indonesia diawali pada pemilu 2004, dimana pertamakali masyarakat indonesia diberi hak istimewa untuk memilih presiden dan wakil presiden secara langsung. momentum sejarah perjalanan politik indonesia yang tidak akan dilupakan serta diikuti berbagai partai politik selain bisa memilih presiden secara langsung, masyarakat indonesia juga diberi hak untuk memilih anggota legilatif secara langsung. pemilihan umum 2004 merupakan gerbang bagi bangsa indonesia untuk bebas berpolitik dan menegakkan demokrasi. eforia demokrasi pada pemilu langsung diramaikan oleh beragam partai politik yang lolos dari berbagai persyaratan yang ditetapkan oleh komisi pemilihan umum (kpu) untuk partai politik adalah 1) memiliki pengurus lengkap sekurangkurangnya di 2/3 dari seluruh jumlah provinsi; 2) memiliki pengurus lengkap sekurang-kurangnya di 2/3 dari jumlah kabupaten/kota di provinsi; 3) memiliki anggota sekurang-kurangnya 1.000 orang atau sekurang-kurangnya 1/1000 dari jumlah penduduk pada setiap kepengurusan partai politik; 4) pengurus partai politik harus mempunyai kantor tetap serta mengajukan nama dan tanda gambar partai politik kepada kpu. (pamungkas, 2009: 105). melalui persyaratan ini terdapat 24 partai politik yang lolos verifikasi kpu dan dapat menjadi peserta pemilu 2004. ke 24 partai politik tersebut, 6 diantaranya otomatis ikut dalam pemilu karena jumlah kursi partai melebihi electoral threshold atau ambang batas yang telah ditentukan undang-undang. ke 6 partai itu adalah metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 81 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pdip, partai golkar, ppp, pkb, pan dan pbb dan ada beberapa partai lainya yang merupakan wajah baru dari partai yang ikut dalam pemilu 1999, seperti; pks dari partai keadilan (pk), partai keadilan dan persatuan indonesia (pkpi) dari (pkp) dan partai politik pendatang baru (new comers) dalam pemilu 2004, seperti; partai demokrat dan partai persatuan daerah dan kemudian turunan dari ppp yaitu partai bintang reformasi. kompetisi par tai politik dalam pemilu 200 4 tidak terlalu memperlihatkan kompetisi yang ketat, karena kompetisi masih dikuasai oleh partai lama, seperti; partai golkar dan pdip dan disusul oleh partaipartai islam, seperti; pkb, ppp, dan pan. dilihat dari hasil pemilu 2004, partai golkar menduduki peringkat pertama dengan perolehan suara 21,58%, dan yang kedua dari pdip 18,53% dan kemudian pkb 10,57%. peserta pemilu 1999 dan 2004 pada hakekatnya merupakan keturunan dari partai-partai besar, penyebaran dari tiga partai orde baru sebagaimana tergambar dalam tabel berikut ini: tabel 1. pecahan partai-partai besar pasca-orde baru sumber: data primer. genealogi tiga partai masa orde baru ini memperlihatkan, bahwa pemilu pasca orde baru merupakan perluasan kekuatan tiga partai politik besar yang menemukan jalan baru melalui demokrasi untuk memperkuat posisi partai dalam negara. tetapi disisi lain, demokrasi yang diperjuangan pasca orde baru membawa pada semakin kuatnya konflik internal partai metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 82 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masa reformasi ini terlihat pada partai yang berkuasa pada masa orde baru, yaitu; partai golkar. partai golkar merupakan partai penguasa orde baru, system multy party terbatas yang terdiri dari tiga partai tapi pada kenyataanya indonesia menganut sistem partai tunggal karena hanya ada satu partai penguasa, yaitu; partai golkar dibawah kekuasaan soeharto dan ditopang oleh birokrasi dan militer. golkar merupakan pemenang tunggal setiap pemilu dan hal ini berjalan selama 32 tahun. pasca runtuhnya soeharto, golkar mendapat pukulan terberat karena aktor utama golkar telah tumbang dari kursi kekuasaan. sejak reformasi, partai yang pernah berkuasa mutlak dalam pemerintahan ini menjadi semakin bergejolak dengan konflik internal dan kemudian terpecah menjadi beberapa partai setelah rezim orde baru yaitu pkp dipimpin oleh edi sudrajat, partai mkgr dipimpin oleh hj. mien sugandhi, dan pkpb dipimpin oleh r. hatono. hal yang menarik untuk dilihat adalah gambaran mengenai perkembangan partai golkar pasca orde baru. partai golkar menghadapi tekanan dari segala arah, baik dari internal maupun eksternal partai. mereka yang pro reformasi menekankan tuntutan pembubaran partai tersebut, sehingga membuat partai ini harus bekerja keras menghadapi segala tekanan dan hal ini juga memicu menguatnya konf lik internal partai golkar. konsolidasi partai golkar pada masa reformasi 1998 berlangsung dengan diadakannya musyawarah nasional luar biasa (munaslub) untuk merespon perubahan politik. musyawarah ini terdapat dua blok dari pihak birokrasi (sipil) di bawah pimpinan akbar tandjung dan blok militer di bawah pimpinan edi sudrajat yang kemudian hasil musyawarah dimenangkan oleh akbar tandjung dari kelompok sipil yang pro reformasi. pasca munaslub, banyak elit-elit partai golkar yang pecah dan mendirikan partai baru termasuk edi sudrajat. partai golkar tetap berjalan di bawah pimpinan akbar tandjung dengan tetap kokoh mempertahankan partai golkar sehingga dari peristiwa reformasi ini lahir nama baru dari partai golkar menjadi partai golkar yang menunjukan keterbukaan partai golkar terhadap proses demokratisasi, kemudian disusul dengan perubahan paradigma baru partai golkar. eksistensi partai golkar masa reformasi terus meningkat di bawah pimpinan akbar tandjung. hal ini dapat dilihat dari hasil pemilu 1999 metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 83 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan 2004 dimana partai golkar masih tetap eksis dalam memenangkan pemilu meskipun disisi lain mengalami penurunan dibandingkan masa orde baru. partai golkar terus melakukan konsolidasi dalam politik kekuasaan negara dengan membuka diri pada proses demokratisasi. hal ini terlihat pada keterlibatan berbagai kalangan dalam partai. kalangan yang paling banyak terlibat dalam partai golkar adalah kalangan pengusaha, seperti; jusuf kalla yang merupakan representasi kelompok pengusaha. munas vii golkar di bali memperlihatkan adanya faksi-faksi yang terbentuk atas kepentingan politik dari masing-masing basis sosial dari kalangan birokrat dibawah pimpinan akbar tandjung, kalangan militer dibawah pimpinan wiranto dan kalangan pengusaha dibawah pimpinan jusuf kalla yang saat itu telah menjabat sebagai wakil presiden. hasil munas ini memilih ketua umum partai golkar periode 2004-2009, yaitu; jusuf kalla. jusuf kalla dianggap akan membawa ruang kekuasaan baru bagi partai golkar di pemerintahan. partai golkar merupakan partai dominan di parlemen, tetapi kalah dalam pertarungan pilpres 2004. sehingga untuk menopang penguatan partai golkar dalam pemerintahan, partai golkar kembali memilih ketua umum dengan mengandeng wapres jusuf kalla sebagai ketua umum partai. gejolak partai golkar semakin bertambah ketika partai golkar semakin pragmatis dengan memperlihatkan kontestasi partai politik yang semakin kompetitif untuk mengalang dukungan dalam pemilu maupun pilkada.. pemilu 2009 dengan sistem multipartai dan jalannya proses demokratisasi membuat kemerosotan partai golkar. hasil pemilu 2009 menyatakan partai golkar mendapat 14% suara dari 20% hasil suara pada pemilu 2004. kemorosotan partai golkar pun terjadi di daerah-daerah basis massa golkar yang telah dikuasai oleh partai demokrat. inklusivisme yang dibawah partai golkar saat reformasi, membuat intensitas konflik internal partai golkar semakin tinggi, karena semakin banyak kalangan yang masuk dalam partai. hal ini berarti semakin banyak kepentingan di internal partai dan berdampak pada pengorganisasian partai golkar dari level pusat sampai daerah. hal ini terlihat dari hasil pemilihan kepala daerah langsung sepanjang 2004-2009, dimana partai golkar mengalami penurunan. artinya, semakin banyak kalangan yang metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 84 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berasal dari beragam basis sosial membuat partai ini semakin bergejolak dengan berbagai kepentingan. dampak yang muncul kemudian adalah elit partai golkar banyak terfragmentasi pada pemilihan kepala daerah langsung, hal ini menandakan bahwa pengelolaan organisasi internal partai tidak berjalan dengan baik sehingga faksi internal partai golkar di daerah tidak dapat dikelola secara demokratis. terfragmentasinya elit partai golkar ini membawa dampak langsung di daerah terkait dengan pemilihan kepala daerah provinsi maluku utara 2007 yang mengalami proses panjang sampai 2008. adanya pengelolaan faksi yang tidak demokratis pada internal partai golkar maluku utara disebabkan karena adanya perpindahan elit partai golkar ke calon kandidat gubernur partai demokrat dan berlangsung pada saat proses penetapan pemenang pilkada. masalah ini menarik dikaji karena fragmentasi partai golkar di maluku utara tidak berlangsung pada awal proses pilkada atau setelah pilkada, tetapi perpindahan elit terjadi pada saat proses pilkada berlangsung. hal ini berbeda dengan konflik di internal partai golkar yang berdampak pada perpindahan elit partai golkar ke partai yang lain sebelum proses pilkada berlangsung seperti yang terjadi pada pilkada di sulawesi selatan. partai golkar maluku utara merupakan partai yang mendominasi lembaga eksekutif daerah ditingkat provinsi dan kabupaten/kota. hasil pemilu 2004, diketahui partai golkar merupakan partai pemenang dengan perolehan suara 22,29%, disusul pdip (10,60%), pds (8,74), pks (8,73), dan pbb (6,53%). ditingkat kabupaten, partai golkar menang di 5 kabupaten dari 8 kabupaten, yaitu; kabupaten halmahera barat (8.54%), kabupaten halmahera tengah (3.98%), kabupaten halmahera timur (8.34%), tidore kepulauan (15.84%), dan sula (18.95%). tiga kabupaten/kota lainnya, yaitu; ternate dimenangkan oleh ppdk, kabupaten halmahera selatan dimenangkan oleh pks, dan kabupaten halmahera utara dimenangkan oleh pds. dari sini dapat terlihat peta kekuatan politik partai golkar yang mendominasi di provinsi dan kabupaten/kota. nasib partai golkar maluku utara tidak sebaik pada saat pemilu, tetapi dalam pemilihan kepala daerah provinsi maluku utara 2007 yang diadakan secara langsung, partai golkar harus menerima kekalahan seperti yang terjadi pada 2001. metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 85 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ proses pilkada menimbulkan masalah yang terkait dengan hasil rekapitulasi suara pada tiga kecamatan di kabupaten halmahera barat. kpud maluku utara (malut) sebagai penyelenggara pilkada tidak dapat menyelesaikan sengketa ini. akhirnya intervensi pusat untuk menyelesaikan sengketa ini. kpu pusat pun membuat perhitungan ulang dengan menetapkan abdul gafur-abdurrahim fabanyo sebagai gubernur dan wakil gubernur terpilih. rahmi husen sebagai ketua kpud malut tidak tinggal diam atas tindakan yang diambil kpu pusat dengan menggugat kpu pusat ke mahkamah agung. ma pun merespon gugatan kpu malut dengan memutuskan penghitungan ulang hasil pilkada malut di tiga kecamatan di kabupaten halmahera barat. kpu pusat selanjutnya membekukan ketua kpud malut dan menggantikan rahmi dengan muchlis, tapi sebagai plt ketua kpud malut. pada maret 2008 ketua kpud yang telah dibekukan oleh kpu pusat melakukan perhitungan ulang di jakarta dan memutuskan thaib armayngani kasuba sebagai gubernur dan wakil gubernur terpilih. muchlis pun mengadakan perhitungan ulang di ternate dan memutuskan abdul gafurabdurrahim fabanyo sebagai pemenang pilkada. dua hasil pemenang pilkada yang dihasilkan oleh dua ketua kpud membuat masalah pilkada malut semakin rumit. kedua hasil perhitungan ini diserahkan kepada mendagri karena terdapat dualisme hasil pilkada, mendagri memutuskan untuk menyerahkan ke dprd malut untuk menentukan salah satu rekomendasi pemenang pilkada yang akan disahkan. dprd maluku utara membuat masalah terkait dualisme pemenang pilkada. terjadi dua kali rapat paripurna yang diadakan oleh dprd untuk menanggapi keputusan mendagri. dprd terpecah dua kubu, paripurna pertama terdiri dari 20 anggota menduk ung keputusan kpud muchlis. tapi dengan memenangkan abdul gafur-rahim fabanyo sebagai gubernur/wakil gubernur. paripurna kedua terdiri dari 14 anggota menyetujui keputusan kpud rahmi husen. kedua hasil rapat paripurna pun diserahkan kepada mendagri. akhirnya mendagri menyerahkan dualisme pemenang pilkada malut kepada mahkamah agung. juli 2008 mendagri akhirnya menetapkan pasangan thaib –gani sebagai pemenang pilgub malut. keputusan mendagri ini didasarkan pada keputusan ma no.3 p/ kpud/2007 tertanggal 22 januari 2008 dan pertimbangan fatwa ma metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 86 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ no.022/kma/iii/2008 tertanggal 10 maret 2008 yang menyatakan bahwa keputusan kpu maluku utara versi rahmi husen dinyatakan telah sesuai dengan prosedur yuridis dan ketentuan hukum acara perdata. berdasarkan fatwa ma ini, mendagri juga harus memutuskan pemenang pilkada dengan terlebih dahulu melakukan musyawarah dengan dprd maluku utara. hanya saja, rapat paripurna dprd maluku utara, 16 april 2008, yang dimaksudkan sebagai forum penyelesaian sengketa pilkada tetap memunculkan dua pasangan calon terpilih yang berbeda, karena dprd juga terpecah menjadi dua kelompok. dengan demikian, pemerintah tidak dapat menjadikan hasil rapat paripurna dprd tersebut sebagai landasan penyelesaian sengketa pilkada. pertimbangan hukum kedua adalah keputusan ma no.099/kma/v/ 2008 tanggal 14 mei 2008 yang substansinya menyatakan bahwa pemerintah pusat berwenang menyelesaikan persoalan pilkada maluku utara sebagai beleid (kebijakan) dan harus dilihat dari sisi manfaat dengan melihat potensi gejolak sosial, politik dan keamanan yang paling minim. atas dasar pertimbangan hukum ma tersebut, mendagri akan mengusulkan pembuatan keputusan presiden (keppres) untuk melantik pasangan thaib armaiyn dan abdul ghani kasuba sebagai pasangan calon terpilih (cetro, 3 juni 2008). deskripsi alur konflik pilkada maluku utara diatas adalah titik awal mencuatnya konflik internal partai golkar provinsi maluku utara, dimana terjadi perpindahan elit partai golkar, yaitu; hamid usman yang sedang menjabat sebagai sekretaris partai golkar dan juga ketua fraksi partai golkar di dprd provinsi maluku utara ke partai demokrat pada saat proses penetapan pemenang pilkada. diketahui bahwa calon kandidat gubernur partai demokrat, yaitu; thaib armaiyn merupakan elit partai golkar provinsi maluku utara yang tidak mendapat suara signifikan dalam proses kandidasi partai golkar sehingga berhijrah ke partai demokrat. pada saat konflik dualisme pemenang pilkada, hamid usman sebagai ketua fraksi partai golkar di dprd provinsi malut mengikuti rapat paripurna yang kedua mendukung keputusan pemenang pilkada versi rahmi husen yang memenangkan thaib armaiyn-gani kasuba. hal ini bertentangan dengan keputusan partai golkar yang mendukung paket pasangan calon gubernur abdul gafurrahim fabanyo. tindakan hamid metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 87 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ usman yang berpindah dukungan ke thaib armayn-gani kasuba inilah mencuat konflik internal partai golkar. gejolak politik partai golkar yang bisa dibilang fenomena baru karena partai golkar maluku utara termasuk partai yang solid semakin kuat perbedaan dalam partai semakin memperlihatkan keharmonisan partai. terlepas dari adanya fenomena elit yang suka berpindah partai karena alasan pragmatisme pada momentum pemilu atau pilkada. tetapi tidak pernah terjadi perpindahan elit pada proses penetapan pemenang pilkada dari partai a ke partai b seperti yang terjadi pada partai golkar provinsi maluku utara dalam pilkada yang berlangsung 2007 hingga 2008. hal ini terindikasi bahwa adanya konflik internal partai golkar yang tidak dapat di kelola dengan baik sehingga terjadinya fragmentasi elit partai. fenomena politik partai golkar diatas, peneliti tertarik untuk melihat faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada 2007-2008 yang terjadi pada saat proses pilkada gubernur berlangsung. bahwa adanya perpindahan elit partai golkar yaitu sekretaris partai golkar yang juga menjabat sebagai ketua fraksi partai golkar di dprd provinsi maluku utara pada saat proses penetapan pemenang pilkada ke kandidat gubernur partai demokrat. diketahui kandidat dari partai demokrat, yaitu; thaib armayin adalah elit partai golkar yang kalah dalam proses kandidasi gubernur partai golkar 2007. sejumlah penelitian tentang partai golkar di akar rumput juga dijadikan bahan melihat perbedaan dengan penelitian yang dibahas dalam paper ini. jusdin puluhulawa, budi winarno dan riswanda imawan melakukan penelitian tentang mekanisme kepemimpinan partai golkar dalam rekruitmen kader pada 1996 di gorontalo. penelitian ini ingin melihat mengapa rekruitmen kader masih didominasi oleh generasi tua dan mengabaikan generasi muda yang pada hakekatnya merugikan proses regenerasi dalam tubuh partai golkar. kajian ini melihat partai golkar sebagai partai politik yang mejalankan fungsi-fungsi partai politik karena pada saat itu partai golkar dianggap telah melakukan fungsi partai politik. kader yang dimaksud adalah okp, ampi, kosgoro, soksi, pemuda pancasila, fkppi, pemuda pancamarga, dan knpi. hasil penelitian ini menyatakan bahwa mekanisme rekruitmen kader di kotamadya gorontalo masih dipengaruhi oleh jalur a dan b dibandingkan jalur g. metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 88 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ proses kaderisasi pun masih bersifat tertutup tanpa memberikan peluang bagi generasi muda sehingga berdampak pada sifat irasional kaum muda karena tidak diakomodir dalam proses recruitment kader partai. proses rekruitmen pun mempunyai persyaratan yang ketat (formal dan informal) seperti kesimbangan antara kualitas dan pengaruh, kriteria pdlt, dan hubungan partikularistik. syarat ini secara subyektif mempengaruhi proses rekruitmen bagi generasi muda. kemudian zahra ika dalam skripsinya membahas tentang survival partai golkar kota yogyakarta (rahmawati, 2005). tulisan ini menelusuri faktorfaktor apa saja yang dimunculkan oleh partai golkar dalam usaha untuk beradaptasi dengan perubahan format pemilu dan sistem kepartaian pasca rezim orde baru. ika menyatakan bahwa survive-nya partai golkar di kota yogyakarta disebabkan pada faktor: 1) pada setiap pemilu golkar selalu menggunakan strategi milik cacth-all party bahwa partai golkar tidak mempunyai ideologi dalam menarik suara setiap golongan. hal ini ditandai dengan jurkam yang mengajak warga nu dan muhammadiyah. 2) partai golkar selalu memunculkan isu yang sifatnya pragmatis seperti perbaikan ekonomi atau pembangunan. 3) menggunakan simbol dan keberadaan keraton untuk memperluas basis masa karena perasaan “wong jogja” dapat menerjang celah-celah sosial yang berbasis pada agama atau ideologi. selain penelitian ika tentang survive partai golkar pasca orde baru, hikmawati (2006) dalam tesisnya membahas tentang partai golkar dan perempuan di sulawesi selatan (sulsel). penelitian ini melihat bagaimana proses rekrutmen perempuan dalam kepengurusan di dpd i partai golkar provinsi sulsel dan bagaimana posisi perempuan dalam kepengurusan dpd i partai golkar sulsel. menurut hikmawati, partai golkar adalah partai ekslusif di mata perempuan karena dalam rekrutmen kepengurusan belum banyak memberikan tempat bagi perempuan. proses rekrutmen pengurus dpd i partai golkar sulsel lebih mengutamakan loyalitas terhadap organisasi dibandingkan compartmentalization (latar belakang pendidikan dan social background), meritoctratic (kompetisi, kompetensi), dan survival (etnis, keluarga). walaupun dalam peraturan partai tidak menomorduakan perempuan, tetapi pada kenyataannya rekruitmen perempuan masih sangat minim. hal ini juga terjadi pada rekrutmen anggota caleg dari partai golkar. metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 89 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ketiga penelitian tentang partai golkar diatas, melihat proses rekrutmen kader pada masa orde baru yang melihat posisi generasi muda dalam tubuh partai golkar, survival partai golkar dalam menghadapi perubahan sistem politik pasca orde baru dan terakhir melihat posisi perempuan dalam par tai golk ar yang berkait an dengan proses rekrutmen kepengurusan di dpd i. kajian-kajian ini berbeda dengan kajian partai golkar yang akan peneliti sajikan dalam paper ini. penelitian ini melihat fenomena kubu atau kelompok yang terbentuk dalam tubuh partai golkar tidak pada ranah nasional yang sering dibicarakan para peneliti ilmu politik, tetapi pada partai golkar di ranah lokal. tepatnya peneliti ingin melihat fenomena pembentukan kelompok-kelompok (faksionalisme) serta identifikasi karakteristik faksi dalam partai golkar yang muncul pada pilkada di maluku utara 2007. metode penelitian studi ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif riset yang mengeksplorasi fenomena faksionalisme partai golkar sehingga peneliti dapat menjelaskan mengapa faksi bisa terjadi dan bagaimana karakteristik faksi yang terjadi di internal partai golkar. data diperoleh dari penelusuran dokumen, observasi, dan wawancara mendalam (indept interview). wawancara mendalam dilakukan dengan informan yang dianggap penting dalam penelitian tentang fenomena faksionalisme internal partai golkar. cara menganalisa data diinterpretasi dalam bentuk deskriptif atau uraian untuk penarikan kesimpulan dan rekomendasi dari penelitian ini. hasil dan pembahasan ada beberapa faktor yang dapat dijelaskan mengapa faksionalisme terjadi di internal partai golkar pada saat pilkada gubernur maluku utara 2007 yaitu: 1. kepentingan politik elit partai wacana awal rekruitmen politik yaitu pencarian calon gubernur dari partai golkar, bahwa partai golkar akan mengusung thaib armayn sebagai calon gubernur. kontestasi para elit partai golkar pun muncul dengan adanya keinginan untuk dipaketkan dengan thaib armayn. kontestasi kepentingan elit atas posisi politik ini disinyalir pada elit yang metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 90 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ duduk pada pos-pos penting partai golkar, yaitu; yamin tawari sebagai korwil partai golkar maluku dan juga sebagai wakil dari dpp partai golkar, syamsir andili sebagai penasehat dpd ii partai golkar kota ternate yang juga sebagai walikota ternate dan hasan doa sebagai ketua dpd i partai golkar maluku utara. dari ketiga elit ini, hasan doa yang dihubungi oleh thaib armayn dan membicarakan proses pencalonan beliau sebagai pendamping thaib armayn. dari proses inilah awal terjadinya keretakan elit, syamsir andili yang mulanya mendukung pencalonan thaib armayn berbalik arah mendukung abdul gafur dan didukung oleh korwil partai golkar. disinilah awal keretakan para elit partai golkar sehingga berdampak pada pembentukan faksi yang begitu tajam di tubuh partai golkar. tetapi seiring waktu berjalan, thaib armayn berhalangan hadir dalam setiap pemanggilan ketua umum partai golkar sehingga partai dalam hal mempertahankan harga diri partai membuat keputusan untuk mendukung abdul gafur. 2. budaya klientalisme: patron-klien konvensi merupakan ajang rekruitmen politik untuk memilih calon gubernur dari partai golkar. orang yang akan memilih sosok yang akan tampil sebagai pemimpin akan memperhitungkan kedekatan pada sosok pemimpin yang akan tampil karena hal ini untuk menjamin keberlangsungan hidup orang tersebut dalam politik. hamid usman adalah sosok yang dekat dengan thaib armayn karena sama-sama berkecimpung dalam organisasi kosgoro 57 dan kedekatan antara mereka telah berlangsung dari 1968 sampai sekarang. thaib armyin dan hamid usman masih berada pada organisasi kosgoro 57. kedekatan hubungan ini yang menjadi salah satu pemicu terbentuknya faksi yang mendukung thaib armayn. diketahui bahwa faksi ini dipimpin oleh hamid usman. betapa pentingnya kedekatan emosional antara thaib armayn dan hamid usman dengan pertimbangan penting bahwa jika thaib armayn yang akan memenangkan konvensi posisi hamid usman akan aman dalam politik dan juga partai golkar pun akan mendapatkan posisi aman dalam politik pemerintahan. sehingga pembelaan hamid usman akan sosok thaib armayn sangat gentar dengan melawan keputusan partai secara terbuka sampai pada proses pilkada, hamid tetap kukuh membela thaib metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 91 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ armayn atas nama partai golkar. perlawanan ini kemudian mendapat teguran yang keras dari pimpinan partai dengan dipecatnya hamid usman dari partai golkar. faktor yang memicu pembentukan faksi internal partai golkar, para pendukung kedua tokoh ini kemudian bersaing dengan membentuk kubu atau faksi untuk bersaing pada saat konvensi internal partai golkar untuk memilih kandidat gubernur maluku utara periode 2008-2013. tetapi pada akhirnya abdul gafur yang terpilih menjadi kandidat yang dipilih partai golkar untuk maju di pilkada gubernur. fenomena faksi yang terjadi, peneliti menyimpulkan beberapa karakteristik faksi yang terjadi di internal partai golkar, yaitu: a. cligues and tendencies, faksi merupakan kelompok kecil yang berada di dalam partai politik dan memperlihatkan tingkat organisasi yang minim. faksi tipe ini adalah faksi yang dibentuk oleh mereka yang mendukung abdul gafur. aktor-aktor yang ada di dalam faksi ini dengan secara tiba-tiba membentuk suatu kelompok untuk mendukung abdul gafur yang sebelumnya membuat faksifaksi tersendiri dalam partai. ketika perdebatan antara kedua tokoh fenomenal (thaib dan gafur), kelompok ini kemudian bersatu membentuk kekuatan untuk melawan kelompok yang mendukung thaib armayn. kubu hamid usman adalah kelompok yang memang sebelum konvensi telah mendukung thaib armayn karena beliau termasuk dalam organisasi kosgoro 57 yaitu sebagai penasehat kosgoro 57. b. personal, client-group faction, faksi yang dibuat menurut selera dan kepentingan berdasarkan klientalisme adalah faksi hamid usman. kedekatan personal antara hamid dan thaib armayn dalam ikatan organisasi kosgoro membuat hamid sangat ngotot atas pencalonan thaib sebagai calon gubernur dari partai golkar. dalam hal ini, faksi hamid usman bersifat partikularistik. asumsi dasar adalah hamid akan mendukung thaib armayn sebagai kepala daerah dari partai golkar karena sama-sama berkecimpung dalam organisasi kosgoro dan tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik kekuasaan hamid usman untuk tetap eksis dalam partai politik. sekalipun hamid usman di-recall dari partai golkar, tetapi hamid masih tetap eksis dan menjadi orang penting di partai demokrat. metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 92 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kesimpulan faksi internal partai golkar terbentuk pada saat pemilihan kepala daerah langsung maluku utara pada 2007 disebabkan oleh beberapa dua faktor. pertama, pragmatis elit partai golkar. ada beberapa kepentingan politik elit yang menyebabkan terbentuknya faksi: (1) pada kenyataan, faktor pragmatis kepentingan elit partai golkar dilihat pada awal perdebatan siapa yang akan digandeng oleh thaib armayn sebagai wakil gubernur. tiga elit yang sangat berpengaruh di partai golkar maluku utara, yaitu hasan doa sebagai ketua dpd i partai golkar, yamin tawari kordinator wilayah xv maluku dan syamsir andili sebagai ketua dewan penasehat dpd ii partai golkar kota ternate. ketiga elit ini berkeinginan untuk maju sebagai calon gubernur pendamping thaib armayn, tetapi pada kenyataannya thaib armayn menghubungi ketua dpd i partai golkar maluku utara untuk menjadi calon wakil gubernur. syamsir andili yang pertamanya mendukung thaib armayn berubah arah untuk mendukung abdul gafur. begitupun dengan yamin tawari yang bersatu dengan syamsir andili untuk mendukung abdul gafur dalam konvensi sebagai calon kepala daerah dari partai golkar. masalah inilah kemudian terbentuknya faksi di dalam tubuh partai golkar yang dibawa oleh para elit; (2) konsistensi hamid usman untuk mendukung thaib armyn dari sebelum konvensi sampai pada akhir pilkada menunjukan pragmatis elit. tindakan hamid usman yang tereskalasi pada saat pilkada membuat konflik antara faksi semakin rumit. faksi hamid cs berhadapan dengan faksi syamsir andili pada saat pilkada polemik antara kedua faksi ini berakhir dengan pemecatan hamid usman dari partai golkar karena dianggap melanggar keputusan partai golkar yang mendukung abdul gafur-rahim fabanyo. akhir dari pilkada, faksi hamid usman dan faksi hasan doa berpindah ke partai demokrat yaitu partai pengusung thaib armayn dalam pilkada. kedua, hubungan patron-klien. hubungan klientalisme di sini berdasarkan kedekatan emosional antara hamid usman dan thaib armayn yang telah lama hidup dalam organisasi pendiri partai golkar kosgoro 57. kedekatan mereka inilah yang memicu tindakan hamid usman yang gigih memperjuangkan thaib armayn di partai golkar bahkan keputusan partai golkar pun diterobos dengan berbagai cara metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 93 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hanya untuk memperjuangkan thaib sebagai calon gubernur dari partai golkar. tindakan hamid ini cenderung bersifat partikularistik. asumsinya hamid akan selalu berada mendukung thaib yang berada bersamanya di kosgoro bukan hanya kedekatan emosional tetapi adanya kepentingan politik. dari faktor inilah terbentuk faksi hamid usman yang secara terang-bederang mendukung thaib dari awal konvensi sampai pada akhir pilkada gubernur. sedangkan karekteristik faksionalisme internal partai golkar maluku utara dapat dilihat dari: pertama, fragmentasi faksi internal partai golkar pecah menjadi dua kubu (bipolar), yaitu kubu pendukung abdul gafur dan kubu pendukung thaib armayn. terjadi pemilihan dua kubu besar untuk mendukung dua bakal calon gubernur dari partai golkar yaitu kubu pendukung thaib dan kubu pendukung gafur. masing-masing kubu ini mempunyai alasan mengapa mendukung thaib dan mengapa mereka mendukung gafur. alasan-alasan yang diutarakan oleh pendukung thaib adalah bahwa thaib merupakan tokoh pemenang survey elektabilitas calon gubernur. jadi, jika partai golkar ingin menang dalam pilkada, partai ini harus mendukung thaib dan ini sesuai dengan amanat juklak 05 yaitu partai harus mengakomodir tokoh yang menang dalam survey yang diadakan selama dua kali. hal ini timbul masalah di kalangan pendukung gafur bahwa partai golkar harus memperhitungkan kader murni partai jika ada kader murni partai kenapa pilih yang lain. alasan mereka yang mendukung gafur adalah bahwa maluku utara perlu perubahan. tidak ada orang lain selain abdul gafur seorang putra daerah yang telah mapan dalam politik nasional. kedua, institusionalisasi faksi yang dibentuk karena selera dan kepentingan para aktor partai golkar termasuk dalam faksi yang tingkat kelembagaannya cukup tinggi. tingkat kelembagaan faksi hamid usman merupakan faksi yang cukup terlembaga dilihat dari pola manuver hamid usman pada saat pilkada yang melanggar keputusan partai golkar secara terang-terangan. faksi hamid usman cukup terlembaga menurut kepentingan yang dibawa oleh faksi ini. ketiga, polarisasi faksi memperlihatkan dinamika konflik yang terus meningkat dilihat dari momen menjelang konvensi sampai pada pasca metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 94 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pilkada. konflik internal partai golkar menjadi konflik terbuka karena tindakan hamid usman yang melanggar keputusan partai golkar dengan mendukung thaib armayin di depan mendagri dan mengatasnamakan partai golkar. karena tindakan ini hamid dipecat dari partai golkar dan tanpa melewati proses pemecatan. hasilnya hamid berpindah ke partai demokrat dan mendukung thaib sebagai calon gubernur maluku utara yang diikuti oleh para anggotanya yang pada saat konvensi berada di barisan hamid untuk mendukung thaib armayin. faksi hamid usman bersifat sentrifugal yaitu faksi menyimpang dari ketentuan partai. hal ini berdampak pada disintegrasi partai di mana konflik internal partai berefek pada pemecatan hamid usman dan perpindahan elit partai golkar yang ada di belakang hamid usman. daftar pustaka amal, ichlasul. 1996. teori-teori mutakhir partai politik. tiara wacana. yogyakarta ambong, ibrahim. 1990. journal ilmu politik 4, memahami keberdadaan golkar. ppw dan lipi, gramedia. jakarta beller, dennis, c, belloni, frank, p. 1978. party and faction: modes of political competition. in: belloni, frank, p, beller, dennis, c. belloni, frank, p, and beller, dennis c., eds. 1978. faction politics: political parties and factionalism in comparative perspective. santa barbara. clio press cahyono, hari, chepy. 1991. ilmu politik dan perspektifnya. tiara wacana. yogyakarta carty, r. kenneth. 2004. parties as franchise system, the stratarchial organizational imperative in party politics castle, lance. 2004. pemilu 2004 dalam konteks komparatif dan historis. pustaka pelajar. yogyakarta denzin, norman k. & guba, egon. 2001. teori dan paradigma penelitian sosial. pt. tiara. yogyakarta dhakidae, daniel. 1999. partai-partai politik, demokrasi, dan oligarki. litbang kompas. jakarta duverger, maurice. 1984. partai politik dan kelompok-kelompok penekan. bina aksara. yogyakarta metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 95 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ evans, raymond, kevin. 1997. sejarah pemilu dan partai politik indonesia. pt. aries consultancies. jakarta haryanto. 1984. partai politik: suatu tinjauan umum. liberty. yogyakarta j. vredenbergt. 1985. pengantar metodologi ilmu-ilmu empiris. pt. gramedia. jakarta katz, richard and crotty, william. 2006. handbook of party politics. sage publications. london key jr.,v. o. 1984. southern politics in state and nation. a new edition, knoxville: university of tennessee press koirudin. 2004. partai politik dan agenda transisi demokrasi. pustaka pelajar. yogyakarta kollner, patrick and basedau, matthias. 2005. factionalism in political parties: an analytical framework for comparative studies. german overseas institute (dui), hamburg maor, moshe. 1997. political parties and party system, comparative approaches and the british experience. london and new york, routledge michels, robert. 1984. partai politik: kecenderungan oligarkis dalam birokrasi. rajawali. jakarta moleong, lexy. 2002. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. remaja rosda. bandung muller-rommel. 1982. innerparteiliche gruppierungen in der sdp. opladen westdeutscher verlag oesman, oetoyo. 2000. kelembagaan partai golkar dalam basis-basis kekuatan partai (power baces) sebagai hubungan fungsional antarlembaga, dalam golkar abad xxi. laspi. jakarta pamungkas, sigit. 2009. perihal pemilu. jip ugm. yogyakarta pandiangan, andreas. 1996. menggugat kemandirian golkar. bigraf publishing. yogyakarta poguntke, thomas. 2002. parties without firm social roots? party organizational lingkage prihatmoko, j, joko. 2003. pemilu 2004 dan konsolidasi demokrasi. lp2l press. semarang reeeve, david. 1985. golkar of indonesia: an alternative to the party system. oxford university press. singapore sartori, giovanni. 1976. parties and party system: a framework for analymetamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 96 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sis. volume i. cambridge university press singarimbun, masri dan effendi, sofian. 1995. metode penelitian survey. lp3es. jakarta stanley, editor. 1999. golkar retak, intrik politik golkar. institut studi arus informasi. jakarta tandjung, akbar. 2007. the golkar way. pt. gramedia pustaka utama. jakarta tim lipi (2007). partai dan parlemen lokal era transisi demokrasi indonesia. lipi. jakarta usman, husaini dan akbar, purnomo s. 2003. metodologi penelitian sosial. bumi aksara. jakarta zariski, raphael. 1960. party factions and comparative politics: some preliminary observations, in: midwest journal of political science metamorfosis faksionalisme internal partai golkar di maluku utara pada pilkada 2007 / misrina / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0005 layout desember 2008 life was combined of mutual elements between business and power. the chinese ways of business are largely determined by how regime treated them. as a result, chinese ethnic turned into the aims of anger. this tradition continued when the transition from japan to the revolutionaries in the earlier days of independence, from the old order to the new order, and from new order to reformation era (see dieleman, et al, 2011: 3-4). why could it occur? for one assumption that chinese business character was absolutely determined by the regime to put them on itself. power was figured out their position because during this prior chinese had been a passive actor in the world of power. copell (1976: 12) distinctly said that the political character of the chinese business before reformation era is the capitalist pattern. as they become part of the typical political life without entering into a formal electoral politics. they became paymaster electoral political interests to gain access to compensation in larger businesses. then the interesting question is whether if the formal political setting has shifted? hence, the focus of this article is on how politics chinese businesses are actually run after the faucet of democracy opened and ethnic discrimination formally removed. when the reforms emerged, many of them are indeed included in formal politics (party and electoration), but the decisive point is that they are just continuing the tradition of business chinese style. is it true that the political changes also shift their business model? ibrahim faculty of social and political science, university of bangka belitung email; iim_babel@yahoo.com the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 abstract since the reformation era, chinese ethnic are in distinctive situation near to all line. before new order era, chinese ethnic was accustomed to business sector. on post new order era, that ethnic have dawned on the same importance position within all aspect of life. however, in business sector, chinese have been around maintenance character with wide variety. whether the previous pattern of capitalists evolved into the main feature, this situation has been penetrative on post new order era. the article aims to outline the chinese business politics in bangka belitung on post new order era. using the qualitative methods with elite approaches, this article found that there was a political expansion of chinese businesses in bangka belitung when new order era expired. the expansion of collusion through elite and politicians, the reinforcement of identity and accessory networking, the more disguised expansion of new business units, and decentralized business networking are the dependent character of chinese business political practices, nowadays. keywords: politics, business, etnhic chinese introduction ethnic chinese was accustomed to stigma of businessman for prolonged time. besides the various achievements in business, chinese is occasionally associated with negative presumption in business. the specified characteristics are attached to them. the enduring history of chinese 156 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ how far then change it shifted? by adapting from locus of bangka belitung islands where ethnic chinese plugging its long history, this article wants to discuss the business style of chinese politics postnew order; the transition scope, but it is actually a continuation of the previous period. theoretical framework chinese played the largest role in the economic life of the countries in southeast asia. reid (2011: 33) and wilmot (1960: 16-17) said that it is something which is uncontested that the people of china since the beginning has brought the spirit of capitalism, global economy, and industrial-scale production techniques in southeast asia. it had been essential since the beginning triggered by the influx of workers such as those in malaya, bangka, and west kalimantan. the relation between chinese and economy is obviously influenced by the main reason their migration from ancestral lands, especially in economic reasons. gie (1992: 6) said that hardly ever for military reasons, politics, or religion is the cause that led the chinese people to migrate. the desire of attempting their luck is their main motive. for suryadinata (1995: 5-8), there is a kind of ethnic networks attached to the business system of the chinese people in southeast asia and has a close relationship with business in china indicated by the phenomenon of almost all major chinese businessmen in southeast asia has investments in country of origin of their parent (compare with widiyanta, 2010: 13). however, there are various developed perspectives considered of political life of chinese’s business. dieleman (2011: 202-206) noted that there are at least four perspective related to the ethnic chinese business networks. the first identified that the chinese businessmen are trusted to prefer to involve people of chinese origin the same area in china. this argument sees that cultural ties become an important factor. chinese business networks often termed quanxi meaningful connections and refered to the individual relationship. the developing base is a common experience, such as place of birth, school, clan, family names, and so forth. table 1: chinese business politics by dielemen the second identified by dieleman see that chinese business is further developed on the basis of crony network. this argument sees that the chinese has built their business life by establishing collusion with the authorities that will assist them in providing the resources and protection. some areas in indonesia by dieleman reflect this situation, as well as significantly occurred during the build suharto cronies with varied chinese entrepreneurs. the third view to see that the ethnic chinese business networks build with the concept of social capital, which refers to the ability of employers to take advantage of networking as a source of business. mutual-trust system is the key in this perspective which can occur in families, communities, networks of political, ethnic networks, or the public at large. the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 157 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the fourth landscaped by dieleman deeply see chinese business building in relation to aspects of time and consideration of strategies developed networks. this view sees that the business has grown in accordance with the environment and guanxi or networking is something that is not important. meanwhile, cheung (2004: 675-679) saw nearly link between affinity networks as part of social capital. the concept of social capital in the context of ethnic chinese business networking refers to the utilization of group affiliation. the powerful ethnic identities developed into a major social capital even then on each other’s identity and are sometimes double. moreover, according to cheung, ethnic conflicts are motive for the strengthening of ethnic solidarity. other identifying factors that influence according to cheung is language as reinforcing relationships, societies are becoming container, and confucianism to underlie the value in networks connection. this network is well-known in the literature by the term kwangsi; kongsi (hakka dialect); or kungsze (hokkien). this network is difficult to define, but there is a tendency that the partnership became a sort of unofficial institutions for the chinese immigrants. kongsi is described as a partnership or association. on a broader level, a secret society organizations are also referred to as a joint venture. the aim of the partnership is essentially to protect the economic interests of the group (peng, 1994: 1-4) beng (2001: 224) uses the term zhonghua jingji quan or ‘chinese economic circle’ to describe the situation of chinese business networks. understanding the political behavior of chinese business certainly need to understand the changing political context has shifted. the shift not only hit the limits of time, but also the limits of change is too complicated and complex. ethnic chinese bangka belitung, which became the locus of this study, shows an unusual phenomenon in the political world, especially among ethnic chinese offense with power. within a prolonged time, the ethnic chinese in this area are particularly an actor in the field of economics. the history of their arrival to the islands also is the history of tin and practical trade deliver them into the main part of economic activity. their involvement in the political world has almost turned into taboo stuff, except perhaps the baron practices generally implicated in new order indonesia. cukong own pattern according coppel (1976: 12) is the penetration of chinese businessmen to power through control of the economy. reform era in 1998 have included a transition debates which then deliver equality ethnic chinese entry in a new situation. as said reid (2009: 294) that the reform transition into the worst moment for the chinese people because they become victims of the protesters, but also at the same time be the best moment because it opens later this faucet for ethnic freedom. can not be denied that the national political climate which then seeps into the local level was the one which affects the increase in political participation at various levels of ethnic chinese. this is a major political opportunity that opened the door for a new movement in the political world of chinese business. although the time was preceded by several smaller political phenomenon previously, the election of cung ban hok or ahok as regent of east belitung in 2005 seems to be the barometer of chinese involvement in the electoral world the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 158 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ after the new order. even studies la ode (2012) mentions that the chinese political phenomenon in pontianak also affected psychologically by ahok phenomenon. when ahok was runner-up in the election of governor of bangka belitung 18 months after he became regent, the optimism of the chinese elite look higher. in bangka election 2008, rudianto tjen also a runner-up. as in pilwako louth in the same year also drove fifi lety as runner up. at the same pilwako, candidates from other ethnic chinese who are also contesting. more interestingly, when the legislative elections took place in 2009, the candidate of the ethnic chinese also get an interesting position. 7 of parliament and the pacific islands to the center, 4 of which are ethnic chinese. in the local legislature, quite many chinese politicians are elected and become a kind of new political force in the various moments of elector. in 2010, basuri tjahaya purnama or wanyiu or cung ban yiu or yuyu back stomping with ahok successor was elected regent in east belitung. in pilwako louth in 2013, two chinese candidates also joined the race. interesting then to examine how the political dynamics at the local chinese business precisely when the context changes have occurred. research methods the study used a qualitative design. qualitative studies further emphasize the concept of ‘experience’ as stated by chadwick, et al (1991: 234) as the best way to understand social behavior. the approach used in this study is the elite approach. according to charity & winarno (1987: 185), the elite approach focusing on the analysis of certain groups in the political system. relevant because the elite approach departs from the fact that elitlah who holds a crucial role in a wide range of issues. chinese elite in this case is understood as a model for the chinese community because of their character that tends to ‘determine’. the emphasis lies on chinese actors who create, plan, deliver, and decided (see charity & winarno, 1987: 201202). refers to moyser & wagstaffe (1987: 14) there are three ways to determine informants in the study of the elite, which is positional, reputational, and delusional. trace of how to determine the elite, then first used positional manner, namely by looking at the formal position of ethnic chinese political leaders, including the position and its position in the party. the next way is the way reputational seen by observation and search figures and recommendations based on the track record of many parties. how this is done also by combining the opinions of the elite who have been identified at the level of positional and input from various informants in the field. the third way is by desisional that identifies the elite based on their effects on society. results and analysis 1. ‘businessman clients’ in the middle of the heyday of the new order, macintyre (1990: 244-245) has been said that politics and business in indonesia are two things that are fused. the process of policy formulation by macintyre involve bargaining process between state and social actors. related to this, iskandar (1991: 265) uses the term to describe how the client entrepreneur entrepreneurs doing business with a strong dependence on the nature of the ruler. more than a decade of reform passed, the business and political relations has not changed the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 159 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fundamentally format. the expansion would occur. at least this is what happens in the business world that is run by the majority of the chinese elite in the pacific islands. the businessmen were deeply involved in issues of policy formulation, even at the level of which can still be referred to as ‘political investment’. ‘investment politics’ understood as a way to invest financially in order to get different types of rewards later on. the term ‘investment’ itself became familiar at the local level and it seems appropriate to describe the mutualistic relationship between employers and authorities. on the one hand, decentralization climate had an impact on the form of generous authorities on local authorities into a situation that is conducive to the investment model invisible. head area and or other local politicians have space greater authority to take measures which can be beneficial. while on the other hand, changes in the format of the local elections and legislators are also costly. support of entrepreneurs is a way to get the cost of the campaign. the situation is becoming commonplace in the era of electoral now. at the same time, businesses need formal support through lines of juridical and political to carry out their business activities. path ‘investment’ then becomes very prevalent taken. the dailly activities of bsn are printing business owners in this province, which has now expanded its business into the world of parking and hospitality world feel the need to ‘good friends’ with rulers. as a businessman, he needs political support for extensive business interests. how that is done for example, is to provide financial support to the politician who served as head of the region during the campaign. even in a chance interview he admitted that he was not interested in entering the world of politics, but in fact he leads his own political path. bsn also lent one of his shop to be the secretariat of one of the major political parties (interview bsn, 10 april 2012; hs-2, 10 april 2012 & 11 april 2012). according to the hs-2 “bsn is actually no formal politics, but in fact he won political work”. political work is certainly related to efforts to maintain and expand their business networks. yet, according to hs, bsn actually still provide ‘investment’ in the candidates came. in principle, bsn is not fixated on the figure, but spread to other candidates according to political developments. interestingly, bsn also uses extensive relationships with various elements of the authorities. in a chance interview, bsn admitted that he was good friends with legal officials, local and national. friendship is thought well, just for the relationship. however hs who had been struggling with a lot of concerned acknowledge that bsn actually utilize the apparatus to secure the networking business networking. employers clients more evident acted by those who do business lead. tin mining folk into something illegal in the period before the reform. through kepmenperindag no. 558 / mpp / kep / 12/1998 on general provisions in the export sector are not set lead as one of the country’s strategic commodities, followed by regulation no. 6 in 2001 which stipulates that local mining should be done in a manner that is decided by the local government, mining becomes legal. tin businessmen involved, not to attempt direct exploitation, but rather on trade. however, the exploitation of offshore tin, tin chinese entrepreneurs involved from exploration, exploitation, smelting, to interstate commerce. the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 160 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in the world of tin in bangka belitung, tm name is the name that should not be overlooked. tm that does not have roots in the province of business at first foray into local business when he became one of the gubernatorial candidate donors in 2007 (za interview, april 16, 2012). backed candidates were then selected. gait tm begins from here. when the tin ore ban imposed strict rules and appear in the world export of tin bars unbranded, tm began to play a strong role. the role is manifested in the form of tin ingot export controls under the control of tm. tm uses a network of law enforcement officials to control the network tin. as a result, tm earn rp. 8,500 for each kilogram tin bars are successful in exports (za interview, april 16, 2012.). tm also engages in the exploitation of tin through suction dredges operating in offshore waters. ia which is an academic, is involved in the process of eia study some suction dredges tm’s in belitung island waters. bangka island itself, as manifested by hf who had worked at some smelters, tm has had at least five smelters, which among others called pt. it, cv. sl, cv. sk, and pt. bms (hf interview, april 16, 2012; jk, april 16, 2012). interesting case is the involvement of tm to assistant and escort some cases associated with tin business involving chinese businessmen. tm for example, involved in helping to resolve cases involving bkg in the south pacific (interview mr, april 17, 2012). tm is also involved in several cases involving tmrn which is also a major employer tin (interview jk, april 16, 2012). later, tm becomes the owner of pt. kobatin. the same mode is used, ie, involving law enforcement officials as one of the leaders in the company that he had (interview hf, july 4, 2012). tm is magic. he is like being a traffic control exports of tin and good at playing the role of highlevel politics, as said by hf (hf interview, april 16, 2012). “tm apply per kilogram tin tribute system smuggled. he is like a ruler ocean. arrange delivery layered system. through her safe, if not, he would make sure the coordinates of where you will be arrested “. this confirms that the tm, with the power of ‘relationship’ that he has able to do a variety of things (interview jm, june 12, 2012). in this situation, tm expanded, which is not a client of the ruler, but metamorphosed into the ruler at the top of the ruler. has strength allows businesses to run smoothly. grip tm entered in situations very micro to the macro level; from the central to the local. another tm also other political style tin local entrepreneurs. although tm can be called as a gatekeeper for all issues relating to the tin business, but some local businessmen from the chinese tin to resort to ‘investment’ or ‘play it safe’. collusion with the local authorities then executed in various ways. realizing that the political world is a mysterious world, the chinese businessmen to take the same way when dealing with local politicians who are competing in local elections. tmrn example, an entrepreneur division lead in a district chooses to provide ‘investment’ politics to anyone who comes asking. ‘tajur’1 mounted anywhere. not surprisingly, according to the narrative jk (interview jk, april 16, 2012), every eid kong ngian, officials will always arrive. local officials, regional head, police the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 161 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ officials, and the various elements will visit. according jk, it became evident that he builds relationships with all parties to the wider interests. jk are daily becoming one of the trust tmrn say that anyone who comes officials requested funding, then tmrn will provide. in principle, it requires political support for business interests. bu (bu interview, 10 april 2012) which was a youth leader in the district lb said that tmrn have a pc (caterpillar production)2 in the district lb. these pcs already have their own sign. if there are forces that will be raided, they already know which belongs tmrn and what is not. this situation illustrates the control and treatment of ‘relationship’ between tmrn with the local authorities. in addition to the world of business in the tin, tmrn also has businesses in plantations, namely oil. he did not even hesitate to give loans to local governments in the form of a modern market development in koba. relations with local authorities became increasingly widespread and increasingly helping to develop its business. such a situation also described by mr (mr interview, april 17, 2012) which is a youth activist in south bangka regency. bkg, an owner of suction dredges have a ‘special relationship’ with the policy makers. in every celebration of the head region, bkg will install ‘tajur’ on all candidates. whoever wins, bkg hoping to benefit. no wonder, he will give financial support to almost all candidates. bkg, according to mr also has a close circle with the officials of law and established partner with tm. in a case of tin his arrest, bkg rescued by tm circle so that it was tried was the guards and the staff of his. it not only shows the octopus tm, but also shows a tradition within the security apparatus that security can actually be bought and controlled based on the needs. in a different case, the chinese business networks are also not experienced many shifts. in bangka, senior businessmen, rd, which has served as a member of parliament from group representatives, have a strong relationship with the authorities. he was safe to do business through a relationship that is built up long with the local authorities. the same thing happened in the case of yn, which is entrenched as a political party officials, but never became a member of the board. he is always in the position of treasurer and more like a ‘king-maker’ in decision-making. not surprisingly, some of the heads of regional and diligent legal officials ‘relationship’ to yn. its business also octopus in construction and is currently largely controlled by the child, bp (interview fi, april 11, 2012). bp itself according mi (mi interview, 16 april 2012 & 17 april 2012) is a political party officials, but as treasurer. he runs his business by relying on a broad relationship of the father and then improvised by joining a political party. apparently, entered the circle of party management is a way to continue to maintain and expand the reach of the business. in fact, mi, which is able to speak mandarin admitted that he had attended a meeting in the temple to discuss support the gubernatorial election of 2007. the conclusion of the meeting was an appeal to all members to provide financial support to all candidates based on the proximity of each. to control the power, some businesses also establish an emotional relationship with the authorities. an, owner of the largest hotels in the pacific islands which also has a suction dredges the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 162 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ even give gifts home to two regional head in one of its elite residential area (za interview, april 16, 2012). 2. ‘ali-baba’ the term of ‘ali-baba’ is actually popular for a long time to describe the working relationship between indigenous people with chinese businessmen. ali considered to represent the natives, while baba was considered as a symbol of chinese businessmen complete with the images associated with it. jargon of ali-baba is very popular in the early days of independence until the beginning of the new order. during the new order, the term baron is more popular to describe the chinese businessmen to establish collusion with the authorities. ali-baba actualization may experience the difference term between one region and another, but its meaning is not shifted. the working relationship between natives employed by a chinese businessman who limping like relationship helper is more appropriately used to understand the term ‘ali-baba. ali understood as executor, while baba as a controller. the negative stigma attached to the pursuit of the chinese business people making them difficult to be accepted in depth by everyday milieu. in business, the chinese also adhere by stereotypes of foreigners so that the level of penetration in the local life is relatively more difficult. not surprisingly, they are then more skillfully uses local hands to carry out its business activities. used in ways that are quite common, for example, using local powers as executor, while their capital holders and counter gains. another way is to use the power of thugs for the sake of securing their business. if in the new order they generally use proximity with the authorities and the military to protect their business, during the post-new order, a pattern which is used to shift to the ways in which more soft. the use of civilian personnel used to a certain extent, but is more often used is to put the people of intellect and the perkeliruan3 as front line. the pattern remains the same, which is to make the local population to deal with their neighbors. patterns for not directly dealing with the common masses used by chinese businessmen. experience dealing with riots seems to give a lesson to make the hands of the local as a bastion of security leading to business interests. in business tin for example, on some level they are using network security personnel at central and local levels to secure their business networks. but they also use the hands of local pressure groups to secure the business world tin. jm is a person who is known as a pressure group that is considered ‘instrumental’ in bringing into the province of bangka belitung island. through the youth council of the pacific islands, jm pledged themselves as fighters province and together with the other elements is actively involved in efforts to fight the establishment of the province. when the province was formed, jm become very superpower with a network of youth circles as a pioneer establishment of the province. capacity across the organization make it serve as a shield in business security efforts. jm is typical of people who frontal, but full of arguments. he chose frontal ways to argue and be a driving force in the mass demonstration activities involving tin case. not surprisingly, he was languishing in jail, accused of being a provocateur (see sofyan, 2009: 228-274). out of prison, jm instead continue to be the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 163 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ utilized to become the frontline in business security efforts. jm was appointed as director of the consortium lead smelting plant that is a combination of tin smelters unbranded manufacturers that until now the regulations are still overlapping. jm also sent to attend various activities that make the formal and non-formal issue of tin as a central theme of discussion. jm can be used as a pressure group. not surprisingly, he enjoyed a large salary as director of the consortium and have access to various business units tin. jm appeared openly to challenge the various movements that tried to block the mining activities of the people. in addition, many businesses are using the suction vessel strength as the intermediary. business sale suction dredges and mine site became part which is generally taken care of by jm. jm also face the mob who tried to disrupt the business ‘boss’. karate black belt with this chic style may seem haunted. in addition to frontal in attitude, he also dared to stand in the forefront when dealing with the masses. in a chance interview, jm is negotiating to bring investors a suction dredges with a child’s local political authorities. jm phenomenon seems also sold in belitung island. jm also be hands in front of the lead company in this island as one of the commissioners (interview with im, july 19, 2012; sai, july 20, 2012). utilization of influential people such as is done by the employer on the island of belitung. pa (interview pa, july 20, 2012) says that in one of the island’s suction dredges, kadus market influential serve as kep (captain) in the suction vessel operating companies. market kadus capacity as community leaders enabled to dampen the impact of shocks resistance. sai also said information that is not much different (interview sai, july 20, 2012). in pt. tu, pt. cor, and pt. sbm, local hands is also used as the front row. according to sai, it is common in east belitung, which utilizes local people in strategic positions such as foreman, public relations, or the leader of a terrace with a big payday. of course, they serve as a tool to carry out business activities, while the capital and the main advantage is retained by the business. not much different in the case of tin, in the world of chinese entrepreneurs plantations also use local hands to secure their business networks. apn, an owner of oil which covers more than 1000 ha, using rs hands as commissioner (interview bs, april 14, 2012). placement as a commissioner is chosen to show the difference between ali and baba position. rs, as a former officer with a very broad relationship then appear in a variety of opportunities to negotiate with people related to various disputes. rs also appear in the media to be a sort of spokesman for the company. however, the commissioner would be regulated and controlled by baba, the owners of capital. hiring locally as commissioner was also undertaken by za (interview, april 16, 2012). za is a person close to the ruler and a retired civil servant who has a lot of relationships with various circles. this capacity is used by one of the owners of the chinese smelters to appoint a commissioner. he enjoyed huge salary from the smelter company without any capital investment. its capital is indigenous, relationships, negotiator, or at a more modest limits: as a native symbol. tm alone has some smelters employ local people as executor. tm for example utilizing sndy which acts as a ‘local entrepreneurs’ created by the owners of capital (interview mr, april 17, 2012). the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 164 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tj is another name that is used as a right hand to the chinese business (interview mi, may 22, 2012). mutualism scheme and not much different from the period before the reform, namely the use of local personnel to secure their business networks and show the public that the business units they actually belong together. at the same time, the local arm also benefit financially and political prestige. be compounds between ali and baba is durable compound. hs-2 has assistant various cases can be categorized as a pressure group. moreover he commanded a non-state organization, he also has extensive relationships erroneous in the world. no wonder it is often used as a shield for securing certain chinese elite business networking, both to deal with the pressure and to negotiate in order to ascertaining the program (interview hs-2, 10 april 2012 & 11 april 2012). as a consequence, the hs-2 is often called upon to be given money. hs-2 recognizes that he enjoyed such a situation. when he needed the money was, he did not trouble because normally would have helped. later connect hs hs-2-one with one of the regents for the benefit of a plantation project with partners from abroad hlm (lf interview, june 12, 2012). ways so it is commonly taken to ultimately protect the interests and business expansion. the same is recognized by the mi (interview, april 16, 2012, 17 april, 2012, and may 22, 2012). mi is activist organizations that crisscrossed the social and political world. capacity as an activist makes it is often used as an instrument of oppression. he is familiar with the various erroneous groups so he has a strong bargaining power with various other pressure groups. in a chance interview, mi said that he was often used as a shield by a chinese businessman if there are pressure groups that want to squeeze them. he usually will contact if there is a problem. no wonder, he can enter into the world of chinese businessmen, including for example serve as a negotiator for various projects. usually he would get a fee of a few percent of successful projects his lobby. nevertheless, fixed capital owned by chinese businessmen. according to mi, very easy to get out of their capital if a project is considered promising. expansion occurs protection instruments. if the first chinese military makes a protector element, now that the military no longer have extensive root authority in the civilian world, protection is transferred to the pressure groups. shift only occurs at the organ level, not at the level of the destination. on a smaller scale, the relation of ali-baba still reflected. in education it is also felt. fi who became headmaster at a chinese educational institutions in bangka island recognizes that the relationship between chinese affairs and indigenous indeed is still lame. the changes will occur after the envisaged reforms still need to overly slow walk. school where he build his career as a teacher in a very long time shows that ali and baba remain stable. as spoken by fi (fi interview, april 11, 2012; za, april 16, 2012): “in this school, the school head can be changed. teachers could have been dominated by the natives. but if it comes to money, nothing will change. financial management matters are kept separate and foundations controlled by chinese officials remain untouched. in principle, you are working, we are holding the money remains. no term share of work if the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 165 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ it’s financial affairs. until now there is no change “. utilization of local networks, both serve as a protector, a negotiator, as well as the actual symbol into a special character of chinese businessmen in southeast asia (interview mi, 16 april 2012 & 17 april 2012). in the end, as stated by hmz (interview, april 14, 2012) that is still the king of china power indonesia (rcti). ali remains as executor; as a shield; as a pressure group, but baba remains as equity holders; real ruler; and connoisseurs of more profit. 3. ‘money machine-washing machine’ study chang-yau (2010: 52) exciting to be part of this opening. chang-yau find three main motivation of chinese businessmen involved in various organizations and charities. motivation it is (1) improving the social status by chang-yau referred to as buying face, (2) fills the spaces religiosity called express confidence, and (3) remove the guilt over their various business activities are carried out by chang-yau called to seek remission. the situation in the bangka belitung to show signs that are not much different. chinese businessmen, in addition to using local hands as a symbol to show their business insklusivity, also designed the agenda to hide and secure their business networks. in the world of tin, most noticeably the network as a means of camouflage is the development of a plantation program called bangka botanical garden. this area is a pilot project designed plantation as a place of learning and recreation. ‘machine money-washer’, thus described by mi (interview, 16 april 2012 & 17 april 2012), an activist who knows many of the processes of initiation and operation of the plantation. mi says that this actually be the basic character of chinese businessmen who are always looking for ways to cover up the real agenda. not surprisingly, a positive image always accustom to them even though it is actually behind these businesses still gain dollars for the benefit of the expansion and development of their businesses. the importance of generous and virtuous politics is also spoken by jk (interview, april 16, 2012) who became a close partner of one of the owners and businessmen tin smelter of central bangka. jk said that tmrn who became his boss is a generous person. he likes to help anyone who needs help. he is known to be very good and a light hand. but actually, any assistance that he gave only a small part of the business that octopus. this situation illustrates that the pious deeds can be used as a means to show that they actually do not just take, but also give. perhaps the magnitude of the problem then is: how much is taken and how much has been made? meanwhile, ha choosed a relatively different way. he chose to first establish a daily form of mass media. the mass media is a means to neutralize a variety of reports that minus about mining activities into the main arena of business ha. the study ibrahim (2006: 258-261) showed that the media tends to be used as a tool for the benefit of the owner. construction of mass media is always positive when targeting various issues tin or targeting various figures considered close to the world tin. this situation justifies the assumption that the plural saying that the mass media are established for the benefit of investors often serve the interests of investors and tied to the interests of the owner. ha then expanded its business through the the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 166 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ establishment of private hospitals classy. the hospital was established on the island of bangka and belitung. in fact, the establishment of hospitals actually used as a means to boost the popularity through various activities advertorials in various local media. ha that had become one of the candidates for regional head-breakthrough breakthroughs made to exist in the world of politics and reproduce the massive political imagery. yn, a contractor who has extensive connections across districts are also involved in the world of education. yn involved as board of trustees of a foundation of chinese education. fi said that in fact this status only for the benefit of imaging (interview, april 11, 2012)4. he was a great entrepreneur who wants to involve themselves for the sake of good deeds. this tradition was continued by his son, bp, which for example help provide financial support for education and training. lf said that he had received twice the funds from bp for educational training activities initiated by the head of the area where he worked. lf said that basically bp is not so difficult to spend money so because he has business interests in the head area (interview, june 12, 2012). bp is engaged in the construction and paving has been received many projects from local government. an, the owner of a five-star hotel in the province was in fact lead to his business. in addition to building a strong relationship with the officers concerned with the business units, an also collect money from the coffers of tinning and hotel business became a business expansion. za even say that the hotel business is the result of a business built tin (za interview, april 16, 2012). the above findings corroborate the results of the study and at the same time expanding changyau (2010: 52) who said that the main motivation of entrepreneurs involvement in various charitable activities are for the benefit of the status of implementation of religious loyalty, and remove their guilt. in the context of the pacific islands, this motivation seems to refer to four main interests, namely (1) to launder their money, (2) to launch the interests of their business affairs, (3) for the sake of achieving political imagery, and (4) to further expand interest their business. thus, this study found that the real life of chinese businesses in the pacific islands is more than just a status, a form of religious devotion, and guilt. there are even more intense expansion is realized in the form of four main interests, namely washing money, ease of business, politics imaging, and business expansion. based on the above findings, it can be simplified how the politics of chinese businesses in the pacific islands after the new order as follows: table 2: local business politics post-new order conclusion chinese business politics post new order characterized by the continuation of that even more experienced modifications. instead of changing more ‘calm’, which happened just over the expansion of the political pattern of the previous business. the study concludes the least four fundamental in the business of chinese politics after the new order. the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 167 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ first, that basically reform even more widen the road for them to collude with politicians and officials. as said by iskandar (1991: 265) that basically most chinese businessmen take on the role as an ‘entrepreneur clients’ to describe the dependence of the business with the authorities. after the reformation, they actually have access to more decentralized and ultimately negotiations can be easily done through a variety of agenda setting involving officials in various agencies. this situation is also indicated by the hardness of the grip national business entrepreneurs to the local level, a new ways to expand the business into various levels. second, the pattern of chinese businesses expand simultaneously refine the use of local hands for the benefit of their business. instead of they slaughter concept of ali-baba in business systems, they actually widely utilize certain groups at the local level to be suppressors as well as a shield and a formal agent. what is more interesting is that they pay a certain group for business security interests, well done radically as well as of negotiated; a manner experienced a smoothing of the previous period. third, if in the past there was a tradition to hide money from the real business, then when the reformation, a variety of new businesses outside the core business is no longer simply be a washing machine. pioneered a new business unit then has become a new cash machine so that the process of money laundering actually benefit more than just an attempt to hide the core business units. fourth, the chinese business politics post-new order also characterized by a more intimate affair between the businessmen with government officials and security forces; locally and nationally. electoral practices that require high capital became one of the reasons why the chinese business style actually preferred by officials. occurs also decentralized corrupt relations practiced through regulation and deregulation. in the end, this study emphasizes that the chinese business politics post-new order is actually the continuation of an increasingly been modified relations. in the middle of an open democratic climate, political reality of chinese business tends to be ‘arbitrary’. endnotes 1 tajur in the local language is a net to catch fish in the sea. tajur usually mounted stretched so that the fish would be difficult to pass through the net. the term is familiar at the local level to describe the anticipatory action in various ways by placing a roadblock as much as possible. 2 pc is a kind of heavy equipment that is normally used for tin mining. 3 perkeliruan group is the local term to designate the person or group of people is often a pressure group. this group usually involved in various local discourses and take personal advantage behind some opposition. 4 in fact, according to fi, in bangka, bury foundation became a bone of contention because almost all chinese people ever dealt with cemetery. the foundation has become a bone of contention. according to fi is because the motive of social status and recognition imaging (compare also with chang-yau (2010: 52; see also la ode, 2012: 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bu, 10 april 2012; fi, 11 april 2012; mi, 16 april, 17 april, dan 22 mei 2012; sai, 20 juli 2012; lf, 12 juni 2012; im, 19 juli 2012; pa, 17 juli 2012; bs, 14 april 2012; hmz, 14 april 2012; jrh, 17 april 2012; dh, 20 juli dan 21 juli 2012. the business politics of chinese ethnic in bangka belitung on post new order era / ibrahim http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0012 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, riza noer. ariani, m. asean b badan pengawas pemilu balikatan bangladesh banks, j. a. bautista, v. a. bawaslu bayanihan bourdieu, p. c cambodia caucus of development ngo networks cedaw celebes center for electoral reform central java central sulawesi che supiah cheshe codengo committee on the elimination of discrimination aga comprehensive land use plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu timor leste tran thi que typhoon u uganda unfrel university network for free elections utang na loob v venture philanthropy vietnam w west sumatra widarjono, a. world bank z zimbabwe zulkarnain a. hatta doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.9489 gender risk and femininity: personal political branding of female politicians in the strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi kurniawati hastuti dewi research center for politics-the indonesian institute of sciences (lipi) email: kurniawati.dewi@yahoo.com jurnal studi pemerintahan 533 received: september 9, 2018 revised: october 16, 2018 accepted:october 27, 2018 how to cite this article is: dewi, k. h. (2018). gender risk and femininity:personal politicalbrandingof female politicians in the strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(4), 533-588. abstract personal political branding becomes an important element in political contestation under the new direct democracy in indonesia. in the male-dominated political atmosphere, it is interesting to analyze creation and development of personal political branding by female politicians. this paper explores stories of the two female politicians, each a candidate for the district head of gowa (tenri) and north luwu (indah) in the 2015 direct local election in south sulawesi province, where a strong political dynasty is the primary feature. this is qualitative research employing feminist research methodology by interviewing the two female politicians. this paper reveals that the use of femininity element in the tagline sayang ibu (love your mother) as tenri’s personal political branding contains of what i call ‘gender risk’ which disadvantaged her. within a strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi which is patriarchal, her opponent created a counter narrative to weaken her and pointed out centrality of a male politician. on the other hand, a successful female politician candidate for the district head of north luwu, indah, used pintar (smart) as her personal political branding which did not resemble her femininity and did not exclusively target women. by doing so, this paper offers different findings from those of the previous research which suggest that femininity can help all candidates to stand out. mailto:kurniawati.dewi@yahoo.com vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 534 in a strong political dynasty feature, it is important to pay attention to the subconscious element such as patriarchal ideology which often plays or is used to weaken or against female politicians. keywords: political dynasty, personal political branding, femininity, gender risk, subconscious, female politicians. abstrak pencitraan politik pribadi menjadi elemen penting dalam kontestasi politik di indonesia dengan berlakunya demokrasi langsung. dalam atmosfer politik yang didominasi laki-laki, menarik untuk menganalisis penciptaan dan pengembangan branding politik pribadi oleh politisi perempuan. makalah ini mengeksplorasi kisah dua politisi perempuan, masing-masing kandidat untuk bupati gowa (tenri) dan luwu utara (indah) dalam pemilihan kepala daerah langsung tahun 2015 di provinsi sulawesi selatan, di mana politik dinasti yang kuat adalah fitur utamanya. ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang menggunakan metodologi penelitian feminis dengan mewawancarai dua politisi perempuan. makalah ini mengungkapkan bahwa penggunaan unsur kewanitaan dalam slogan sayang ibu (cinta ibu) yang dipergunakan sebagai pencitraan politik pribadi tenri mengandung apa yang saya sebut ‘risiko gender’ yang merugikan dirinya. dalam sebuah dinasti politik yang kuat dari sulawesi selatan yang bersifat patriarkal, lawannya (laki-laki) menciptakan narasi kontra untuk melemahkannya dan menunjukkan sentralitas seorang politisi laki-laki. di sisi lain, seorang kandidat politisi perempuan yang sukses untuk bupati luwu utara, indah, menggunakan pintar sebagai pencitraan politik pribadinya yang tidak menekankan sisi kewanitaannya dan tidak secara eksklusif menargetkan perempuan. dengan demikian, makalah ini menawarkan temuan yang berbeda dari penelitian sebelumnya yang menunjukkan bahwa elemen kewanitaan dapat membantu semua kandidat untuk menonjol. dalam fitur dinasti politik yang kuat, penting untuk memperhatikan elemen bawah sadar seperti ideologi patriarki yang sering dimainkan atau digunakan untuk melemahkan atau melawan politisi perempuan. kata kunci : dinasti politik, branding politik pribadi, feminitas, risiko gender, bawah sadar, politisi perempuan. introduction changes from representative democracy to direct democracy have substantially affected the political behavior of indonesian politicians. direct democracy (in which people votes directly candidate of political leaders in national or local level) has taken placed not only at national level such as direct presidential election since 2004, but also at local level. at local level, direct election to elect local government heads has been taken placed since 2005 by law no.32/2004; in this paper referred to as ‘direct local election’. in representative democracy, the popularity of a local government head candidate is less influential in his/her victory, compared to his/her ability in lobbying politicians inside the regional house of representatives (dprd, dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah). conversely, in direct democracy, the figure, popularity, and physical appearance, which are usually referred to as “personal branding”, as well as the ability of a local government head candidate to gather political sympathy from the public become influential factors determining his/her victory. based on the foregoing, it is important to further observe and analyze strategies used by local government head candidates in developing and playing political branding in direct local elections. there are at least three rationales which signify the importance of studying political branding in indonesian politics nowadays, especially in direct local elections. first, there are a declining trend in voters’ identification with political parties while the factor figure increases. the declining trend in voters’ identification with political parties (i.e. feeling close to a certain party) has been the case in general elections in 1999 to 2009. as an illustration, research by mujani, liddle, and ambardi (2012: 380) shows a decline in voters’ identification with a party (party id), i.e. from 86% in the 1999 legislative election to 55% in the 2014 legislative election and 20% in the 2009 legislative election. jurnal studi pemerintahan 535 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 536 a similar case in the presidential election, i.e. from approximately 50% in the 2004 presidential election, to only 12% in the presidential election held in july 2009 (mujani, liddle, ambardi, 2012: 380). second, a decline in party identification is proportional to a decline in public trust on political parties. to illustrate, public trust on political parties was 79% (2001), 65% (2002), 57% (2005), 47% (2006), and lastly 39% (mujani, liddle, ambardi, 2012: 380-381), meaning that there are more people who do not trust political parties and indicating the significance of figure or political branding of politicians. third, there is a tendency among new democratic countries where institutionalization of political parties is weak, which to believe that individual figures play a prominent role in attracting mass voters and forming party identity (mujani, liddle, ambardi, 2012: 425). haroen (2014: 56-57) who observed the victories of politicians in local elections, general elections and presidential elections notes that more than 50% of the victories were determined by political figures, whereas the restwere determined by the quality of the programs offered and the quality of the political machine. an empirical example of the importance of political branding in direct local elections is jokowi’s victory in the special capital region of jakarta gubernatorial election in 2012. his victory in the 2012 election was partly determined by his branding as a humble and honest politician in contrast to foke’s political branding as an arrogant figure (haroen, 2014: 56-57). although jokowi just came five months prior the election, his political branding combined with ahok’s (jokowiahok) was very strong. as a result, they were able to defeat foke who had served for five years. in the direct local election, pradhanawati (2011: 10) notes that voters tend to consider individual candidates rather than their supporting political parties, or the so-called ‘figure personalization’. having said all of the factual developments, this paper’s effort to analyze political branding of politicians in direct local elections has found its empirical urgency. although the topic of political branding is strategic and actual, there are not enough studies on political branding in indonesia, especially related to female politicians. there have been copious studies on direct local elections since 2005 such as the practice of money politics (masaaki & hamid, 2008), (hamid, 2014); illegal campaign financing (mietzner, 2011); strengthening of local identity (nordholt & van klinken, 2007); collusion (hidayat, 2009); and economic growth, public services, and natural resources (hill, 2014). nevertheless, only a few have been dedicated to understanding the rising of female leaders in elections such as those conducted by lsi (2007), ratnawati (2009), satriyo (2010), university of airlangga (2011), perludem (2015), and satunama (2015). dewi (2015a) comprehensively observed the agencies of three female javanese muslim leaders and highlights the roles of islam, gender, and networks. a series of research on various factors behind the rise of female politicians in local politics has been conducted by the gender team of the research center for politics, the indonesian institute of sciences, which focuses on religion and culture (dewi 2016); familial ties (dewi 2017a); and capital, strategies, and networks (dewi 2018). there are only a few works reviewing political branding such as the ones undertaken by firmanzah (2012) who focuses on political marketing, prasetyawan (2012) who reviews the ways presidential candidates in the 2009 general election created and capitalized an image in political advertising, and haroen (2014) who analyzes politicians’ personal branding in direct local elections, legislative elections, and presidential elections. even, so far, there is no study on personal political branding of female politicians in indonesian local politics. studying personal political branding of female politicians is important. this is because the emergence and appearance of female politicians in politics always attract public and academic attention. sanghvi and hodges (2015: 1676) note that compared with male politicians, female politicians usually get more attention from the media in terms of their clothes, hairstyle, or shoes, which are all more determining than more substantial matters. jurnal studi pemerintahan 537 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 538 shames (2003: 116) who analyzes campaigns run by female politicians in the united states notes that voters and the media tend to perceive women candidates as women first, while as candidates come second. thus, this paper observes and analyzes the ways two female muslim politicians created and developed personal political branding in the 2015 direct local election in gowa (tenri olle yasin limpo) and north luwu (indah putri indriani). the criterion to choose the two female politicians is because they live and elected in the two regions in south sulawesi, which is characterized by a strong political dynasty and make them interesting to observe. moreover, both cases present the story of failure and success of personal political branding which is useful to gain comprehensive understanding. there are three research questions to be addressed in this paper: first, what were the bases for personal political branding created by the two female politicians?; second, how were the elements of femininity used in their personal political branding?; and lastly, what kind of ‘gender risk’ emerges in their personal political branding?. literature review and research focus national trend: strengthening political dynasties in indonesian local politics following direct local elections to elect a local government head (district head, mayor, and governor) which began taking effect in 2005, there is a new threat to local democracy as politicians from political dynasties rise and spread in various regions across the country. robison and hadiz (2004) have warned a tendency that various local oligarchs, most of whom are linked to the new oder power, will be able to metamorphose, hijacking the new decentralization policy and seizing the institution of decentralization. thus, local oligarchs gain many benefits from direct democracy as they have wider opportunities to use their economic capital to strengthen power accumulation in each region. as a result, the number of political dynasties in direct local elections have mushroomed. the emergence of political dynasties in indonesia is not as prevalent as those in the philippines, which have been deep rooted and thriving since the u.s. colonization to date. journal of southeast asia research (2016) published a special edition on political families in southeast asia such as indonesia, the philippines, thailand (kongkirati 2016), and singapore (barr 2016). purdey (2016) editor of journal of south east asia research’s special edition on political dynasties states that a political dynasty, which “refers to the ability of a family to inherit and to accumulate power and wealth from one generation to the next and frequently functions across a variety of political systems and across time”, has an entrenched place within the modern political systems of south east asia (2016: 319-320). purdey (2016:320) used the terms ‘established’ and ‘emerging’ to position the families within a temporal and historical context because the terms provide an opportunity to examine the point at which tradition (family dynasty) and modernity (democracy) intersect. the situation in indonesia is alarming. for example, florentin (2017) citing the indonesian corruption watch notes that at least 58 political dynasties develop in indonesia where direct local elections contribute to proliferation of such dynasties, which are perceived to potentially give rise to corruption. aspinall and as’ad (2016) examined sub-national dynasty formation in central kalimantan, especially at district level. aspinall and as’ad (2016) find that in most of the 14 districts in the province, the signs of dynastic politics abound with many district heads (bupati) installing family members in legislative or other posts and conclude that the emergence of political families is clearly part of wider entrenchment of oligarchic politics. aspinall (2016:3) states that “a political family becomes a political dynasty only when it is able to extend its power temporally, so that once the dynasty’s founder loses office, he or she is succeeded by a family member”. jurnal studi pemerintahan 539 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 540 in banten, masaaki and hamid (2008) examine the strategy used by the late chasan sochib prominent actor of private security providers (jawara) who was also a local oligarch in banten to maintain and reinforce his power after the introduction of the 2006 direct local election. their research findings show that chasan’s evolution, who used to be a mere staunch supporter of suharto’s new order, gradually expanded his power into politics using a direct election to install her daughter ratu atut as the governor of banten (2006-2011). chasan’s political dynasty gets even stronger as they managed to spread their power all over banten and the surrounding areas where regeneration among the family was well-prepared. for example: her two daughters, namely ratu atut governor of banten and tatu chasanah district head of serang; her daughter-in-law airin rachmi diany mayor of south tangerang (dewi 2017a); and his grandson (the son of ratu atut) andika hazrumy vice governor of banten (2017-2022), who is preparing himself to succeed his mother ratu atut who was jailed in 2017 due to corruption. hamid’s further research (2014) shows that chasan utilized strong kinship networks, exploited state resources, and captured the local bureaucracy to strengthen his political machinery and consolidate his political power in banten and the surrounding areas. in relation to female politicians, richter (1990-1991: 525-526) analyzing the political experience of female political leaders in national politics both from south and southeast asian countries concludes that ‘familial ties’ with prominent male politicians (husbands, fathers, brothers) are a very important factor behind their emergence. here, i cite richter’s term “familial ties” to express the influence of male relatives, who are also prominent politicians, on developing and achieving political leadership roles for women. in local politics, my observations (dewi 2015b) reveal that there were 57 female political candidates competing in the 2015 direct local election, 33 of them came from “familial ties” (their father or husband to a greater extend has facilitated their political rise) and only 17 did not. these indicate that the majority of female politicians, who emerged in the direct local elections today, came from and were part of a political dynasty which then strengthened the existence of a political dynasty at local level. context of the study: political dynasty in south sulawesi province south sulawesi is also a region with a prominent feature of political dynasty. buehler (2012) notes how syahrul yasin limpo had taken advantage of elections to entrench himself in local politics. syahrul yasin limpo has strong political traits from his father muhammad yasin limpo and his mother nurhayati yasin limpo. muhammad yasin limpo who was formerly a military officer occupied various government posts after retirement (i.e. serving as the district head of gowa, luwu, majene, and maros for short periods and acting as an interim governor of south sulawesi province), became very influential in the provincial golkar party, and used his various connections to establish businesses (buehler, 2013). syahrul yasin limpo’s mother, nurhayati yasin limpo, was a golkar legislator at the parliament of south sulawesi from 1987 to 1999, won her seat in the national parliament in 1999, and was re-elected in 2004 (buehler, 2013). after the death of her father muhammad yasin limpo in 2009, syahrul yasin limpo continued his legacy. syahrul yasin limpo, in conjunction with the new order’s backbone, i.e. the political party golkar (the party of the functional groups), developed a political career as the district head of gowa for two periods (1994-2002) long before the introduction of direct local elections. the provincial parliament elected him as the vice governor of south sulawesi (2003-2008). syahrul yasin limpo strengthened his political career as he was elected the governor of south sulawesi in 2008 as the first governor elected through the mechanism of direct local election, and was re-elected in 2013. jurnal studi pemerintahan 541 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 542 syahrul’s political dynasty run well in south sulawesi and the surrounding areas via golkar. rusnaedy and purwaningsih (2018: 313) provide a detailed account of syahrul yasin limpo’s political dynasty in south sulawesi. syahrul’s younger brother, ichsan yasin limpo, was elected a member of the south sulawesi parliament from golkar in 1999, was re elected in 2004, and became the district head of gowa for two periods, namely in (2005) and in (2010). syahrul’s older sister, tenri olle yasin limpo, was elected the head of the parliament in gowa in 1999 and 2004 from golkar, and later won her seat in the south sulwesi provincial parliament (2009-2014). according to edward aspinall (2016: 4), syahrul yasin limpo is one of the best examples, along with ratu atut chosiyah in banten, of indonesian political families with broad “horizontal spread” referring to their ability to spread through different government agencies and through adjacent geographic units, extending their political control over several districts in a single province. within this context of syahrul yasin limpo’s strong political dynasty in south sulawesi, the context of this research lays on. interestingly, syahrul yasin limpo’s clan is not always solid. there is internal competition among syahrul’s clan to gain power at the executive level as what happened in the 2015 direct local election in gowa. in that election, there were two members of syahrul yasin limpo’s family competing as a district head candidate. they were tenri olle yasin limpo and adnan purichta ichsan yasin limpo. adnan is the son of ichsan yasin limpo, syahrul yasin limpo’s younger brother, who was the district head of gowa (2005-2015). here, i put the context of this study namely strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi to analyzes personal political branding of tenri in her candidacy in the 2015 direct local election in gowa, as will be explored later. personal political branding political branding is essentially political marketing. kumar, dhamija, and dhamija (2016: 81) state “that political marketing is the bedrock on which political branding finds its origin”. while in the 1980s and 1990s, political marketing was dominated by the classical model of campaign through agenda setting and political advertising on tv. since the 2000s, there has been a shift in political marketing towards an emphasis on direct communication in political marketing where branding is the key strategy. in other words, branding is the new form of political marketing and its manifestation is characterized by the popularity gained by political branding in the current scheme of this in political outfits (scammell 2007: 176); (kumar, dhamija, and dhamija (2016: 81). in short, there has been a shift from the classical model of political marketing, which emphasizes advertising and agenda setting on tv, to an emphasis on the image of a figure which signifies personal political branding. what is political branding? while smith and french (2011) consider that only political parties are considered a brand. other scholars have expanded political branding to candidates and their campaign. in india, kumar, dhamija, and dhamija (2016: 79) analyze political branding and note that “when one talks about political branding, it is the manifestation of the perception of a political candidate, party, campaign strategy or other related terms as policy made to a population with the help of both material and immaterial hints as well as language”. scammell (2007: 189-190) states that there are at least three things which must be present in political branding: (i) understanding voters’ wishes and behavior as implementation of consumer-oriented political communication, (ii) relations with voters or consumers by relying on interactive and personal communication, and (iii) covering hard politics (e.g. policies, issues, records of performance) and soft politics (e.g. emotional connection, values, likeability). jurnal studi pemerintahan 543 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 544 political branding is often closely discussed with personal branding. according to omojola (2008:129), “personal branding is not about creating a larger than life image for the outside world, it is about understanding your unique combination of rational and emotional attributes such as skill, values and passions and using these attributes to differentiate yourself and guide your career decisions in your service to the citizenry. it is about knowing how to powerfully leverage what is unique about you that differentiates you from others. personal branding strategy is absolutely critical to longlasting success in politics”. brooks and anumudu (2016: 24) define personal branding as “the deployment of individuals’ identity narratives for career and employment purposes”. mitsikopoulou (2008: 359) states that the personal branding of a politician is basically “not only elements of a candidate’s personality, but also elements of a candidate’s appearance such as hairstyle and clothing, provide vivid illustrations of a candidate’s image”. haroen (2014: 19) states that personal branding should tell someone about “who you are”, “what you have done, and “what you will do” or 3ks, which are karakter, kompetensi, and kekuatan (character, competence, strength). aaker (1997) develops five dimensions of brand personality, namely sincerity, excitement, competence, sophistication, and ruggedness. by using aaker’s five-dimensional model of brand personality, nwanganga, peter, and mirian i (2017) analyzed brand personality of the two most prominent candidates in the 2015 presidential election in nigeria. they conclude that the dimensions of brand personality such as competence, credibility, sophistication, and audacity are attributes that influence voters in voting for a political candidate prior to/during an election. in this paper, i use aaker’s five brand personality dimensions in analyzing personal political branding of the two female politicians. in relation to female politicians, shames (2003) analyzes the role of gender in political advertising by systematically studying campaign commercials of the u.s. house, senate, and governor races from 1964 to 1998 and finds the importance of considering contextual factors in determining whether a female candidate will undertake an “uncandidate” strategy or not. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 545 shames (2003: 116) suggests that femininity can help all candidates, including men, through symbolizing and outside perspectives because femininity also works as a differentiation tool as it can make a candidate (either men or women) stand out, while masculinity often makes a candidate look just like any other candidates in a political setting characterized by male domination and masculinity. thus, this paper will also examine how the elements of femininity is used and played in their personal political branding. in addition, this paper also considers the ways the local context and culture are inserted and influenced in personal political branding. as cayla and arnould (2008: 87) say that in “a cultural approach to branding”, a brand is a cultural manifestation which should be shaped to reflect social, historical, and geographic aspects of various places of cultures. gender risk alice schlegel defines gender as the way society “perceives, evaluates, and expects” the two sexes (male and female) to behave, and as a cultural construct which varies across cultures (schlegel, 1990: 23). michael s. kimmel also defines gender as “the meanings that are attached to those differences within a culture” (kimmel, 2004: 3). connel criticizes these common definitions of gender and asserts terms “gender relations”: the direct or indirect interactions between women and men, or among men, or among women in everyday life, surrounding the gender arrangement in social structures (religious, political, kinship and cultural) (connel, 2008: 54-55). here, i agree with connel’s definition which defines gender as gender relations because it corresponds with the purpose of this paper that puts political dynasties as important contexts or social structures in gender analysis of this study in south sulawesi. on gender risk, this paper draws on literature about gender and organizations where there is a persisting stereotype of women’s risk aversion compared to men. interestingly, analysis of the simmons 2008 “gender and risk” database survey by maxfield, shapiro, gupta, and hass (2010) reveals that women take risks, challenging the common stereotype by exploring evidence of women’s risk taking and suggests reality is more complex than the common stereotype. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 546 in this paper, i analyze whether female politicians brave to take certain risk in creating personal political branding. more importantly, i seek to understand what kind of ‘gender risk’ that possibly arises from it. what i mean by ‘gender risk’ in this paper is the danger to use femininity in personal political branding of female politician within strong political dynasty feature, in which patriarchal political structure is the core of which male politician gain pretty much benefit. femininity traditionally, masculinity and femininity are defines as stereotypical male and female roles namely lists of traits and interests that were based on sex (male and female) (hoffman, borders, hattie, 2000: 478). similarly, kachel, steffens, niedlich (2016: 957) which adapting the definitions provided by constantinople (1973) defines traditional masculinity and traditional femininity as “relatively enduring characteristics encompassing traits, appearances, interests, and behaviors that have traditionally been considered relatively more typical of women and men, respectively”. currently, there is new development which believed that masculinity and femininity can be re-conceptualized in terms of the gender identity construction, thus as part of one's self concept. for example spence (1985) as cited from hoffman, borders, hattie (2000: 479) proposed that masculinity or femininity as refer to an individual's self-concept and conceptualized as gender identity. lewin (1984) as cited from hoffman, borders, hattie (2000: 479) suggested that masculinity and femininity be conceptualized as "the gender-relevant aspects of a person's selfconcept" thus allowing for "individual variation in the specific content of the self-image as related to gender". in doing so, this paper analyses how femininity in terms of ‘individual's self-concept’ or "the gender-relevant aspects of a person's self-concept" used in personal political branding of the two female politicians. research method this paper uses feminist research methodology by focusing on women’s personal experience in a specific context to gain knowledge based on their real-life experience (harding 1987: 30). i met and interviewed the two female politicians namely tenri olle yasin limpo (gowa) and indah putri indriani (north luwu) from 19 to 25 april 2016 in province of south sulawesi. i also interviewed other relevant resource persons in south sulawesi at a predetermined date. i used the one-on-one interview method, followed by informal discussion where i probed interesting responses or opinions to capture the nature of the issue at hand and its context more comprehensively. results and discussion tenri’s personal political branding: gender risk in a patriarchal political dynasty gowa is one of the 24 districts/ municipalities in the province of south sulawesi. it consists of 18 sub-districts and 167 villages in 2015 (bps kabupaten gowa 2015: 1). in 2015, there were two family members of yasin limpo competing in the direct local election in gowa, namely tenri olle yasin limpo and his nephew adnan purichta ichsan yasin limpo. there were a total of five pairs of candidates competing in the 2015 direct local election in gowa, they were: andi maddusila andi idjo & wahyu permana kaharuddin (democratic party, people’s conscience party (hanura), national awakening party (pkb), and justice and prosperity party (pks), sjachrir sjafruddin dg. jarung & anwar usman (golkar), djamaluddin maknun & masjkur (independent candidates), tenri olle yasin limpo & hairil muin (united development party (ppp) and national democratic party (nasdem), and adnan purichta ichsan yasin limpo & abdul rauf mallaganni (independent candidates). eventually, adnan purichta ichsan yasin limpo & h. abdul rauf mallagani won the election by winning 41.65% of the total votes and became the district heads of gowa (20162011), while tenri olle yasin limpo & hairil muin only got 26.06% of the votes. jurnalstudi pemerintahan 547 this research focuses on tenri olle yasin limpo (hereinafter referred to as tenri) as the only female district head candidate in the 2015 direct local election in gowa. as i have explained earlier, tenri comes from a powerful political dynasty in south sulawesi. tenri was born in ujung pandang on 30 august 1954. she is the oldest among muhammad yasin limpo’s seven children. of the seven children, three are female and four are male. tenri is the first child. she is the older sister of syahrul yasin limpo, a prominent figure of the political dynasty in south sulawesi. her younger sister dewi yasin limpo is also a politician from golkar. tenri obtained a master’s degree from makassar in 2010. tenri has been actively participating in organizational activities since she was at school. she joined the indonesian islamic students (pelajar islam indonesia) and the islamic student association (himpunan mahasiswa islam, hmi), became a successful businesswoman on real estate, and joined politics. she was elected a member of the regional house of representatives of gowa from golkar for two periods (i.e. 2004-2009 and 20092014), the chairperson of the regional house of representatives of gowa for the period of 2009-2014, and a member of the regional house of representatives of south sulawesi from golkar for the period of 2014-2019. interestingly, although she is a prominent golkar politician, she was not nominated by the party in the 2015 direct local election. tenri’s husband is a businessman and a member of the regional house of representatives of gowa. when i asked her about her motivation to compete as a district head candidate in the 2015 direct local election in gowa, she said, “i brave the competition in the election because first, i believe that i am capable and have enough experience in politics with approximately 30 years of experience…second, i am serving as the chief of a big political party [golkar] which won the majority of seats at the regional house of representatives of gowa which forms a solid basis…i also saw and felt from my interaction with many politicians that politics does not touch matters related to women’s interests. therefore, i was called to enter the political world by carrying a mission in order that politics provides many benefits for women’s interests…” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with tenri in makassar, 23 april 2016). jurnalstudi pemerintahan 548 in addition, tenri feels that gowa is her home, “gowa is my area, my home town. my father comes from gowa. i have sat in the national house of representatives from the electoral district of gowa for five periods. so, i am a native of gowa and have enough networks in gowa” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with tenri in makassar, 23 april 2016). from her statement and profile, we can see that tenri is a female politician with experience not only in gowa but also in south sulawesi and beyond. as the only female candidate in the 2015 direct local election in gowa, tenri competing headto-head with her nephew adnan purichta ichsan yasin limpo (hereinafter referred to as adnan). she developed personal political branding called sayang ibu (love your mother). she said in an interview, “i chose the branding sayang ibu because, first of all, i am a woman and i see that everyone will love his/her mother, and that can also be a very strategic issue. religion forbids people not to love their mother. there is no happiness that we get in the afterlife if we don't respect and love our mother. that is an important point of the personal branding that i took…i think this branding is not something that is rather difficult if it is against my character, because i am a mother so the character is attached. the people of gowa have always regarded as the mother of the people of gowa from the past. so, it fits perfectly. people know that the female politician who can protect the people of gowa is me” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with tenri in makassar, 23 april 2016). in addition, tenri said that the word sayang is an acronym for the political tagline of syahrul yasin limpo, who is tenri’s younger brother who managed to win the majority of the votes in gowa. through an association with syahrul yasin limpo, tenri hoped to gain a multiplier effect and take advantage of it, especially when syahrul’s followers from golkar voted her. jurnal studi pemerintahan 549 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 560 in sum, tenri’s tagline sayang ibu intends to emphasize her femininity especially gender identity as a mother (ibu). here, we can see the presence of femininity as defined by lewin (1984) as cited from hoffman, borders, hattie (2000: 479) which suggested femininity be conceptualized as "the genderrelevant aspects of a person's self-concept". through sayang ibu, tenri conceptualized her gender identity as mother (of gowa). by doing so, it does not only suit her gender identity as a mature woman with extensive political experience, but also reflects her proven track record in women activism in gowa. she believed that by capitalizing her strong social capital, no other candidates could defeat her. i discover one of the pamphlets with the tagline sayang ibu below. figure 1. tagline sayang ibu of tenri’s personal political branding source: picture of 2016 calendar for campaign taken by kurniawati hastuti dewi. my further observation in the research site reveals that the tagline sayang ibu was used in various campaign media such as small pamphlets, banners, and the 2016 calendars which tenri printed with a total of around 200,000 exemplars. she also promoted the tagline through radio stations and the local television station celebes tv. observing the sayang ibu pamphlet, i can see the presence of a non-verbal communication component in it. tenri and her team used the elements of islamic piety, especially by wearing veil (kerudung) and choosing a specific color for their official uniform and the picture for the above pamphlet. tenri paid a lot of attention to the selection of color in her personal political branding. the background of the tagline sayang ibu is yellow as she expected to win the sympathy and support from golkar voters. although she was not nominated by golkar, she was the chairperson of the regional house of representatives of gowa for the period of 2009-2014. thus, she wanted to create a physiological connection with golkar’s base voters by choosing yellow as the color in her tagline background as this color is strongly associated with golkar. in addition, tenri expected to gain sympathy from the loyalists of her younger brother syahrul yasin limpo, who was the chief of golkar of south sulawesi (2009-2018) and the governor of south sulawesi (2008-2018). tenri also wore a green veil (kerudung hijau) to gain the support of muslim voters, especially from nahdlatul ulama, since she was nominated by the parties ppp and nasdem. thus, here we can see that tenri used strategically certain colors to go inside the subconscious element of voters’ mind to attract their sympathy. this is in line with mitsikopoulou’ notes (2008: 359) on the presence of a nonverbal communication component in personal political branding as it is essentially “not only elements of a candidate’s personality, but also elements of a candidate’s appearance such as hairstyle and clothing, provide vivid illustrations of a candidate’s image”. tenri really used the “green veil” picture to attract voters as she said that all programs she had promised would be put into practice if they supported her by choosing candidates number 4 of the “green veil” (kerudung hijau) picture in the election on 9 december 2015 (ronalyw 2015). jurnal studi pemerintahan 561 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 562 this finding is again confirming my previous finding of the importance of a veil used and played by a female muslim politician candidate in direct local elections to signify her public piety to gain political sympathy and acceptability in the third wave of social islamization (dewi 2015a, 2017b). in analyzing tenri’s tagline sayang ibu as her personal political branding, i suggests that this tagline does have a focus, but it is not a very compelling brand position and contains of what i call ‘gender risk’ within a strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi which disadvantaged tenri as explains below. first, the tagline sayang ibu focuses on tenri’s gender identity as mother or mature and experienced women politician in gowa, but it is not a very compelling brand position. the importance of a tagline in personal political branding is also the case in the united states (us) presidential election in 2016. whitler and hodgkins (2016) who analyzed the 2016 united states presidential election said that trump from the republican party used a powerful tagline “make america great again!” because it taps into a belief that 70% of likely voters share; trump then consistently leveraged every opportunity to connect this tagline to his campaign. in contrast to trump’s tagline according to whitler and hodgkins (2016), hillary clinton’s tagline “hillary for america” is not a very compelling brand position since it is not anchored on a common problem shared by americans, nor is it clear how voting for her will benefit the average voters. as a result, trumps pulled off a victory in the 2016 us presidential election. in tenri’s case, i think that the tagline sayang ibu is not a compelling brand position. tenri wants to emphasize her uniqueness as a prominent women politician in gowa, the mother of the people of gowa, whom people should respect and obey. to strengthen her figure as the mother of the people of gowa, tenri was inspired by the local belief as she said: “it is said that [previously according to history] when gowa was split into two by a civil war, the first female king of gowa will come, a woman who unites gowa into a great kingdom. so, we want to go back to that [legend] by using a woman. it’s said that [the king’s name] is tumanurung bainia. we believe it because it was written on lontara. in the campaign, we had inserted it in the pamphlet and socialized it with the other prominent figures” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with tenri in makassar, 23 april 2016). jurnal studi pemerintahan 563 according to paeni, poelinggomang, and mirawati (2002: 50), the creation of social and noble elite stratification in makassar and south sulawesi is always returned to extraordinary stories to determine and validate historical experiences that are objectified as their social world; in the case of gowa, the kingdom of gowa appears to unite its confederation with the idea of tumanurung. here, tenri even used cultural and historical components to strengthen her personal political branding as a mother. this is in line with “a cultural approach to branding” in cayla and arnould (2008: 87), i.e. a brand is a cultural manifestation which should be shaped to reflect social, historical, and geographic aspects of various places of cultures. it is true that tenri emphasized her strong record as a mature and experienced women politician in gowa. this is in line with the personal political branding as noted by mitsikopoulou (2008, p. 359) as well as haroen (2014, p. 19) suggesting that it should reflects truly someone’s characters, namely “who you are”, “what you have done”, and “what you will do” (character, competence, and strength). in her campaign, tenri strategically focused on women’s groups, especially housewives, as she believed that prosperity begins from women (admin, 2014). vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 564 she also intentionally used women’s networks through a group called srikandi tenri olle yasin limpo, which is comprised of women, either muslim or non-muslim, who supported her (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with tenri in makassar, 23 april 2016). tenri said that she gained support from ‘aisyiyah women because she is ‘aisyiyah’s prominent member of south sulawesi. in sum, the tagline sayang ibu focuses on tenri as a mature and experienced women politician, but it is not a very compelling brand position. it does not reflect strong political messages and leaves too much room for voters to define its meaning. further observation in the research site discovers that the tagline sayang ibu is not followed by a workable tagline. the workable tagline as the derivative of sayang ibu that describes or reflects that women are also capable of performing well at work, strong, and multi-tasking (capable of doing household chores and other duties as necessary). however, such a derivative tagline is absent in tenri’s campaign as said by nr, tenri’s former loyalist who joined adnan’s campaign team (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with nr in gowa, 24 april 2016). second, when i use the concept proposed by aaker (1997), which is five dimensions of brand personality, the tagline sayang ibu contains only two elements, namely competence and sincerity. the tagline does not reflect the other three elements of personal political branding proposed by aaker, namely excitement, sophistication, and ruggedness. using the tagline, tenri, on the one hand, shows that she is a mature and experienced women politician and this reflects the elements competency and sincerity. and yet, it does not reflect any points of excitement, sophistication, and ruggedness. this is because, as i have mentioned previously, the tagline sayang ibu does not reflect a powerful political tagline that steers people’s mind, or is believed to promise some political reforms that will benefit all voters, for example in comparison with trump’s tagline “make america great again!” in the us presidential election in 2016. third, i identify of what i call ‘gender risk’ in the tagline sayang ibu which put tenri at a disadvantage. analyzes tenri’s with gender and risk theory, as well as femininity, i reveal similar findings with maxfield, shapiro, gupta, and hass (2010) which shows that women brave to take risk. in this case, tenri braved to play her femininity. femininity in this context refers to lewin (1984) as cited from hoffman, borders, hattie (2000: 479) which suggested that femininity be conceptualized as "the gender-relevant aspects of a person's self-concept" thus allowing for "individual variation in the specific content of the self-image as related to gender". in this case, tenri played her femininity of her individual's self concept or conceptualization of gender identity as mother through personal political branding of sayang ibu. while i echoed maxfield, shapiro, gupta, and hass (2010), i added another point that have not yet revealed in the discussion of gender, risk and femininity. through tenri’s case, i discover the ‘gender risk’ or the danger to use femininity in personal political branding of female politician within strong political dynasty feature. why did it happen?. my further observation from tenri’s opponent side, especially adnan, shows an interesting fact. tenri’s tagline sayang ibu was used by adnan’s campaign team to weaken tenri’s candidacy. according to nr, one of the key persons in adnan’ campaign team said, “pak adnan said [in each campaign] “because i [adnan] love mothers, thus i suggest that she [mother, tenri] stay at home, let the children work. because it is considered a sin when children ask their mother to work” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with nr in gowa, 24 april 2016). here, we can see how adnan’s campaign team with a tagline adnan kio created a powerful narrative to counter tenri’s tagline sayang ibu. adnan’s campaign team used and spread this counter-narrative from ear to ear, forming public opinion against tenri. thus, the tagline sayang ibu which was expected to draw voters’ sympathy for a figure of a female politician in fact disadvantaged tenri and benefited her opponent. jurnal studi pemerintahan 565 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 566 i suggest that female politician should be not only smart but also careful in making a tagline for personal political branding involving the gender issue. female politician has to consider the context and potential strength of the personal political branding tactics used by her opponent. in tenri’s case, it is important to take into account the analysis of the presence of a patriarchal structure in the local context, especially in gowa and south sulawesi where a strong political dynasty lies. the thing that has to be noted is that the core element of a political dynasty lies in the strong oligarchs. an oligarch in a political dynasty is always male. both tenri and adnan are part of yasin limpo’s political dynasty in south sulawesi. theoretically, tenri is a female politician that belongs to the ‘familial ties’ type. as defined by richter (1990-1991: 525-526), ‘familial ties’ express the influence of male relatives, who are also prominent politicians, on developing and achieving political leadership roles for women. this is also the case of tenri. tenri’s political career has been facilitated by her father muhammas yasin limpo as a prominent politician in gowa and then her young brother syahrul yasin limpo as a prominent male politician in south sulawesi. rising from the ‘familial ties’ type, within a strong political dynasty feature, one should be aware of the centrality of male politicians. in tenri’s case, her father or brother is the core of the political dynasty. back to the 2015 direct local election, adnan, tenri’s nephew, took advantage of this social construction of a political dynasty cantered on the figure of a male politician. women, including in tenri are considered inferior to men in the structure of a political dynasty. whereas adnan, a male politician from yasin limpo’s political dynasty who competed in the 2015 direct local election in gowa, therefore derived much benefit from the patriarchal political ideology. at this case, personal political branding which emphasized the aspect of femininity namely tenri’s sayang ibu proved to create of what i call ‘gender risk’ which disadvantaged tenri. indah’s personal political branding: smart as the jurnal studi subconscious element pemerintahan to gain comprehensive understanding of the way personal political branding works for female politicians in the other part of south sulawesi, the second part presents the successful story of indah putri indriani’s candidacy. indah is the first female district head of north luwu elected in the 2015 direct local election and the first female leader in south sulawesi’s history. north luwu is one of the 24 districts/municipalities in the province of south sulawesi. it consists of 12 sub-districts in 2015 (bps kabupaten luwu utara 2015, p.1). there were two pairs of candidates who competed in the 2015 direct local election in north luwu, namely indah putri indriani (indah, in short) & muh. thahar rum (great indonesia movement party (gerindra), nasdem, indonesian democratic party of struggle (pdip), and democratic party) and arifin junaidi & andi abdullah rahim (pks, pkb, national mandate party (pan), hanura, and ppp). indah was formerly a vice-district of north luwu (2010-2015) while arifin juanaidi was the district head of north luwu (20102015). so, in the 2015 direct local election, indah competed head-to-head against arifin junaidi. eventually, indah & thahar won the election by getting more than 54.86% of the votes while arifin got approximately 45.14% of the votes (said, 2015). indah was born on 7 february 1977. she comes from bone bone, north luwu. her parents live in bone bone, north luwu. her mother is basically a muhammadiyah follower while her father is a nahdlatul ulama (nu) follower. indah is the only daughter. her father is an entrepreneur while her mother is a housewife. indah’s husband is a businessman and a member of the national house of representatives for the period of 2004-2009 from the crescent star party (partai bulan bintang (pbb), the electoral district of aceh. 567 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 568 according to indah, her husband helped her lobby political parties when she joined the 2015 direct local election in north luwu. since she was in college, indah has actively participated in organizational activities and undertaken numerous social activities. indah got a master’s degree from the faculty of social and political sciences at university of indonesia (ui). indah then was appointed a guest lecturer at ui and an expert staff of commission ii of the national house of representatives on the desk of national government and regional autonomy for 5 years. during her service in this commission, she began to develop understanding of the problems facing a local government head. indah was a legislative candidate for the national house of representatives from the crescent star party in the 2009 legislative election from the electoral district of bone bone and sukamaju. however, she did not succeed despite gaining the second highest number of votes. her political exposure in north luwu made indah quite popular among the people of north luwu. this was important social capital for her to be selected as the vicedistrict head in the 2010 direct local election with arifin junaidi as her partner. one of the keys to indah’s success in the 2015 direct local election was her personal political branding. indah created personal political branding as a female politician who was close to people’s heart and mind. during her service as the vice-district head of north luwu (2010-2015), indah often went to visit ordinary people to express condolence. indah wants herself to be a figure who is approachable in the eyes of civilians, children, and women (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). some respondents confirmed indah’s statement such as em a housewife, and r a political activist, stating that indah is down to earth, approachable, showing respect to older people, humble, responding quickly to any problem arising, and close to people (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with em and r in north luwu, 21 april 2016). those are some positive records that have been developed during her service as the vice-district head of north luwu (20102015). afterwards, i asked indah about her motivation to compete in the 2015 direct local election and she answered, “my passion is to experience something different like if we meet the public or people … based on survey results, i know that my popularity was high in the 2014 survey. people’s recognition of the regent [the incumbent arifin] was higher, but my popularity was even higher. i was informed of the reasons why people like me. according to them, i am responsive, caring, and able to solve problems. then, i develop it into my branding”. (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). jurnal studi pemerintahan 569 based on my interview with indah, it is clear that she has both an intention and motivation to serve the people of north luwu by standing as a district head candidate. she also prepared it well by conducting a professional survey to determine her popularity in 2014. in preparation for the 2015 direct local election, indah conducted a professional survey of her popularity and approval levels. the survey showed that arifin’s popularity as the district head of north luwu (2010 2015) was higher than indah’s. but, people’s approval of indah who was the vice-district head was higher than results of the survey in 2014. this implied that it did not need much effort for her to win since she already won people’s hearts. a combination of indah’s positive track records during her time serving as the vice-district head, her close relationship with the people, and her image as a figure who is pious, smart, responsive, caring, able to solve problems, humble, and hardworking, contributed to her high popularity ahead of the election, which reached 78%. by the survey, indah confirmed her strong point and developed further into her personal political branding for the 2015 direct local election. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 570 i asked her about her personal political branding in the 2015 direct local election and she said, “[in the 2015 direct local election] my slogan was pintar. the most important thing is to attract people, so i want to do something different from other candidates. they usually have anonymous abbreviation... pintar unconsciously drew them to vote for indah & thahar [thahar is indah’s partner as the vice-district candidate]. so, i want to go inside their subconscious using a fitting familiar phrase. i did not have to explain this word [pintar or clever/smart because people know exactly this word] and the brand clung into people’s mind that i am smart…in the beginning i promoted myself using pamphlets, then free calendars. not many, just 10,000 exemplars” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). indah also explained further that she also emphasized her young age in her personal political branding. when indah run as a candidate for the district head in the 2015 direct local election, she was only 38 years old. she added the points of being young, responsive, caring, and able to solve problems. the word young is associated with being energetic. indah said “actually, when i assumed office as the vice-district head [2010-2015], it was me who was always in the front line every time a problem arose, not the district head” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). here, it is obvious that the tagline pintar of indah’s personal political branding was intended to emphasize indah’s strong points, namely young, pious, smart, responsive, caring, able to solve problems, hard working, and approachable. indah used the elements of sexuality, i.e. a young and smart woman of north luwu. i managed to find some of them as presented in figure 2. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 571 figure 2. tagline pintar of indah’s personal political branding source: picture of campaign pamphlet obtained by kurniawati hastuti dewi. indah socialized this tagline through social media and in the press. interestingly, in order to target female voters, indah combined the term pintar with the word kartini, which became kartini pintar. kartini pintar was the other sub tagline and name which focused especially on women networks of voters from various religious backgrounds (muslim and christian) that pledged their support for indah’s candidacy (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). they staged door-to-door campaigns and, sometimes, religious gatherings. similar to indah’s case is the 2008 us presidential campaign. penhollow (no year) analyzes the 2008 us presidential election, especially by pointing out barack obama’s strong winning campaign slogan ‘yes we can’ in combination with his campaign logo which created a strong appeal. in indah’s case, in my opinion the tagline pintar had a strong appeal. as there are five dimensions of aaker’s brand personality in the tagline pintar of indah’s personal political branding. first, it contains the elements sincerity, excitement, and ruggedness. as i have explained earlier, indah has developed her personal political branding as a figure who is responsive, caring, able to solve problems, hard-working, and approachable since she was serving as the vice-district head of north luwu (2010-2015). she said that sincerity and excitement are in her characters, vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 572 “i found data in 2014. indeed, we can measure it… mrs. indah was always present in every event. if i did not go to quran recitation or funeral events, it means that i was away [travelled somewhere out of north luwu]. that was what people thought. i did not make it up. because i am an alumni of an islamic boarding school, i will go to a funeral if i pass by. i never turn off my phone in case of any order. i engage actively in activities organized by pmi [palang merah indonesia, indonesian red cross]. i often provide aids. so, there are a lot of social investments. my only capital is social investments. the survey captured my strength and i maximize it [in the 2005 direct local election]” (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). thus, for years, people have got in touch with indah as a person who was always there whenever they needed her and become close to her, which reflects sincerity and excitement. as for ruggedness, this point is evident from fact that despite her failure in the 2009 legislative election at the same electoral district, she refused to give up and continued to fight for the 2010 direct local election as a candidate for the vice-district head for which she won. in addition, to prove her tagline pintar to show that she was tough, hard-working, and rugged, indah strategically portrayed herself as a hard-working female politician in her political branding as she said, “i looked for a picture showing my face at work. i took a picture at night [she showed me a picture of her wearing a light brown veil (kerudung) in government uniform and putting on light make-up]. because they know that i am a hard worker. i know that in the morning i am going outside office [to do works such as doing inspection, checking projects to the project site, and so on] and will be back in the afternoon. i am in the office. if there are no other social activities, i change my clothes. at that time, we just finished an event at 8 in the evening…so my face looked tired, did not seem like someone who just finished putting on make-up, but just finished working. i wore the dark purple uniform as the daily civil servant outfit. so, i thought it reinforced people’s opinion”. (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). clearly she prepared the details of the picture by carefully choosing certain colors and wearing a uniform that she wanted the public to see in order to reinforce her strong characters of being tough, hard-working, and rugged. selection of the right picture played a vital role in influencing people’s mind and eventually conforming indah’s personal political branding. second, the tagline pintar also reflects the element competence. indah is a competent politician as she has political experience as the former vice-district head of north luwu (2010-2015) and has strong women’s networks which she turned into a group called kartini pintar. the choice of the word kartini reflects indah’s awareness of the prominent female figure in indonesian history. using the name kartini pintar, indah were able to gather ‘aisyiyah and muslimat nu followers. third, the element sophistication is reflected in the tagline pintar because this word means smart. according to indah, people know her as a smart person. moreover, this word is also universal and easy to remember without her having to give any further explanation (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). indah said that with the tagline pintar, she did not use the campaign slogan “women vote for women” and did not specially highlight special programs for women because she wanted people not to think exclusively that she only represents women. instead, she wanted people to have wider thoughts. thus, she created and used the slogan “women for north luwu and north luwu for the world” (perempuan untuk luwu utara dan luwu utara untuuk dunia) instead because, for her, north luwu means the world (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). here, from this statement, it is revealed that indah inserted the subconscious element through the word pintar which refers to indah’s characters and profile as a smart and promising female leader who is ready to serve all the people of north luwu, regardless of gender. she did not want to emphasize her position in advocating women’s needs and interests because she did not want to be perceived as merely representing and serving women’s votes, interests, and needs. jurnal studi pemerintahan 573 indah’s position is interesting. indah said that her opponent’s tagline (for example ara for arifin junaidi and abdullah rahim) also contributed to her victory because such a tagline was not universal (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). here in case of indah, she did not play element of femininity which emphasized her femaleness. this is confirmed with her position not to create specific tagline of “women vote for women” as mentioned earlier. interestingly, indah’s case is in line with paechter’s research on masculinity and femininity in power (2006: 257) that “distancing oneself from stereotypical femininity, on the other hand, is a claiming of power”. instead of emphasizing femininity, indah highlighted her ‘power’ by slogan pintar which refers to indah’s characters and profile as a smart and promising female leader who is ready to serve all the people of north luwu, regardless of gender. indah also used the element of local history in order to more convince voters to choose her. she said that in the local history of luwu kingdom, the third datuk of luwu was female, namely datuk simwesimpurusiang. interestingly, because indah run as a candidate for the district head in 2015, the third district head of north luwu would also be female if she won the election. therefore, she tried to reassure her voters to choose her because according to the history of luwu kingdom, the third datuk was female (kurniawati hastuti dewi’s interview with indah in north luwu, 20 april 2016). further observation shows that according to the bugis and makassar people as well as the mandarese, kedatuan luwu is believed to be the origin of the kings in south sulawesi, which was also written in i la galigo that the first king from the sky in luwu was called “batara guru” (abidin 1999: 103-104). so, by using the cultural and historical element, which people believe in, indah intends to gain cultural legitimation of her political rise in north luwu. in addition, through indah’s case, this paper shows that it is not always necessary for female politicians to highlight their femininity in personal political branding. jurnal studi pemerintahan 574 instead, within a strong political dynasty, these female politicians may choose to use and play their strongest point such as being smart, young, responsive, caring, hard-working, and reliable. discussion i suggest that the tagline pintar of indah’s personal political branding in north luwu, has created a strong appeal. as there are five dimensions of brand personality proposed by aaker found in the tagline, namely sincerity, excitement, ruggedness, competence, and sophistication. this word pintar which means smart, has a universal meaning which can easily go into the subconscious element of people’s mind, convincing them to trust indah as a young, smart, and promising candidate. whereas the tagline sayang ibu of tenri’s personal political branding does have a focus, but it is not a very compelling brand position, leaves too much room for voters to define, and contains only two elements of aaker’s brand personality, namely competence and sincerity. i would like to advise female politicians that the use of femininity in personal political branding in the setting of a strong political dynasty which is highly patriarchal contains of what i call ‘gender risk’ which potentially disadvantaged them. for example, tenri’s tagline sayang ibu. this tagline was focused on her femininity by especially emphasized gender identity as mother (of gowa) and selling her strong track record as a mature and experienced women politician. however, it should be used carefully by considering the local political context, especially a highly patriarchal political dynasty. please note that the core element of a political dynasty lies on strong oligarchs. oligarchs in a political dynasty are always male. tenri and adnan (tenri’s main competitor) are both part of yasin limpo’s political dynasty in south sulawesi. theoretically, tenri is a female politician that belongs to the ‘familial ties’ type. rising from the ‘familial ties’ type, within a strong political dynasty feature, one should be aware of the centrality of male politicians. jurnal studi pemerintahan 575 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 576 in tenri’s case, her father or brother is the core of the political dynasty. so, in the 2015 direct local election, adnan, tenri’s nephew, took advantage of this social construction of a political dynasty cantered on the figure of a male politician. whereas, women in this case is tenri are considered inferior to men in the structure of a political dynasty. my research reveals that there was a counter-narrative against the tagline sayang ibu suggesting that mothers (tenri) had better stay at home and leave any work to their children (male, adnan). from this case, it can be concluded that the tagline sayang ibu when used in an area with a strong political dynasty where patriarchal ideology is the core, provoked a backlash which in turn disadvantages female politicians. this may not be realized by voters. and yet, it shows the significance of the subconscious element of patriarchal ideology in personal political branding. here, female politicians should be aware of this issue, especially in today’s strengthening era of political dynasties. what tenri has done can also be explained from the tendency that voters view female candidates and male candidates differently where they regard women more capable of dealing with “feminine” issues such as child care and education but less able to handle “masculine” issues such as wars and economy as noted by herrnson, lay, and stokes (2003, 245). consequently, the ways women organize their campaign often differ from the ways men organize their campaign in terms of the strategy they each use. in reality, it depends on the socio-political context of the era. for example, women campaigning for the u.s senate between 1982 and 1986 did not do so by putting much emphasis on the female stereotype; while in 1992, the “year of women” in the u.s., female candidate televised campaign ads emphasized their “feminine image traits” as noted by william 1994 in herrnson, lay, and stokes (2003, 246). finally, herrnson, lay, and stokes (2003) who examine the effect of the interplays of candidate gender and campaign strategy using a new data set by conducting a survey to the us house of representative candidates who run for office in 1996 or 1998 discover that women gained a strategic advantage when they “run women” by stressing the issues that voters associate favorably with female candidates and targeting female voters. here, it is clear that cases that took place in the united states suggest that the effect arising from candidates’ sex varied from election to election. fox and oxley (2003: 835) who review the presence of gender stereotyping in the political arena state that when women run for electoral office, gender stereotyping occurs sometimes to their advantage but more often to their detriment. campbell and heath (2017: 210) state that the link, if any, between candidates’ sex and voting behavior is not straightforward and is also highly context-specific. based on the two cases of personal political branding of female politicians observed, as well as the literature discussed above, i think that following voters’ stereotyping of different policy position and potential performance by male and female candidates is not always profitable in campaign since it depends on the socio-political context of time and region. rusnaedy and purwaningsih (2018) analyze the competition between tenri and adnan in the 2015 direct local election and note that adnan’s victory resulted from the legacy of his father ichsan yasin limpo who provided him with several important capital such as finances, strong achievement during the rule of his father, loyalist base voters, and bureaucratic apparatus standing behind adnan. by doing so, the analysis performed by this paper goes beyond the previous findings by presenting and revealing the complexity of the narrative behind the tagine sayang ibu in tenri’s personal political branding. jurnal studi pemerintahan 577 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 578 conclusion by analyzing personal political branding of two female politicians who competed in the 2015 direct local election in south sulawesi, this paper successfully reveals various elements. first, this paper strengthens the theoretical standpoint on personal political branding which believes that it should reflect one’s individual uniqueness, strong track records, skills, values, and passions that differentiate him/her from others as noted by omojola (2008) or brooks and anumudu (2016) or “who you are”, “what you have done, and “what you will do” (haroen 2014). this can be seen from the fact that the tagline sayang ibu of tenri’s personal political branding was derived from her interactions and services for many years to meet and safeguard women’s needs and interests while sitting as a member of the regional house of representatives of gowa since 2004 to 2014. this makes her a mature and experienced women politician whom people know as the mother of gowa. similarly, indah’s tagline pintar as her personal political branding has been developed over years. she has developed this branding since she was the vice-district head of north luwu (2010-2015). pintar which means smart reflects indah’s strong points, namely young, pious, smart, responsive, caring, able to solve problems, hardworking, and approachable. both examples of personal political branding above have been created based on the strongest points of each female politician. interestingly, both taglines used to create personal political branding by both candidates contain the element of sexuality, namely mature women for sayang ibu which emphasized the figure of a mother, and young women for pintar since indah was only 38 years old when she run as a candidate for the district head of north luwu. second, this paper also reveals the non-verbal communication element in both taglines. for example in sayang ibu and pintar pamphlets, this paper founds the use of a symbol that indicates islamic piety such as wearing a veil (kerudung) for both taglines. this is important as both female politicians run in the region with a predominantly muslim community. in addition, the non-verbal communication was also established through the use of color such as the background of the tagline sayang ibu was yellow because tenri wanted to win sympathy and support from golkar voters. tenri also wore a green veil to gain the support of muslims, especially from nahdlatul ulama, since she was nominated by the parties ppp and nasdem. in the case of the tagline pintar used by indah, she prepared the details of the picture by carefully choosing certain colors and wearing a uniform that she wanted the public to see in order to reinforce her strong characters of being tough, hard-working, and rugged. both color selection and selection of the styles shown in the photograph are equally important to go inside people’s mind to strengthen the personal political branding of tenri and indah. here this paper agrees with mitsikopoulou (2008: 359) on the presence of a non-verbal communication component in personal political branding that it is essentially “not only elements of a candidate’s personality, but also elements of a candidate’s appearance such as hairstyle and clothing, that provide vivid illustrations of a candidate’s image”. jurnal studi pemerintahan 579 third, this paper reveals the use of cultural elements in the creation and development of the two personal political branding taglines. tenri inserted the element of cultural belief, which is a female ruler of gowa named tumanurung bainia. tenri said that she had inserted it in the pamphlets and socialized it during the campaign. similarly, indah also used the local history of kingdom luwu, where the third datuk of luwu was female named datuk simwe simpurusiang. here, this paper reveals the use of cultural components, i.e. local history, in order to strengthen female politicians’ personal political branding as said by cayla and arnould (2008: 87) that a brand is a also cultural manifestation which reflects social, historical, and geographic aspects of various places of cultures. fourth, this paper also discovers an interesting finding in indah’s case in north luwu. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 580 in her tagline pintar, indah did not use the campaign slogan “women vote for women” and did not specially highlight special programs for women because she did not want people to think exclusively that she only represents women. instead, she wanted people to have wider thoughts. she created and used the slogan “women for north luwu and north luwu for the world”. research by campbell and heath (2017) entitled “do women vote for women candidates? attitudes toward descriptive representation and voting behavior in the 2010 british election” shows that women do not react in a homogenous way to the sex of the candidate; and the assumption that women are more likely to vote for women candidates is therefore too simplistic and assumes a uniformity of motivations for doing so that are not present in practice. in indah’s case, it seems that she was aware of the fact that focusing on her gender or femininity would mean narrowing her target voters to women only that did not necessarily or automatically support her. within a strong patriarchal political culture, she would not gain any advantage from focusing on the specific issues of women’s voters and women’s interests. despite the fact that her opponents may gain benefit from her narrow campaign, she wanted to represent herself as the future leader for all the people, not only for women. here, again, this paper shows that the slogan or tagline “women vote for women” does not always work for any female politician as it depends on the political context, time and region. fifth, through personal political branding with taglines sayang ibu and pintar, this paper reveals different findings from those obtained by shames (2003: 116) suggesting that femininity can help all candidates (both male and female ones) as a differentiation tool that makes them stand out, while masculinity often makes a candidate looks just like any other candidates in a political setting characterized by male domination and masculinity. in the setting characterized by a strong political dynasty, the element of femininity should be exploited 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(2016). branders-in chief: the role of branding in the clinton vs. trump presidentialelection. yayasan satunama. (2015). perempuan di pilkada serentak 2015: perspektif dan lingkar kekuasaan di sekitaran calon perempuan peserta pilkada. yogyakarta: yayasan satunama. http://www.beritasatu.com/pilkada/329388-putri-indriani gender risk and femininity: personal political branding of female politicians in the strong political dynasty feature of south sulawesi 533 abstract 534 introduction 535 536 537 538 literature review and research focus national trend: strengthening political dynasties in indonesian local politics 539 540 context of the study: political dynasty in south sulawesi province 541 542 personal political branding 543 544 545 gender risk 546 femininity research method results and discussion tenri’s personal political branding: gender risk in a patriarchal political dynasty 547 548 549 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 indah’s personal political branding: smart as the subconscious element 567 568 569 571 figure 2. tagline pintar of indah’s personal political branding 572 573 574 discussion 575 576 577 578 conclusion 579 580 acknowledgements references 581 582 584 585 586 587 588 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi 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editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. microsoft word 1 ampron tamronglak.docx the development of teacher and educational personnel promotional assessment framework in thailand dr. amporn tamronglak associate professor; thammasat university, rachan campus bangkok, thailand ampornwtamrong@gmail.com abstract the main purpose of this paper is to present a per-formance evaluation framework for teacher and edu-cational personnel in thailand. based on the re-search funded by office of the teacher civil service and educational personnel commission, it is aimed primarily to study the model of academic standing assessment of teacher civil service and educational personnel and to develop criteria and methods for the four tracks of personnel in thailand, including teaching, educational institution administration, educational administration, and educational super-vision. various methods in gathering data for the study were employed, including 1) documentary re-search of four different countries, such as united states of america, england, singapore and hongkong; 2) site visits to the government agencies re-sponsible for educational assessment and develop-ment and schools in hong kong and singapore; 3) in-depth interviews with executives in ministry of education and a number of stakeholders who had requested for the promotional assessment from all four career tracks; 4) focus group method among experts in the field; and 5) public hearing opened to all stakeholders in teaching careers was also orga-nized to gather comments and suggestions and fine-tune the proposed framework prior to submission to the office of the teacher civil service and educa-tional personnel commission for further application in the future. keywords: performance evaluation, promotional assessment framework, academic ranking assess-ment of teacher in thailand introduction the assessment for the academic promotion of govern-ment teachers and educational personnel was first intro-duced in 2004. the teacher and educational personnel act of 2004 was later amended in 2008 has authorized the office of the teacher civil service and educational person-nel commission (otepc) to design the academic standing promotional assessment framework for thai government teachers and educational personnel. as it was initially planned, there are four categories of teachers and educa-tional personnel in thailand, comprising teacher, adminis-trator of educational institution, educational administrator, and educational supervisor. personnel in each category can submit request to be assessed for the academic promotion into higher academic standing as stated in section 39 of the 2004 act. they are as follows: a. teachers to be accredited as; 1) professional; 2) senior professional; 3) expert; 4) senior expert; b. administrators ofeducation institution to be accredited ; 1) professional deputy director; 2) senior professional deputy director; 3) expert deputy director; 4) professional director; 5) senior professional director; 6) expert director; 7) senior expert director; c. education administrators to be accredited having; 1) senior professional deputy director of the office of education service area; 2) expert deputy director of the office of education service area; 3) expert director of the office of education service area; 4) senior director of the office of education service area; d. educational supervisors to be accredited; 1) professional educational supervisors; 2) senior professional educational supervisors; 3) expert educational supervisors; 4) senior professional educational supervisors; the law also applies academic standing of lecturer, assistance professor, associate professor and professor to government teachers and educa-tional personnel. however, this accreditation has not been promoted so far. for the past year, a number of changes and improvements have been done in the act by various circular notices or letters issued by otepc. the first significant change was spelled out in the circular letter by otepc on december 29, 2005, letter no. sortor 0206.3/vor25. it has been implemented for five years; minor changes have been amended for several times until three year ago. in 2009, another circular letter has been issued by otepc on september 30, 2009, letter no. sortor 0206.4/vor17 to revise the assessment framework. however, as it has been reviewed in this study, the two circular letters are not substan-tially different. it is the old framework in the new bottle. only minor changes in wording and lan-guages are found in the two circular notices. there are three dimensions or areas to be evaluated by the assessing committee: 1) profession code of ethics, 2) the quality of performance, and 3) research work or performance from job responsi-bility. the last important circular letter that has been issued recently is found in letter no. sortor 0206.3/vor5 dated april 12, 2009. it is specifically designed to serve those government teachers and educational personnel in remote and distance areas and especially those who have contributed to the community and society to earn the distinguished award for serving the society as a whole. ever since the act has been implemented with number of changes in the laws, various complaints have been found from the assessors, the applicants who request for the assessment, and otepc who oversights the assessment process. this study is, therefore, the attempt to gather all serious issues that might arise from this act and the process of the evaluation in order to propose a new systematic framework that is more flexible, answers the needs of all stakeholders involved, and at the same time maintains the quality and the integrity of the assessment process. purpose of the study this study has two main objectives: 1) to study the model of academic ranking assess-ment of teacher civil service and educational personnel and 2) to develop criteria and methods for the four tracks of personnel in thailand, including teaching, school administration, educational administration, and educational supervision methods of the study this is a qualitative research in nature. varieties of methods in gathering data for the study were employed, including: 1) first, documentary research of four different countries, such as united states of america, england, singapore and hong kong was re-viewed; 2) second, site visits to the government agencies responsible for educational assessment and development and schools in hong kong and singapore were arranged during august, 2011; 3) third, in-depth interviews with executives in ministry of education and a number of stakeholders who had requested for the promotional assessment from all four career tracks were collected prior to the draft of the assessment framework; 4) fourth, a draft of the proposed assessment framework was presented to group discussion. focus group method among experts in the field was conducted on march 8, 2012; and 5) last, a public hearing, with the coordination of the office of the teacher civil service and educational personnel commission (otepc), opened to all stakeholders in teaching careers was also organized on april 2, 2012 to gather comments and suggestions and fine-tune the proposed framework. the proposed assessment framework was then refined prior to submission to the otepc for approval in june, 2012. basis of analysis learning practices and experiences from different countries was the main method of data collection in this research. the acclaimed “best practice method or bpm” employed was an inductive research method of choice for postbureaucratic theorist, advocating customer-driven, resultsoriented, value-focused, entrepreneurial, flexible, etc. and all that from new public management (npm) idea (overman and boyd, 1994: 67-83). the new paradigm of doing research from “practiceto-principles” focuses primarily on being pragmatic, practice driven, prescriptive, commercial, user friendly, and innovative (overman and boyd, 1994: 67-83). in human resource management research, the increasing interests in studying international hrm practices is becoming a trend of global market merger and alliance joint-venture for competitive advantage in the business (geringer, j. michael, frayne, colette a., and milliman, john f., 2002). what does the term “best practice” mean in doing contemporary research? the best practice is defined to have certain three important character-istics of a comparative process of comparable cases, an action, and the linkages between action and outcome or goal (bretschneider, stuart, marc-aurele jr., frederick j., and wu, jiannan, 2005). the bpm would definitely have disadvantages in finding the “best fit” practices to compare across international countries. also, the search for causal relationships between action and outcome insti-tutes in the ability of the researcher since no statistics and hypothesis testing are employed like most mainstream positivist research. how “best practices” were defined is very critical in this type of research. in the selection of the best practices in this inquiry, the author had hand-in-hand picked the countries with the agency, or “client” in the npm’s idea, because the recipient or the user would know best who is the best in the “market”. the cases of united states of america and england were chosen for the important reason that they have been role model to thai bureau-cracy, thai public administration in particular, and they have provided educational foundation system in the country from the beginning. it is either american or british system. for the cases of singapore and hong kong, they were selected on two merits of being neighboring countries to thailand and the most developed and advanced asian countries in education. from the inquiry, these two asian countries, especially singapore, were studied and applied to the u.s. assessment framework in the past. however, there are numbers of challenges for using bpm that the author was aware for. for instance, there was the issue of comparability of the cases or system of teacher personnel and the assessment foundation, not to mention the differ-ences in administrative system, political, social, and cultural contexts (bretschneider, stuart, marc-aurele jr, frederick j., and wu, jiannan, 2005: 309311; overman and boyd, 1994: 76-78). what have been done in those countries cannot be copied and repeated in thailand. “what work there may not work here.” the difficulty of study also aroused from the completeness of the cases or the question of accumulation of practice wisdom (bretschneider, stuart, marc-aurele jr, frederick j., and wu, jiannan, 2005: 311; overman and boyd, 1994: 77; geringer, j. michael, frayne, colette a., and milliman, john f., 2002: 6). it all depends on the insight and experience of the researcher who is the main person to observe, investigate, interview, translate, interpret, and describe all possible details and those who are willing to provide information. however, during the site-visits to singapore and hong kong, the author requested for official documents and other related information as much as possible. a case of united states of america in case of u.s.1, the national board for profes-sional teaching standards (nbpts) was established in 1987 as part of the educational reform effort to by developing nationally professional standards of teaching. working independently, nbpts provides quality certification to teachers who meet those standards. the aims are to advocate excellence in teaching and advance student learning, to volun-tarily certify accomplished teachers, and to create professionalism in teaching comparable to other professions. the criteria for evaluating the accomplishment of teachers are based on performance in five dimensions:1) responsible to students and their learning, 2) knowledgeable in the subjects taught, 3) able to manage and follow-up on students’ learning progress, 4) able to systematically think, work, and learning, and 5) continuous learning or learn to be part of learning community. that is to say that the assessment philosophy of the ameri-can system is to ensure the linkages between the teachers’ performance and the learning progress of students. the accomplished teachers who are certified by the national board must be capable of transferring the knowledge acquired to students as promoted by the “no child left behind (nclb)” policy. in the assessment framework, there are 4 steps to be taken by the schools to maximize teachers’ growth and student learning:1) develop assessment system and supports, 2) train teachers and implement the system, 3) follow-up and evaluate the implementation by allowing them to partici-pate in the process of pre-between-and post obser-vation, and finally 4) provide support to develop excellence in teaching and learning. various assessment tools as identified by national comprehensive center for teacher quality (2009: 8-15; nbpts, 2011) include a combination of classroom observation, classroom artifacts, portfolio, self-assessment, and students’ evaluations. it is important to note that the aforementioned framework by nbpts is a broad guideline for each state to flexibly apply to its particular structure and context. the virginia state, for instance, the virginia department of education would have developed its standard teaching and learning assessment system and supports as provided in the education accountability and quality enhancement act, supervised by the advisory committee (division of teacher education and licensure, 2000: 6). the evaluation covers five areas: 1) teaching and evaluation plan, 2) leading in teach-ing or instructional leadership, 3) safety and organi-zational management for learning, 4) communication and community relations, and 5) professional-ism. on the other hand, the schools in chicago have to be evaluated in 7 steps, comprising of preparation stage, goal-setting stage, standard assessment development stage, analysis of evalua-tion results stage, teaching adjustment stage, impact follow-up stage, and the implement to create desire impacts (chicago public schools, 2010:11-43). each stage would require a number of tools to collect data, analyze, and implement. a case of england as for the case of england, there are two types of teachers: qualified teachers and unqualified teachers. the former refers to 1) administrative teachers like head teacher, deputy head teacher, and assistant head teacher and 2) teaching person-nel such as advanced teacher and classroom teacher. the latter refers to part-time teachers with short term employment via special hiring. like u.s., a central agency was created to be responsible for developing standard framework and support system. it is called general teaching council for england (gtce) based on teaching and higher education act 1998, amended to education act 2002. its authorities are quite similar to nbpts’s in annually report to the secretary of state on the code of conduct and practice for registered teachers to ensure teaching standard for teachers’ growth and students’ learning. based on performance management philosophy of the code of conduct and practice, all teachers, careered teachers would be evaluated differently according to its five career tracks initiated by training and development agency for schools (tda) in 2007:qualified teacher status (qts)/(q), teachers on the main scale (core)/(c), teach-ers on the upper pay scale (post threshold teach-ers)/(p), excellent teachers (e), advanced skills teachers (asts)/(a). each track will be evaluated in three dimensions at different degrees depending on the advancement: 1) teacher’s qualifications, 2) knowledge and understandings of teacher profes-sion, and 3) teachers’ skills in lesson planning, teaching, evaluating, following-up, and providing feedback, learning plan adjustment, creating new ideas, etc. unlike the u.s., only a few kinds of evaluations are applied in the assessment process, for example, annual review of jointly planned activities from both the assessors and the candidate being re-viewed, performance review (teachers’ notes) compared to the standards and conditions stated in the school teachers’ pay and conditions docu-ment (stpcd) 2007. a case of singapore in case of singapore, education is main author-ity of ministry of education singapore under the litigation of the compulsory education act 2000. it is the government policy on education that all schools must have three distinguished elements of meritocracy, bilingualism or mother tongue policy (english is the first language, the second language can be chinese, malay, or tamil), and financial assistance scheme for low income family (ministry of education singapore, 2011). there are three career tracks in teaching profession:teaching track, 2) leadership track, and 3) senior specialist track. in comparison to other countries studied, singapore government has invested financial resources to teachers. teachers are considered critical, crucial, and special essence in learning and growth of students. they are rewarded with the highest pay in the country. the ratio between students and teacher will be as low as possible, approximately 16.9 per one teacher. the enhanced performance management system (epms) was first instituted in 2003 and later applied to all personnel in 2005. the evalua-tion system is developed and based on concept of competency, working from the bottom-up and in response to the needs of both teachers and stu-dents combined. for instance, ngee ann polytechnic applies three-prong competency approach, covering strategic competencies – goals, domain competencies – job roles, core competencies – values. each career track would have different set of competencies accordingly. the purposes of the epms are to motivate teachers to continuously self-development and performance improvements (oecd, 2009: 36-37). in the evaluation process, the assessors and the candidate work together side-by-side on the performance plan from the start to finish. teachers will be evaluated on different aspects of their academic capabilities and students’ development, teaching innovation, career develop-ment initiatives, and relationships with community and parents (stewart, 2011). there are three phases of evaluation:1) performance planning, 2) coaching, and 3) performance evaluation. high performance results (from a to e) will be highly recognized, motivated, and rewarded with special bonus. sometimes the special bonus may be as high as 30 percent of the highest salary pay. other in-kind forms of rewards and recognitions include academic awards, staff excellence awards, and gem or “go-the-extra mile”awards. three respect-able tools are applied in the assessment, specifically, annual formal review of goals and objectives, informal review, and results from using currently estimated potential (cep). among other things, teachers’ development scheme, called teach, is also created to strengthen and support the ad-vancement of teachers in every aspects. the term stands for teacher professionalism, engagement, aspirations, career, and harmony between work life and personal life, reflecting strong philosophy and dedications in teaching profession. a case of hong kong the last case study under investigation in this paper is hong kong. the education system has been reforms several times since its independence from the colonization of british’s rule. current educational system was finally settled in 2009-2010. the reform proposal for the education system in hong kong outlined the educational policies based on the principles of student-focused, no-loser, quality, life-wide learning, society-wide mobilization in pursuing full potential of life-long developments in all areas of ethics, intellect, physique, social skills, aesthetics. like singapore, teaching career is high respected and rewarded with high pay and benefits. financial resources were allocated to help improve and develop teacher personnel in language learning and information technology capability. to be able to find the link to mainland china and the connection to the world, chinese (putonghua) and english extensive reading schemes under the tri-language policy, and right technology at the right time for the right task policy were introduced at all levels of education. over hk$1,000 was invested in language fund to use english and putonghua chinese at primary and secondary levels. in terms of the assessment, the education bureau issued the teacher competencies frame-work (tcf), like singapore, for all teacher person-nel and continuing professional development (cpd) under the supervision of advisory commit-tee on teacher education and qualifications (acteq) (education bureau, april 13, 2011). tcf provides basis for the evaluation of three career tracks (expert track, leadership track, and executive track), comprising of four dimensions of competen-cies (teaching and learning, student development, school development, and professional relationships and services). tcf is also used throughout teachers’ career as a basis for their career development, climbing up the ladder to becoming excellence. in the educational develop-ment process, all four effected parties such as teacher, school leaders, teacher education institu-tions, and government, will cooperatively work together on individual development plans for teachers. the hong kong examinations and assessment authority (hkeaa) and education bureau will evaluate their language proficiencies, both english and putonghua, every year by using oral exam and test. they need to get scores of 2.5-3.0 of english language proficiency in all five skills of reading, speaking, listening, writing, and in-class teaching; while a minimum of level 3 is required to pass putonghua proficiency skills of listening, speaking, and in-class teaching (education bureau, july 8, 2011, july 26, 2011). to support beginning teachers to start their career smoothly and fruit-fully, an induction system was introduced by acteq. each would be assigned a “mentor” who would provide him/her with integrated profes-sional guidance through his/her career in four areas:personal, instructional, operational, profes-sional. mentor would also share knowledge and experience, give him/her feedback on his/her performance, and help revise the development plan. seven different assessment tools are em-ployed in the process, specifically, personal particu-lars, interim and final reviews on quantitative evidence, interim and final reviews on individual domains, personal statement on philosophy of education, professional development activities, and reflective journal on teaching, learning and assessment, case study on student development. table 1 below summarizes all the main charac-teristics of teachers’ assessment system from four countries in the study. each has its own unique system and support that fits teacher personnel, social, political, and cultural contexts. in case of thailand, next, the author attempts to develop the assessment framework that keeps up with the changing environments of the country, table 1. summary of teachers’ assessment framework in different countries drawn from the aforementioned “best prac-tices” learned from selected countries, five prin-ciples that can be applied to thai teacher person-nel were derived and utilized as foundations for proposing the assessment framework as follows: 1) two-prongs of performance evaluations, includ-ing formative and summative evaluations prior to the promotion to higher academic rank 2) performance-based evaluation linked to students’ learning capabilities and performance 3) it is becoming a foundation principle for hu-man resources management that a competencybased approach should be applied through the process. in this study, competency-based evalua-tion of all four tracks of teacher and educational personnel are essentials to their development and maintain their proficiency of each rank. 4) to conserve the role model of ethical leader, code of conduct for certified teacher and educational personnel required to be the “role model”. 5) the emerging of asean economic community in the year 2015 is the urgent government policy for future integration in the region in all three areas of security, economic cooperation, and cultural awareness. results of the study data and information gathered from the interviews with all stakeholders involved revealed serious issues in the assessment process currently employed by the otepc, call sortor 0206.3/vor 25, and later replaced by sortor 0206.4/vor17 with the supplement of sortor 0206.4/vor5. the issues are as follows: 1) teachers are not familiar with the nature of academic research and have no experience of doing. according to most undergraduate cur-riculum in thailand in the past, students are not required to take courses in research method-ology. however, the law as specified in sorto 0206.3/vor 25 and sortor 0206.4/vor17 demand them to submit one or two research work for the assessment. their research work applied mainly quantitative approach using simple statistics that they have no knowledge of or skills in the design. some would focus more on doing research work that would fulfill the requirements of the promotional assessment rather than improving teaching methods that help increase students’ learning. as a result, teachers may be promoted to higher academic rank, but the students do not benefit from their promotions. the unfit between the teachers’ promotion and students’ learning are appar-ently clear. worse of all, the students need to go tutorial schools to prepare for their future university entrance exams. not to mention, there have been evident of plagiarism of re-search work submitted. 2) from the interview with those who had experiences in the assessment process from all four career tracks, certain issue also comes from the assessors themselves. in this particular case, both assessors and the applicants do not see eyes to eyes. most assessors are those in high academic rank from well-known universities, who are very keen and experience in doing research, espe-cially quantitative research. what the assessors look for in the research work is not compre-hended by the applicants who have not been exposed to academic research. in various occa-sions, the work has to be redone and resubmit-ted by the applicants. 3) the issue of “plagiarism” is apparently wide-spread. a typical structure of research work requires researcher to review an extensive literature of the issue under study in order to develop a theoretical framework for the analy-sis. as mentioned earlier, the applicants are not familiar with this research procedure, they unintentionally “copy” the work of other re-search with minor changes in samples or case studies, from one school to another or from one area to another, etc. the problem is becoming more serious since they have no knowledge of committing a crime in doing their research. 4) lastly, the problem is found in the law and regulations concerning the standard or mini-mum requirements/conditions required to maintain the promoted academic rank. figure 1: 360 degree assessment framework recommendations based on the information gathered from the document, in-depth interviews with all stakehold-ers and executives, focus group, site visits and pubic hearing, a 360 degree assessment framework is proposed for the evaluation of all teachers and educational personnel (figure 1). 1) self: the first degree of performance evaluation is from the applicants themselves to show which aspects of teaching or administrative work they have been developed and how. 2) students: this is a 180 degree assessment from the students. the second agent to provide feedback on teacher’s performance is the students who would directly benefits from the development of their teachers. the assessments can be implemented at the end of each semester or during the midterm exam to provide feed-back to teachers on teaching style and methods of delivering lessons. teachers would then have chances to adjust their lesson plans that would respond to students’ needs in different circum-stances. 3) colleagues: a 90 degree assessment is from their colleagues who would reflect on the impact of their friends’ development on others in the sense that while the applicants are focusing on pursuing their own advancements, burden of workload would not be placed on their friends and colleagues. besides being able to improve their teaching skills and knowledge, teachers must be able to work with others as a team by transferring and sharing knowledge to their colleagues and learning to be coach or role model to others. 4) supervisors: supervisors is the most common agent to evaluate their own people to see to it whether they are responsible for the job at hand and progressing to the right directions. 5) community, parents, and teacher associations: these are the outer groups of people who would make certain that the knowledge, skills, and experiences acquired by the applicants would directly or indirectly influence or trigger to the community and society at large. 2) assessment tools a number of tools or mechanisms that can be utilized by all parties involved in the evaluation process are as follows: a) students’ performance: the first evident is coming from the work of students such as their report card, scores, projects done in class either individual or group, etc. b) diary: most teachers would have daily teaching plan spelled out each semester. this evident is essential to proof the owner of their research work to guard against “academic crime” or the issue of copyright. it is considered the first source of ideas initiated by the teachers them-selves. c) teaching’s achievement: refers to any innovation produced or created by teachers, supervi-sors, and administrators in solving problems arising from their responsibilities in teaching and administrative work. d) observation: teachers may need periodical supervisions from colleagues and their supervi-sors, or even parents, to ensure and upgrade the quality of teaching to the satisfied level. e) co-planning: it is important the teachers and educational personnel at all levels are able to work as a team to share ideas, knowledge, skills, and experience learned from their own developments. this is one way to give them stage or opportunities to learn among themselves and from others. team is more quintessential than a hero/heroine to help improve students in learning and the development of schools as a whole. f) key performance indicators: a minimum standard of content learned by the students before and after session should be monitored periodically by teachers and supervisors to compare how students progress. g) research plan: all teachers and educational personnel should have research plans in ad-vance, including plans for data collections of all documents and interviews to provide proof of originality of their own research. h) video: quite often video recording is used to monitor how teachers teach in class. it is also an evident to see how students react and respond to their teachers. information is self-evident in monitoring students’ learning behavior and progress without knowing that they are being watched. also, it can be used to improve method of teaching later on. however, this tool requires special attention in practice. students and teachers may be psychologically aware of their being monitored, real behavior may not be detected or recorded. i) test: it is quite common to use students’ test results for the assessment. it is the most fundamental tools in indicating how good their teachings are. tests include national test (nt), o-net, and so on. j) oral exam: this measure is new to thai society. it may open up the opportunity to those who are not so keen in producing written research work. those in vocational career may prefer to use this measure in presenting their new discoveries or innovations. however, this is the way to explain and claim the owner of their work. that is to say it is, in a way, to prevent the problem of plagiarism. 3) results or expectations from the evaluation after all being done, what can be expected from this tedious process of assessment? the results of the assessment process are to provide benefits to various parties involved. they are as follows: a) firstly, the applicants will be promoted to higher academic rank with higher salary and pay for academic rank, not to mention self develop-ment gained in the process. b) secondly, students would also gain directly and indirectly benefits from new and improve teachers, administrator and superintendents. improvements in curriculum and methods of teaching are highly expected to come. c) thirdly, schools, friends, and colleagues would also have chances to learn, share, and disseminate new knowledge and skills from the appli-cants. d) fourthly, the field of teaching and education would enjoy new creative ways of teaching and learning from teachers to students. e) lastly, it is hoped that teachers, community, and parents will have opportunities to come to understanding at the end. 4) criteria and methods as it is illustrated in the act of 2004 (amend-ment ii, year 2008) on teachers and educational personnel has classified into four career tracks: teacher, administrator of educational institution, educational administrator, and educational supervi-sor. each track can progress to four different levels of academic standing: professional, senior profes-sional, expert, and senior expert. (table 1)2 4.1) qualifications as specified by law, those who are eligible to apply for the promotional assessments are required to have the following experiences in previous positions and academic standing (table 2). table 2: minimum qualifications for teacher and educational personnel 4.2) criteria for the promotional assessment to be promoted to higher academic standing, the applicants must pass in all three dimensions as follows: 1) disciplines, morality, ethics, and professional code of conduct (applied to all positions/all academic standings) 2) knowledge and skills 3) performance 4.2.1) disciplines, morality, ethics, and professional code of conduct (applied to all positions/all academic standings) this dimension set moral standard to all teach-ers and educational personnel. they have to be responsible to their professions and have duties to society, community, their career, and colleague. being patient, industrious, honest, and politically neutral are principal to their good characters. most important of all is to be good citizen under demo-cratic rule with the king the head of the state. in addition, they are expected to be role model in following the principle of self-sufficient economic principle. that is to that they know how to spend and save wisely and parsimoniously. exploiting their positions and authority for their own inter-ests is legally prohibited. information required in this part can be obtained from various parties involved as mentioned above: self, students, colleagues, supervisor and rewards received from doing something good to their profession, community, and society. 4.2.2) knowledge and skills from the data and information gathered from documents of other countries, interviews and site visits to hong kong and singapore, i have learned that most countries, especially hong kong, united stated of america, singapore, the model for u.s., have applied competency system in their evaluation of teachers and educational personnel. all con-tracts will be renewed if they have met agreed upon activities, knowledge and skills every year or three years depending on the contract agreements. therefore, a set of competencies for all four career tracks are as follows: teachers: mainly responsible for teaching and the development of students. five competencies areas are proposed: i. teaching and learning development: · well-round knowledge of responsible subjects · various teaching methods · correct and up-to-date teaching plan in accord with changing society · ability to deliver lessons to students in simple and easy to understand manner · do and develop innovative media for learn-ing ii. development of students/learners: · test on students’ development · students’ development plan · psychological understanding and perceptive to students · interpolate integrity and ethics as part of lesson · national test results of their specialties, e.g. o-net (ordinary national educational test)3, general aptitude test (gat), and (professional and academic aptitude test (pat)4, etc. · desired students’ qualifications iii. work development: · ability to work as a team with colleagues in planning lessons and evaluations · willing to share and exchange experiences iv. professional development, services to commu nity and society: · continuous self-study towards achieving international standards of teaching profes-sion · sharing knowledge with community · community services as part of lesson v. other developments in languages and international communication towards asean economic community and knowledge sharing: english language skills and/or other languages that are essentials to special needs in particular areas. administrator of educational institution: mainly responsible for the administration of schools or educational institution. be able to strategically lead and plan for school development and have vision in pursuing academic excellence. i. teaching administration: · teaching plan for all subjects · co-design extracurricular with responsible teachers towards students’ development · co-design student-oriented extracurricular with responsible teachers ii. school administration: · knowledge of government policy in education · continuous self-study towards achieving international standards of teaching profession · resource management ability to promote efficient learning · quality assurance of educational institution · maintain good relationship with parents and community iii. professional development, services to community and society: · personal development activities · development of current body of knowledge iv. other developments in languages and international communication towards asean economic community and knowledge sharing: english language skills and/or other languages that are essentials to special needs in particular areas. educational administrator: mainly responsible for administration of education in the educational service area in bangkok or other provinces. i. development of educational personnel: · plan activities and training courses for teachers and educational personnel in the educational service area · promote harmony among teachers and educational personnel in the educational service area · build network among teachers and educational personnel in the educational service area · create and promote professional ethics among teachers and educational personnel in the educational service area ii. school administration and development: · knowledge of government policy in education · continuous self-study towards achieving international standards of teaching profession · design student tests toward international level · resource management ability to promote efficient learning · quality assurance of educational institution iii. professional development, services to community and society: · educational institution development activities to get recognition from teaching profession, community, and society · development of current body of knowledge · being academic leader · conceptual thinking iv. other developments in languages and international communication towards asean economic community and knowledge sharing: english language skills and/or other languages that are essentials to special needs in particular areas. educational supervisor: mainly responsible for educational supervision. able to design curriculum, provide psychological counseling, design educational tests, and do research. i. teaching development: · design curriculum · educational psychology and counseling · educational assessment and tests · create/develop and teach media development and modern teaching tools ii. school development: · knowledge of government policy in education · continuous research and development · provide support in educational quality assurance to the standard iii. professional development, services to community and society: · skills in research and development of curriculum, teaching materials, textbook, and teaching tools/media · conceptual thinking · leader in technological application to teaching and learning · synthesize body of knowledge to promote good relationship between educational institution and community iv. other developments in languages and international communication towards asean economic community and knowledge sharing: english language skills and/or other languages that are essentials to special needs in particular areas. 4.2.3) performance there are two components: a) required performance and b) selective performance. a) required performance: it is required that all applicants must submit the result of students’ achievements in the past years. they include test results, national test results, results of individual student’s development, teachers’ reflection and comments on students’ development, examples of students’ work, teaching materials/tools, teacher’s portfolio, students’ teaching assessment/evaluation, teaching observation, video record of teaching, any other evident that reflect development and progress in the applicant’ work. b) selective performance in this particular performance, the applicant is able to choose one out of three options available: i. distinguished achievement award the applicant may submit the work that has won the national achievement award related to his/her teaching/administrative responsibility. the qualified work that won the award has to meet certain characteristics as follows: · reflect the owner’s creativity and special capability · the quality of awarded work complies with the standard of academic standing · the work, as a role model, can be applied by others · accepted by superiors, colleagues, community, society, and profession. · the awarded work has impact on the developments of future work, students, the administration of school education, and educational supervision. · won the national award or equivalent accredited by his/her affiliated office (at least 2 rewards for expert position and 3 rewards forsenior expert position) if the applicant chooses this option, he/she has to presents his/her award-winning work in public and oral exam is taken by the selected honorable committee. ii. academic research applicants who choose to submit this research work are required to have relevant teaching materials, prepared for all responsible subjects. they include self-developed test, sheet, exercises, articles, or any media/teaching tools to provide as supplement to academic research. the academic research needs to reflect skills, knowledge, and expertise in academic excellent of the applicants. through research, the applicants are required to show that their work/research results have been used and applied to improve their teaching methods, resulting in the enhancement and enrichment of students’ learning, schools, educational administration effectiveness, curriculum, educational assessment. regarding the academic research, two common research approaches are accepted: quantitative and qualitative. at present, only quantitative research is deployed by the applicants and highly criticized by the evaluating committee. a basic five chapter format of research report covers are typical to all positivist style of doing research. a deductive reasoning of proving the conditional statement and hypothesis is systematically and scientifically accepted to draw conclusion at the end. objective study the relationships of dependent and independent variables from the model constructed is mostly familiar to all researchers. however, as it is stated at the beginning of this research finding, thai teachers are not educated in research meth odology. as the thai curriculum for bachelor’s degree in education, undergraduate students are not required to take course in research methods. simply put, thai teachers do not have knowledge and skills in doing so. the process of doing re-search to them would be hard to understand and pursue. the easiest way to do is to use the same theories, framework of analysis, template for research findings report and statistical explanation of associations between dependent and independent factors. the only change they make is the school or sampling for the study. therefore, unintentional plagiarism is commonly found in most research submitted for the assessment. therefore, the second approach of qualitative research is emphasized in the study, which is new and uncommon to all teachers and educational personnel. quite often, it is found from the inter-view that results from scientific research do not provide them answers to the problem under the study. statistics, as in the design, do not provide meaningful explanation how students learn and they interact or behave to different methods of teachings. scientific method is also found to be unfit for the special need students in remote areas in the far south, the north, or northeastern part of thailand. the first method cannot be applied to those in vocational school, where the emphasis is on creating new ideas an innovation that can be used in practice. alternative method of doing research is the inductive reasoning, where the data for research inquiry is set in the classroom and close to the researchers themselves. data can be collected through various different ways: documents, in-depth interview, and focus group. a triangulation of data collection can be supplemented with others things such as note-taking during the observation, videotaping during teaching in session, participation of students and teachers in a number of activities in classroom, etc. a case study or ethno-graphic research on the set in different context of the subjects under study may be suitable for teachers and learners in remote areas. the life experience can be studied through phenomenology research as well. the quality of this kind of research depend heavily on the skills and experience of the researchers in observing different situations, asking questions, noticing significant conversations, dialogues, behaviors of subject involved, and events, and interpret these messages and information gathered in meaningful description of the findings. self reflection of the situations is quintessential to understanding the problem. the researchers need to maintain not to be emotionally involved with the “subject”. accurate and objective interpretation of data is immensely aware of, but it can be countered if data are collected from various sources and cross-checked by the researchers. the findings derived from qualitative research can be described in narrative or storytelling of distinguish cases studied. the action research can be easily presented and managed if teachers have teaching plans for all responsible subjects taught. observation of how students react to different methods of teaching will be recorded, adjusted, and verified to fit different groups of students in different settings. doing it this way, students would directly benefit from the study. it is highly recom-mended that thai teachers would apply this qualitative research method to their work. it is one of best ways to guard against originality of research ownership and the problem of plagiarism. iii. academic plan the third and last option is proposed in this study with regard to those in vocational school who may find quantitative and qualitative research not applicable to their work and those who may need guidance from the expert in doing research. it is recommended that they plan for their work in advance. three years of advance planning is required for senior professional standing and five years for expert and senior expert standing. a committee of three highly regarded academic standing will be appointed for each applicant to be his/her counselors or mentors guiding him/her in the research process from the very beginning until the end. as for the quality assessment of the plan and academic work, the committee will apply the following criteria in judging this particular work: · professional standing: only required performance in the first category is judged. · senior professional standing: the required performance and one item from selective work · expert standing: the required performance and at least two selective work (one research with aevaluation grade) · senior expert standing: the required perfor-mance and at least two selective work (one research with a evaluation grade) the work would be qualified if it is in accord with the following criteria: · complete and correct · the research is in coherent with respected responsibility of the owners · it shows learning development in researchers with appropriate academic standing. · correct reference and bibliography in addition to the above mentioned criteria, the work should benefit students, teachers and colleagues, teaching profession, and community. the research work would be meaningless if it does not serve or benefits to all parties involved, particularly students as the subjects of the study. lastly, an ethical issue of the research is also essential. as plagiarism is a serious academic crime, the originality or the owner of the work needs to be identified. five or ten years penalty on the eligibility to submit for the academic promotional assessment will be enforced if such crime is found and committed. a freeze on the increase of annual promotion will also be discarded. besides, the work will require showing the creativity, analytical thinking, analysis, and synthesis of the research findings. a summary of assessment criteria for performance part is in table 3. grading system for the evaluation of academic work would be a, a-, b+, and b for each academic standing as follows: table 3: summary of assessment criteria for performance dimension table 4: summary of scores for all three dimensions of academic assessment framework b equals 65 percents for professional academic standing b+equals 70 percents for senior professional academic standing aequals 75 percents for expert academic standing a equals 80 percents for senior expert academic standing a summary of all scores for each academic standing is listed in table 4. recommendations the proposed framework for the assessment is designed based on data and information derived from practices in foreign countries, law and regulations, interviews, and focus groups. the framework as it is spelled out may be complicated in the design for the adaptation of the existing assessment framework. it is, therefore, recommended that this system needs to be deployed with flexibility. in all, there are three practical alternatives for implementation. alternative i: all three dimensions are applied with special attention on academic research either quantitative or qualitative methods. applicants may choose to use a number of evident for the development of their research such as teaching plan, observation notes of students’ behavior and reaction to different teaching techniques, students’ record, etc. for the analysis of their study. both statistical analysis and other form of information are combined to describe the situation and problem in the research. in this mix method of quantitative and qualitative approaches, qualitative explanation of the situation would clearly provide insight interpretation to the statistical number derived from the survey. the benefit of this alternative is that the applicants do not have to collect data from other sources. no extra work is required in this situation. classroom is depicted as research fields where the researcher can everyday collect data from taking notes, interviewing with the students, observing their behavior, experimenting new ideas and lessons, etc. the researcher can improve skills in doing research through his/her interaction to the subject every day. learning through real life experience is a way to continue pursuing selfactualization. it is definitely the best way to claim the owner of the research work for the assessment. alternative ii: all three dimensions are applied, except for the third dimension which the applicants are given the opportunity to present his/her work to public. oral exam in this option will be conducted and open to all with integrity. the work to be presented in this situation has to pass all requirements as earlier specified. a committee compose of five distinguished members will make final decision. a score of ais needed for the expert standing and a for senior expert standing. the advantage of this alternative clearly benefits those in the vocational field where academic research is difficult to be implemented. at the same time, it is the opportunities for the applicant to show and display his/her work in public. how-ever, the disadvantage of this alternative is time and hardships spend in creating this innovative work and to win the national award prior to the submission for the assessment. alternative iii: all three dimensions are applied, except for the third dimension which the applicants need to submit the application for assessment three years in advance for the senior professional, and five years in advance for expert and senior expert. in this case, a committee will be appointed as academic readers for each applicant as soon as the application is submitted. the main responsibility of the committee is to provide guidance to the applicants. the committee would act as coach, and tutor to them from the early stage of conceptualizing the research, framing the ideas and research questions, guiding them from the beginning until the final stage of doing research. doing it this way would help the inexperienced researchers in sail through the journey successfully. given the situation where the committee as the assessor of the applicant’s work has to work in such a close relationship, it needs to be assured that the committee would do their job on judging the work objectively, refrained from bias and taking the applicant’s side. integrity on the assessor is of essential to prevent any wrong doing and unpleasant situations. though this alternative may sound good to the applicant, it needs to be recognized that this option may take long time to complete the research project. the downside of this last option is due to the long process of research preparation, the unexpected changes in the life of the committee can be foreseen in the process—transfer to new position, pass away, leave due to health reason, etc. the applicant may need to weigh the good and the bad side of this alternative before planning to take this path. in addition to the above mentioned three alternatives, it is suggested in the research report to otepc that in order to sustain the assessment system proposed in the study, further measures are needed to effectively enforce the system. the results of this assessment should fall directly to the students, schools, community, and society in achieving sustainable and continuous development. it is further recommended the following: · a periodic performance evaluation of teachers is needed to strengthen and institute professional-ism in them. · build and inject the spirit of being “teacher” within all teachers to become good role model to society. · inspire all teachers and encourage them to pursue higher education in graduate schools. · facilitate career opportunities to teachers and educational personnel to pursue. · others: awards for “go-the-extra mile or gem” or “staff excellence awards” or academic excellence conclusion in conclusion, the assessment framework pro-posed thai teachers and educational personnel is systematically studied for the first time. this comprehensive framework has been voiced from various affected stakeholders and parties. however, the system requires transparent and accountable process of implementation from the caretakers, otepc. most important of all, three equally important parties, the assessors, otepc, and the applicants must have an agreement of understanding on the criteria and type of research work demanded for each alternative. it is the task of 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(2009). teachers’ and head teachers’ performance management. (n.p.). national union of teachers. (2007). nut model performance management for schools guideline.college hill press. oecd. (2009). teacher evaluation: a conceptual framework and examples of country practices. new york: author. oecd. (2010). shanghai and hong kong: two distinct examples of education reform in china. (n.p.): oecd. overman, e. sam. and boyd, kathy j. (1994). best practice research and postbureaucratic reform. journal for public administration research and theory. 4(1): 67-83. stewart, v. (2011, march). improving teacher quality around the world: the international summit on the teaching profession on march 16-17, 2011, new york. tda. (2011). performance management and review. retrieved september 17, 2011, from http:// www.tda.gov.uk/school-leader/developing-staff/performance-managementreview.aspx?sc_lang=engb. younger, m. (2004). teacher evaluation: a puzzling process. retrieved june 30, 2011, from http:// www.independentteacher.org/vol2/2.1-4.html. footnotes 1all teacher personnel, including vocational teachers, teachers, and preschool teachers, must have at least a degree in education, teaching experience, and a certification for the teaching positions by state board of education or licensure advisory committee. 2the author would like to thank miss pratuan sriracha for her assistance in providing information on the academic standing/positions in english. my special gratitude also goes to mrs. achara sravasee, the director of research & development at the office of the teacher civil service and educational personnel commission (otepc) and miss pratuan for the overview over the detailed content of this paper. 3all high school students must take this o-net test on five fundamental subjects: thai, social studies, english, mathematics, and sciences. 4there are at least 7 sets for different professions: pat1 measuring mathematics potential, pat2 for science, pat3 for engineering, pat4 for architecture, pat5 for education, pat6 for art science, and pat7 for language potentials in japanese, french, german, spanish, chinese, and so on. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0222. 223249 a game on policy implementation among women representation in jember district during the 2014 election ria angin universitas muhammadiyah jember, indonesia email: ria.angin@unmuhjember.ac.id abstract the 30% quota policy is implemented by political parties by recruiting women as leg-islative candidatesin a certain election area and number. like a game, that effort is a political party strategy when faced with other opposing political parties. the incumbent candidate will choose non-cooperation and move to the opposing political party if the strategy of the political party is not profitable. instead, new candidates choose coopera-tively with political parties. keywords: 30% quota policy, political party, women candidates abstrak kebijakan kuota 30% diimplementasikan oleh aktor (partai politik) dan dengan merekrut perempuan sebagai caleg, menempatkan pada suatu daerah pemilihan dan nomer tertentu. ibarat suatu permainan, upaya tersebut adalah strategi partai politik ketika menghadapi strategi partai politik lain yang menjadi lawan. caleg incumbent akan memilih non kooperatif dan pindah pada partai politik lawan, bila strategi partai politik tidak memberi keuntungan. sebaliknya caleg baru memilih kooperatif dengan partai politik. kata kunci: kebijakan kuota 30%, partai politik, bakal caleg perempuan jurnal studi pemerintahan 223 received: march 11th, 2018 revised: march 13th, 2018 accepted: march 25th, 2018 for cite this article please refers to : angin, r. (2018). politics in innovation: a game on policy implementation among women representation in jember district during the 2014 election. jurnal studi pemerintah, 9(2), 223 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0222 mailto:ria.angin@unmuhjember.ac.id vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 224 introduction an agenda resulted from the conduct of cedaw convention and the platform of beijingin 1995 is to equal the position of men and women by implementing the affirmative action policy. this policy can be manifested in some ways, by determining a quota through a constitution or laws, and through political parties. the quota determined by the constitution has been realized in the form of “reserved seats” in eleven countries of latin america, france, belgium, and italy which decided 10% 40% of the total seats available. meanwhile, the quota determined by political parties is implemented in denmark, norway, and sweden. these three countries are well known for having relatively higher level of women representation than other countries (rahmatunisa, 2016: 92). indonesia has implemented the second model, which is the quota of the political party that was manifested through law of election. this is a policy implemented in three periods of elec-tion; in 2004, 2009 and 2014. the implementation of women representation policy in the district of jember, particularly, as a former part of the residency of besukiin east java, brings about a compelling phenomenon. during the implementation of election law no. 12/2003 in the election of 2004, and elec-tion law no 10/2008 in the2009 elections, some data occur that not all political parties reach the target of the policy imple-mentation. in the election of 2004, only 41% or ten (10) out of twenty-four (24) political parties reached the quota of 30%. on the other hand, during the election of 2009, the number of political parties fulfilling the 30% quota declined and fell at only 34% or about fifteen political parties out of fourth-four (44) which participated in the general election. in fact, during the election of 2014, all political parties showed their success in achieving the target of policy, as shown in table 1. table 1. the political parties fulfilling the 30% target of women representatives in the district of jember period of election the political party was success % 2004 10 dari 24 41 2009 15 dari 44 34 2014 12 dari 12 100 source: processed secondary data the party which is most interested in the result of the policy implementation is the political party, primarily because it is related with the chances for obtaining the available legislative seats during the election. therefore, when implementing the policy, any political parties positioned in the target groups made the utmost preparation. it can be observed from the data of the 2014 election, that the percentage of the achievement of the 30% quota in every participating political party exceeded 30%, as seen in table 2. jurnal studi pemerintahan 225 table 2. women representation in the 2014 election in jember district no name of political party the total of fixed representatives total capaian% female male 1. nasdem 17 33 50 34 2. pkb 16 30 49 35 3. pks 19 30 49 39 4. pdip 15 26 41 36,5 5. golkar 19 31 50 38 6. gerindra 17 33 50 34 7. demokrat 22 28 50 44 8. pan 18 31 49 37 9. ppp 18 30 48 37,5 10. hanura 18 32 50 36 11. pbb 17 32 49 34,7 12. pkpi 16 26 42 38,1 total 212 362 574 36,69 source: regional general election commission of jember, 2014. in 2014, the government put limitations on the number of registered representatives, that from 120%,only 100% of representatives applicable in the two previous elections could be registered. such regulation, implies that there is a minimum chance available for women to be registered as candidates or vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 226 representatives, resulted in the increasing number of women representatives. this very achievement could be the success of the participating political parties in implementing the policy de-spite the strongly competitive atmosphere, making the policy implementation process a battle field for all parties. the present article, therefore, presents the argument that the success in implementing the women representation policy was not a result of a cooperative game among political parties. literature review the implementation of women representation policy previous studies on the implementation of women rep resentation policy mentioned that the culture as a hindering variable (purwanti, 2015; hillman,2017). besides, other contributing factors are mentioned as well, such as institutional, organizational and structural barriers – such as masculine cultures and male – dominated political parties – limit women’s abilities to exercise their talents and qualifications (o’brien and piscopo, 2017).therefore, understanding the political land-scape in which social and political actors operate as a constantly shifting field of action both contextually and temporally is very importantin alligning particular strategies, tactics and actors to produce politically meaningful gain (cromwell, 2017). however, the political perception depends on the implementation of policies – thus substantive reprsentation is not descriptive representation – and that men and women are a very large extent appreciative of the same policies (guariso, 2017). despite all the aforementioned arguments, the policy implementation is dependent on: (1) clear and distinct regulations; (2) the role of political party as the “main gate keepers of democracy” to consistently apply the affirmative action policy,coupled with the intensive political education activities and recruitment processes which strengthen the capacity of women representatives; (3) sustainable women empowerment to reinforce their claim in accessing their rights of obtaining available seats in po litical institutions or bureaucracy; (4) the conduct of political campaign via media or woman movement networking to gain more support in the importance of women involvement in poli-tics; (5) political education for all layers of society which focuses on the attempt to eliminate any ideological and cultural values believed for women to be actively involved in public (rahma-tunisa, 2016). hereby, the women representation policy in the present context is an instrument for ensuring women’s political interests while protecting their political roles. adoption of quota system is a qualitative jump into the policy of exact goals of the representation (jabeen & awan, 2017). even if the quota policy is fully implemented, it threatens the existing rules, practices and norms of political life, long premised upon women’s exclusion (krook, 2016). the urgency of assessing the implementation of women repre-sentation policy in the perspective of game theory a study of policy implementation is a study conducted following a policy formulation. it includes studies on the implementation process which involve two or more actors or doers; making substantially focuses on the interaction between these actors (hermans, 2014; bressers, 2007). further, the analysis of the policy implementation, which involve multiple actors, would be more appropriate if game theory perspective is applied (hermans, 2014:17). meanwhile, the use of game theory perspective as a method of policy analysisinitially (classically) only focused on the study of actors’ behavior implementing a certain policy. yet, in its development in the modern era,thegame theory perspective has been used by emphasizing the rules of the game, preferences and other functions. the use of the game theory perspective could be identified as urgent for some reasons; first,there is an unsatisfactory achievement in the implementation of policy despite the actors’ expertise;second, the target of the policy imple jurnal studi pemerintahan 227 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 228 mentation is highly reachable whereas the actor is in a situation of high coflict of interest. according to the above description, the analysis of implementation of women representation policy in indonesia focus-ing in jember regency during the election of 2014 refers to this citation. hermans assert that the game theory perspective has six (6) components, namely players, action and strategies, out-comes, preferences, and payoff and rules (hermans, 2014:13). first, players are the actors implementing the policy which may include people, governments, organizations.we will also use “actors” as synonym for “players.” players in the context of game theory are large in quantity and bring their own interests. the question is, if the government becomes one of the implementing actors, would it be possible that its role can be neutral? would not the government also have an interest? hermans, therefore, did not include the government as an actor. this point of hermans seems to require a more intensive review because this finding indicates the authority in implementing the women represen-tation policy within the bureaucracy of actor or implementers and all relating networks who playa role as intermediaries when interacting with the target groups of policy. players or actors (hermans, 2014) or implementers/intermediaries and the target groups (bressers, 2000, 2001, 2007 & 2013; nakamura & smallwood, 1980:47) have different interests and strategies to reach the target. meanwhile, these players/actors tend to be treated as equal by hermans. the equal position will facilitate other parties to mediate as done by the provincial consultative bodies. the players/actors, according to hermans, are willing to play a “cooperative game because all players agree on the importance of safety as the main inter-est. they do not agree on the additional values, such as those related to recreation/tourism, nature and dune preservation” (hermans, 2014:5). with the aforementioned strategy, the achievement of outcome may be realized because the role of the provincial con sultative bodies which are capable to bridge the differences between each strategy brought by each actor until they agree on the same objective. unlike hermans, the theory proposed by bressers is quite different in a sense that the interaction between implementers and the target groups aims to “not only about achieving implementation, but also about attempts to prevent implementation or to change the character of what is implemented”. this attempt is manifested in three patterns of interaction, namely: cooperation (active, passive, or forced), op-position, and joint learning ( bressers, 2001:12). the three patterns of interactions between the implementers and the target groups in the theory of bressers are true, according to the context of the study findings. the findings, how-ever, indicate something different, which is that the interaction between the implementers and the target groups happens not to change the existing characters of the policy but simply to achieve the target of the policy. the pattern of interaction between the implementers/intermediaries and the target groups is built on the pattern of cooperative game which aims at not only achieved the policy target (30% quota) but to achieve the peace election. this finding also indicates that the target of the 30% quota of women candidates is achieve through the interaction between the target groups and the candidates of legislative members, using the strategy of negotiate-compromise and instructive-cooperative. besides outcomes, hermans also mention other components of game theory, namely preference and payoffs which are described as follows: “players have different preferences among the possible outcomes. payoffs are often used to represent the value of these outcomes to different players.” according to her-mans, these preferences and payoffs relate to the policy objec-tives to be achieved by each actor. the result of the implemen-tation process is reward (payoff), which is obtained upon the achievement of the outcomes. the last component of game theory is the rules that govern jurnal studi pemerintahan 229 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 230 the course of the game. as it appears in the description of hermans: “games are governed by rules that prescribe actions and strategies that are permitted, required or prohibited”. rules contain regulations that may and may not be allowed throughout the game. rule of the game is divided into two, the rules are formal and informal. formal rules include the constitution and the rule of law established by the government. while informal rules include codes of conduct, norms that develop in society etc. (north, 1990: 36). the existence of the applicable rules is vital because it regu-lates what to do by the actors, implementer, and the target groups while they are attempting to achieve the target of policy. in this case, hermans describes only one applicable rule, which only regulates the interaction between actors. while in this study, it is found that the regulations appear in more than one, and they stratified by the hierarchy. the implementer sends down the election law no 8/2012 to be pkpu no 7/2013 that is in-tended for the target groups. the election law no. 8/2012 and pkpu no 7/2013 are descended as a new regulation which are applicable only within the internal environment of the target groups. on the other hand, although the game theory is composed of six components, it appears that hermans’ focus is on the interaction between actors, each of which has his own strategy when implementing a policy. the policy implementation pro-cess that is likened to the game can be described in two ways, soft and hard models. hard models are based on mathematical calculations. while the soft model analyzes the interaction between actors when implementing the policy (hermans, 2014:16). tabel 3. research taxonomy on women representation policy no authors research focus unit of analysis research findings 1. purwanti (2015) the barriers of the implementhe law of general the implementation of women representation tation of women representaelection policy is hindered by the societal culture. tion policy in indonesia 2. hilman (2017) the limits of gender quotas the indonesian the policy implementation is constrained by women’s parliamnetary women representhe patriarchy culture. representation tation policy in indonesia 3. o’brien and views of members of political the perception institutional, organizational and structural piscopo (2017) parties to determine the of the board of barriers – such as masculine cultures and implementation process of political parties male – dominated political parties – limit women representation policy women’s abilities to exercise their talents and qualifications 4. cromwell (2017) the effort to understand the social understanding the political landscape in social and political context and politcal which social and political actors operate attempted by the actors understanding as a constantly shifting field of action both determine the policy impleof actor which contextually and temporally is very important. mentation implementing the in which critical junctures alligning particular policy strategies, tactics and actors can occur to produce politically meaningful gain 5. guariso (2017) perceptions of implementing the perception but the perception of political depends on the actors in determining the of actor implementation of policies – thus substantive implementation of women reprsentation not descriptive representation representation policy – and that men and women are a very large extent appreciative of the same policies 6. mudiatirahma“affirmative action and reinthe affirmative the success of the policy implementation tunnisa (2016) forcement of women political action and the is dependent on not only clear regulation, participation in indonesia” indonesian political education, women empowerment, women political public campaign through media, mobilization parties of women movement networks and political education aiming to eliminate the ideological and cultural constraints for women to be actively involved in the public 7 jabeen & awan the women representation the implementathe women representation policy in the (2017) policy as become a vital intion of women present context, is an instrument for ensuring strument implemented around representation women’s political interests with protecting the world to improve women policy in practice their political roles. adoption of quota system participation in politics in country memis is a qualitative jump into the policy of exact bers of the un goals of the representation 8. krook (2016) the women representation the gender quota if the quota policy is fully implemented, its policy implemented may threaten the reigning rules, pracices and influence the norm of political norms of political life, long premised upon life thus cause fear of the women is exclusion authorities when implemented source: secondary data from the descriptions displayed in table 3, the successful implementation of women representation policy depends on the political parties as an implementation actor, coupled with the distinct regulation, although such policy implementation may frighten the patriarchal authorities because it changes the political norms. therefore, this policy was successfully implemented in indonesia in the 2014elections. hence, it is interest-ing to analyze the game played in the implementation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 231 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 232 methods this is a qualitative study with the implementers of women representation policy in the 2014 elections, including political parties, women representatives and the regional general election commission of jember. furthermore, in determining the setting of the study, the researcher took the criteria of the number of political parties which are successful to obtain the available seats of a district as the fundamental. the underlysing assumption for this is that the political parties which have successfully won the available seats for women representatives, surely have implemented certain processes of policy implementation.thus they could achieve not only the 30% quota in every constituency but also win the election, which is the ultimate goal. therefore, it is assumed that the more political parties winning the seats, the more varied the process of the policy implementation. meanwhile, from the website of the regional general election commission of ex-member areas of besuki residency, the researcher obtained the data of political parties that have won the seats for women representatives in the 2014 election. in the district of situbondo, the website displays five (5) political par-ties that obtain the seats, namely ppp, pks, pdip, golkar, pkb and gerindra with the total obtained seats of nine (9) seats. meanwhile, in the district of bondowoso, only two (2) political parties obtained the seats, namely pdip and golkar. further, the website of the election commission of lumajang, shows that the seven parties pks, pan, gerindra, pkb, partai demokrat, nasdem and hanura – obtained a total of nine (9) seats. on the other hand, in jember, seven (7) political parties obtained 10 seats for women representatives: nasdem, pkb, pdip, demokrat, pan, and hanura. with this consideration, the researcher chose the district of jember as the research setting. although the number of political parties succeeding to obtain the seats between jember and lumajang are equal; seven (7) political parties, jember still outnumbered the obtained seats. the number of the obtained seats for women is based on the assumption aforementioned previously in this chapter, reflects the quality strategy of the political parties in implementing the policy. findings networking pattern of candidates of legislatives in addition to the formal regulations as written in the law of election no. 8/2012 and pkpu no. 7/2013, political parties still apply other requirements which are commonly determined by the central board or dpp and generally about the descriptions of the ideology, vision and mission of the party. yet, as a contestant in the election competition, each of the participating political party has the interest to win the seats in the legislative. to reach this, other requirements are applied by the political parties, including (1) popularity (voters’ familiarity to the candidate of representative); (2) electability (willing of voters to vote); (3) integrity (behavior appropriacy of candidates of representatives with the applicable societal norms and honesty); (4) campaign funding (financial ability of candidates of representatives to mobilize voters’ support); (5) experience/history/achievement/capability of performing legislative functions (legislation, budgeting, and supervisory), (6) services to the party; political ability and the successive team of candidate of representatives (organizational support and supporting teams to mobilize voters’ support (kompas, 31 january 2013, p 2). nevertheless, women as leaders of political parties may not exist. even worse, the target of 30% quota may be harder to achieve when the requirements apply. therefore, political parties also build an agreement among members of the board regarding other criteria, should the general and specific criteria are missed. several political par-ties put down such agreement until policy tools. these policy tools may be different in every political party, since they have different targets to achieve. besides, they have different procedures and variations in selecting the candidates of representa jurnal studi pemerintahan 233 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 234 tives. in other words, they employ varied strategies in deciding on the selected representatives. despite their differences, they share the main focus of the representatives in common, which is the cadre element.should the cadre is not fulfilled, the political parties will choose the candidates or representatives from noncadres or sympathizer. the percentage of how many candidates of representatives taken from cadres may also differ from one party to another. one may determine the candidates should all come from the cadres, and another determines 10% out of the total number of the candidates are from the non-cadres. the networking process of candidates of representatives in-volves the board of the party and the victory board of election (bappilu). additionally, some parties mandate the board of sya-riah/syuro. besides, it is not uncommon that every member of the board of the parties is involved in the network of the candi-dates. table 4 presents the networking pattern of candidates as decided in every political party. table 4. networking pattern of candidates of legislatives political party networking of candidates selection of candidates nasdem cadre and sympathizer members of the board pkb cadre of nu, popular and professional figure cadre and selected by the board (board of syuro) pks 90% of party cadres board of syuroand party functionaries (after internal selection) pdip candidates of representatives are from cadres and scoring and instruction of the chief non-cadres with scoring of the former are greater than the other. the decision over who will be se lected as representatives will be done by the chief golkar 95% of party cadres stratified decision, starting from the chief, general secretary and the election winning board gerindra cadres and sympathizer the board demokrat cadres and candidates of cadres brought in by the applicable formal mechanism, but actually cadres by considering the educational background performed and decided by the chief and general secretary pan networking of cadres and non-cadres determined through the board meeting in every strata of party, dpp until branch of party ppp criteria and scoring applied for cadres and final selection is performed by the nine team (no non-cadres female involved) hanura cadres and sympathizer the board pbb cadres and sympathizer the board pkpi cadres and sympathizer the board source: processed secondary data based on table 4, every political party has several specific criteria applied specifically for selecting the candidates for representatives. a candidate for representative getting the highest rank is one with adequate funding and popularity, the second rank is for one having not adequate funding but with accept-able popularity, while the third rank is for one who neither has adequate funding and popularity. commonly, political parties assign this particular task to the election winning team who will work hard to win the party. at this period, the election winning team may do the mapping of candidates of representatives. women’s wing organization in political parties meanwhile, the main source of the candidates of representatives is cadres. cadres are from wing organizations which become undertow of the political parties.below are listed names of women’s wing organizations of every political party. jurnal studi pemerintahan 235 table 5. women’s wings organization in political parties no name of political party name of party wing organization 1. nasdem garda wanita (granita) malahayati 2. pkb pergerakanperempuanpartaikebangkitanbangsa (pp-pkb) 3. pks wanitakeadilan 4. pdip bidangkesehatan, pemberdayaanperempuandananak 5. golkar kesatuanperempuanpartaigolkar (kppg) 6. gerindra perempuan indonesia raya 7. demokrat perempuandemokratrepublik indonesia (pdri) 8. pan perempuanamanatnasional (puan) 9. ppp wanitapersatuan pembangunan (wpp) 10. hanura srikandihanura 11. pbb 12. pkpi barisanperempuan pkpi source: processed secondary data. although formally almost all political parties have women’s wing organizations such as data in table 5, in fact not all of them are active. an informant who was the head of the pks women’s bureau with the initials y explained that: “women’s field activities are designed up to the lowest level. but when the elections end, these women wing is weakened and ultimately no vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 236 activities are done “(interview, july 15, 2015). this informant’s description seems to represent a general picture of the actual conditions of the women’s wing organization in all political par-ties. this means that the formation of political parties against female cadres is not done routinely (www.wydlll.org) accessed on 24/8/2017). this data is reinforced by informant i who often makes observations of the movement of political parties at the village level: “normatively every political party has a cadre program. structure of political party exists up to the village. but if we asked who are the party members in the village? political parties will be difficult to answer.” (interview, october 6, 2016). presumably, the information received from informant i rep-resents the general description of the political party. the politi-cal party does have a cadre of party members but this member does not always exist until the village level. it is even less likely that political parties should coach women cadres. even if the informant y stated that the women’s wing organization in his party (pks) performs the activity, the activity is not done routinely. meanwhile, although pkb is an organization not different from other political parties that do not have routine activity to develop cadre of woman, but as an organization founded by nu, pkb benefits from muslimat and or fatayat which routinely held activitis. therefore, pkb gets the supply of women candidates from muslimat and fatayat. an informant, initialed a, who was recruited by pkb became legislative candidate, gave an explanation: “women candidates in pkb are recruited from active cadres in muslimat and fatayat”. other implementing actors who have similarities with pkb are pan. pan women’s wing organization is pan women (puan). but as ppkb, puan also does not have routine activities. therefore, access to the candidate of pan women is from aisyyah and nasyiatul aisyiyah affiliated to muhammadiyah. pan founder is amien rais who was once chairman of muham-madiyah. that is why the muhammadiyah autonomous organi-zation is affiliated with pan and a source of major candidates for pan. while it is undeniable, the implementation actors are also electoral contestants and being an electoral contestant then a political party becomes an implementation actor. so in implementing the policy, the position of the actor is the electoral contestant. the potential for internal conflict among actors is greater. meanwhile, the incumbent obtrudes their interest to the party. if their interest is not fulfilled, they will pull themselves out of the party. therefore, candidates are very valuable assetsof the political parties. unfortunately, according to informant r, in charge of providing technical guidance in the election commission of jember regency and became a commissioner in the period 2004-2009 and 2009-2014: “the cadres of political parties are mostly in the city.this will be difficult for the political party to arrange the constituency” (interview, july 15, 2017). presumably, the scarcity of women candidates is not because there are no female cadres but because their domiciles are located in the city, thus refuse to be placed outside their domiciles. this reason is true, because they are only familiar with their environment. this situation will result in difficulties during the election because it would be harder for them to obtain more votes. therefore, as the target groups, the political parties overcome the scarcity of women candidates by approach-ing families and relatives of administrators. candidates of the family elements of political party officials are included in the category of cadres. they understand the ideology of the party directly. therefore, they are the become cadres of the board directly. from the exposure in this sub-chapter, it can be concluded jurnal studi pemerintahan 237 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 238 that the cadre of actors implementation is divided into two, namely the first circle coming from women’s wing organization or community organization (cso) affiliated with political party. the second circle comes from the family members of the board from the level of dpd / dpc to branch / the lowest branch. in addition to recruitment model conducted directly by the board, there is also a political party, namely pks involving the board as well as the participation of all members. the mechanism is regulated through internal elections. in each autonomous organization elected representatives who will follow the selection of candidates. in addition, in each branch is also held elections with the same purpose that is to select a representative who will participate in the selection at the regional level. pks is the only political party that implements internal elec-tion policy. this aspect makes the policy implementation pro-cess in pks very inclusive. this differentiates pks from other political parties whose process of fulfilling the policy implementation targets is fully determined by the board. if the 30% candidate quota has not been reached then there is no other option for political parties except to seek additional. political parties seek to meet the shortcomings of these candidates differently. some political parties hand over the shortcom-ings of these candidates to the nearest branch manager with the candidate list of candidates not yet fulfilling. therefore, although not from the cadre elements, pdip candidates will be recruited by the branch manager is a person who is known close. therefore, although not a cadre, these candidates can be categorized as pdi-p sympathizers. another way that political parties are taking is approaching women activists, non-governmental organizations (ngos), as well as other professional organizations directly conducted by party officials. but approaching women activists is not an easy task. many activists refuse to be candidates. rejected by women activists does not make the political parties despair. other efforts are made by approaching individuals who become community nodes. how ever, the treatment of the political party to certain individuals does not require an understanding of ideology, vision and mission that indicate their identity. this is intentional for political parties to get potential candidates. one of the political parties that adopted this strategy was pan. this opportunity is used by the incumbent pks initial ln and incumbent initial ls from the democratic party. they both moved from their respective parties and joined pan. pan certainly benefited from the movement of ln. the background of ln originating from muhammadiyah, has made ln not awkward to be in the muhammadiyah community that became the base of pan. the move of ln to pan is followed by ln mass. pan also accepted the move of ls who had previously become a cadre of the democratic party (surya on line, july 23, 2013). the determination of the constituency and numbers for ln and ls has satisfied both. what pan is taking is a winning strategy. a somewhat similar strategy was pursued by nationalist political parties. one of the political parties among the seven political parties with the nationalist ideology of nasdem party is recruiting women from the background of nahdlatul ulama. in 2014, it was the first time for nasdem party to become an election participant. despite being a new party, nasdem is well known to the public. the massive promotion done by the central board through the mass media made nasdem known to the public at large. this facilitates nasdem in approaching the community as evidenced by the recruitment of two prominent community nyai jw and iw. the non-cadre target is not only limited to the people who are in the network of managers but can be more broadly covering the community node that is ideologically different from the ideology of the political party. according to informants, politi-cal parties will be able to strengthen the ideology of these candi-dates by including them in the debriefing event. from this explanation it is clear that each of the political jurnal studi pemerintahan 239 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 240 party seeks the recruitment of candidates based on their respective criteria. the strong efforts made by the political parties in recruiting candidates will show that administrators of the political parties want to qualify as election participants. the attempted measure is by recruiting candidates who become the community node, although they may be from an organization that is ideologically different. even the political party facilitates the cadres of a different party to move to their party, despite their different ideology. it seems that ideological differences are not problems for the political party because candidates of dif-ferent ideological candidates will gain an understanding of the ideology of political parties during the debriefing session. furthermore, the placement of constituencies and serial numbers for candidates who have been recruited also with strategic considerations. this policy is not in accordance with the expectations of candidates. if the candidate feels that his interests are not accommodated by a political party then the candidate chooses to be uncooperative. this phenomenon occurs in ls and ln who retreat from membership of each political party because they were not satisfied with the policy of political parties. ls was originally a member of the demokrat party. butls was certainly disappointed with the party’s decision. ls did not protest frontally, because her position was weak. ls was not a board member, which according to internal rules must accept whatever party decisions. but ls was an incumbent that has mass support, so bargaining position was strong enough. ls dare to choose to resign quietly. if she was to stay in the party, ls will not get votes because the base was in the constituency 1. while the first one with the same number was already occupied by the chairman of the democratic party. therefore, moving to another party that gives hope is an alternative option. this is different from the attitude of the new candidates who were first recruited by political parties. they have relatively no mass and generally have no experience and even some of them were just a complement to the political party to reach the quota of 30%. they wanted to be placed in any constituency because they did not know or care about potential election that may exist to them. the acceptance of new candidates for all decisions of political parties is the strategy they choose because they do not have a bargaining posi-tion. there are even political parties who socialize to their candi-dates that the party is a preaching party and the selection process is not on the will of the candidates including the placement of serial numbers and elections. candidates choose a cooperative strategy against party policy. meanwhile, there are also decisions of political parties that are addressed by new legislative candidates cooperatively. an example is nyai jw who because of her personality was approached by the nasdem party. nyai jw was a local ulama who was the caretaker of miftahul ulum islamic boarding school in ledokombo, jember regency. besides nyai jw had been the head of pkb women, pkb wing organization. this fact shows the strong position of nyai jw as a community knot. but before accepting nasdem party’s proposal, nyai jw asked first to those closest to them whether they provided support:so nyai jw cooperative attitude that became a new legislative background by the guarantee of certainty will get support from the people closest. but the candidates who become party administrators, have the right to vote dapil and serial number. they deeply understand the implications of the placement of constituencies and the provision of serial numbers. therefore, they usually negoti-ate to the winning team to be placed in the electoral area and the order number as expected.. in addition to what has been done by nasdem, other political parties approach people outside the board. such target may expand. some parties even approach new comers who have no idea about politics. their ignorance causes them to follow any decision made by the party. almost all new comers represented by political parties made no denial to policies applied by the parties. jurnal studi pemerintahan 241 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 242 this may be different from the strategy employed by the candidates of representatives who have been familiar with the ins and outs of representation. the incumbent candidates can be assured to have their own mass, making their bargaining position a lot stronger. such position will make them dare to nego-tiate with the board so that they are placed in the constituency and number of their wishes. even though the request of the candidates sounds a bit demanding, the political parties generally will never mind this, because during the voting time, the political parties will take the advantage of these candidates. the strategies of the political parties and candidates of representatives are as follows: table 6. strategies of political parties and candidates of representatives status of candidates of representatives strategies of candidates of strategies of political parties representatives board negotiation compromising cadres (incumbent) negotiation compromising cadres cooperative authoritative non cadres (incumbent) negotiation compromising non cadres (node in society) negotiation compromising non cadres (new candidates of representatives) cooperative authoritative source: processed secondary data the candidates of representatives who are members of the board, incumbent cadres, incumbent non-cadres, and noncadres who are nodes of the society will tend to negotiate with the parties. their strong bargaining position will influence the decision of the party. for the incumbent non cadres, the political parties compromise their request. meanwhile, they will tend to be authoritative to the new candidates of representatives or those bound by an agreement with them. discussion the implementation process of women representation policy can be illustrated as a game with twelve players of political parties. each of the party brings its own vision and mission. on the other hand, all of them are after the same target, which are women from cadres and non-cadres. despite this common target, each applies different criteria in selecting the candidates. besides, the candidates have different interests, while some have strong bargaining position and the others have the weak one. to deal with the differences of candidates, the political parties employ three strategies. first, if the bargaining position of the political party is strong, and the bargaining position of the candidate is weak because it is new, the political party determines the placement of the constituency and the serial number. candidates will give cooperative attitude. second, if the bargaining position of the political party is strong, because of their being incumbent, the political party is powerless in regulating the candidate. if the policy of determining the serial number and the constituency is considered unprofitable to this incumbent candidate, the candidate will respond with uncooperative attitude and move to another accommodative political party. third, the political partyfacilitates its board members who are delegated as candidates to receive special rights that is to be allowed to choose their own serial numbers and constituencies. this right will make the board members of the political party have a strong bargaining position, thus they may influence the decisions of the party. the political party will grant the request of the serial number and constituency of their members who become candidates. this climate tends to open to high conflict potentials and risks of their moving to other parties. yet, since the right to choose a constituency and number has been granted, no matter what risks are coming towards the political parties, they will take them. the three aforementioned strategies have been proven to help achieve the target of 30% quota in every constituency, even the percentage of women representatives improved. this achievement indicates that the three strategies that have been established by the board members of the party are the most ap jurnal studi pemerintahan 243 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 244 propriate model for this phenomenon. such finding confirms that of guariso, saying that the implementation model is established by the board of the political party (guiarso, 2017).however, such data contradicts with that of purwanti (2015), rahmatunnisaa (2016),hilman (2017), o’brien (2017) and jabeen & awan (2017) that among the patriarchy culture, the political participation of women would find obstruction. yet, the success of the participating political parties in increasing the number of women representatives recruited becomes an indicator of the appropriate implementation of the policy inside the setting of the present study. administratively, the implementation of women representation policy in jember had involved twelve political parties from the corresponding district. based the applicable regula-tion, the board of the political parties should be domiciled in the respective district. therefore, they are expected to be famil-iar with the landscape of social and politics where the policy is to be implemented. this way, the board members of the po-litical parties need not to learn again the landscape of social and politics;instead, they have to teachpersonages of every constituency to whom the local people would respect. the data obtained in the present study show that in making a list of women candidates in every constituency, the political party would consider the social aspects owned by each of the candidate. in other words, the present study has shown the attempt to argue the findings of cromwell, stating that it is vital for an actor of policy implementation to learn the landscape of the social and politics of certain groups of society (cromwell, 2017). furthermore, it is important to understand that the final result of women representation policy implementation is women being elected as candidates. moreover, the women candidates delegated by the political parties does not directly influencethose in authority. the women candidates would be influential only if they are elected. therefore, the finding of the study would contradict that of krook, saying to that if the women representation policy is implemented optimally, it would be a threat to the authorities (krook: 2016). the implementation model employed by the political parties can be illustrated in the following: women representation policy political parties strategies negotiating-compromising cooperative-authoritative target of policy implementation the end of the policy implementation game of women representation policy is determined by the decision drawn by the political parties. if the political parties consider their candidates to bring more benefits to their interest, the negotiating strategy performed by the candidates will be granted. on the other hand, the candidates with weak bargaining position will be treated to the possible advantage of the parties, not that of the candidates. nonetheless, because these candidates have not gained adequate experience, they have no other choices but to accept without reserve. such game may contribute to the suc-cessful achievement of the target of 30% quota. conclusion the success of political parties in achieving beyond the target determined in the electionlawno. 8/2012is not an easy attempt because the political parties have not enough cadres. therefore, to achieve the target, political parties created an internal policy/selection prior to the election, which is actually the expansion of the election law no.8/2012 and pkpu jurnal studi pemerintahan 245 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 246 no.7/2013. this internal policy is also suited with the political party’s vision and missions. furthermore, based on the applicable internal policy as determined by the central board of the political parties, recruitment of the candidates of representatives is performed from cadres and non-cadres/sympathizers elements. each of the political parties has their own strategies in implementing the policy, categorized into the pattern of strategy of negotiating – compromising and cooperating – instructing. the candidates of representatives with their strong bargaining position which include incumbent, nodes in the society, members of the board of the political parties, perform the negotiating strategy by proposing the request of being placed in the constituencies and number which are thought to have the winning potential. these candidates do have the mass support, therefore the political parties will tend to perform the compromising strategy and grant their wishes. on the contrary, the new candidates and those relatively having limited experience do not have the strong bargaining position. this position allows the political parties to arrange their constituencies and numbers, and the candidates will accept the decision without reserve. additionally, some parties also socialize that the selection of constituency and numbers for the candidates is a prerogative right of the board, thus the policy will be accepted without reserve. therefore, the implementation of women representation policy in the election of 2014 could have been optimal if the policy were implemented along with its sanctions, technical guidance, and distinct verification, as well as supported by the strategy of negotiating – compromising and instructive – cooperative. even though so, the concept proposed by hermans could not be wholly explains the phenomenon under study. the policy in hermans is top down by nature. at this point, there is something in common between the phenomenon under study and the concept of hermans. the women representation policy, as described in the law of election no. 8/2012, has been extract-ed to the operational policy as written in pkpu no. 7/2013.yet, the conflicting phenomenon is still found in the findings. the findings of the present study indicate that during the process of policy implementation, no conflicts occurred among politi-cal parties, but inside the parties themselves. however, the con-flict does not fail the policy to be implemented. the candidates of representatives that have strong bargaining position are the incumbent, nodes in the society, and members of the board; they practice the negotiating strategy. the aim is to be placed in the constituencies and number with winning potentials. these incumbent candidates have their mass, making their pressure capacity to the parties stronger to compromise and fulfill their request. on the contrary, the cooperative strategy will be used by the parties to the new candidates who relatively have lim-ited experience and weak bargaining position.these candidates accept the decision made on the basis of instructive strategy re-lated to the arrangement of constituency and number for them. besides,some parties also socialize that the selection of constituency and numbers for the candidates is a prerogative right of the board, thus the policy will be accepted without reserve as well. recomendation the present study found that achieving the 30% quota is not undemanding. the difficulties in its implementation are under several considerations, such as the inexperienced political par-ties and the inadequate amount of capable cadres. therefore, what every political party should prepare beforehand is to keep forming new cadres regardless the time of election; thus they would have enough ones when the election has come. however, the forming of cadres should also be be quality-oriented, not only after the quantity. this way the process of cadre forming would include developing or training cadres to produce highly capable cadres as future representatives of the political party. be-sides, the political party should understand that the role of the jurnal studi pemerintahan 247 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 248 political party is very strategic, especially that it would become a provider of human resources as the future leaders of the nation, therefore the recruitment process of candidates has to be care-fully prepared, not merely as demanded by the administrative requirements. references angin, r., & himawan, b. 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(2014). patriarchal barriers to women’s political participation in south – east asia. jakarta: kemitraan bagi pembangunan tata pemerintahan. sampara, s., pasamai, s., & baharuddin, h. b. (2017). the essence strengthening the role of women politicians in local parliaments the realization of gender respon-sive regional regulations. imperial journal of interdisciplinary research, 3(9). widiyahseno, b. (2018). politics in innovation: power relationships in the mobilization of support in developing an innovation policy. jurnal studi pemerintah, 9(2). jurnal studi pemerintahan 249 http://imperialjournals.com/index.php/ijir/article/view/5623 http://imperialjournals.com/index.php/ijir/article/view/5623 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/article/view/4116 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/article/view/4116 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.56-82 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 56 received: desember 2nd, 2017 revised: january 13rd, 2018 accepted: february 17th, 2018 to cite this article: gunawan, b. & ratmono, b.m. (2018). threats to ideology of pancasila in the refor mation era: praxis case of regional development policy. jurnal studi pe merintahan, 9(1): 56 82. threats to the ideology of pancasila in the reform era: praxis case of regional development policy budi gunawan, sekolah tinggi intelijen negara email: bgunawan9916@gmail.com barito mulyo ratmono sekolah tinggi intelijen negara email: barito96@gmail.com abstract this study is about the ideology of pancasila in the praxis of development policy at local government (pemerintah daerah), which identifies the potential threat to the existence of pancasila ideology in the reform era. focus group discussions (fgd) were conducted in order to analyze critically how ideology operates in development policy praxis. this study identifies the symptoms of two potential threats to pancasila ideology in the ku lonprogo region. first, comes from the stronghold of global capitalism through agents that continue to expand the market, which systematically and strategically proceeds with the policies of the regional government. both come from the stronghold of the global religious movement that carries the ideology of islamic universalism against diversity, thus threatening the ideology of pancasila, especiallythe precepts of indonesian unity. in the meantime, to face the threat of religious radicalism, intelligence strategies can use multiple options. starting from the conventional approach of exploiting internal con flicts within the radical organization, cultural strategy by facilitating the occurrence of strategic alliances between traditionalcultural-cultural forces with the power of locality culture face the attacks of radical islamic political movements based on anti-pancasila. keywords: the ideology of pancasila, public policy, capitalism, radicalism’s movement abstrak studi ini mengambil topik ideologi pancasila dalam praksis kebijakan pembangunan pada pemerintah daerah (pemda), sekaligus mengidentifikasi potensi ancaman terhadap eksistensi ideologi pancasila dalam era reformasi. melalui pilihan metode penelitian studi lapangan yang dikombinasikan focus group discussion (fgd), ingin mengetahui dan menganalisis secara kritis bagaimana beroperasinya ideologi besar dalam praksis ke bijakan pembangunan. studi ini mengidentifikasi adanya gejala duaancaman potensial terhadap ideologi pancasila di wilayah kulonprogo. pertama datang dari kubu kapital isme global yang melalui agen-agen yang terus melakukan ekspansi pasar, berlangsung secara sistematis dengan strategis berkelindan dengan kebijakan pemda. kedua datang dari kubu gerakan agama global yang mengusung ideologi universalisme islam anti ke beragaman, sehingga mengancam ideologi pancasila, khususnya sila persatuan indo nesia. sementara itu untuk menghadapi ancaman dari gerakan radikalisme agama, strategi intelijen bisa menggunakan beberapa pilihan. mulai dari strategi konvension http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.56-82 mailto:bgunawan9916@gmail.com mailto:barito96@gmail.com mailto:barito96@gmail.com al mengeksploitir konflik internal dalam organisasi radikal tersebut, strategi kultural dengan memfasilitasi terjadinya aliansi strategis antara kekuatan islam kulturaltradi sional dengan kekuatan lokalitas kejawaan menghadapi serangan gerakan islam politik berbasis radikalisme yang anti pancasila. kata-kata kunci: ideologi pancasila, kebijakan publik, kapitalisme, gerakan radikal introduction in the post-new order government, indonesia then entered a new round that is often agreed as an era of reform. the politi cal constellation also changed from the system of authoritarian government to a democratic government. indonesia also became one of the countries categorized as a vast country that embraces democratic government system. however, in this era of democ ratization, pancasila became unpopular and even tended to be forgotten. so many people judge this nation as experiencing a crisis of identity or identity. the legitimacy could be a spontaneous reaction to the pseudo-ideologyof pancasila run by the new order regime (ab duhzen, 2013). according to azra (2010: 10), politicallythere are at least three factors that marginalize pancasila. first, during the new order era, pancasila was polluted by soeharto who made a single interpretation of pancasila and used it for the means of maintaining power. second, political liberalization during the era of president bj habibie’s administration by abolishing sin gle-principle obligations to enable the adoption of other ideolo gies, especially those based on religion. third, decentralization politics and regional autonomy led to the emergence of local nationalism overlapping with religious sentiment thus marginal izing pancasila. after the reform era, for more than 17 years, how does the position of pancasila ideology in the development process? to achieve the goal of development requires the logic of thinking positivistic. the main character in the logic of positivistic think ing is to assume the change of society runs linearly and continu ously without shock, to efficiently achieve the goal. such phi losophy of thinking has become a pattern in the development jurnal studi pemerintahan 57 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 58 process in the era of regional autonomy post the new order, which is then institutionalized in the vision-mission thinking scheme. vision is the ideal condition imagined, and mission is what is done to realize the ideal conditions envisioned. such conceptual systems have been the pattern for various develop ment activities in all sectors. the critical question is, whether the vision-mission of local government so far has the central reference and ideological? the vision of the central government always refers to the ideology of pancasila and the ideals of national development, which is to promote the common welfare, to educate the life of the nation, and to implement the world order based on independence, eter nal peace and social justice. ideally, the vision-mission of the re gional government should refer to the vision and mission of the central government, so that there is an accumulation of energy as the ability to do business toward the ideals of the national development. one of the primary references of the vision and mission of the local government in the era of the jokowi-jk govern ment is nawacita, a political document in which many values of pancasila democracy, such as the desire to protect the inter ests of the people from the exploitation of the capitalists. if the values of pancasila democracy in the local government planning document do not exist, then it implies the development policy formula that is not pro-people and tends to favor the interests of capital owners whohave the potential to exploit the people. in fact, much development in the region is controlled by the inter ests of global capitalists, thus threatening the ideology of panca sila, especially the value of social justice. however, there are also local governments whose development orientation favor the in terests of the small people by applying the concept of populist development based on pancasila ideology. one of them is kulonprogo regency government which in the last seven years implements affirmative policy referring to pancasila ideology. as an illustration of the attack of global capi tal forces in the form of rampant modern market indomart and alfamart responded creatively with pro-people policies embod ied in the people’s store (tomira). in response to the dominant attack on the global bottled water market, it reacted creatively by producing “airku” by the regional company. on the other hand, there are also facts that religious sec tarian fundamentalism movements are increasingly prevalent in variousregionsincludingkulonprogo regency. this point poses a severe threat to pancasila ideology, especially the value of in donesian unity. the movement claims that pancasila failed to realize indonesia prosperous and social justice, so it needs to be replaced with islamic ideology. the discourse of making indo nesia as an islamic state has reinforced this momentum. variouscreative and populist responses kulonprogo district government in the dynamics of its development policy, inter esting to observe as a study, amidst the symptom of religious fundamentalist movement nuanced religious sectarian tenden cies in it. this is discussed in the next section, namely whether the creative and populist response is appropriate between reality and hope. then will be discussed in this study related to how the dynamics of the fundamentalist movement of sectarian re ligious nuances to penetrate kulonprogo region in the midst of determination kulonprogo district government realizes panca sila democracy. literature and theoretical framework pancasila is the basis of the state especially for indonesian. it means that everything related to the constitutional activity in the republic of indonesia must be based on pancasila. all regu lations that applied in indonesia must be based on the values of pancasila or it can be said that pancasila is the source of all sources in the law of indonesia. therefore, all actions of power or power in society must be based on the rule of law and also the law that is applicable as a norm in the state. pancasila is listed on the highest provisions of the preamble 1945 constitu jurnal studi pemerintahan 59 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 60 tion (uud 1945), which includes the atmosphere of the 1945 constitution (uud 1945) as well as other positive laws. panca sila is the basis of the indonesian state principles which are the following (kaelan, 2013): a. pancasila as the basis of the state is the source of all legal sources (legal discipline) of indonesia. b. pancasila is the spiritual principle of indonesian law in the preamble of the 1945 constitution (uud 1945). c. realizing the ideals of law for the basic law of the state, both written and unwritten basic law. d. the norms contained in pancasila are requires the govern ment and other state organizers to uphold the moral ideals of the lofty people. e. pancasila is a source of enthusiasm for the 1945 constitu tion (uud 1945) of the state, including government execu tives with party organizers and functional groups. the decree of pancasila as the source of all the sources of law is described in law no. 10 the year 2004 on the establishme/ nt of legislation (uu no 10 tahun 2004 tentang pembentuk an perundang-undangan, pasal 2), especially in article 2 which states that, the pancasila is the source of all legal sources or legal order for legal living in indonesia, accordance with the preamble of the 1945 constitution (uud 1945) which puts pancasila as the basis and ideology of the state and the basic philosophy of the indonesian nation. therefore, any substance of the con tents of the legislation can’t deviate with the values of pancasila based on its open nature. pancasila always anticipates the development of people’s aspirations as a supporter of ideology and adapted to the de velopment of the era. ideology pancasila always serves as one way to achieve the goals of the nation. in the fourthparagraph of the preamble of the 1945 constitution (uud 1945), indo nesia’s objectives are specifically mentioned as, first, to protect the entire indonesia’s nation and the entire indonesian blood sphere. second, promote public welfare as well as the (third) the intellectual activity of the nation. fourth, participate in the implementation of a world order based on independence, eter nal peace, and social justice. abdurrahman wahid some of the historical people in indo nesia give the statement about political ideology in indonesia: “pancasila is a set of principles and it will live forever. it is the idea of the state that we should have, that we strive for. from pancasila, i’ll defend with my own life. regardless of its being castrated by the armed forces or its being manipu lated by the muslims, misused by both.” most importantly, abdurrahman wahid deserves particu lar attention because his ideas have a majority influence on the recent political debate. when he is to be general chairman, he is talking about islam, politics, democracy, and their relationship to pancasila that have a central fundamental role in contempo rary indonesia (darmadi, 2013). after the easing of the ideology case during soeharto’s lead ership is now present again during the command of jokowi-jk. where in this case, the role of community organizations is very influential on the policy of a region which eventually through a long journey, established the ordinance act to fortify the threats that will arise. the role of this mass organization is to balance the reactionary and pro-democratic interests that coin cide with the benefits of these mass organizations. if we look at this suharto era, csos like brigadier manguni want to main tain the focus of these agencies in improving local welfare and helping the masses who will increase their popularity and cred ibilityas a pro-community organization (berenschot et al.,2017) the issue i am exploring is the position of mass organiza tions and its relationships between individuals and the political community. these relationship, as postulated in the introduc tion (berenschot et al., 2017), is a significant pillar of citizen ship. it is constituted by ‘the conception and specific practice of jurnal studi pemerintahan 61 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 62 rights, interconnectedness and representation ...’ that ‘... relat ing to the political economy [postcolonial state] and the history of the formation of a particular state’ (see also introduction of this volume). thus, the day-to-daypractice of citizens’ rights and obligations in indonesia has a history of personal relationships that conflict with anonymity and its accountability is essential to the western ideals of statecitizen relations. following this paragraph, i discussed some examples of activities and strategies of the mass organizations to understand their functions. i will explore their position in society such as serving customers, or fight for the masses its influence in continuing or impeding the rights and obligations of citizenship, and their interests the way to violence and crime. in the formulation of pancasila according to nurcholish madjid, no longer need to be disputed. thus, in its constitu tional position as the basis of state and community life in the plurality of indonesia is also a matter that has been declared final (madjid, 2007). this national ideology of pancasila by the nation of indonesia is used as the basis of the life of the state and society in the context of indonesian pluralism. although at this time there are still many polemics that occurred in the ideology of the nation. according to wicaksono (2015), in the present era many things are mandated by pancasila but many too are violated starting from the first principle until the fifth sila, including constitutional violations in real life of indonesian so ciety. hence, the national goal of indonesia is only limited to the ideas in paper, while thepeople’s welfareis increasinglychal lenging to achieve. this is what we often encounter now, the threat to the grains of pancasila is getting closer. this act of radicalism is a threat to the life of the nation and state because it is destroyed so that it can hamper the process of achieving national goals. therefore, wicaksono (2015) provides a method that should be used in implementing pancasila values. the technique used is the transformative de-radicalization method, combining the revitalization of local wisdom values in the community with the role of the state as an actor in the so cialization of pancasila values, as well as giving legal and policy paying in supporting the realisation of national goals by panca sila. 15 years of reformation period, but the people of indonesia increasingly lose the grip of life, so many acts that are contrary to the universal values of pancasila. corruption is still rampant; law enforcement is not yet entirely underway, development is not evenly distributed, the concerns of young people are disap pearing, and so on into a fantastic spectacle (ruslan, 2017). according tjarsono (2013), the pancasila is a necessity for the survival of the nation whose territory is a heterogeneous ar chipelago. pancasila is a comfortable space for the development of diversity (heterogeneity), and bhineka tunggal ika becomes the motto of the indonesian nation. heterogeneity is the de facto, and democracy pancasila is a solution and space in devel oping heterogeneity, and bhineka tunggal ika is the slogan that encourages the development of pancasila democracy. bhinneka tunggal ika became the motto of pancasila. several previous studies have become a reference in this study, such as in table 1. jurnal studi pemerintahan 63 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 64 table 1. literature review name title/year description idjang tjarsono the democracy of pancasila and bhineka tunggal ika as the solution of heterogenitas/ 2013 pancasila as a way of implementing democracy with the diver sity of cultures, tribes and religions that exist in indonesia. donald e weatherbee indonesia: the pancasila state/ 1985 pancasila as the basis of this country is considered still in the transition period of leadership because every turn of the leader, always changing relations and political power of indonesian economy. laurens bakker militias, security and citizenship in indonesia/ 2017 pancasila’s emphasis on unity is the main ideological source of indonesia, therefore, should guide and include all laws and regulations. it should be noted that government and community organizations must also communicate with each other in both directions. purwito adi cultural values of pancasila for society as the national defense basic capital nkri / 2016 culture of the noble values of the pancasila nation, is a shared responsibility by all components of nation and state institu tions. young generation should increase national awareness and national security, because the future of the state is the responsibility. implementation of the values of progress must haveconsistency since thelevelofindividual / family,small community tothecollectivity ofthe nation. ifthe implementation of inconsistent values follow the social actors, there will be a number of distortions to the progress of the nation. nabella puspa rani reactualization of pancasila as a prevention of radicalism / 2017 one of the major challenges is the emergence of radicalism that threatens theresilienceofpancasilaideology. the actions of radicalism have an impacton division, the loss of diversity and even ashiftin thevalues ofpancasilainthe lifeof thenation. in establishing the synergy of the values of pancasila so as not to contradict the religious values and local wisdom, e.g. radicalism is prevented if the people will stick to the value of humanity. the value of humanity is a value element that must contain every movement of religious teachings and rules of religion as well as customs and culture. this is because it is the indonesian people who will carry out the order of any form and who receive the reverse effects of every action taken. dwiyana achmad hartanto the implementation value of pancasila philosophe and islam religion in countering radicalism in indonesia / 2017 the philosophical values contained in pancasila and islam in its implementation can be used to counter the growing understand ing of radicalism in indonesia. basically, these values are comprehensive enoughtostemthe growing understanding of radicalism that stretches in indonesia, because pancasila as the foundation of the state proved to be a powerful unifier of the nation, with the values contained therein derived from religion and which is reflected in the life of indonesian society. anas saidi relation of pancasila, religions and culture: reflection/ 2009 at the empirical level pancasila has failed to provide guidance onself-formulated principles. in theimplementation level, pancasila has lost the ability to formulate a “common will.” the failure of pancasila is not primarily because pancasila lacks elements that meet common needs, but rather in the absence of consistency in its application. another threat to pancasila, if it is only a collective wish list, but empty in its implementation. the end of ideology if its function as an action guide has been shifted as a function of legitimacy. based the researches, it can be deduced that the pancasila must be implemented not only by the government but with the community as well. pancasila as the foundation of these values is concerned with the order of the indonesian nation with its ethnic, cultural and religious diversity. hence, the implementa tion of pancasila is necessary for indonesia to remain in the right position without any threat of radicalism which emerged over the years. concept of ideology there are two theoretical explanations based on the concept of ideology. first, from the marxian and other libertarian per spectives. the marxian view understands doctrine as a system of rules of ideas which again try to conceal contradictions that are at the centre of the capitalist system. in most cases, they do this in one of three ways: (1) present a method of ideas, religion, phi losophy, literature, law,which makes contradictionsseemcoher ent; (2) describes those experiences that express disagreements, usually as personal problems or individual oddities; or (3) to present a capitalist contradiction as one that actually becomes a contradiction to the nature of man and what social enterprises cannot fulfill (ritzer 2004: 71). meanwhile, althusser, who is a marxist, defines ideology as a system (with its logic and principle) of representation (image, myth, idea or concept) understood as a practice that is lived and transforms the material world. there are four aspects in althuss er’s work that are at the core of his view of ideology: 1) ideology has a common function for forming subjects; 2) ideology as ex perience lived is not a fake thing; 3) ideology as a misconception about the real condition of existence is false; and 4) ideologies engage in the reproduction of social formations and their rela tions to power. in his essay entitled ideology and the ideological state apparatuses, argues that ideology praises and questions individuals as concrete subjects. ideology serves to form real in dividuals as subjects. this argument is part of althusser’s anti humanism in which the issue is seen not as an agent that creates itself, but rather as the ‘effect’ of the structure. in this case, the ideological work which manifests the subject because there is no practice in ideology. in short, ideological discourse constructs a position or place of subjects on foot when he understands the jurnal studi pemerintahan 65 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 66 world (barker, 2000: 60). althusser’s point of view can be used to see how pancasila positions as a state ideology. in the new order era until now too, there are many discourses in the debate and understanding of pancasila that follow the formulation of ideology. althusser’s formula puts pancasila as the state ideology that must determine in every action individual or group. pancasila during the new order became the determining factor in various areas of com munity life, nation, and state. the ideological project of panca sila by the state, such as through p4, is an essential example of how to understand ideology such as althusser’s view (rahman, 2014). the influence of althusser in pancasila as an ideology is apparent. thomson (1984), defines ideology as a set of action oriented ideas or thoughts organize into a regular system. an ideology contained some elements, first, the existence of an in terpretation or understanding of reality. pancasila is placed as a whole in the context of the preamble of the 1945 constitution by indicating analysis of the history of the indonesian nation in the past as well as how it should be formed in the future. second, each ideology contains a set of values or a moral prescription. pancasila is a set of values and by that benefit, the people want to be organized. ideology implicitly contains a rejection of other systems. third, ideology includes and orientation to action. ide ology is an activity guide to realize the values provided in it. understanding the reality is not only for information and explanation but for something to be done, which is a transfor mation of the world. therefore, it can be said that ideology contains an interpretation, ethics and rhetoric. ideology could also be interpreted as rhetoric because it is a statement about something to someone, so it does not stand as it is, but it has to “do” something (sastraprateja, 1991). the ideology of pancasila which has been agreed upon as the basis of the state was once so prevalent in the soekarno era and the soeharto era. unfortu nately, in both periods pancasila was never used as the primary spirit of national independence. in the era of soekarno, the program of self-reliance was not realized because there was no precise economic planning. eventually the promises of prosper ity cannot be realize even when the economy is in bad condi tion. pancasila in the soekarno era was only used efficiently as a unifying ideology of the nation but failed to become the main instrument in realizing common prosperity (rahman, 2014). in reference to soekarno’s desire to use the ideology of pancasila as a foundation to build a self-sufficient economy, the government of kulonprogo regency under the leadership of hosto wardoyo seeks to realize in various policies and deve lopment programs against the dominance of global capitalism. different popular pro-economic systems, such as tomira, airku, and bela beli are the embodiments of pro-people interest by the policy to offset the dominance of global capitalism such as indomartization and alfamartization. democratic pancasila as the concept it is almost sure that no single system of government tran scends democracy when viewed from the pursuit of social jus tice and the welfare of the people. at the very least, the political system of democracy has a small risk of abuse of power. there fore, almost in all countries who want to achieve social justice choose freedom as a political system, and indonesia is not an ex ception. conceptually, democracy itself undergoes a significant development after the struggle and theoretical debate. almostalltheorieseversincetheclassicaleraalwaysempha size the development of democracy after a struggle. in the fact, the force behind democracy is the people or demos, populous. therefore, it still emphasizes the real role of demos in the ongo ing political process. at the very least, in two main stages: first, the agenda setting, the step to choose what issues to discuss and decide: second, determining the outcome, the decision-making stage. according to dahl (1989) “the demos must have the exclu sive opportunity to decide how matters are to be placed on the agenda jurnal studi pemerintahan 67 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 68 of matters that are to be decide by means of the democratic process.” (gaffar, 1999: 6). any country that chooses a democratic system is not just a claim, but it must meet democratic criteria. thus, if a nation claims to be a democratic country, it must meet several condi tions. according to dahl there are seven indicators of a nation can be called as a democratic country, namely (1) control over governmental decisions about policy is constitutionally vested inelectedofficials;(2)electedofficialsarechosenandpeacefully removed in relatively frequent, fair and free elections in which coercion is quite limited; (3) practically all adults have the right to voice in these elec tions; (4) most adults have the right to run for public office for which candidates run in these elections; (5) citizens have an effectively enforced right to freedom of expression, peculiarly political expression, including criticism of the officials, the con duct of the government, the prevailing political, economic, and social system, and the dominant ideology; (6) they also have access to alternative sources of information that are not mo nopolized by the government or any other single group; and (7) finally they have and effectively enforced right to form and join autonomous associations, including political associations, such as political parties and interest groups, that attempt to influence the government by competing in elections and by other peaceful means (dahl, 1989:233). although democracy has not been formulated well, at least there has been a claim that justice can be expressed conceptually and get scientific study as a science. history notes that the idea of pancasila democracy was once made. amidst the different interpretations and formulations, but one thing is clear, which the understanding of pancasila democracyis more influenced by the prevailing political system of government? that is when the new order era that deliberately implements the policy of the authoritarian regime, the interpretation of democratic panca sila more departing from the construction of the state and no more than guided democracy in the previous era. therefore, when indonesia enters a democratic transition, the pancasila democracy interpretation is also more influenced by liberal democratic ideas adapted to socio-cultural conditions. here, pancasila democracy refers to the fourth precept, prioritizing consensus, but which is open or proceed from the bottom. the difference thing is, if the new order era deliberation is the elite or elite bias interest, in the era of postnew order democracy deliberation is more a civil societyinterpretation. in government, pancasila democracy is the linked to a gov ernance system that uses the principles of good governance, namely transparency, accountability, and public participation. even in the last fifteen years, good governance has become the main policy and program for the realization of a democratic system of government. one step ahead in the formulation of pancasila democracy is its elaboration on the economic field. at least the factor of the prevailing political system has little effect on the conceptualization of economic democracy, both in the new order era and in the post-new order era. its main prin ciple in formulating pancasila democracy is the middle ground of the dichotomy perspectives between western liberal thought and eastern idea. mubyarto for example, one of the founders of the panca sila economyargues that in western economic theory (classical neoclassical-keynesian) it is assumed that human nature is self ish, whereas in the method of marxian human economics is considered collective, the balance between living as a person and living as a citizen, between material life and the life of rohani. the pancasila man of the almighty, besides homo economics, as well as homo-metaphysician and homo-mystics (mangun pranoto, 1981, in mubyarto, 1991: 240). this means that in the pancasila economy man is not only seen from the aspect of the order in the economic instinct, but as a human being, the whole person is that he thinks, behaves and acts, not based on financial stimulation, but also aroused by social and moral factors. social jurnal studi pemerintahan 69 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 70 factors about other human beings and the societies in which they exist, and the moral element in human relationships as the decree of god with its creator (mubyarto 1991: 40). according to mubyarto, pancasila is the foundation of a state that can be “applied” in the economic life of the nation, state and society as follows: (1) belief in the almighty. the wheels of the economy are driven by economic, social, and moral stim uli; (2) just and civilized justice. there is a strong will of all societies to embody social equality (egalitarian), according to humanitarian principles; (3) unity of indonesia. the priority of economic policy is the robust creation of a strong national economy. its means that nationalism animates everyeconomic system; (4) citizen ship led by wisdom in the consultative / representative body. the cooperative is a pillar of the economy and is the most con crete form of joint effort; and (5) social justice for all indone sians. there is a clear and decisive balance between national level planning and decentralization in the implementation of economic policy to achieve economic justice and social justice. taking into account some conceptual formulations about the pancasila economy, if looking at the economic platform of jokowi-jkgovernment as stated in nawacita, thereis averythick slice with pancasila economy. combined with a populist leader ship style, the jokowi-jk government seeks to implement the economic principles of pancasilathat stem from the concept of democratic socialism. thick slices with the pancasila economy should also exist in the kulonprogo regency government, led by a regent known to the media as a populist leader, concerned about the “little people”, protecting the local economy from the onslaught of capitalist-oriented capitalist domination for mere profit and exploiting the people. however, field studies that have been done show different things or say have “thin slices instead of thick” with pancasila economy. discussion pro-capitalist policy in populist packaging kulonprogo district government under the leadership of regent hasto wardoyo in the last five years has issued policies and programs populist or oriented to the interests of the people. some of them are people’s store or popular with the tomira acronym, airku water bottling industry tirta binangun water supply company (pdam) tirta binangun, house surgery, and bela beli become independent economic programs against the dominance of the capitalist economy. all policies and programs are based on popular ideology derived from the values of panca sila. jurnal studi pemerintahan 71 on various occasions, the regent stated that any deve lopment policies and programs without an ideological nature would be difficult to achieve. he learned from the experiences of south korea which successfully carried out socio-economic development with the spirit of independent ideology refers to the collective consciousness. through the capital of hard work ethos, as the south koreans demonstrate, according to hasto they succeeded in building the prosperity of the people. such an ideological spirit that hasto wanted to apply in leading the kulonprogo people. hasto then did not stop at rhetoric but practiced it by issuing such populist policies and programs. the tomira program, for example, departs from the con stant concern of the modern market, not only embodies malls and supermarkets in urban areas but extends to rural areas. the expansion of retail businesses such as indomart and alfamart, which continue to expand into rural areas, is a significant threat to the people’s retail companies that have previously been strong enough in existence. as is known, that at every district in kulon progo region, there are at least two modern retailers, namely in domart and alfamart. the presence of these two modern markets continues to grow and penetrate, so it is not wrong if there has been called the phenomenon of indomartization and alfamartiza tion.. vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 72 realizing the language of the new market invasion, hasto did not take a radical policy by banning the presence of the giant retailers. instead, he responded smartlycreative, namely by building a modern market counterpart to the form and man agement that the same as indomart and alfamart, which was named tomira. the management of the administration was handed over to a special cooperative about local products, while management-related in a general sense remained in alfamart and indomart’s control. in order for tomira to bear more spirit populist ideology, hasto made a policy that the products sold in tomira should be derived from local products. here are 20 cooperative products that successfully entered tomira in kulon progo after going through very strict selection stages, in terms of product quality and packaging. table 1 tomira’s products no namely 1 ikan krispy mina rasa 2 kripik belut 3 abon cabe nyoss 4 stik buah naga 5 criping pisang rohana 6 gula kristal sari nila 7 sari nila jahe box 8 sari nila jahe kaleng 9 enting-enting jahe 10 kripik pegagan 11 peyek menoreh 12 rengginan 13 jamur tiram 14 slondok kalibawang 15 kecap benguk 16 emping garut 17 kopi moka menoreh 18 the tabur hitam 19 kopi jahe 20 kopi moka source: (sigit, 2017) different versions of tomira’s success story are common among kulonprogo’s citizens. in the midst of positive media coverage of success stories kulonprogo area development, some provide a critical assessment. pro-people-oriented policies based on the spirit of pancasila ideology feared to support the de velopment of capitalism. local products are not fully able to enter. only a few sme products can enter tomira. practically just sugar ants are presented in the space provided tomira for local products. while more products sold on tomira are from the urban manufacturing industry controlled by global capital ism. tomira as a modern market designed to fight and at least reduce the dependence of foreign products still need develop ment to reduce the dominance of global capitalism. a determination similar to tomira’s policy is apparent in the production of airku by the kulonprogo regency which is intended to counter the dominance of bottled water production of global capitalist products such as aqua-danone. since the be ginning of the creation of bottled water airku was designed with the spirit of pancasila ideology, in addition to being part of ef fortsto improve the welfare of the people, but also at the same time become a symbol of the dominant resistance of bottled water in kulonprogo. the regent is very confident to build their own bottled water plant, in addition to utilizing the potential of natural resources in kulonprogo, which was able to increase re gional economic independence. like other policies, the bupati always takes ideological principles in making decisions related to regional economic development programs. the defense mission of the small people must be in line with all policies referring to the ideologyof pancasila. moreover, if you want to reduce the dominance of capitalist economic actors are mostly foreign. if small pro-people systems are based on the ideology of pancasila, the regional economy in general, and the economy of the small people, in particular, will be lifted and further reduce the dominance of foreign products. the re gent’s intention to penetrate the market with at least 10 percent jurnal studi pemerintahan 73 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 74 of the bottled water product in kulonprogo, is not yet attained. this product is still inferior to other products that are cheaper and considered by kulonprogo residents themselves are still less quality. airku consumers are among the local government of fices, consumed when there are meetings. the reluctance of the public to consume airku because it still assumes that the quality of production is still below the standard, the stock is does not necessarily exists, and market ing management is less professional. airku is always difficult to obtain at any time and is not easy to find in kiosks or modern markets. airku is expected by citizens not only nameplate proj ect which is only useful for imaging alone. while in fact the less significant contribution to efforts to prosper the people. pro majority policy and threat of ideological movement kulonprogo, like other regions in the provinces of diy, central java, and east java, in the last fifteen years has become the arena for the emergence of a political islam movement that threatens and even disturbs the sovereignty of the state, and therefore threatens the ideology of pancasila. there are some long-term, long-term civic, religious organizations seeking to take over the role of government in the governance of state poli tics based on islam. this political islam movement takes place systematically through various channels both entering into gov ernment bureaucracy, school institutions, as well as social in stitutions of society in general. this action brings islam as the leading alternative to solve various aspects of life both political, economic, and socio-cultural. through the bureaucratic path, the movement pioneered by islamist political groups continues to penetrate into the bu reaucratic structure. one of the primary programs is quiet and systematic influence in the bureaucratic structure. in the last ten years, this movement has reaped the rewards; it is almost sure that the ranks of bureaucracy, public school institutions, and soes have become more controlled by certain forces. its mani festation begins to look like the use of more islamic terms such as milad (replacement of birthday), islah (substitute for word re ferral or reconciliation), mandate (substitute of responsibility), madani (civic alternative), and many other islamic terms. field studies show that so far, islamic regulatory products are increasingly being issued by kulonprogo district govern ment. similarly, various appeals from the top leadership to create an atmosphere of more islamic bureaucracy continue to be done regularly. also, the regency often issued intolerant regu lations not only against nonmuslims but also against fellow muslims, especially traditional muslims and abangan. the real appeal requires that wearing the hijab for asns is one of the less tolerant policies for people who prefer local clothing or wear veils as the nahdliyin traditions. moreover, among the state educational institutions, the regulation is very islamic nature is increasinglyfelt. currently, school uniforms in all public schools from elementary school to senior high are all required to wear hijab, while men from high school already have to wear trousers as a cover symbol. such a policy is legitimate and probably also good. how ever, it has great risks for the effort to build nationalism, and ul timately increasingly threatens the ideology of pancasila. such a middle eastern-style islamic cultivation of islamic values would be slow but sure, would rule out the ideology of pancasila. the further implications of traditional culture and the culture of the archipelago are increasingly unknown. even found a student who does not want to respect the flag of indonesia or do not wish to sing indonesia raya song when the flag ceremony at the school. this is an indication that they are increasingly growing into a generation that abandoned the pancasila ideology. some instances of intolerance in the district of kulonprogo also occur, although the manifestations are not vulgar, but if care fullyperceived the feel of nationalism is intensely felt, especially with regard to the construction of places of worship for non jurnal studi pemerintahan 75 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 76 muslims, and the treatment of religious fanatical groups against the abangan most of whom live in the notch mountain region. in social interaction, these abangan are shamed as a hereditary, idolatrous, and non-religious group. however, tolerance or har mony of religious people, is not possible without the involve ment of the abangan. the head of the forum of religious harmony (fkub) kulonprogo, stated that the issue of religious intolerance is still happening in kulonprogo and the intolerant case is dominated by the effect of places of worship (tribunjogja. com, 25 november 2015). however, the issue of intolerance also received the atten tion of the kulonprogo regency, in addition to forming fkub and building its office, as well as creating an inclusive policy product. in 2012, the head of population and civil registry of kulon progo regency had issued circular letter number 475/2744 / x / 2012 on population administration service for believers on the one god. circular letter addressed to all sub district heads and village chiefs in kulon progo explicitly states the following among others; first, making id cards for believers will still be served even if they do not want to include religion; secondly, the believer can always fill in the complete data of his belief flow; third, in the case of marriage, the vil lage government remains obliged to issue a marriage certificate; fourth, in the case of children’s recognition and endorsement, it is enacted just like marriage of children’s identification and validation for non-muslim religion. the fact also shows that in kulonprogo religious radicalism movements are getting stronger which potentially threatens the ideology of pancasila. outside the two mainstream religious mass organizations, the nu and muhammadiyah, in kulonpro go also spawned more puritanical and even sectarian islamic groups. their resistance to pancasila ideology is quite high. radical groups use logo centrism thinking that is charac terized by hierarchical and dichotomy to replace the ideology of pancasila. this hierarchical way of thinking is the effect of linearity positivistic thinking. according to this radical group, ideologies in the world have hierarchical levels, which in their view islam is at the top of the ideological hierarchy. therefore, for them, there is no most effective solution in this world except islam to build a society of justice and prosperity. the ideology of pancasila according to the radical group’s view is hierarchi cally under the ideology of islam, so it seems strange that the majority muslims in indonesia should be subject to ideology number two. for radical groups, it is unreasonable for muslims to be controlled by their daily life controlled by the hierarchical ideology of pancasila underneath. ideology number one cannot be subject to ideology number two, so the logic of their thinking in assessing the political system in indonesia. so if the people of indonesia first asked what their ideals always answer will be to be a useful human for the country, nation, and family; but within radical islamist circles, the response will be to be benefi cial to religion, state and family. radical groups are also accustomed to using binary oppo sition or dichotomy oppositional ways of thinking. for more details on developing a strategy of deconstructing dichotomous ways of thinking, it is necessary first to understand derrida’s thought when evaluating the logo centrism of western think ing. jurnal studi pemerintahan 77 according to derrida, the dichotomous way of thinking is a couple of concepts that appear to be the opposite of each word. for example, attendance / absence (absence), identity / differ ence, or talk / writing. the two terms that makeup one dichot omy is indeed meant to be exclusive to each other. something that if not “present” is of course “absent.” it cannot be both. derrida claims, we understand the world regarding such di chotomies. such an understanding is both significant and prob lematic (zehfuss, in edkins and william, 2010: 187). johnson (1981) points out “... the second term in every couple is considered negative, corrupt, and undesirable versions of the first term.” in the above example, the term “identity” is preferred vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 78 over the term “difference”, the term “attendance” better than “absent” or “absence.” more precisely, deconstruction confronts the dichotomy in our minds through inversion and displacement. that is, in an at tempt to criticize speech/writing for example, the hierarchy must be reversed: we must think what it means to consider that “writ ing” is better than “talking”. this reversal is necessary to change the way we understand things. we must do this consistently be cause the hierarchy of binary opposition always re-establish itself (derrida, 1981: 42). however, overturning the authority of the binary opposition is not enough. it does not change everything, because we still think in more or less the same way, just in the opposite direction (zehfuss, in edkins and william, 2010: 188). according to derrida if it only stops at the reversal stage, de construction attempts will fail, even reproducing dichotomous thinking, for criticizing just at the inversion stage remains in the original system of thought to be deconstructed. in many cases in indonesia, the claims of deconstruction are only at this stage of reversal, so they do not realize that all of their efforts are part of the reproduction of the old ways of thinking, thus becoming part of the copy of oppressive social structures. therefore, der rida suggests a second step that must be taken pertaining to the previous system of thought. derrida mentions this second level asdisplacement. in derrida’s example, “speaking” versus “writ ing,” he argues that “speaking” is a form of writing in general, a system for recording and thus producing meaning. therefore, we cannot reason something if we try to distinguish between “talking” and “writing”. so, this deconstruction strategy if applied to deconstruct radical groups that spread intolerance, then the first step should be to identify their dichotomy thinking, which is we and others. we are a representation of the team that is considered to be pre ferred over others or groups outside of themselves. the next step is to do an inversion, which is doing the reversal, which others who carry tolerance better than we or their group of antitol erance. however, to stop at this step alone, or on this reversal alone is not enough as an act of deconstruction. then need the next level, namely the displacement effort that leaves the old way of thinking. here both the exclusive radical groups and the re versal groups together abandon the hierarchical and dichotomy thinking and the principle of binary opposition. so, interpret ing the relationship between religion and state or more specifi cally between islam and pancasila is not hierarchical in which islam is superior to pancasila, and vice versa. nor does it see the relationship between islam and pancasila in a deterministic way, but rather a continuum, affecting each other. similarly, in everyday social interaction, for example seeing people wearing headscarves is good, but who do not wear well, and so on. conclusion when the district government of kulonprogo is committed to declaring a pro people policy through policies on tomira and airku, it is feared that it is still substantially pro capital ist policy. the competence of government in professional busi ness unit management still needs to be improved. this situation has implications for the potential threat of capitalist ideology that could threaten pancasila ideology, especially in relation to the principle of social justice for all indonesians. through the strategy of control and spatial production as made by in domart and alfamart, the practice of marginalization of populist production units such as smes in kulonprogo is still ongoing intensively. claims of district government to fight against the dominance of global capitalism through a series of pro people policy is still not as expected which can be a potential threat to the ideology of pancasila to realize social justice for all indone sian people. in the kulonprogo region, the existence of radical ism movements is getting stronger and continues to extend the influence intensively. citizens of kulonprogo district govern ment consider some policies to favor the majority of religions, although some policies are inclusive. through logocentric and jurnal studi pemerintahan 79 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 80 positivistic thinking strategies, religious radicalism continues to spread its influence by developing hierarchical and binary or di chotomous ways of thinking. movements that exist in long term political contestation can threaten pancasila as a state ideology. at the same time in society, there are traditional islamists and abangan who appear as locality forces, i.e. as active subjects who continue to negotiate and resist the narrative of production of radical religious movements. despite the lack of attention from the district government, the group often opposes radical religious actions that are perceived to threaten the strength of local cultures. through cultural resis tance, the power of this locality continues to negotiate and even openly resistant to radical activities who are considered to be anti pancasila. in the context of national security from the point of intel ligence analysis, several strategies can be selected to deal with the expansion and octopus of capitalism that could potentially threaten pancasila ideology, especially with the fifth precept, social justice for all indonesians, taking a lesson from the ku lonprogo district case trying to fight against the capitalism, it may be necessary to pursue a strategy for strengthening panca sila values for all regional leaders. some paradigmatic options for mainstreaming pancasila values for policy in local develop ment can be with a choice of positivistic, constructivist and criti cal paradigms. in the meantime, to face the threat of religious radicalism, in telligence strategies can use multiple options. starting from the conventional procedure of exploiting internal conflicts within the radical organization, social policy by facilitating the occur rence of strategic alliances between traditional-cultural forces with the strength of local culture against the attack of radical islam-based political movements that anti-pancasila. disclosed in different sentences, the intelligence strategy continues to fa cilitate strategic alliances between the citizens of nahdliyin and the abangans who have so far demonstrated the strength of the cultural coalition. hence, this policy aims to influence the way of thinking of the indonesian society towards a more effective effort in changing the mindset of islamic radical groups. references abduhzen, m. (2013). urgensi kurikulum 2013. jakarta: kompas ed, 21. adi, p. (2016). pembudayaan nilai-nilai pancasila bagi. jurnal moral kemasyara katan. azra, a, (2010). revitalisasi pancasila, dalam st. sularto,”merajut nusantara merajut pancasila,” jakarta: penerbit kompas. bakker, l. (2017). militias, security and citizenship in indonesia. citizenship and democ ratization in southeast asia . barker, chris, 2000, cultural studies: theory and practice, london: sage publications. berenschot, w., schulte nordholt, h. & bakker, l. (2017) citizenship and democratiza tion in postcolonial southeast asia. in: w. berenschot, h. schulte nordholt, & l. bakker (eds.) citizenship and democratization in southeast asia (pp. 1–32). leiden: brill publishers. dahl, r. a. (1989). democracy and its critics. yale university press. darmadi, h. (2013). urgensi pendidikan pancasila dan kewarganegaraan di perguruan tinggi. bandung: alfabeta. derrida, j. 1981. dissemination. terjemahan barbara johnson, london: the athlone press. edkins, jenny-nivk vaughan williams (ed.) critical theories and international relations. abingdon: routledge. gaffar, a. (1999). politik indonesia: transisi menuju demokrasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. hartanto, d. a. (2017). implementasi nilai filosofis pancasila dan agama islam dalam menangkal paham radikalisme di indonesia. fikri. johnson, barbara. 1981. “translator’s introduction”, dalam jacques derrida. dessimina tion, terjemahan barbara johnson. chicago: universitas of chicago press. kaelan. (2013). negara kebangsaan pancasila. yogyakarta: paradigma. madjid, n. (2007). islam di indonesia dan potensinya sebagai sumber substansiasi ideo logi dan etos nasional. dalam nurcholish madjid, dkk., islam universal, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. mubyarto, 1991. ideologi pancasila dalam kehidupan ekonomi. dalam pancasila sebagai ideologi, disunting oetojo oesman dan alfian. jakarta: bp-7 pusat. rani, n. p. (2017). reaktualisasi pancasila sebagai upaya pencegahan radikalisme. fikri, 345-378. ritzer, george dan douglas j. goodman, 2007, teori sosiolog: dari teori klasik sampai teori sosial postmodern, yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. ruslan, i. (2017). membangun harmoni kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara jurnal studi pemerintahan 81 http://ejournal.unikama.ac.id/index.php/jmk/article/download/1185/928 http://ejournal.unikama.ac.id/index.php/jmk/article/download/1185/928 https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&amp;lr&amp;id=nvu6dqaaqbaj&amp;oi=fnd&amp;pg=pa125&amp;dq=bakker%2c%2bl.%2b(2017).%2bmilitias%2c%2bsecurity%2band%2bcitizenship%2bin%2bindonesia.%2bcitizenship%2band%2bdemoc-%2bratization%2bin%2bsoutheast%2basia%2b.&amp;ots=0q-k12ypwh&amp;sig=wzb75roaveaedb9ehsaduarkwp8&amp;redir_esc=y%23v%3donepage&amp;q=bakker%2c%20l.%20(2017).%20militias%2c%20security%20and%20citizenship%20in%20indonesia.%20citizenship%20and%20democ-%20ratization%20in%20southeast%20asia%20.&amp;f=false https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&amp;lr&amp;id=nvu6dqaaqbaj&amp;oi=fnd&amp;pg=pa125&amp;dq=bakker%2c%2bl.%2b(2017).%2bmilitias%2c%2bsecurity%2band%2bcitizenship%2bin%2bindonesia.%2bcitizenship%2band%2bdemoc-%2bratization%2bin%2bsoutheast%2basia%2b.&amp;ots=0q-k12ypwh&amp;sig=wzb75roaveaedb9ehsaduarkwp8&amp;redir_esc=y%23v%3donepage&amp;q=bakker%2c%20l.%20(2017).%20militias%2c%20security%20and%20citizenship%20in%20indonesia.%20citizenship%20and%20democ-%20ratization%20in%20southeast%20asia%20.&amp;f=false https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&amp;lr&amp;id=p_by_lmd8vkc&amp;oi=fnd&amp;pg=pr3&amp;dq=barker%2c%2bchris%2c%2b2000%2c%2bcultural%2bstudies%3a%2btheory%2band%2bpractice%2c%2blondon%3a%2bsage%2bpublications.&amp;ots=6v2jxh2-8x&amp;sig=qibmug8-bbatuppoqejgycpmdig&amp;redir_esc=y%23v%3donepage&amp;q=barker%2c%20chris%2c%202000%2c%20cultural%20studies%3a%20theory%20and%20practice%2c%20london%3a%20sage%20publications.&amp;f=false http://journal.iaimnumetrolampung.ac.id/index.php/jf/article/view/157 http://journal.iaimnumetrolampung.ac.id/index.php/jf/article/view/174 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 82 dengan nilai islam dalam pancasila. jurnal tapis, 9(2), 1-16. saidi, a. (2009). relasi pancasila, agama dan kebudayaan: sebuah reflek si. jurnal masyarakat dan budaya, 11(1), 25-50. sigit, a. (2017, juni). 2018, toko berjejaring di kulonprogo semua sudah tomira. retrieved from krjogja.com: http://krjogja.com/web/news/read/35409/2018_toko_ber-jejaring_di_kulonprog o_semua_sudah_tomira tjarsono, i. (2013). demokrasi pancasila dan bhineka tunggalika solusi heterogenitas. transnasional, 4(2), 876-888. weatherbee, d. e. (1985). indonesia: pancasila state. yusof ishak institute, 133-151. wicaksono, r. (2015). implementasi nilai-nilai pancasila di era reformasi dalam mence gah berkembangnya tindak radikalisme. polinter, 1(2). zehfuss, maja. 2009. jacques derrida. dalam jenny edkins-nivk vaughan williams (ed.) critical theories and international relations. abingdon: routledge. http://jmb.lipi.go.id/index.php/jmb/article/viewfile/233/213 http://krjogja.com/web/news/read/35409/2018_toko_berhttp://krjogja.com/web/news/read/35409/2018_toko_berhttps://ejournal.unri.ac.id/index.php/jts/article/view/1211 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   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administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy 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+6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 203 konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 mahrudin sekolah tinggi agama islam negeri sultan qaimuddin kendari. email: udinmahru@yahoo.co.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the aims of this research are to analysis and describe problems that become a conflict, the actor, and source of conflict at nickel mining in talaga raya buton municipal. the methods of this research use description qualitative approach. data collect instrument use observation, interview and documentation. research’s result shows that conflict can be happened if there are no communication between mining corporation, societies, and government security person in the term of no payback of land, plant which damage because of nickel mining.beside, in policy formulation without involve societies. so that, it will become a conflict between corporation, societis and government security. this research recommended for government to make rule, which involve societies in formulation, so the interest of all elements will involve and they will implement together. keywords: conflict, policy, nickel mining abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan masalah-masalah yang menjadi konflik, para aktor yang terlibat, dan sumber-sumber konflik dalam penambangan nikel di kecamatan talaga raya kabupaten buton. metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan penelitian deskriptif. cara pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. hasil penelitian menunjukkan konflik terjadi karena kemandegan komunikasi antara perusahaan, masyarakat dan aparat pemerintah, dalam hal ganti rugi tanah, dan tanaman yang 204 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ disebabkan oleh penambangan, dan secara politis tidak melibatkan masyarakat dalam proses perumusan kebijakan. akibatnya terjadi konflik antara masyarakat dengan perusahaan, dan masyarakat dengan pemerintah. direkomendasikan kepada aparat pemerintah, baik kabupaten maupun propinsi, untuk mengeluarkan dan memberlakukan suatu atauran bersama, tetapi penyusunannya haruslah dilakukan bersama-sama dengan masyarakat lokal dan perusahaan, sehingga semua pihak akan merasa terwadahi aspirasinya dan memiliki komitmen yang sama dalam menjalankannya. kata kunci: konflik, kebijakan, penambangan nikel pendahuluan terbitnya undang-undang republik indonesia no. 22/1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah yang diganti dengan undang-undang no. 32/2004 di satu sisi adalah jawaban atas tuntutan dan desakan desentralisasi pemerintahan dari pusat ke daerah. dengan adanya undang-undang baru ini, daerah mempunyai keleluasan untuk mengatur dan mengelola wilayahnya. apabila di simak pada butir-butir uraian pada bab penjelasan, akan nampak bahwa undang-undang baru ini berusaha mengakomodir tuntutan demokrasi dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. pada butir b dinyatakan bahwa: “penyelenggaraan otonomi daerah juga dilaksanakan dengan prinsipprinsip demokrasi, peran serta masyarakat, pemerataan dan keadilan, serta memperhatikan potensi dan keanekaragaman daerah,”. penyataan diatas memberikan pemahaman bahwa masyarakat, baik secara individu maupun melalui representasi institusional yang ada didalamnya, sejak diberlakukannya undang-undang tersebut akan memiliki ruang untuk berperan dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di daerah. otonomi daerah dilakukan karena tidak ada satu pemerintahan yang mampu secara efektif dalam merencanakan dan mengimplementasikan kebijakan publik dalam cakupan wilayah yang luas. dengan adanya otonomi daerah diharapkan beban pemerintah pusat dapat berkurang. otonomi daerah diharapkan akan mempercepat dan mendekatkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. dwiyanto (2003;19) mengatakan bahwa salah satu rasionalitas yang penting dari pelaksanaan otonomi daerah adalah untuk memperbaiki kinerja pemerintah kabupaten dan kota. dengan adanya otonomi, kabupaten dan kota memiliki kewenangan untuk merumuskan kebijakan dan program pembangunan sesuai dengan aspirasi dan kebutuhan daerah. pemerintah kabupaten dan kota konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 205 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diharapkan dapat menjadi lebih responsif dalam menanggapi berbagai masalah yang berkembang didaerahnya sehingga program-program pembangunan menjadi lebih efektif dalam menyelesaikan berbagai masalah yang ada di daerah. apalagi otonomi daerah juga memberikan kewenangan kepada daerah untuk mengalokasikan anggaran sesuai dengan prioritas dan kebutuhan daerah. dengan kondisi seperti ini, program dan kebijakan pemerintah kabupaten dan kota akan lebih mampu menjawab kebutuhan masyarakat. dukungan masyarakat terhadap program dan kebijakan pemerintah menjadi semakin tinggi yang pada gilirannya keberhasilan dan kinerja pemerintah daerah akan menjadi semakin baik pula. untuk meningkatkan tanggungjawab pemerintah daerah dalam hal kepelayanan kepada masyarakat, maka pemerintah daerah kabupaten buton pada 2008 gencar melaksanakan promosi dalam upaya menggerakkan ekonomi daerah melalui upaya penarikan investasi yang berasal dari luar daerah (domestik dan internasional) dan ekonomi lokal melalui pengelolaan sda dengan dikeluarkannya kebijakan tentang izin pertambangan di pulau kabaena. akan tetapi, dalam perjalanannya kebijakan izin pertambangan di kabupaten buton ini menuai protes masyarakat kecamatan talaga raya yang secara langsung merasakan dampak dari pertambagan ini. protes warga ini terjadi, karena dalam pengambilan kebijakan tentang penambangan, pemerintah melakukannya secara sepihak tanpa melibatkan masyarakat. padahal dalam uu 11/1967 tentang ketentuan pokok pertambangan pada pasal 26 dinyatakan bahwa : “a). sebelum pekerjaan dimulai, dengan diperlihatkannya surat kuasa pertambangan atau salinannya yang sah, diberitahukan tentang maksud dan tempat pekerjaan-pekerjaan itu akan dilakukan; b). diberi ganti kerugian atau jaminan ganti kerugian itu terlebih dahulu”. selain itu tidak terjadi kesepakatan antara pihak pemerintah dengan masyarakat tentang ganti rugi tanah masyarakat yang mempunyai lahan. dimana, pihak pemerintah tidak membayarkan sesuai kesepakatan, yaitu; rp 5.000/meternya, tetapi malah pemerintah mau menggantinya dengan harga rp 1.000/meternya. lebih anehnya lagi, harga lahan yang seharusnya dibayarkan kepada orang yang punya lahan malah dialihkan konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 206 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam bentuk pemberian beras bagi miskin (raskin), sehingga hal ini menuai protes besar-besaran masyarakat dimana sepengetahuan warga bahwa pemberian beras raskin itu merupakan program yang langsung dari pemerintah pusat. hal ini membuat masyarakat kecamatan talaga raya, pada 5 mei melakukan demonstrasi besar-besar di tempat penambangan dengan menduduki lokasi pertambangan yang menyebabkan kerugian besar pada pihak pertambangan, karena selama beberapa hari tidak bisa beroperasi. protes warga ini sebenarnya cukup beralasan karena dalam pasal lain, undang-undang no. 11/1967 tentang ketentuan pokok pertambangan pada pasal 25 dinyatakan bahwa: “(1) pemegang kuasa pertambangan diwajibkan mengganti kerugian akibat dari usahanya pada segala sesuatu yang berada di atas tanah kepada yang berhak atas tanah di dalam lingkungan daerah kuasa pertambangan maupun di luarnya, dengan tidak memandang apakah perbuatan itu dilakukan dengan atau tidak dengan sengaja, maupun yang dapat atau tidak dapat diketahui terlebih dahulu. (2) kerugian yang disebabkan oleh usaha-usaha dari dua pemegang kuasa pertambangan atau lebih, dibebankan kepada mereka bersama. pengambilan kebijakan tentang penambangan nikel di kabupaten buton ini membuat masyarakat terpolarisasi dalam kelompok yang pro dan kontra yang akhir-akhir ini dikhawatirkan akan memicu konflik di kabupaten buton secara manifest. ketegangan tersebut biasanya muncul dalam perang pernyataan yang dilakukan oleh elit internal dalam birokrat dengan masyarakat sekitar panambangan. perang pernyataan ini biasanya dilakukan melalui pertemuan warga dengan pemerintah di lokasi tambang. dikeluarkannya kebijakan untuk penambangan ini berpotensi untuk melahirkan konflik yang bersifat vertikal, yakni; konflik antara pemerintah dan masyarakat, maupun konflik horizontal, yakni; konflik yang terjadi antara masyarakat dengan masyarakat yang mengakibatkan kurangnya kepercayaan masyarakat kepada pemerintah. melihat fenomena tersebut diatas, dapat dikatakan bahwa sumber konflik bersifat struktural yang berdampak terhadap aspek-aspek politik, ekonomi dan kultural karena kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang tidak memperhatikan aspirasi yang tumbuh dan berkembang di kalangan masyarakat. berangkat dari latar belakang diatas, maka rumusan masalah yang akan konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 207 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menjadi fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah; pertama, mengapa terjadi konflik antara pemerintah dan masyrakat dalam penambangan nikel di kecamatan talaga raya. kedua, faktor-faktor apa saja yang menjadi konflik terhadap kebijakan penambangan nikel tersebut kerangka teoritik penerapan sebuah kebijakan yang diputuskan oleh pemerintah memiliki dimensi yang sangat kompleks. pengalaman menunjukan bahwa penerapan kebijakan cenderung melibatkan berbagai aktor yang berkelindan kepentingan dengan target group atau penerima keputusan. karenanya tidak mudah menerapkan kebijakan yang sarat dengan kepentingan. ada konf lik yang potensial yang mengemuka dari serangkaian tindakan para aktor pelaksana bila kepentingan itu tidak tercapai. sebaliknya kebijakan yang memiliki derajat kepentingan yang rendah oleh masing-masing aktor lebih mudah untuk diterapkan. fenomena penerapan kebijakan itu di diskusikan sebagai interaksi strategis antara sejumlah besar kepentingan khusus untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuan mereka sendiri, yang mau tidak mau akan bersaing dengan tujuan mandat keputusan. untuk lebih memperkuat asumsi teoritis mengenai konflik kebijakan pertambangan, selanjutnya peneliti akan menguraikan konsep kebijakan, kendala-kendala yang dihadapi dalam penerapan kebijakan pemerintah daerah, konsep konf lik dan sumber konf lik seputar penerapan kebijakan pemerintah daerah tentang penambangan nikel di kecamatan talaga raya kabupaten buton. dalam literatur ilmu politik dan administrasi negara, terdapat banyak definisi atau batasan tentang kebijakan. namun, untuk mempermudah analisis dipergunakan beberapa batasan pengertian yang sesuai, serta berhubungan dengan tema penelitian. parson (2005:247) mendefenisikan pengambilan kebijakan (decision making) berada di antara perumusan kebijakan dan implementasi, akan tetapi kedua hal tersebut saling terkait satu sama lain. implementasi tahap awal akan mempengaruhi tahap pembuatan kebijakan selanjutnya yang pada gilirannya akan mempengaruhi implementasi berikutnya. lebih lanjut parson mendefenisikan pembuatan kebijakan sebagi proses penentuan pilihan atau pemilihan opsi-opsi, maka gagasan tentang konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 208 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kebijakan akan menyangkut satu poin atau serangkaian poin dalam ruang dan waktu ketika pembuat kebijakan mengalokasikan nilai-nilai (values). pembuatan kebijakan dalam pengertian ini ada diseluruh siklus kebijakan misalnya: kebijakan mengenai apa yang bisa digolongkan sebagai “problem”, informasi apa yang harus dipilih, pemilihan strategi untuk mempengaruhi agenda kebijakan, pemilihan opsi-opsi kebijakan yang harus dipertimbangkan, pemilihan cara menyeleksi opsi, pemilihan cara dan tujuan, pemilihan cara mengimplementasikan kebijakan, pemilihan cara mengevaluasi kebijakan-kebijakan. akan tetapi, proses kebijakan ini bukan hanya sangat bervariasi. kerangka yang dipakai untuk menerangkan proses ini juga multi-dimensional dan multi-disipliner, seperti ditunjukkan oleh allison dalam parson (2005:248) dalam studinya tentang krisis kuba, kebijakan dalam situasi ini bisa dilihat melalui bermacam-macam lensa atau sudut pandang yang berbeda-beda, yang masing-masing menghasilkan cerita yang berbeda tentang apa yang sesungguhnya terjadi. jadi kita bisa mengatakan bahwa pembuatan kebijakan yang terjadi dalam krisis yang genting terjadi dalam satu episode dan sekaligus dalam serangkaian kerangka. pada akhirnya dapat dikatakan bahwa setiap kebijakan itu bertolak dari beberapa kemungkinan atau alternatif untuk dipilih. setiap alternatif membawa konsekuensi-konsekuensi. ini berarti sejumlah alternatif itu berbeda satu dengan yang lain mengingat perbedaan dari konsekuensikonsekuensi yang akan ditimbulkannya. pilihan yang dijatuhkan pada alternatif itu harus dapat memberikan kepuasan karena kepuasan merupakan salah satu aspek paling penting dalam kebijakan. apabila memperhatikan konsekuensi-konsekuensi yang muncul sebagai akibat dari suatu kebijakan, hampir dapat dikatakan bahwa tidak akan ada satu pun kebijakan yang akan menyenangkan setiap orang. satu kebijakan hanya bisa memuaskan sekelompok atau sebagian besar orang. selalu ada saja kelompok atau pihak yang merasa dirugikan dengan kebijakan itu, sehingga ini ak an menimbulk an konf lik dalam implementasinya. konf lik merupakan salah satu barometer penting dalam melihat dinamika suatu masyarakat. konflik bagi sebagian besar masyarakat masih dianggap sebagai bentuk relasi yang bersifat negatif, destruktif, atau konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 209 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kontraproduktif, padahal dalam masyarakat yang berkembang ke arah penguatan civil society, konflik dalam masyarakat selalu dianggap sebagai bagian yang melekat dalam perkembangan masyarakat modern. konflik antar kelompok dalam masyarakat dengan negara hendaknya dipahami sebagai suatu sinergi yang diperlukan bagi kemajuan kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. berbicara mengenai konflik perspektif ibnu khaldun, ada tiga pilar utama yang harus mendapatkan perhatian yaitu: pertama, watak psikologis yang merupakan dasar sentimen dan ide yang membangun hubungan sosial di antara berbagai kelompok manusia (keluarga, suku, dan lainnya). kedua, adalah fenomena politik yang berhubungan dengan perjuangan memperebutkan kekuasaan dan kedaulatan yang melahirkan imperium, dinasti, dan negara. ketiga, fenomena ekonomi yang berhubungan dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan ekonomi baik pada tingkat individu, keluarga, masyarakat maupun negara. konflik atau pertentangan kelas dapat berarti setiap pertentangan kelompok yang muncul dari dan dihubungkan dengan struktur wewenang persyarikatan yang dikondisikan secara paksa. pertentangan kelas adalah suatu kondisi yang diperlukan untuk memungkinkan berlangsungnya kehidupan itu sama sekali. bagaimanapun juga saya mempunyai kesan bahwa kreativitas, penemuan baru, dan kemajuan dalam kehidupan individu, kelompoknya dan masyarakatnya disebabkan karena tersedianya pertentangan antara kelompok dan kelompok, individu dan individu, emosi dan emosi di dalam diri seseorang individu (dahrendorf, 1986; 258). dalam perspektif politik implementasi, wibawa (1994; 37) mengatakan sejarah awal, proses kebijakan adalah proses yang bersifat politis. ia bersifat demikian karena pertama-tama pada dirinya sendiri merupakan aktivitas memilih, dan pemilihan tersebut melibatkan banyak pelaku dengan banyak kepentingan, sehingga potensial untuk terjadinya konflik yang akan mengundang upaya penggunaan kekuasaan. aktivitas memilih tidak saja berlangsung pada tahap formulasi implementasi kebijakan meminta pembuat kebijakan maupun pelaksananya dan bahkan para pelaku lain yang terlibat untuk melakukan pemilihan alternatif tindakan. ada beberapa kemungkinan yang menjadi sebab sebuah kebijakan atau konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 210 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keputusan ditolak dalam proses implementasinya (wibawa, 1994; 40) pertama, kelompok sasaran tidak membutuhkan dan juga tidak memperoleh manfaat dari kebijakan atau keputusan tersebut. bisa ditebak bahwa keputusan yang ditolak tersebut dulunya dirumuskan dalam suatu proses konversi yang elitis. kemungkinan kedua dari ditolaknya keputusan atau kebijakan oleh target group adalah karena kelompok sasaran tidak menyadari manfaat dari keputusan tersebut, dan oleh karena itu mereka tidak merasa membutuhkannya. untuk kasus semacam ini sudah barang tentu pelaksana keputusaan atau kebijakan perlu mengubah kognisi kelompok sasaran dengan cara pendidikan dan gerakan penyadaran pada umumnya. upaya ini dapat ditempuh melalui penyuluhan langsung oleh para birokrat lapangan, dapat pula dengan memanfaatkan tokoh masyarakat informal maupun pemimpin-pemimpin resmi seperti bupati, camat, kepala kepolisian, dan kepala kua. media yang digunakan cukup beragam mulai dari tatap muka hingga poster dan televisi. kemungkinan ketiga kelompok sasaran menolak implementasi kebijakan atau keputusan yang diterapkan terhadap diri mereka sematamata karena mereka bukan birokrat pelaksananya. kebijakan seorang bupati yang telah tercemar namanya akan tidak memperoleh dukungan dalam implementasi kebijakannya, sekalipun ia menjanjikan manfaat yang besar. pada dasarnya ada tiga pendekatan untuk memberikan arah keputusan ketika keputusan atau kebijakan publik hadir dalam konteks konflik. pendekatan pertama adalah pendekatan yang menakar pada pendekatan demokratis, yaitu kebaikan bagi semua orang. artinya, arah keputusan atau kebijakan yang disarankan untuk direkomendasikan atau diputuskan adalah keputusan yang memberikan manfaat bagi mayoritas publik daripada sebagian kecil publik. namun, dalam pelaksanaannya sangat sulit. pertama, karena ada bias elit. pengambil keputusan bagaimanapun juga adalah elit. dan, tidak sedikit keputusan atau kebijakan publik pada akhirnya menguntungkan kelompok elit daripada publik itu sendiri. kedua, ada bias teknokratik. analis dan perumus kebijakan biasaya adalah para ilmuan atau ilmuan yang teknokrat. mereka biasanya terkait secara politik dan ekonomi dengan elit politik. ketiga, ada keterbatasan dibidang keilmuan kebijakan publik. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 211 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendekatan kedua dalam memberikan arah keputusan dalam konteks konflik adalah dengan menetapkan tingkat ketercapaian tertinggi atau resiko atau kegagalan paling rendah. pendekatan ini antara lain menggunakan pendekatan cost, benefit, cost-benefit, risk-value, hingga pendekatan game. pembenaran pendekatan in adalah bahwa keputusan atau kebijakan publik harus berhasil. kegagalan kebijakan publik akan mempunyai dampak sangat besar bagi kehidupan bersamabukan sekedar menjatuhkan wibawa pemerintah tetapi juga akan mengurangi kepercayaan publik kepada lembaga negara. pendekatan ketiga adalah pendekatan yang memberikan arah keputusan dengan menetapkan keputusan yang paling mungkin untuk diterima oleh pihak yang berkonf lik. pendekatan ini antara lain diperkenalkan dalam paradigma pertimbangan yang lebih mendalam (deliberative) yang telah dipaparkan di atas. kelemahannya, pendekatan ini hanya sesuai jika diterapkan pada konflik yang sifatnya horizontal dan fisik. pendekatan deliberatif yang berkenan dengan isu-isu konflik yang berkenan dengan sumber daya ekonomi atau politik akan menjadi kebijakan yang dihasilkan dari proses tawar-menawar yang jauh dari pengutamaan kepentingan publik. beberapa kebijakan yang ditengarai mengandung isi tersebut adalah kebijakan minyak dan gas, kebijakan ketenagakerjaan dan kebijakan pendidikan. metode penelitian dengan mengacu pada permasalahan dan memperhatikan obyek yang akan diteliti, dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif untuk menemukan, memahami, menjelaskan dan memperoleh gambaran tentang permasalahan konflik kebijakan pertambangan di masyarakat kecamatan talaga raya kabupaten buton. fokus penelitian ini adalah konflik kebijakan pertambangan nikel yang meliputi konflik yang timbul karena kemandegan komunikasi antara perusahaan, masyarakat dan aparat pemerintah. konflik yang timbul karena ganti rugi dari aktifitas penambangan. sumber data diperoleh dari data primer dan data sekunder. teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah peringkasan atau reduksi data (data reduction), penyajian data (data display), triangulasi dan penarikan kesimpulan (conclusion drawing). konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 212 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hasil dan pembahasan pada dasarnya ada tiga pendekatan untuk memberikan arah kebijakan ketika kebijakan publik hadir dalam konteks konflik. salah satunya adalah pendekatan yang menakar pada pendekatan demokratis, yaitu kebaikan bagi semua orang. artinya, arah kebijakan yang disarankan untuk direkomendasikan atau diputuskan adalah kebijakan yang memberikan manfaat bagi mayoritas publik daripada sebagian kecil publik. namun, dalam pelaksanaannya sangat sulit. pertama, karena ada bias elit. pengambil kebijakan bagaimanapun juga adalah elit. dan, tidak sedikit keputusan atau kebijakan publik pada akhirnya menguntungkan kelompok elit daripada publik itu sendiri. kedua, ada bias teknokratik. analis dan perumus kebijakan biasaya adalah para ilmuan atau ilmuan yang teknokrat. mereka biasanya terkait secara politik dan ekonomi dengan elit politik. ketiga, ada keterbatasan dibidang keilmuan kebijakan publik. di kabupaten buton kebijakan penambangan nikel dilakukan untuk kebaikan semua orang dalam rangka peningkatan pendapatan asli daerah sebagaimana penjelasan di atas namun dalam implementasinya kebijakan tersebut terjadi konflik. setiap jenis konflik di kawasan pertambangan melibatkan aktor yang berbeda, maka dapat dipastikan bahwa sumber konflik yang memicunya dan keterlibatan aktor lain di luar aktor utamanya pun akan berbeda pula. karena itu, identifikasi sumber konflik yang dilakukan akan berdasarkan kepada jenis konflik antar aktor utamanya. · konflik perusahaan versus masyarakat potensi konflik yang berkembang antara perusahaan dan masyarakat lokal pada umumnya tidak terjadi pada saat awal kegiatan eksplorasi, tetapi potensi ini lebih banyak muncul dan tumbuh setelah tahapan ekploitasi. ketika perusahaan melakukan kegiatan eksplorasi, masyarakat tidak merasa terancam ataupun merasa punya persoalan dengan perusahaan, walaupun sering masyarakat tidak pernah tahu persis apa yang dicari atau yang dilakukan oleh perusahaan itu di daerah sekitar pemukiman mereka. di saat perusahaan membangun infrastruktur penunjang pertambangan seperti jalan dan jembatan untuk kepentingan operasi penambangan. sejalan dengan pembangunan fisik yang dilakukan perusahaan, masyarakat lokal menaruh harapan besar terhadap perusahaan dianggap konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 213 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebagai dewa penolong yang dipuji dan disanjung oleh masyarakat. sejalan dengan pembangunan fisik yang dilakukan perusahaan, masyarakat lokal menaruh harapan besar terhadap perusahaan untuk dapat memperbaiki tingkat kesejahteraan mereka. mereka membayangkan akan terbuka lapangan kerja yang memberikan jaminan hari tua mereka disamping fasilitas umum yang akan dapat mereka nikmati. tetapi ketika harapan itu tidak menjadi kenyataan, dan diperparah lagi oleh tidak berperannya aparat pemerintahan dalam menjalankan kewajiban dan tanggung jawabnya dalam mengembangkan masyarakatnya, maka bibit-bibit ketidakpuasan mulai tumbuh subur di hati masyarakat. setidaknya ada 3 (tiga) faktor yang dapat dikategorikan sebagai sumber konflik yang terjadi antara perusahaan dan masyarakat lokal. ketiga faktor tersebut dapat diuraikan sebagai berikut: tabel 1. sumber – sumber konflik sumber : data primer 1. komunikasi yang mandeg antara perusahaan dan masyarakat mandegnya komunikasi pada sektor apapun akan menimbulkan kesalahpahaman pada kedua belah pihak yang terlibat, dan pada gilirannya akan memicu konflik diantara mereka. pada tahapan eksplorasi, sering perusahaan tidak berkomunikasi secara terbuka dengan masyarakat, dengan kata lain ada informasi yang disembunyikan. pada saat kegiatan eksplorasi, biasanya perusahaan melibatkan penduduk lokal sebagai tenaga pembantu, baik sebagai penunjuk jalan maupun pengangkut logistik. jika ada pertanyaan dari penduduk tentang keberadaan tambang pihak perusahaan tidak terbuka, hal ini pernah terjadi dimana ada beberapa orang utusan masyarakat yang pergi kepenambangan untuk menanyakan kepada perusahaan tentang konf lik yang terjadi di perusahaan. namun sesampainya di perusahaan para utusan ini tidak diladeni dengan baik. ada saja alasan yang diberikan oleh pihak konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 214 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengamanan diperusahaan sehingga para utusan pulang tanpa memperoleh informasi apa-apa karena sesampainya diperusahaan tidak ada seorang pun yang menemui mereka untuk menjelaskan tentang konflik yang terjadi, padahal niat baik dari utusan ini ingin mengkomunikasikan perusahaan dengan masyarakat. keadaan ini sebenarnya tidak perlu terjadi seandainya aparat pemerintahan setempat menunjukan tanggungjawabnya dengan menjembatani kepentingan perusahaan dengan aspirasi masyarakat. aparat desa/kecamatan atau kabupaten dapat menjelaskan kepada masyarakat dengan bahasa budaya yang mudah dimengerti masyarakat tentang arti dan keuntungan yang dapat dinikmati masyarakat atau kerugian yang harus ditanggung bila perusahaan beroperasi di daerah mereka. pada tahapan eksploitasi, intensitas konflik antara masyarakat dan perusahaan akan semakin meningkat. hal ini terjadi bila komunikasi antara perusahaan dan masyarakat tidak kunjung dimulai, padahal perusahaan sudah sejak awal tahap eksploitasi harus mulai membangun komunikasi dengan aparat pemerintahan dan masyarakat lokal. ketiga pihak sebenarnya harus duduk bersama untuk menyampaikan apa yang dapat mereka berikan kepada pihak lain dan apa yang mereka harapkan dari pihak lain. perusahaan, bagaimanapun juga, sebagai suatu badan usaha pasti melakukan aktifitasnya dengan berpijak pada prinsip “profit oriented”. walaupun demikian, sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat kita yang masih berkarasteristik “komunial”, maka mereka juga harus bisa menjalankan fungsi sosialnya terhadap masyarakat sekitar. karena itu, perusahaan harus selalu mensosialisasikan rencana program aksi yang dapat mereka lakukan untuk mewujudkan tanggungjawab sosial mereka kepada masyarakat sekitar, terutama yang menyangkut penyerapan tenaga kerja. hal yang menjadi kekecewaan terbesar masyarakat di kecamatan talaga raya adalah sangat sedikitnya penduduk lokal yang dapat bekerja sebagai kar yawan. perusahaan juga harusnya bisa mendengar dan memahami aspirasi masyarakat sekitar dan harapan mereka terhadap kehadiran perusahaan di daerah itu, sehingga perusahaan harus bisa menjelaskan dengan baik mana harapan dan keinginan masyarakat yang dapat mereka penuhi dan mana yang tidak bisa, tentu saja setelah melewati proses kompromi yang intensif dan berkesinambungan. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 215 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mengingat tanggungjawab pengembangan masyarakat pada hakekatnya terletak pada aparat pemerintahan, bukan pada perusahaan, maka seharusnya aparat pemerintahan bisa memainkan peran yang sentaral dalam komunikasi triparti ini. bila komuniksi ini tidak berjalan sebagaimana mestinya, maka masyarakat tidak akan tahu keterbatasan perusahaan dan dan tidak mengerti sejauh mana tanggungjawab sosial perusahaan terhadap mereka. hal ini akan mengakibatkan masing-masing pihak akan merasa benar, sehingga konflik akan semakin besar. masyarakat merasa perusahaan mengabaikan tanggungjawab sosialnya terhadap mereka, sebaliknya perusahaan merasa sudah memenuhi semua kewajiban mereka terhadap masyarakat. 2. ganti rugi lahan dan tanaman warga salah satu konf lik yang dihadapi dalam penambangan nikel dikecamatan talaga raya adalah mangkirnya pt ami dari kesepakatannya dengan warga. pada 2009 lalu, pt ami membuat kesepakatan ganti rugi lahan dan tanaman milik warga. kesepakatan ganti rugi ini muncul karena keberadaan pt ami telah merusak ekologi sekitar pertambangan dan membuat tambak rumput laut milik warga rusak. hal ini diakibatkan karena semenjak keberadaan pt ami, air laut berubah menjadi kuning karena eksplorasi penambangan yang dilakukan oleh pt ami. dalam kesepakatan tersebut tertera, bahwa pt ami harus mengganti rugi lahan dan tanaman milik warga. untuk tanaman, pt ami bersedia untuk membayar rp 7.000/meter, sedangkan tanaman milik warga diganti rugi sebesar rp 500.000/pohon. namun dalam perjalanannya, kesepakatan ini kemudian dirubah secara sepihak oleh pemda buton, dari rp 7.000/meter menjadi rp 1.000/meter, sementara ganti rugi pohon turun setengahnya, yaitu rp 250.000/meter. bahkan ganti rugi ini hendak disubsitusi oleh pemda buton dengan beras raskin dan pembebasan retribusi lahan selama setahun. jelas sekali, bahwa pemda buton sangat berpihak kepada pemilik modal, dalam hal ini pt ami. padahal jelasjelas, pt ami telah merusak ekologi sekitar penambangan dan merusak tanaman warga. kasus harga tanah, dan tuntutan warga tentang kerusakan tanaman rumput laut warga yang oleh pemerintah kecamatan menyebutkan tak ada kerusakan yang disebabkan oleh penambangan. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 216 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. sistem penerimaan tenaga kerja yang nepotisme faktor ini memang bukan sumber konflik yang utama, tetapi hal ini termaksud yang banyak dikeluhkan oleh masyarakat di kecamatan talaga raya. perusahan dalam hal ini dilihat telah memberi peluang yang lebih besar kepada kandidat pekerja yang mempunyai kekerabatan yang dekat dengan pihak tertentu. hal ini menimbulkan rasa tidak puas bagi anggota masyarakat yang kebetulan tidak mempunyai kerabat. · konflik masyarakat versus pemerintah konflik antara masyarakat dan pemerintah terjadi akibat tawaran gantirugi tanah dan tanaman warga akibat kehadiran penambangan nikel yang hanya dikompensasi dengan pembiayaan raskin dan pembebasan pajak desa selama setahun, ditentang warga. penegasan ini kembali dilontarkan oleh pemda buton dalam “pertemuan akhir” yang digelar di pasar rakyat talaga i, 19 april 2010 tersebut diclaim untuk mengambil keputusan final terkait pembukaan kembali akses eksploitasi pertambangan nikel yang sudah ditutup oleh warga, berakhir dengan pembubaran. dalam pertemuan itu, emosi warga yang sudah lama mendidih dengan pernyataan bupati, tambah memuncah karena tak diberikan kesempatan bertanya, akhirnya terpantik oleh komentar pak camat yang mencoba mencupit salah satu hadist nabi dan firman tuhan. “hadist najis (bupati), ayat inggris”, teriakan pak imam desa tersebut meluapi kemarahan massa. karena tidak puas, bersama-sama warga mengambil sikap untuk wolk out dari pertemuan sambil mengacak-kacau pertemuan tersebut hingga bubar. tim pemda yang terdiri dari bupati buton, asisten ii, dinas pertambangan, dinas petanahan, dinas kehutanan, kapolres bau-bau, koramil, camat talaga raya, kepala desa di talaga raya, satpo pp, delegasi perusahaan pt ami, kemudian bergegas balik, saat itu, salah seorang warga menitip pesan kepada bupati sambil berkelakar; “ujung parang kami pak masih tajam, kalau mau koja jilid ii disini, kalau perlu kami bayar dengan darah segar untuk tanah ini”, aksi pengusiran pemda buton tersebut dikawali warga hingga pelabuhan keberangkatan. selain itu konflik antara pemerintah dan masyarakat juga disebabkan perbedaan pandangan tentang tanaman rumput laut warga yang oleh pemerintah kecamatan menyebutkan tak ada kerusakan yang disebabkan konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 217 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oleh penambangan. berikut pernyataan camat talaga raya terkait dengan kondisi tanaman warga. “mengenai kerusakan tanaman, itu tidak sepenuhnya disebabkan dampak dari pertambangan, tapi yang paling berpengaruh terhadap tumbuhan, adanya kemarau panjang. sama halnya dengan kekurangan air, cetusnya bukan hanya masyarakat talaga yang kekurangan air, tapi baubau juga mengalami hal serupa. begitu juga dengan tanaman rumput laut tidak rusak. pernyataan pemerintah kecamatan tersebut langsung dibantah oleh masyarakat setempat dalam wawancara saya dengan masyarakat yang bernama wawan mengatakan bahwa : “rata-rata tanaman rumput laut di kecamatan talaga raya ini khususnya di talaga besar rusak parah karena tanah dari gunung di bawah oleh air hujan ke laut yang menyebabkan air laut menjadi merah. air sungai telah berubah kuningkeruh berlumpur dan membawa begitu banyak limbah penambangan, rembesannya mencemari air laut sehingga kawasan pesisir pantai berubah keruh membuat budidaya tambak rumput laut warga menjadi rusak sehingga banyak, tali agar yang di parkir di rumah-rumah warga”. pada dasarnya, keadaan masyarakat talaga justru sangat terancam keberlanjutan mata pencaharian mereka setelah pt. ami beroperasi sejak dua tahun lalu. sebab, masyarakat talaga yang memiliki mata pencaharian sebagai petani, nelayan pembudidaya dan nelayan tangkap mengalami masalah yang sangat berat. betapa tidak, jika mereka hendak berkebun, lahan-lahan pertanian mereka sudah diakuasai oleh pt. ami dengan sokongan penuh pemerintah daerah dan aparat keamanan, sementara jika mereka hendak membudidaya, laut sudah dipenuhi dengan lumpurlumpur pertambangan, bahkan jika hendak menangkap ikan mereka harus mengayuh sampai 2 mil laut yang sebelumnya tidak pernah terjadi. hal ini sangat bertentangan dengan apa yang menjadi misi kecamatan talaga raya pada point 2 yang berbunyi; “...melaksanakan pembangunan sumber daya alam untuk sebesar-besarnya bagi kemakmuran rakyat dengan tetap memperhatikan kelestarian hutan, terumbu karang di laut, dan lingkungan lain...” para pengambil kebijakan seharusnya menggunakan penilaian-penilaian konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 218 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ obyektif dalam mengatasi kemiskinan di negara kita, bukan hanya didasarkan pada kepentingan pribadi elit penguasa. bagaimanapun, kita tak dapat mengelak dari fakta bahwa pembangunan yang telah kita upayakan dengan gigih ternyata tidak dapat dinikmati oleh seluruh komponen masyarakat secara adil. lebih parah lagi, kelompok-kelompok yang seharusnya mendapat uluran tangan dari penguasa lebih sering justru semakin tersingkir dan semakin kehilangan pegangan atau modal yang selama ini mereka miliki. paparan sumber konflik diatas tampak bahwa ketiga jenis konflik antara masyarakat dengan perusahaan, antara pemerintah dengan masyarakat yang berkembang di daerah pertambangan cenderung memiliki sumber yang berbeda namun memiliki kaitan satu sama lainnya. tanpa melihat aktor yang berkonf lik, pada dasarnya ke tiga jenis konf lik di daerah pertambangan ini dapat di golongkan kembali menjadi hanya 2 tipe konf lik, yaitu: pertama, konf lik yang timbul karena kemandegan komunikasi antara perusahaan, masyarakat dan aparat pemerintah. kedua, konflik yang timbul karena ganti rugi dari aktifitas penambangan. · solusi awal untuk mencari solusi awal pemecahan konf lik di kawasan pertambangan ini, pendekatan berdasarkan pembagian konflik atas dasar kemandegan komunikasi dan ganti rugi akan lebih fokus dan tajam untuk menghasilkan suatu model penyelesaian konflik yang baik di daerah pertambangan daripada berdasarkan klasifikasi yang pertama. penyusunan model haruslah dilakukan berdasarkan kepada tindakan-tindakan untuk mengurangi dan atau mengeliminir sumber konfliknya. bila dicermati, kedua konflik yang teridentifikasi di atas, baik yang timbul akibat kemandegan komunikasi maupun yang lahir akibat aktivitas penambangan, pada dasarnya sangat ditentukan oleh sikap dan kualitas hubungan antara pemeran utama dikawasan itu, yakni perusahaan, masyarakat lokal dan aparat pemerintah. buruknya kualitas hubungan antara perusahaan, masyarakat lokal dan aparat pemerintah pasti melahirkan konflik akibat kemandegan komunikasi. dengan demikian jelaslah bahwa solusi atau pemecahan konflik dikawasan pertambagan sangat ditentukan oleh komunikasi dan koordinasi antara ketiga unsur konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 219 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pelaku kegiatan dikawasan tersebut. karena itu, modal penyelesaian konflik sebagai solusi awal utnuk daerah pertambangan dapat dilihat dari beberapa aspek yang melibatkan ketiga pelaku utama tersebut secara proporsional, yaitu; aspek regulasi dan aspek community development. aspek regulasi merupakan kewenangan aparat pemerintah, baik kabupaten maupun propinsi, untuk mengeluarkan dan memberlakukan suatu atauran bersama, tetapi penyusunannya haruslah dilakukan bersama-sama dengan masyarakat lokal dan perusahaan, sehingga semua pihak akan merasa terwadahi aspirasinya dan memiliki komitmen yang sama dalam menjalankannya. aspek community development pada dasarnya juga merupakan hak dan kewajiban aparat pemerintah untuk menyusunannya dalam suatu rencana induk (master plan) daerah pertambangan yang komrehensif. tentu saja penyusunannya juga harus melibatkan tokoh-tokoh masyarakat dan pihak perusahaan, sehingga sejak awal masyarakat dan aparat pemerintah dapat mengetahui sejauh mana perusahaan bisa memainkan fungsi sosialnya. tentu saja semua itu harus dilakukan dengan sengat kompromi untuk saling menghormati dan memahami keterbatasan masing-masing pihak. program yang efektif, fokus dan tajam serta mampu memberdayakan ekonomi masyarakat secara efisien, dengan mengurangi sebesar mungkin peluang pemborosan dan penyimpangan, adalah program yang harusnya menjadi prioritas dan andalan. dan semua itu hanya bisa dilakukan bila hubungan antara pemerintah, perusahaan dan masyarakat yang terkait memiliki kualitas yang baik. kesimpulan konf lik terbuka yang terjadi dikawasan pertambangan nikel di kecamatan talaga raya adalah akibat ganti rugi lahan dan tanaman warga yang tidak sesuai dengan kesepakatan awal, sistem penerimaan tenaga kerja yang nepotisme, kemandegan komunikasi antara perusahaan, masyarakat dan aparat pemerintah. berdasarkan kesimpulan tersebut, dapat diajukan beberapa saran sebagai berikut : 1. hendaknya perusahaan dan pemerintah menyelesaikan kasus ganti rugi yang disebabkan oleh penambangan sehingga kasus konf lik di konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 220 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat tidak berlarut-larut. 2. hendaknya dalam pengambilan kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh stakeholders melibatkan berbagai pihak dan terbuka untuk umum guna mendengarkan aspirasi masyarakat yang berkepentingan dengan kebijakan tersebut, sehingga dapat mengartikulasi semua kepentingan. 1. dalam pengambilan kebijakan hendaknya para pengambil kebijakan menerapkan prinsip-prinsip good governance, seperti: partisipasi yang mendorong setiap warga untuk mempergunakan hak dalam menyampaikan pendapat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan, yang menyangkut kepentingan masyarakat baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. model partisipasi dapat dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, yaitu: pertama, pendekatan versi pemerintah yaitu melalui proses musrenbang, udkp, rakorbang. pendekatan ini akan lebih efektif jika semua prosedur dilaksanakan sesuai aturannya. artinya semua proses itu benar-benar dilaksanakan bukan hanya sebatas mekanisme saja, yang sebenarnya program yang akan dilaksnakan sudah ditentukan. kedua, pendekatan versi oms ( ormas, lsm, pt, dll). pendekatan ini dilakukan untuk mewakili rakyat-rakyat tertentu (khusus) seperti korban yang selama ini diabaikan dalam penjaringan aspirasi masyarakat oleh pihak kelurahan atau partai. proses yang dilalui adalah musrenbang, udkp dan rakorbang versi rakyat yang betul-betul melibatkan rakyat. ketiga, pendekatan versi stakeholder. pendekatan ini dilakukan oleh pihak yang berkepentingan dengan mempertimbangkan segala macam aspek keadilan dan kemanusiaan. stakeholder perlu memami kondisi dan struktur sosial, geopolitik dan ekonomi rakyat tidak lagi menjadi korban oleh kepentingan mereka namun aspirasi masyarakat bisa diwakili oleh mereka. transparansi: menciptakan kepercayaan timbal balik antara pemerintah dan masyarakat melalui penyediaan informasi dan menjamin kemudahan di dalam memperoleh informasi yang akurat dan memadai. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 221 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ daftar pustaka affandi,ikhwan, hakimul. 2004. akar konf lik sepanjang zaman. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. dahrendorf, ralf. 1986. konflik dan konflik dalam masyarakat industri, sebuah analisis konflik. diterjemahkan oleh ali manda. jakarta. rajawali. darwin, muhadjir. 1992. implementasi kebijakan, pelatihan teknik dan manajemen kebijakan publik. 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sofyan. 1994. metode penelitian survei. jakarta. lp3es. sumardjono, s.w, maria. kebijakan pertanahan antara regulasi dan implementasi. jakarta. kompas. suryadi, kadarsyah dan ramdani,ali. 2002. sistem pendukung keputusan. bandung. remaja rosdakarya. sutrisno, lukman. 2003. konflik sosial, kajian sosiologis hubungan buruh, perusahaan dan negara indonesia. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 222 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ wibawa, samodra. 1994. kebijakan publik, proses dan analisa. jakarta. intermedia. winarno, budi. 2005. teori dan proses kebijakan publik. yogyakarta. media pressindo. konflik kebijakan pertambangan antara pemerintah dan masyarakat di kabupaten buton / mahrudin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0011 a comparative analysis on the strategy of impression manage-ment and public diplomacy of two indonesian presidents at apec ceo summit journal of government & politics 473 inri inggrit indrayani inri.inggrit@peter.petra.ac.id universitas kristen petra abstract this research aims to analyze speeches of the former indonesian president susilo bambang yudhoyono (sby) and the current indonesia president joko widodo (jokowi) at the apec ceo summit. jokowi gave his speech in beijing, china in 2014, while sby delivered his speech in bali in 2013. both speeches have con-structively examined as image management strategies to build an impression management at the apec ceo summit. apec is one of crucial forum to build international relationships, draw the investment opportunities from various coun-tries and demonstrate their competencies as leaders. therefore, it was important to analyze how both leaders presented themselves in front of the international public to build positive image and identity. this study used qualitative approach with content analysis as the method. this research incorporated taxonomy of jones and pittman which divided into five categories: self-promotion, ingratia-tion, exemplification, intimidation and supplication. in regard to the data and related setting, this study had eliminated intimidation and supplication category. the findings showed that both sby and jokowi applied impression management in their public diplomacy in different ways. sby applied self-promotion more frequently than jokowi. sby tended to display his image in formal and normative way as a systematic, charismatic and competent worldwide leader. meanwhile, jokowi displayed himself as a confident, straightforward and egalitarian as well as authoritative leader by using more aggressive, detailed and informal ways in order to gain foreign investment. keywords: impression management, public diplomacy, president of the republic of indonesia, apec ceo summit abstrak received 21 february 2016 revised 13 march 2016 accepted 17 april 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0039 penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pidato mantan presiden indonesia susilo bambang yudhoyono (sby) dan presiden indonesia saat ini joko widodo (jokowi) di pertemuan puncak para ceo apec. jokowi menyampaikan pidatonya https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0039 474 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 di beijing pada tahun 2014, sementara sby menyampaikan pidatonya di bali pada tahun 2013. kedua pidato diteliti secara konstruktif sebagai manajemen strategi untuk membangun citra di pertemuan para ceo apec. apec merupakan forum penting untuk membangun hubungan internasional, menarik peluang investasi dari berbagai negara dan menunjukkan kompetensi mereka sebagai pemimpin. oleh karena itu, penting untuk menganalisis bagaimana kedua pemimpin mempresentasikan diri di depan publik internasional untuk membangun citra dan identitas positif. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode analisis isi. penelitian ini menggunakan taksonomi jones dan pittman yang dibagi menjadi lima kategori: “self-promotion, ingratiation, exemplification, intimidation dan supplication”. dalam hal data dan pengaturan, penelitian ini tidak menngunakan kategori ‘ intimidation dan supplication’. temuan menunjukkan bahwa sby dan jokowi menerapkan diplomasi publik dengan cara yang berbeda. sby cenderung lebih sering mempromosikan diri daripada jokowi. sby cenderung menampilkan dirinya dengan cara formal dan normatif sebagai pemimpin dunia yang sistematis, karismatik dan kompeten. sementara itu, jokowi mempresentasikan dirinya sebagai pemimpin yang percaya diri, tidak berbelit-belit, egaliter dan berwibawa dengan menggunakan cara-cara yang lebih agresif, rinci dan informal untuk menarik investasi asing. kata kunci: manajemen citra, diplomasi publik, presiden republik indonesia, pertemuan puncak para ceo apec introduction impression management was conceived and developed by erving goffman in 1959 in his presentation of self in everyday life. impression management is closely related to a play, where the actor’s behavior shaped by environment and target audience. it focuses on people’s communicative behaviors to create desired images of their own. goffman’s other objective is to provide a consistent message based on the actor’s intended goal. in supporting roles, actors, including political leaders would show their self-image that he will be able to lead the minds of others regarding these actors. each leader would present self-image differently. similarly, situation and public as the target of the message are diverse as well. this researcher conducted a comparative study regarding speeches, which were delivered by sby and jokowi, at the apec ceo summit. president joko widodo’s speech was delivered in beijing, china in 2014. meanwhile, the former president susilo bambang yudhoyono’s speech was presented during the apec meeting in bali on october 1st to 8th, 2013. apec or asia-pacific economic cooperation is a cooperative effort of 21 countries with the aim of increasing free trade in the 475 journal of government & politics asia-pacific region. apec is an important forum and a strategic partnership in the world, its members should represent a gross domestic product of 19 trillion us dollars and covers 45 percent of world trade. in the last decade, the economic cooperation forum established as a dynamic economic region and contributed to 70 percent of world growth. indonesia has become one of the members of the 12 apec member countries since apec was founded in the year 1989 in canberra, australia. in the apec ceo summit, the president of republic of indonesia got an opportunity to deliver his speech. on the occasion, the members might to build relationships, promote investment opportunities and demonstrate their competence as leaders of a nation. therefore, the president would create image management strategies to obtain positive perception and opinion as expected from other delegations. as a form of public diplomacy, the president’s speech at the forum was considered significant to be observed. the question of this research study was sby and jokowi performed image-management strategy at the apec ceo summit. furthermore, landtsheer, vries & vertessen (2008) explained that over the past decades, politics turned into perception politics. this modernization of politics must be understood as a trend toward commercialization, globalization, and visual culture in which mass media—television in particular—and new media play an important role. this trend is responsible for turning politics into perception politics. perception politics encouraged voters to shape intuitive impressions of political candidates based on certain cues such as language style, appearance characteristics, and nonverbal-behavior instead of well-considered opinions based on arguments. charisma, personality, style and the impression, which were shaped by the politicians to the public, seems to be a composition for opinion construction. through the modernization of media culture and the influence of globalization, and commercialization, language, personality and appearance of politicians 476 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 dominated the formation of perception. based on the above explanation, the research question in this study is how did the image management perform in sby’s and jokowi’s public diplomacy at the apec ceo summit? theoretical framework impression management and public relations in politics impression management is a process in which people affect their image of others (rosenfeld, giacalone, and riordan, 1995). impression management cannot be separated from the study of dramaturgy. furthermore, dramaturgy is widely known and used as another form of communication in everyday life. action in dramaturgy would be explained as an unstable identity of human. human identity may be vary depending on the interaction with other people. in dramaturgy, social interaction is interpreted as a performance in a theater. mulyana (2003, p.112) confirmed that the man is an actor who seeks to combine the personal characteristics and goals to others through “drama performances themselves”. in achieving these goals, according to the concept of dramaturgy, humans develop behaviors that support the role. the aim is to create a good impression on the opponent interaction and pave the way for achieving the goal. furthermore, by managing the information that we give to others, we might be able to control the meaning of others towards ones. it tells others who ones are. impression management focuses on the front stage and the back-stage (behind the stage) of an actor. the actors behave differently at the front and the back stage. a front stage is the moment when the actors and the audience are being together. in contrast, the back stage is where the actors are behind the stage, with no viewer thus the actors can act freely without concerned about how he should perform. dramaturgy basic premise is that “the meaning of actions can be seen from the way they express themselves in interactions with 477 journal of government & politics others equally expressive”. therefore, “meaning” is the product of human interaction; it defines the quality of “social behavior.” the adherents dramaturgy also confirmed that “a good human behavior and based on rhetoric; individual persuasive and influential in mobilizing the behavior of others”. (brisset & edgley, 1990, p. 4). furthermore, the main focus of dramaturgy is how people express themselves in building relationships with others, in regard to create meaning and influence. although the impression management presents an idea of presenting the self, public relations (pr) has coined the term to describe the process of how they shape the public image. allen and cailouet (1994) argued that organizations, like individuals, are “actors” engaging in “performances” in various ‘settings’ before ‘audiences’. studying and understanding the impressions of pr companies are important since “these messages potentially build and shape public perceptions of legitimacy” (in johansson, 2007, p. 278). jones and pittman identified five major categories of management behavior suggested that self-promotion, ingratiation, exemplification, intimidation and supplication. self-promotion is when people demonstrate their ability to obtain recognition of their competence; ingratiation, is when individuals use flattery or praise to gain a sense of attention and sympathy; intimidate, explains a condition when people give an indication as having authority to impose penalties on the other; finally, the supplication, describes an event when individuals show weakness or lack of them in order to acquire the attributes of a person in need of attention. public diplomacy as international communication activity edmund gullion of the fletcher school of law and diplomacy at tufts university first applied the term public diplomacy as a process whereby international actors trying to achieve their foreign policy objectives by involving the public abroad. (cull, 478 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 2008). tuch (1990) defined public diplomacy as “the government’s efforts to form a communication environment abroad, to reduce misperceptions and misunderstandings that will complicate relations between nations.” manheim (1994) explained the term “public diplomacy strategic” as “a manifestation of style information management in a new international communication” in the academic world, public diplomacy strategic is a type of political communication that combines “the use of knowledge such as attitudes and preferences structure, cultural trends, and the patterns of the media use to shape and set a target of messages in order to maximize the intended impact and minimize unwanted effects “(manheim, 1994). signitzer and wamser (2006) pointed that public relations and public diplomacy are both “strategic communication functions of either organizations or nation-states, and typically deal with the reciprocal consequences a sponsor and its publics have upon each other.” they also highlight the differences between public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, and media diplomacy. public diplomacy consists of direct communication between the government and foreign public; cultural diplomacy relies on favorable attitudes toward a nation’s culture to facilitate diplomatic relations; and media diplomacy utilizes news media channels to conduct open diplomacy. public diplomacy and media diplomacy extend international communication beyond the realm of professional diplomats and other government officials to anyone with access to the internet or global news media. according to gregory (2008), public diplomacy conducted by states, state associations, and non state actors to understand the culture, attitudes, and behaviors; build and manage relationships; and influence opinions and actions to advance the interests and values. public diplomacy conducted by political actors to understand the risks of policy, set the public agenda, influence the discourse in civil society, and establishing agreements of a strategic nature. currently, the concept of public diplomacy 479 journal of government & politics is usually defined as “international actors attempt to manage the international environment through engagement with foreign public” (cull, 2009). research methods the method in this research was content analysis. content analysis is a method that may be used with either qualitative or quantitative data. furthermore, it may be used in an inductive or deductive way. each way determines the purpose of the study. if there is not enough knowledge about the former phenomenon or if this knowledge is fragmented, the inductive approach is recommended (lauri & kyngas 2005). the categories are derived from the data in inductive content analysis. qualitative content analysis examines the characteristics of language as communication with attention to the content or contextual meaning of the text. as a mixed methods, qualitative content analysis is conducted differently from quantitative content analysis. the qualitative content analysis emphasizes the subjective interpretation of the content of the data through the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or approaches patterns. thus, the researcher will examine explicit communication and inferred communication to provide knowledge and understanding of the study. this study derived the elements of impression management theory by jones and pittman (in bolino & turnley, 1999). the theory has been applied because of the breadth of the theory. moreover, the theory of jones and pittman also provides a more appropriate basis for developing the impression management measurement than the others as well as its focus on specific behaviors. the variable of impression management is divided into four following categories self-promotion: 1. make people aware of the accomplishments 2. try to make a positive event that the actor is responsible for 480 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 appear better than it actually is. 3. try to take responsibility for positive events, even when the actor is not solely responsible 4. try to make a negative event that the actor is responsible for appear less severe than it actually is. 5. display your diplomas and / or awards that you have received. 6. let others know that you have a reputation for being competent in a particular area. 7. make public the actors talents or qualifications 8. declare that the actor has other opportunities outside the actor’s current job 9. talk about important people know that the actor 10. try to distance the actor from negative events that the actor was a part of ingratiation: 1. praise people for reviews their accomplishments 2. do personal favors for people 3. offer to do something for someone that the actor is not required to do 4. compliment people on their dress or appearance 5. agree with a person’s major ideas or beliefs 6. take an interest in a coworker’s or supervisor’s personal life 7. imitate others’ behavior or manner 8. spend time listening to people personal problems even if you have little interest in them exemplification: 1. let others know how much hard / dreams the actor has (let others know how great an actor’s dream) 2. try to act like a models of leader (trying to act as a model leader) intimidation: 1. speak in confidence 481 journal of government & politics 2. threaten the audience 3. treat the audience just alike this research did not apply all variable measurements of impression management by jones and pittman in this study. given the context of the research, the variable of intimidation was eliminated. in contrast, the qualitative content analysis methods brought other variables derived from existing data. in this study, another category was found and included in the examination. the category was communication style which was divided into two categories as follow: gesture: 1. informal 2. procedural/formal pattern of speech: 1. structured 2. unstructured findings and analysis based on a the transcript of former president susilo bambang yudhoyono and president jokowi’s speech at the apec ceo table 1 sources: researcher’s data (2015) 482 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 summit, the findings on self-promotion category can be described in the following table.table 1. self-promotion category in sby’s and jokowi’s speech. (see table) table 1 shows that sby had more seriously performed selfpromotion than jokowi. in their speeches, both were showing achievement, which had been gained during their position as state officers but portrayed in a different emphasis. in this case, jokowi showed achievements in managing the issue of evictions in the past, when he was a governor of dki (daerah khusus ibukota). as history noted, the problem of evictions was a complex issue because it involved the allocation of a number of people into certain area. one of jokowi’s achievements was successfully held evictions without any demonstrations and anarchism. the following was jokowi speech regarding the evictions issue, “i had experience with land acquisition, when i was a governor; we have a project of jakarta outer ring road. started 15 years ago but is stop 8 years ago. because we had a problem here, 1.5 kilometers unfinished. because there are 143 families do not accept with the compensation price. so last year, i invite them, i go to the ground, and i invite them for lunch and dinner, 4 times. ah, this is me, i invite them and then we talk about the problem, 4 time, 4-time meeting and the problem is clear. and now, the toll road has been used a 7 month ago. “ in showing self-promotion, jokowi also demonstrated his competency as a businessman. thus, understand the ins and outs of business and investment. it was stated openly in his speech, “because you know, i was a businessman, a year ago. so, this morning i’m very happy because we can talk about business, about investment with all of you. “ jokowi’s statement also confirmed that he had a chance of success beside his capacity as the president of the republic of indonesia. as an entrepreneur, jokowi convinced heads of state and ceos at the apec forum that he understood properly the 483 journal of government & politics needs and attractiveness of investment opportunities. therefore, in the following explanation, jokowi’s speech was emphasizing more review of investment opportunities in indonesia. self-promotion of sby had shown in different way. his selfpromotion was emphasized on his existence as a senior politician in the international political stage. as shown in his statement, “as a final point, excellency, ladies and gentleman, also in my capacity as the chief sales person of indonesia incorporated, i invite you all to see the business and investment opportunities in indonesia.” sby explicitly mentioned his self as the chief sales person or the leader of ri. sby’s statement represented that he is a significant person and the responsible one for the development and progress of economic growth in indonesia. indonesian capacity in apec in 2013 and 2014 were different. indonesia was the host of apec 2013, while at apec 2014; indonesia was one of participants at the meeting. as an entrepreneur as his previous occupation, jokowi utilized the forum to show indonesia’s profile for the sakes of national interests. jokowi explained more detail regarding certain sectors as an opportunity for ceos to stimulate investment. sby, who also known as a military man, had a long immersed in indonesian politics. he presented himself as the leader of the country and the asia-pacific regional leaders. sby did not convey the vision and mission of the development as well as national interests in detail. instead, in his speech, sby was more concerned on the future of apec. as described in his speech: “mackenzie predicted that indonesia business opportunity will increase of up to 1.8 trillion us dollars in 2030. this opportunity ranges from consumers services, agriculture and fisheries, industry resources to education and infrastructure. we continue to create a better business and investment environment and addressing many of the challenges..... in the next 14 years, we are targeting to reach over 484 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 460 billion dollars of investment in 22 games integrated economic activity in each program. reviews these include agriculture, mining, industry, energy, marine, tourism, and telecommunications. therefor the master plan overs a great deal of opportunities for international investors. “ from one of his speech, the president sby mentioned a wellknown investment institution -mackenzie, which predicted the growth of business opportunities in indonesia was approximately to us $ 1.8 billion in 2030. the statement was an assurance, verification and confirmation for sby to build an image that under his leadership, indonesia would become a country with a progressive economic growth. table 2. ingratiation category in sby’s and jokowi’s speech sources: researcher’s data (2015) based on the table 2, sby did ingratiation in doing “praise people for their accomplishments, offer to do something that the actor is not required to do and offer ‘the future of us”. sby’s ingratiation represented that he wanted to attract public’s sympathy and closeness in order to do persuasion easily. robert levine (2006, p.7) revealed that the psychology of persuasion emanates from three directions: the characteristics of the source, the mind-set of the targeted person, and the psychological context within which the communication takes place. sby was known as a skillful leader, who considered public as 485 journal of government & politics part of his image management strategy. the win-win solution was a strategy that is often offered by sby in facing problems. apec ceo summit was the appropriate meeting to show his image as a senior politician, who understood the challenges and the future of apec. the following example shows sby speech that ingratiation:, “at present apec economics account for 54 percent of global gross domestic product and 44 percent of global treat. which moreover inter-region trade has grown sevenfold since 1989 reaching over 11 trillion dollars in 2011. in the past 25 years, average tariff declined by apec have closed to 70 percent. the cost of conducting business across borders decrease by two successive rounds of 5 percent tariff reduction, the resulting in nearly 59 billion us dollars of savings for business. all this shows that it combine with potential, apec is in the ideal position to held the recovery of the global economic. “ “indonesia will work with apec leaders and all stakeholders, to advance these 3 priorities.” “i believe that if physical focus and improve institutional, and people to people connectivity will help integrate our region. also it will facilitate the flow of good services, capital and people of the asia pacific. those we must work together to strengthen connectivity through infrastructure development and the promotion of infrastructure investment. “ based on ingratiation category, the researcher found that jokowi did indicators of ingratiation that were “do personal favors for people, offer to do something that the actor is not required to do and deliver promises of services”. as detailed in the following: “many investors, a lot of investors, when they come to me, almost of them, they always complain about land acquisition. i will push my ministers, my governor, my major, to help clearing this problem. “ “when i was a governor, we have a project of jakarta outer ring road. started 15 years ago but is stop 8 years ago. because we had a 486 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 problem here, 1.5 kilometers unfinished. because there is 143 family do not accept with the compensation price. so last year, i invite them, i go to the ground, and i invite them for lunch and dinner, 4 times. ah, this is me, i invite them and then we talk about the problem, 4 time, 4-time meeting and the problem is clear. and now, the toll road has been used a 7 month ago. “ “now we talk business permit. we have national one-stop service, the national one-stop service office that can help you, that will serve you, that will facilitate you, that will give you, your business permit. for example, the principal business permit need 3 days to process” the ingratiation conducted by jokowi strategically intended to attract interests of ceos in order to do investments in indonesia. as the current president of indonesia, jokowi personally guaranteed matters concerning land acquisition for infrastructure development would be under control of his power. jokowi also introduced his term diplomasi makan siang as his good will to solve problems related to land acquisition problem. at the end of his speech, ingratiation was done by giving a commitment that the indonesian government would provide convenience in business permission for investors. he ensured that the superstructure was an important factor and priority for infrastructure development. table 3. exemplification category in sby’s and jokowi’s speech sources: researcher’s data (2015) the table 3 showed that both sby and jokowi intended to build an image as a leader, who had influence and authority as 487 journal of government & politics well as future dreams for indonesia. the following excerpts showed jokowi’s statement to “let others know how much hard / dreams the actor has and try to act like a models of leader”, “we want to channel our fuel subsidy to the farmer, for seeds, for fertilizers, and also for irrigation. and we want to build the dams, 25 dams in 5 years, from our fuel subsidy, to maintain the water supply to the farming area. in 5 years, we want to build 24 seaports and deep seaports, as you know that we have 17,000 islands, so we need deep seaport and seaport. and this is your opportunity, 24 seaports and deep seaports. “ “i had experience with land acquisition, when i was a governor, we have a project of jakarta outer ringroad. started 15 years ago but is stop 8 years ago. because we had a problem here, 1.5 kilometers unfinished. because there is 143 family do not accept with the compensation price. so last year, i invite them, i go to the ground, and i invite them for lunch and dinner, 4 times. ah, this is me, i invite them and then we talk about the problem, 4 time, 4-time meeting and the problem is clear.” in his presentation at the apec ceo forum, diplomasi makan siang was jokowi’s strategic term to get impression as an egalitarian leader, humanist and emphasized dialogue or two-way communication in solving problems. one of jokowi’s achievements during his tenure as governor of dki jakarta was his ability to promote dialogue with the public to have mutual understanding between society and government. in the process of the dialogue, the government would understand a crucial point of issue from the public’s perspective. jokowi wanted to share that the public were invited to participate in the realization of the government program. it was the essence of democracy. this kind of the attitude was a truly leader represented in his speech at the apec ceo summit. in the category of exemplification, sby’s speech highlighted two important points. first was about the dominant review of 488 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 apec in sby’s speech to impress ceo’s that sby was a leader who understand and had control on the root of apec problems. sby presented himself as one of the leaders in the asia pacific region. futhermore, it was not excessive when he had big dreams for the community of apec countries. it was to assert his debut regionally and even internationally. here were excerpts of his speech, “first and for most we all need to do our part to prevent protectionist policies and continue....we must also ensure that our trade relations are not only strong but balanced also. second, we need to intensify effort to stimulate investment within our region, so as...... there is tremendous opportunity for this as we are experiencing a rapid growth of the middle class. third, we need to develop more and better infrastructure as an essential element of our connectivity......we have to make it easier, cheaper and faster.....we welcome publicprivate partnership to develop needed infrastructure. fourth, to ensure growth with equity, we must embrace the sme’s that form the backbone of all our economies. fifth, we must work together to ensure the financial stability which is an absolute requisite for sustainable all economic activities, including treat and investment. “ “...... also in my capacity as the chief sales person of indonesia incorporated, i invite you all to see the business and investment opportunities in indonesia.” at the end of his speech, the president sby referred himself as the chief sales person of indonesia incorporated. the labeling was his image management strategy to demonstrate his great role in indonesia. that was sby, the person who had a big responsibility to bring indonesia into the sustainable growth, economic development and democratization. it was the same position as the other ceo’s had in their companies, to promote development on their business. communication style was drawn from the data found by the researchers that the two leaders had different communication 489 journal of government & politics styles. in the apec ceo forum, jokowi was the only leader of apec’s members that made a presentation with slides and without using text. that style was attractive for the public. english pronunciation used by jokowi tended to be informal and not standardized for international speech. even acquiring criticisms from indonesians because the speech did not meet the high standards of international meetings, jokowi communication style gave the impression since it was straight to the points, clear and not more ramble. the following is jokowi’s opening speech: “ladies and gentleman, all ceos, good morning. first on behalf of indonesian government and the people of indonesia, i would like to thank you for your coming to my presentation. today, i’m happy, very happy. i’m, to be among with you”. unlike jokowi’s speech at the apec ceo summit in beijing, communication style and language chosen by sby were too formal, procedural and represented his image as a political elite. the following excerpt opening speech sby, “your excellency, the minister of apec economy, adorable governor of bali. distinguished ceo from the asian pacific region and other parts of the globe, ladies and gentleman. i am pleased to welcome you to indonesia and i trust that all of you are enjoying the island of bali, the which is also known as the island of the gods. it is indeed a great honor for me to address this apec ceo summit. and i am table 4. communication style category in sby’s and jokowi’s speech sources: researcher’s data (2015) 490 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 pleased to see such participation used by the richer and world corporate community here today. also i wish to thank my fellow apec leaders, many of whom also would have the honor to speak to this forum “ sby’s communication style was more commonly known as high-context culture, using symbols that implied serious, formal, structured and systematically. sby’s communication style was inversely with jokowi’s. on the one hand, sby was highly displaying his image of influential, careful and charismatic but the other hand, sby’s speech tended to please and satisfy many parties. he tended to avoid conflict and arguments as well as provide a cover for bad events. conclusion based on the data, the impression management of sby was emphasized on his self-promotion and ingratiation. in the apec ceo forum, sby tended to display his image as a worldwide leader, systematic, charismatic and competent person. sby’s impression management in his public diplomacy was conducted in normative and formal way rather than being persuasive and proactive to attract investment for indonesia. in the era of sby’s leadership, political imagery was a crucial to gain public attention and sympathy. as a politician, sby was known as a proficient person in formulating political imagery. the focus of sby’s speech was dominated by the dynamics of apec than the aspects of national opportunity and growth. the finding was explained in two reasons. first, it was related to the position of indonesia in 2013 as the host of apec summit. thus that impression management was intended to build his image as a good host for all of ceo’s. second, the exposure speech of sby about indonesia was described in short and abstract information. the speech was constructed to build indonesia’s image as a stable and progressive country both in politics and economics. 491 journal of government & politics speech delivered by jokowi throughout a slide presentation and with no text, jokowi was considered a confident, a straightforward, an egalitarian and an authoritative leader. the impression management of his public diplomacy was conducted in an aggressive, detailed, and informal to gain investment. jokowi acted such as a truly marketing who introduced a product rather than presidential performance. this kind of impression management style probably would win the hearts and minds of foreign investors further emerging engagement of the public. the impression management as a part of management process which is organized by a political actor through purposeful communication and action, seeks to influence and to establish, build, and maintain beneficial relationships and reputations with its key publics. all of the action is to support its mission and achieve its goals (strömbäck & kiousis, 2011, p. 8). with regard to the main objective of the public diplomacy which was to influence policy and public opinion abroad for the national interest, jokowi’s impression management was more promoted to achieve attention and awareness of public than sby’s. in international context, speech would be easily interpreted by foreign audience if delivered and encoded directly, concretely and simple. those ways are useful to gain mutual understanding, mutual trust and mutual benefit between the indonesian government and the ceo’s at apec summit. references landtsheer. c, vries, p. de & vertessen, d. (2008). political impression management: how metaphors, sound bites, appearance effectiveness, and personality traits can win elections, journal of political marketing, 7:3-4, 217-238. cull, n. j. (2008). public diplomacy: taxonomies and histories. the annals of the american academy of political and social science, 616, 31.in elaeva, a.y. (2011). case study of russia’s public diplomacy to attract u.s. direct investment. cull, n. j. (2009). public diplomacy: lessons from the past. los angeles: figoeroa press. retrieved november 5, 2009, from http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/publications/perspectives/cpdperspectiveslessons.pdf johansson, c. (2007). goffman’s sociology: an inspiring resource for developing public relations theory. public relations review, 33, 275-280 in peterson, j.r. (2014), david’s vs. goliath: the self promotion of public relations boutiques online. jones, e. e.,&pittman, t. s. (1982). toward a general theory of strategic self presentation 492 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 in bolino, m.c. & turnley. w.h.(1999). measuring impression management in organizations. organizational research methods, vol. 2 no. 2, april 1999 187-206. kondracki, n. l.,&wellman, n. s. (2002). content analysis: review of methods and their applications in nutrition education. journal of nutrition education and behavior, 34, 224-230 in hsieh, h.f & shannon, s.e (2005). three approaches to qualitative content analysis. qualitative health research journal, 15 (9). 1277-1288. lauri, s & kynga¨ s h. (2005). developing nursing theories (finnish: hoitotieteen teorian kehitta¨minen). werner so¨ derstro¨m, dark oy, vantaa in elo, s. & kyngas, h. (2008). the qualitative content analysis process. journal of advanced nursing. 62(1), 107– 115. levine, r.(2006). the power of persuasion: how we are bought and sold. england: one world, oxford. manheim, j. b. (1994). strategic public diplomacy. in w. bennett & d. l. paletz (eds.), taken by storm: the media, public opinion, and u.s. foreign policy in the gulf war. chicago: the university of chicago press. mayring, p. (2014). qualitative content analysis. theoretical foundation, basic procedures and software solution. http://www.psychopen.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/books/mayring/ssoar-2014-mayringqualitative_content_analysis_theoretical_foundation.pdf mulyana, d. (2003). ilmu komunikasi: suatu pengantar. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. rosenfeld, giacalone, & riordan. (1995). impression management in organizations: theory, measurement, and practice in bolino, m.c. & turnley. w.h.(1999). measuring impression management in organizations. organizational research methods, vol. 2 no. 2, april 1999 187-206. signitzer, b. & wamser, c. (2006). public diplomacy: a specific governmental function in c.h. botan & v. hazleton (eds.), public relations theory ii. mahwah, nj: lawrence erlbaum associates. strömbäck, j., & kiousis, s. (2011). political public relations. principles and applications. new york: routledge. tuch, h.n. (1990). communicating with the world: u.s. public diplomacy overseas. new york: st. martin’s press in elaeva, a.y. (2011). case study of russia’s public diplomacy to attract u.s. direct investment. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan 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office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. j urna l doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i1.11904 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp studi pemerintahan how the political trust before, at 1 pandemic and vaccinations: provincial case studies in indonesia (2019, 2020 and 2021) dadang mas bakar1 rezki amalia3 abstract: , agus adriyanto2 , nur affiliation: 1 2 universitas pertahanan/ universitas t erbuka indonesia 3 universitas indonesia correspondence: the covid-19 pandemic caused various problems. government and political systems were also disrupted, including political trust. this study aims to com pare the level of youth political trust to government and parliament before pandemic (2019), at thepandemic (2020), andwhenthe vaccine starts (2021), to collect data we used a questionnaire on institutional political trust in 1122 respondents taken at three different years. data were collected using strati fied cluster random sampling, which is spread across 14 districts in south sulawesi. then, the data were analyzed using the anava test using spss 24.0. the results analysis show that youth’s trust in government during 2019 2021 were ups and downs, which before the pandemic trust was at 62%, then when the pandemic fell to 55% and in 2021 it could be increased again by the government to 60% which it means that only a difference of 2% from before the pandemic. youth trust in the dprd during 2019-2021 has had upsand downs, wherein in 2019, the level of trust was at 50%. then at the pandemic (2020), it increased to 53%, and in 2021 after vaccines and government pro grams running well, it decreased far from before the pandemic to 50%. keywords: covid-19, south sulawesi, parliament, political trust, youth abstrak: pandemi covid-19 menyebabkan berbagai permasalahan. sistem pemerintahan dan politik juga terganggu termasuk didalamnya kepercayaan politik. penelitian ini, bertujuan untuk membandingkan tingkat kepercayaan politik pemuda pada pemerintah dan dprd saat sebelum pandemi (tahun 2019), saatawalpandemi(2020), hingga saat mulaimunculnya vaksin (2021). pengambilan data menggunakan kuesioner kepercayaan politik institusi pada 1122 responden yang diambil pada 3 tahun berbeda. pengambilan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan stratified cluster random sampling yang sebarannya di 14 kabupaten di sulawesi selatan. kemudian, data tersebut dianalisis menggunakan uji anava dengan bantuan spss 24.0. hasil analisis yang ditemukan menunjukkan bahwa pada kepercayaan pemuda pada pemerintah sepanjang 2019-2021 terjadi pasang surut, yang mana pada sebelum pandemi kepercayaan berada pada 62%, kemudian saat pandemi turun menjadi 55% dan pada 2021 bisa kembali di naikkan oleh pemerintah menjadi 60% yang dapat dikatakan hanya selisih 2% dari sebelum adanya pandemi. (dadangmasbakar@gmail.com) how to cit ate: bakar , d. m., adriyanto, a., & amalia, n. r. (2022). how the political trust before, at pandemic and vaccinations: provincial case studies in indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(1) 1 24 article history: received: (june 5th, 2021) reviewed: july 26th, 2021 accepted: (january 3th, 2022) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7150-5183 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4157-2035 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6455-3614 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 kepercayaan pemuda pada dprd sepanjang 2019-2021 terjadi pasang surut, yang mana pada tahun 2019 tingkat kepercayaannya berada pada 50%, kemudian pada saat terjadinya pandemi (tahun 2020) malah meningkat menjadi 53% dan 2021 setelah adanya vaksin dan upaya yang dilakukan, malah merosotjauh dari sebelum pandemi menjadi 50%. kata kunci: covid-19, sulawesi selatan, dpr, kepercayaan politik, pemuda introduction indonesia is a country that is full of national issues. various social problems such as poverty, social inequality, inequality in the quality of education, politics can be seen everywhere today. since march 2020, we are facingthe corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic. in addition to the health, economy, and education, the covid-19 pandemic caused various effects and problems, one of which is the most felt in politics. it is related to howthe communitydepends andmakes thegovernment a source of life during this pandemic. politicsisa subject ofstudythat will continue to develop. political roles are considered veryimpor tant for the sustainability of government and the sovereignty of a countryto maintain unity, unityand peace, and the sustainability of its society. political trustis considered an essential thing to be fulfilled to run a good system andincrease political participation. with a population basedon a survey by the central statistics agency, indonesia shows that there are 268 million people (badanpusatstatistik,2020a)1.indonesiamustfulfilall people’s needs, including public trustso that all decisions and matters regulated by the governmentare carried out correctly and get community support. indonesiamust ensure that every citizen can feel represented by the government in political decisions in indonesia so that disputes andconflicts do not occur that can divide the integrity of the nation and state. it causes political decisionsmadeandimplementedbythegovernmentwillinvolve and affect the welfare of the people.when we look at the history related to how the people’s low political trust can ultimately affect the stability of the nation and the state, as happened in may 1998 at that time, presidentsoeharto’s government, which had ruled for 32 years (from 1966 2 j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an 1998) from his position. in 1998, president soeharto’s govern3 ment was deemed not going well due to indonesia’s economic decline and president soeharto’s policies, which were consid erednotpro-society. it causedpublictrustdeclinedrasticallyand forced president soeharto to resign from president. theend of president soeharto’s government was marked by the reading of his resignation letter dated 21 may 19982. problems related to the decline in the public political trust not only occur in indonesia, as an example occurred in brazil recently (2016). there is impeachment or the process of drop ping an indictment against a high-ranking official, which can lead to dismissal. brazilian president dilma rousseff was im peached because he was accused of manipulating financial and administrative data and issuing policies deemed not meeting public expectations. public trust in the brazilian president de creased and resulted in the public staging demonstrations to demand that president dilma rousseff be impeached. finally, members of the lower house of brazil (dpr brasil) took action to file impeachment against president dilma rouseff. as a re sult, 367 out of 504 brazilian dpr members approved the im peachment, which resulted in the dismissal of dilma rousseff as president of brazil, which then resulted in chaos and economic instability in brazil (costa, 2019). the impeachment case of the president of brazil strengthens the existing evidence that the power and influence of political trusts are significant to the le gitimacy of the government or institution. the concept of political trust itself is widely used to solve the problems faced by various countries adhering to a democratic system. the most crucial problem in democratic theory is politi cal trust as an evaluation of political legitimacy and institutions running according to public expectations (akhrani et al., 2018; min et al., 2020). political trust is the community’s hope that the government or institution given this trust can respond, mobilize and carry out tasks according to community expectations. a political trust is a form of public expectations of the government vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 4 or leaders who are assessed through the performance, design, and political system in order to meet the needs of society that are appropriate and as expected and needed by the community (bakar, 2019, 2020; dalton, 2017). alternatively, when we look atotherviews, suggestingthat political trust isawayofmaintain ing attitudes and behavior to make rules and programs that do not trigger and create distrust in society (krastev, 2012). political trust, as previously reviewed, is crucial for the sustainability of the nation and state, as well as maintaining na tional security and peace, which includes youth because 1 in 4 indonesians is youth (badan perencanaan dan pembangunan nasional, 2017)3. it means that youths’ strength and number are tremendousandneedspecialattentionrelatedtopoliticaltrusts— youth as the pioneer of the movement for change towards im proving a country. based on article 1 of law no. 40 of 2009 concerning youth (undang-undang no. 40 tahun 2009 tentang kepemudaan, 2009) states that “youth are indonesian citizens who enter an important period of growth anddevelopment, aged 16 to 30 years. youth is the forerunner of future leaders”. youths have a role in developing ethical and moral aspects, strengthening national insight, increasing legal awareness, raising awareness of responsi bilities, rights and obligations as citizens, increasing participa tion in the formulation of public policies, and developing sci ence and technology. youth plays a crucial role in the nation-building process go ing forward. when the youth have started to become apathetic about politics and government issues, it can cause various prob lems and disturbances in the future. all threats, disturbances, obstacles, and challenges can quickly enter and damage the in donesian nation. one of the most visible manifestations of youth political trusts is the level of participation in elections or pilkada4. a survey by demos confirms this problem, found that the current state of youth in political participation was only 49.8% had high political participation (putra et al., 2014). alter natively, it can be concluded that only a portion of indonesian j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an youth participate or have trust in the government. 5 a survey by the centre for strategic and international stud ies (2017) shows that public trust in political parties is classified as very low, which is only 44.2%. indonesian people’s trust in the government, based on the edelman of the trust index, shows an increase since 2012-2018, namely 36%, 49%, 49%, 65%, 58%, 71%, and 73%, respectively(edelman, 2018) andin 2019 at 75% points (edelman, 2019), which means that the time is increas ing. (see figure 1) figure 1. level of trustingovernment this problem can be seen from the youth development in dex data released by the national planning and development agency, an index that measures the status of youth development in indonesia. found that the civic participation of indonesian youth is still relatively medium, with a score of 50.17 in 2016 from a scale of 0-100 (badan perencanaan dan pembangunan nasional, 2017). even the data obtained is a slap in the face of youth and the indonesian government. indonesia is a large na tion and faces a demographic dividend5, which means that in donesian youth are counted very essentially but have not been appropriately empowered by the government. indonesianyouthbelievethat advancing indonesiaisnot only the government’s responsibility, but all elements of society, espe cially youth. history has proven that young people play a role in bringing change for indonesia. they are continuing the baton driving these changes. the government should be there to be a vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 6 forum for ideas and a vehicle for realizing actions so that the youth have to be the object and subject of development espe cially in the covid-19 problemscurrentlybeingfaced, whichwill undoubtedlyaffect thepolitical trust of youth, whichwill impact national defence and security. thelossoftrust inpoliticiansisespeciallyacuteamongyouth. in nearly 60% of countries surveyed in 2010–2014, youth have lower trust in political parties when compared to older people (oecd, 2015). younger generations are under-represented in party membership and leadership, as well as in the legislature. their marginalization from (and decreasing trust in) traditional political parties is of particular concern, as they could create or overhaul future models of representation (international idea, 2018). one of the factors causing the fluctuation of trust in the gov ernment and dprd is the current situation and condition. the year2020 isquiteachallengingyearforallcountriesinthe world, including indonesia. march 2020 was the beginning of severe conditions, namely corona virus disease 2019 (covid-19). of course, thisisashockingeffect forthecommunity, especiallythe government. it is based on the fact that various lifelines must change drastically, such as implementing lockdowns, large-scale social restrictions (psbb)6, studying and working from home (wfh), etc. of course, this makes the government confused about saving society from covid-19 and saving the nation’s economy. in addition, many community activities have been se verely disrupted during 2020, including the society economy, which is essential. finally, people put their hopes in the govern ment to save the economy of society. the government has taken various ways to meet these expec tations. some of the quick respond from indonesia government are cash transfer (blt)7, pre-employment program8, and other social assistance programs. unfortunately, on 5 december 2020, social minister juliari batubara was arrested by the kpk 9 through ahand-arrestoperation(ott) whichwaseventuallymadeasus j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an pectin the corruption caseinvolving direct cash assistance (blt) 7 worth 17 billion (mardiansyah, 2020). as has been stated above, that assistance is very much needed by the community to help the economy during various limited community activities. in addition, there was also corruption committed by the minister of marine affairs and fisheries (kkp) edhy prabowo on 25 no vember 2020 (kpk, 2020). this series of events can cause the public trust to decline be cause the public has given high expectations for the government in helping to predict economic problems. however, unfortunately, there have been cases of corruption. this situation ultimately confused the public, therefore the government made policies to have an impact on how people viewed the government. auto matically, this change in perspective dramatically affects how people trust the government. at the end of 2020, outside the existing corruption cases. in this case, what does the government carry out in the form of coordination and prevention? the researcher assesses that the handling carried out by the government is quite good and can be categorized as measured and ready. it can be seen from how the government can adequately control and tracking the spread of covid-19. in addition, there is also a new hope that at the end of 2020, the vaccine has been ordered. january 2021 has arrived in indonesia and is ready for use on 13 january for the first time by president joko widodo. this study aims to provide an overview of the level of differ ences in youth political trusts in 2019-2021 to be used as a refer ence for developing and increasing political trust in the future. in addition, this research is also a form of evaluation for the government and the dprd, which have obligations under the law to meet the community’s needs, increase participation, and public political trust. seeing the very dynamic phenomenon of political trust, this is an exciting finding on how to get answers about the current state of political trust. this research focuses on looking at differences in the political trusts of youth before vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 8 thepandemic(2019), first-timepandemic(2020), and aftervac cine existed that brings hope pandemic will be done (2021). hypothesis based on the explanation above, the formulation of hypoth esis can be as following: h1: there are differences in youth political trust in the govern ment before the covid-19 and the beginning of the covid-19 occurrence h2: there are differences in youth political trust in the govern ment at the beginning of the covid-19 and the use of vac cines h3: there are differences in youth political trust in the govern ment prior to the covid-19 and the use ofvaccines h4: there are differences in youth political trust the dpr be fore the covid-19 and the beginning of the covid-19 occur rence h5: there are differences in youth political trust in the dprd at the beginning of the covid-19 occurrence and the use of vaccines h6: there are differences in youth political trust the dprd be fore the covid-19 and the existence of vaccines literature review political trust political trust is the result of an evaluation of the government byindividuals regarding social justice that occurs in society. po litical trust is an individual trust in the goodness of an individual or group in carrying out duties and obligations for the common interest in the political system (wahyudi et al., 2017). trust in politicians is emphasized that politicians are trusted if they have attitudes and missions in political organizations, government, and running the government system (zavecz,2017) apolitical trust isaformof society’s evaluative orientation to the political process or part of an ongoing process based on indi j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an viduals who respond to the normative expectations of society 9 (colquitt et al., 2007; hetherington, 1998). the government and the inherent elements act in the individual or the public (letki, 2018; zavecz, 2017) and constitute a cognitive evaluation (van der meer, 2018). political trust means that it can be defined as an evaluative form carried out by the government and an inherent element manifested in the form of positive expectations given to the gov ernment or specific institutions. it can be underlined that this trust focuses on evaluating people’s expectations of the govern ment, which is judged by the community to be implemented. the public’s perception forms political trust that political insti tutions have satisfactory performance and have a clear impact (mishler & rose, 2001), yielding preferred results even if left unattended (shi, 2001). political trust is a way of maintaining attitudes and behavior to make rules and programs that do not trigger and create distrust in the community (krastev, 2012). political trust can be divided into two, namely cultural per spective and institutional theory (mishler & rose, 2001). the cultural perspective explains that political trust is an interper sonal trust or trust formed through life stages that involve emo tions that will lead to political institutions and influence the as sessment of individual performance. the cultural perspective emphasizes the influence of the environment over a long period and affects individual differences in seeing political trusts. the cultural perspective explains that political trusts are influenced byindividualbackgroundssuchas gender, age, education, politi cal preferences, and minority status. institutional trust explains that institutions with good per formance will be trusted by the community, while institutions with poor performance or not according to community expecta tionswill distrust thepublic andleadtoskepticism. political trust is formed on the fulfilment of people’s expectations of the per formance or performance of political institutions according to society’s expectations, which means that political trust impacts vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 10 institutional performances. institutional and individual political trusts are categorization based on the object to which the trust is directed. political trust also has variants based on various types of motivation that individuals have when trusting their institu tions or political leaders (mishler & rose, 2001). two factors influence political trust, namely, rational and re lational reasoning. rational political trust involves interest-based calculations in which citizens evaluate the government or indi viduals acting according to the ideals of society’s expectations (blind, 2007). blind argues that a trust is a form of rational ac tion based on cognitive and assessment of the benefits of trust ing other individuals. trust built on a rational choice framework focusesoncognitionthatformsthebasisofappropriatenessjudg ments and decisions to place trust in others and theattachment of trusting relationships in networks, groups, and institutions (blind, 2007; cook & santana, 2018). rational trust is a measure based on competence, honesty, integrity, and perceived fairness under individual expectations of the government or individuals (weinhardt, 2015). rational trust is a process of imaginative anticipation of an individual or group performance based on reputation, evaluation, perception, action, and trust in self-perspective relational factors (blind, 2007). relational trust is affective factors, meaning that relational trust is based on ethics and individual goodness. relational trust is more inclined towards relationships between individuals. re lational trust is an interpersonal trust that relies on assumptions about relationships with other individuals formedthrough a pro cess of interaction regarding identity and affective (blind, 2007; weinhardt, 2015). rathbun argues that relational trust is a personal attach ment relationship that can develop over time. the basis of rela tional, political trusts is the individual’s identity, which is the pri mary driver influencing the collaboration process (weinhardt, 2015). according to hardin, relational trust is based on indi vidual optimistic expectations about other individuals frompast j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an experiences with other individuals, which manifest as subjective 11 trusts. relational trust is trust in other individuals individually based on past relationships and events that arise under certain conditions (robbins, 2016). according to grim and knies, three characteristics can be used to measure institutional political trust, namely, perceived competence, benevolence, and integrity (grimmelikhuijsen & knies, 2017)10. first, perceived competence is a condition in which society assesses and sees capable, practical, skilled and pro fessional institutions. individuals need trust in how well indi viduals perform institutional performance regarding highlight ing specific tasks and situations that have construct properties. second, perceived benevolence is a condition in which the com munityassessesand seesinstitutionsthat have exceptional atten tion to welfare and run programs under public interests, the de sire of individuals to provide satisfaction that benefits society, including attention, empathy, trust, and acceptance. third, per ceived integrity is a condition in which society assesses and sees institutions as an honest group and fulfils all promises, related to how the habits of individuals who say or act according to facts reasonably, keep promises, are loyal, honest, and can be trusted (grimmelikhuijsen & knies, 2017). based on the description above, it can be concluded that an institutional political trust is a form of public expectations of the government that is assessed through the performance, design, and political system to meet community needs precisely and as expected and needed by society. due to rational and relational factors, which in the end can be assessed from the three aspects of political trust, namely: perceived competence, perceived be nevolence, and perceived integrity. indonesian youth youth as the pioneer of change movement towards the im provement of a country. based on article 1 of law number 40 of 2009 concerning youth (undang-undang no. 40 tahun 2009 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 12 tentang kepemudaan, 2009), “youth are indonesian citizens who enter an important period of growth and development aged 16 to 30 years”. then, continued in article 16, it is explained that “youth play an active role as a moral force, social control, and agents of change in all aspects of national development.”. it means that youth have a role in developing ethical and moral aspects, strengthening na tional insight, increasing legal awareness, raising awareness of responsibilities, rights, and obligations as citizens, increasing participation in the formulation of public policies, and develop ing science technology. the period of the younger generation or youth is marked by attitudes and mental maturity, the ability to participate in the context of community life. there are many young people in indonesia, and it is recorded that based on data from the central statistics agency in 2020, the number of youths in indonesia has reached 64.50 million people or 1 in 4 of indonesia’s population is youth. there is more male youth than female youth, with a sex ratio of 103.18, which means that for every 103 male youth, there is 100 female youth. the percentage of youth in urban areas is more signifi cant than in rural areas (57.83% compared to 42.17%). based on the distribution by region, more than half of youth are concen trated in java (55.11%) (badan pusat statistik, 2020b)11. in indonesia’s historical records, the youth played a role in the struggle that began during the national movement, long be fore indonesia’s independence. the concept of indonesia was echoed by youth during the youth oath of 28 october 1928 12. the role and function of youth should be a concern for the gov ernment. therelatedministries/agencies shouldcontinue tomake vari ous efforts to develop all existing potentials through awareness, empowerment, development in various fields, including the most important is politics. it means that the role of youth even before indonesia’s independence had a considerable role. the youth had great power in helping the government in efforts to improve various things in the future. j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an regional government 13 the government is a public organization with the aim of pub lic service through the government and bureaucratic system run bybureaucratstoachievesociety’sideals(martias,2019). based on article 1 of law no. 23 of 2014 concerning local govern ment law no. 23 of 2014 concerning regional government (2014) states that “regional government is the head of the region as an element of regional government administration who leads the implemen tation ofgovernmentaffairswhichfallundertheauthorityofautono mous regions.”. the government is an organization or organiza tion of individuals with powers and institutions that take care of state matters, the welfare of the people, and the state (afifah & yuningsih, 2016). the functions and objectives of local government are the ba sis for the structure of a democratic political system and sustain able development with a role as the primary vehicle at a certain level to ensure increased understanding, participation, and pub lic support for governance (setiawan,2018). based on this. it means that the government must meet the needs of its people, in this case, the people’s expectations to ful fil the functions and objectives of the government to increase the participation and political trust of the people in the govern ment to gain legitimacy from the community. regional people’s representative council the regional people’s representative council (dprd) is regu lated in the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia. in the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia, article 22c chapter viia concerning the regional representative council states that “members of the regional people’s representative council are elected from each province through general elections.” then, in the general provisions of law no. 7 of 2017 concerning the general election states, “regional people’s representative council, hereinaf ter abbreviated to dprd, isthe provincial regional people’s represen tative council and regency/municipal regional people’s representa vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 14 tive council as referred to in the 1945 constitution of the republic of indonesia”. then, it is described in more detail in article 363 of the regional representative council and the regional people’s representative council law no 17 of 2014 concerning the people’s consultative assembly, the regional representative council, and the regional people’s representative council. states that “regency/city dprd consists of members of political par ties participating in general elections who are elected through general elections,” and article 364 that “the regency / municipal dprd is a regional people’s representative institution which is positioned as an elementinadministeringregency/ municipalgovernment.”. article 1 paragraph (1) of law no. 17 of 2014 concerning the people’s consultative assembly, the people’s representative council, the regional representative council, and the regional representative council. confirms that “dprd functions to carry out legislative, budgeting andsupervisory functions.”. then contin ued in paragraph (2) that “the three functions as referred to in para graph (1) shall be implemented within the framework of people’s repre sentation in districts/cities”. in carrying out the functions of the city dprd, it is required to be responsive and sensitive to the interests of the people it represents and the political organiza tions where dprd members take shelter. based on the above discussion, it can be seen that the dprd has the primary function, namely legislation, budgeting and su pervision. in these three functions, one of the indicators and themostimportant thingis howthe dprd can bringthe people’s aspirations and make it happen to achieve political trust for the legitimacy of the dprd itself. research method this research uses a quantitative approach by making com parisons in 3 different situations. this study uses data taken by researchers themselves based on a questionnaire that has been considered valid and refers to aspects of institutional political trusts. j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an respondents, instruments anddata analysis 15 the data collection technique in this study used research instrument in the form of a likert scale. researchers assume that the information obtained from respondents is reliable. self administered questionnaires were distributed according to pre determinedcharacteristicsbasedonaspectsofperceivedcompe tence, perceived benevolence and perceived integrity based on aspects of institutional political trust ( gri mmelikhuijsen &knies, 2017). the analysis used in this research is descriptive, and the hypothesis test used is the comparative test (t-test) using spss 24.0. this study involved 1121 respondents with respondent char acteristics as described below (see table 1 and table 2). table 1. number of research respondents respondent year 2019 2020 2021 number of respondents 400 415 307 total 1122 the number of respondents in each study as described in table 1 that is, in 2019 as many as 400 respondents, 2020 as many as 415 respondents and 2021 as many as 307 respondents, so that the total respondents used in this study were 1122 young people with the criteria of living in south sulawesi province and 17-30 years old. table 2. characteristics based on gender year 2019 2020 2021 sex m f m f m f total 191 209 187 228 173 134 ket: m= male, f= female in table 2, the characteristics of respondents based on gender are described, it can be seen that in 2019, male respondents were 191 and 209 females, in 2020 males were 187 and females were 288, while in 2021, maleswere 173 and 134 females. all respon dents are young people who live in makassar city, aged 17-30 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 16 years(seetable3).thesampleinthisstudywastakenusingstrati fied cluster random sampling. table 3. characteristics by age age 2019 2020 2021 mean 22.2 22.4 23.3 in table 3, shows the mean age of all respondents, namely in 2019 the mean is 22.2 years, 22.24 years in 2020 and 23.3 years in 2021. this is important to show how the responses can be seen and state that each year does not have much difference. result and discussion after carrying out data collection, the most crucial step is to select the appropriatetestforstatistical analysis. in thisstudy, we areusingthe one-way anovatestwiththehelpof spss 24.0. the usefulness of the anova test is intended to see the differ ences as the hypothesis has been presentedabove. before conducting the anova test, the researcher first calcu lates trust, which is then described as a percentage (%), to get a clear picture of the difference in percentage (see table 4) table 4. trust level from 2019, 2020 to 2021 in the government and dprd 2019 2020 2021 institution pr dp pr dp pr dp percentage (%) 62% 50% 55% 53% 60% 46% table5.thesignificancevalue of differencesinyouth political trustinthe government from 2019-2021. variable sig. description kp 2019 -> kp 2020 0.000 significance kp 2020 -> kp 2021 0.001 significance kp 2019 -> kp 2021 0.995 no significance based on data in table 4. it can be seen that the level of youth trust in the government in 2019-2021 has experienced ups and downs. however, each year the dprd has decreased. further j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an more, the data is tested using one-way anova to see whether 17 the difference is significant or not, illustrated in the following table (see table 5). based on data in table 5 shows that there was a significant difference in the political trust of youth in the government be fore the covid-19 pandemic (2019) and when it occurred(2020), which was based on table 4, the difference is quite far, namelya difference of 7%, meaning that there has been a significant de creasesince 2019-2020. then, youthpoliticaltrustinthegovern ment in 2020 when the covid-19 pandemic occurred and in 2021 also shows a significant difference. this means that a 5% increase in trust from 2020 to 2021 is said to increase signifi cantly (see table 4). furthermore, there is no significant difference in the politi cal trust of youth before the covid pandemic (2019) compared to 2021. as we have seen in table 4, there was a difference of about 2%, which is considered not a significant change. furthermore, it can be concluded that the trust levels in 2019 and 2021 do not differ significantly despite the previous ups and downs. table 6. the significance valueof differences inyouthpolitical trustsinthe dprd from 2019-2021. variables sig. description dprd 2019 -> dprd 2020 0.005 significant dprd 2020 -> dprd 2021 0.000 significant dprd 2019 -> dprd 2021 0.007 significant based on data in table 6 shows that. there is a significant difference in youth political trust in dprd in 2019 and 2020, based on table 4. the difference is 3%, meaning that there has been a significant increase since 2019-2020. then, the youth’s political trust in the dprd in 2020 and 2021 also shows a sig nificant difference. this means that a 9% decrease in trust from 2020to2021issaidtohavedecreasedsignificantly(seetable4). furthermore, there is a significant difference in the political vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 18 trust of youth before the covid pandemic (2019) compared to 2021. as we have seen in table 4, there is a difference of about 4%, which is a significant change. furthermore, it can be con cluded that the level of trust in 2019 and 2021 will change sig nificantly. furthermore, youth’s trust in the dprd is not af fected by the situation amid the pandemic. based on the com prehensive research data found, it can be concluded that h1, h2, h4, h5 and h6 are accepted and h3 is rejected. conclusion we found that youth’s trust in government during 2019-2021 there were ups and downs. before the pandemic, the political trust was at 62%. then in 2020 (when the pandemic) fell to 55%. furthermore, in 2021 it could be increased again by the government to 60%, which can be said that only a difference of 2% from before the pandemic (see figure 2). this means that the government can resolve the issue of youth political trust quickly and adequately. figure 2. youth level of trust in south sulawesi’s government itcanbeansweredbecause,in2020,adisasterwillcausepeople to question the government’s readiness to face various disasters, including the covid-19 pandemic. this can be seen from the various policies that fluctuated at the beginning of the covid-19, which automatically confused the public and ultimatelylowered their political trust. in addition, during the pandemic, various activities had to be j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an stopped (lockdown) and the holding of the psbb, which ulti19 mately made the community utterly dependent on the govern ment. because the community’s expectations were not fulfilled, suchas gettingimmediate assistance, thisultimatelyloweredthe youth’s trust. this is also supported by the theory that political trust is formed by the perception of society those political institutions havesatisfactory performance and have a clear i mpact (mishler & rose,2001) and in carrying out their duties and obligations for the common interest in the political system (wahyudi et al., 2017). furthermore, the youth’s trust in the dprd during 20192021 had ups and downs, which is 2019, the level of trust was at50%. at the pandemic (2020), it increased to 53% and 2021after vaccines and efforts were made. it has fallen far from beforethe pandemic to 50% (see figure 3). this is an exciting discover, because the level of youth trust in dprd was not affected by the covid-19 pandemic. however, there was a significant decrease. figure 3. youth level of trust in south sulawesi’s dprd from the two levels of trust in the government and dprd in south sulawesi, it can be seen that the results are very contradic tory (see figure 2 and figure 3). this shows that the state of the covid-19 pandemic influences the level of public trust in local governments through programs carried out by the local govern ment itself. this means that youth expectations for the govern ment are moving and formed here. the community judges these vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 20 expectations whether they are fulfilled or not so that there is an increase and a decrease, primarily when a pandemic occurs. this is seen from the third 3-point table, which states that the differ ence in 2019 and 2021 does not have a significant difference, meaning that through programs carried out by the government by procuring vaccines and accelerating the handling of the covid-19 pandemic, these are apparent factors in increasing public trust meet his expectations. political trust is a form of youth’s evaluative orientation to the political process or part of an ongoing process based on individuals who respond to the normative expectations of society (colquitt et al., 2007; hetherington, 1998). the government itself is closely related to colquitt et al., 2007 and hetherington, 1998, which in the gov ernment, the form of program expectations that influence pub lic trust. then, in the government, rational trust is something that is seen by youth in society. thus, for trust in local govern ments, researchers agree that rational trust is an aspect that is highlyvaluedbythe communityas statedby(blind,2007) stated that rational trust is a process of imaginative anticipation of an individual or group performance based on reputation, evalua tion, perception, action, and trust in self-perspective relational factors meanwhile, at the dprd, the community did not give their expectations because they saw that the dprd did not have pro grams or matters directly related to the covid-19 pandemic. it tends to appear that the expectations that form trust in the dprd are not related to the pandemic itself because the dprd is not directly related to the problem. with the public about the issue of the pandemic. based on this, the researcher finally agrees that trust in the dprd itself will focus on relational trust because it can be seen that public trust will fluctuate whether there is a pandemic or not, public trust will fluctuate and what is seen is thesympathyofyouthin dprdwhichhasaninfluence. as stated by (robbins, 2016) stated that relational trust is trust in other individuals individually based on past relationships and events j urna l st udi pemeri ntah an that arise under certain conditions. this is seen in table 4, which 21 explains that the dprd’s confidence level is still very volatile whether there is a pandemic or a vaccine. even when the pan demic occurs (2020), the confidence level is higher than in 2019 and 2021. this clearly shows that the covid-19 pandemic is not a factor in the ups and downs of youth’s level of trust in the dprd. so, we can find that basically, the government is an institu tion that clearly will be very concerned with the community and the level of trust will depend on what the local government itself implements programs. appropriate to meet community expecta tions that are more focused on implementing programs accord ing to community expectations. meanwhile, in dprd, commu nityexpectationsaremorefocusedontheformofcollectiveviews related to the behavior and attitudes of the dprd itself. basedonwhatwefound,basicallythe youthofsouthsulawesi had a low level of trust in the local government and the dprd for the province of south sulawesi. even though the number of youths in makassar is quite large, this is a serious matter that needs to be improved bythe government and dprd. especially forthe government, itismorelikelytorunprogramsaccordingto theexpectationsof youth, because what we find is that youth will give confidence to see the programs being launched or imple mented. in contrast to the dprd, in order to increase its trust in youth, it prioritizes the emotional approach to the youth of south sulawesi province. endnotes 1 the central statistical agency is the government statistical agency for providing data 2 in this resignation, there are many factors and cause declinilng the level of trust and anger from the public 3 national development planning of the republic of indonesia. the duty to orga nizes government affairs in the field of national development planning to assist the president in running the government 4 pilkada is a regional head election conducted directly by residents of the local administrative area who meet the requirements 5 indonesia’s productive age population in 2035 will reach 70.7% of the total popula vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 tion of indonesia or around 191 million and around 70 million of them are youth. 6 psbb is limitation of certain community activities in an area that is suspected of being infected with a disease and / or contamination in such a way as to prevent the possibility of spreading disease or contamination 7 blt is government assistance programs provide cash or various other assistance for the poor or those affected by covid-19 8 assistance with training costsfor indonesians whowish to acquire or upgradetheir skills. 9 kpk or the corruption eradication commission of the republic of indonesia is a state institution established with the aim of increasing the effectiveness and effi ciency of efforts to eradicate corruption. 10 researchers use thisperspective asmeasurement becausethe research conducted by grim and knies in 2017 saw the similarities that researchers would do and also through research entitled “validating a scale for citizen trust in government organi zations”. we consider it veryappropriate to be usedasthemainreference informing the questionnaire. 11 the central bureau of statistics in its publication on 2020 indonesian youth statistics 12 prior to 1928, the concept of indonesia was not yet known. on october 28, 1928 which is the day of the pledge of indonesian youth. at that time, it began to be determined that the entire territory that was colonized by the dutch at that time was indonesia and must be fought for, the unifying language used was indonesian. and overall this was initiated by the indonesian youth through the indonesian youth pledge references afifah, d. f., & yuningsih, n. y. 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(2015). relational trust in international cooperation: the case of north– south trade negotiations. journal of trust research, 5(1), 27–54. https://doi.org/10.1080/21515581.2015.1007460 23 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/the_edge_of_democracy https://doi.org/10.1080/%2021515581.2017.1364481 https://www.edelman.com/trust/2018-trust-barometer https://www.edelman.com/sites/g/files/aatuss191/files/2019-02/2019_edelman_trust_barometer_global_report.pdf https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0020852315585950 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0020852315585950 https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/political-relevance-of-political-trust/01a108c6cbf31f661cb9027497a8d638 http://www.kpk.go.id/id/berita/siaran-pers/1949-kpk-tangkap-menteri-kelautan-danhttp://www.kpk.go.id/id/berita/siaran-pers/1949-kpk-tangkap-menteri-kelautan-danhttp://www.kpk.go.id/id/berita/siaran-pers/1949-kpk-tangkap-menteri-kelautan-danhttp://www.ted.com/talks/ http://www.ted.com/talks/ http://www.ted.com/talks/ file:///c:/users/hp/downloads/oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190274801-e-28 http://www.medcom.id/telusur/cek-fakta/ http://www.medcom.id/telusur/cek-fakta/ http://www.medcom.id/telusur/cek-fakta/ https://ejournal.bsi.ac.id/ejurnal/index.php/perspektif/article/view/4791 https://ejournal.bsi.ac.id/ejurnal/index.php/perspektif/article/view/4791 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ypmed.2020.106288 https://abdn.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/what-are-the-origins-of-political-trust-testing-institutional-and https://abdn.pure.elsevier.com/en/publications/what-are-the-origins-of-political-trust-testing-institutional-and https://www.oecd.org/social/in-it-together-why-less-inequality-benefits-all-9789264235120-en.htm https://www.neliti.com/publications/402/politik-pemilih-muda-partisipasi-politik-anak-muda-di-pekanbaru-jakarta-cirebon https://www.neliti.com/publications/402/politik-pemilih-muda-partisipasi-politik-anak-muda-di-pekanbaru-jakarta-cirebon https://www.neliti.com/publications/402/politik-pemilih-muda-partisipasi-politik-anak-muda-di-pekanbaru-jakarta-cirebon https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2015-56470-003 https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2015-56470-003 https://books.google.co.id/books?id=ojbidwaaqbaj&printsec=frontcover&hl=id%23v%3donepage&q&f=false http://www.jstor.org/ http://www.jstor.org/ https://doi.org/10.7202/1016404ar https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780190274801-e-16 http://jps.ui.ac.id/index.php/jps/article/view/10 http://jps.ui.ac.id/index.php/jps/article/view/10 http://jps.ui.ac.id/index.php/jps/article/view/10 https://doi.org/%2010.1080/21515581.2015.1007460 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 zavecz, g. (2017). post communist societies of central and eastern europe. in sonja zmerli& w.vandeer meer(eds.), handbook of political trust(p. 440). edward elgar publishing. https://www.e-elgar.com/shop/eep/preview/book/isbn/9781782545118/ acknowledgement acknowledgements authors would like to express sincere gratitude to these anony mous peer reviewers of this journal for their constructive comments and sugges tions on the earlier versions of this article. author contribution. all authors contributed to the conception and design of the study. material preparation, data collection and analysis were carried out by (dmb) wit h assistance (nra) to read again. in particular, the draft manuscript was written and developed by (dmb) and (nra). then, (aa) contributed to checking the results of the writing that had been made, including assisting with licensing for the determina tion of the questionnaire. confict of interest. the authors have no conficts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article. funding. no funding was received for conducting this study. informed consent. informed consent was obtained from all individual participants in cluded in the study. all the data from the respective respondents was collected after due consent and clear explanation of the research objectives, along with as suring the use of information for research purposes only. 24 http://www.e-elgar.com/shop/eep/preview/book/isbn/9781782545118/ http://www.e-elgar.com/shop/eep/preview/book/isbn/9781782545118/ layout desember 2008 97 impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 soparatana jarusombat associate professor, the faculty of political science, thammasat university ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this paper describes the process, institutional and legal framework within which the environmental management operates in thailand. it specifically focuses on the decentralization within central and local government’s role in environmental management. the methods of this research use literature review. the aim of the paper is to examine how interface between the central and local loci of power have affected pieces of legislation relating to management of the environment by central and local government in thailand. keyword: decentralization, environment management, thailand abstrak tujuan artikel ini adalah untuk menggambarkan proses, institusionalisasi dan ketentuan hukum tentang manajemen lingkungan di thailand. pembahasan dalam artikel ini fokus kepada prinsip desentralisasi antara pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah tentang pembagian peran manajemen lingkungan. metode penelitian dalam artikel ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka. tujuan lain dari artikel ini mencoba untuk memetakan bagaimana relasi antara kekuatan di pusat dan daerah dalam mempengaruhi manajemen lingkungan oleh pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah. kata kunci; desentralisasi, manajemen lingkungan, thailand introduction decentralization–the assignment of fiscal, political and administrative responsibilities to lower levels of government is occurring worldwide for 98 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ different reasons. in thailand, the rationale for the quest of a decentralized environmental management framework revolved around the view that failure of the state in the management of the environment is attributed to the concentration of decision making powers and ownership of natural resources by the central government. the failure of the top-down approach to environmental management can no longer, alone fulfill the ideal management of the environment. thailand has attempted to decentralize environmental management during the past decade. decentralization has taken a number of formsdecentralization of functions within the central bureaucracy, delegation of semiautonomous or quasi-public corporation, devolution to local governments, and the transfer of functions to non government organizations. base on the reviews of available literature, pieces of legislation and interviews of local government officials and other stakeholders, this paper will asses the status of the decentralized institutions. objectives of this paper are (1) to review the implications of decentralization, (2) to describe legislation relating on the decentralization process and the local government institutions charged with the task of protecting and managing the environment in their areas of jurisdiction, (3) to identify gaps and overlaps in the policy, legislation, administration and/or institutional structure; and (4) to provide recommendations to curb these gaps and overlaps, including a recommendation for a process on how the local government institutions can efficiently manage their environment. theorical background central government around the world are decentralizing fiscal, political, and administrative responsibilities to low-level government and to the private sector. decentralization is particularly widespread in developing countries for a variety of reasons. in many developing countries, political pressure drives most decentralization efforts. but whatever its origins, decentralization can have significant repercussions for resource mobilization and allocation, and ultimately macroeconomic stability, service delivery, and equity. since decentralization can greatly affect the way of life of people, it is widely accepted that decentralized structures facilitate genuine democratic particiimpacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 99 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pation, empower grassroots and channel their input constructively into national development efforts (mukandala, 1995). table i. reason of decentralization implementation the world bank report (1998) recognized the multidimensional aspects of decentralization – the dispersion of fiscal, political, and administrative powers – suggests three implications that heavily influence the context for thinking through decentralization (jennie and richard, 1998). first, because decentralization can change mobilization and allocation of public resources, it can affect a wide range of issues from service delivery to poverty reduction to macroeconomic stability. second, the management of decentralization requires intimate knowledge of local institutions and a nuanced understanding of the process of decentralizationthat is, what is driving decentralization in a country (and sector) and which stakeholders are involved. third, limited empirical evidence exists about what works and what does not. together these three factors pose a daunting challenge for those responsible for designing and managing decentralization. methods this research use literature review as method to make analysis more depth. literature review needed because of an scientific analysis need an argumentation which is include a proove answer in analysis. this research use more than literarature, so that a proove answer can be made because it is prooved by more than one scientific literarure. impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 100 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result and analysis 1. historical development of environmental management decentralization in thailand the thai government is formed according to the democratic principles of parliamentary system and constitutional monarchy. apart from the fundamental state policies to strengthen national stability and to promote the sound development of the society and the economy, the government policies focus on the promotion of democracy and civil society processes through public participation and power decentralization to local authorities. until 1991, the national public administration act was promulgated to provide three basic levels of public administration. a. central administration : the central administration falls under the basic concept of centralization. various departments, offices, bureaus, divisions and subdivisions are established in each ministry. b. provincial administration : this form of administration comes under the concept of deconcentration, which means that the central government delegates some of its power and authority to its officers who work in provinces and districts. these officers are from various ministries and departments and carry out their work according to laws and regulations assigned by the central government. c. local administration : local administration in thailand is based upon the concept of decentralization, which allows local people to participate in local affairs under concerned laws and regulations. at present, there 2 types of local administrative organization in thailand. the general type, which exist in every province, is composed of : 1) provincial administration organization, which covers all areas in the province, 2) municipalities, urban areas with a crowded population and development, and 3) subdistrict administration organization whose jurisdiction is over the area of a particular subdistrict outside the boundaries of municipalities. the special type consists of two forms of local government : 1) bangkok metropolitan administration, and 2) the city of pattaya. under the country’s existing administrative structure, authority is delegated from the capital to the region and then local areas. in general, development policy and planning in thailand is a combination of topimpacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 101 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ down and bottom-up approaches, while the public administration system of the country is highly centralized. thailand has gradually strengthened the capacity of local government. during the 5th and 6th national plans, local government played a greater role in setting development priorities. nevertheless, the proposed development plans still have to be agreed upon the budgets approved by the central government. to further enhance the role of local government and local development efficiency, the 7th and 8th national plans called for the decentralization of fiscal authority and asset holding as important mechanisms to help strengthen local administrative capacity. as the structure and management system of the local government have been put in place by the end of the 8th national plan, the 9th national plan (2002-2006) concentrates upon improving the development capability of the local administration. development plans integrates all aspects, monitoring systems are enhanced, information system upgraded, and human resource capability increased. as described above, thailand has been modestly enhancing the role of sub-national entities for some time, but decentralization has been a priority only since the seventh national economic and social development plan (1991-1996). the plan emphasized developing local infrastructure, providing credit to expand and improve local services, and helping local authorities mobilize capital and pursue development projects. moreover, the 20 year policy and perspective plan for enhancement and conservation of national environment quality (1997-2016) developed by oepp and approved by the cabinet, establishes goals, principles, and policies and guidelines for environmental quality management. this plan also recognizes the role of local government authorities and ngos in improving and protecting environmental quality by increasing awareness and monitoring. the may five democracy movement emerged in the mid 1990s to demand stronger democratic institutions more insulated from the military, which has long played a pivotal role in thai politics. the eight plan (19972002) advocated stronger local institutions, the 1997 constitution formally enshrined decentralization, and later legislation detailed how it would work. the country has formally adopted many reforms but implemented impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 102 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ few of them, and political consensus on further progress remain unclear. in thailand, local governments prepare and execute their own budgets, but they are subject to central direction. a significant share of local expenditure is centrally mandated, with the largest portion devoted to personnel expenses (representing 30 percent of local budgets, on average). central directives govern staff numbers, salaries and benefits. major reforms, however, are intended to eventually more this highly centralized civil service to one where local governments have considerable authority over personnel management. in 2002, sub-national government spending accounted for about 10 percent of the total government spending, an amount which is expected to increase. among all environmental management reform initiatives, decentralization of environmental management has less progress as compared to the others. the thai constitution of 1997 accelerated process of environmental management decentralization through the development of the decentralization action plan. this plan indicates which public services should be transferred to be managed by local authorities. and because of this transferred responsibilities, related government budget and staffs will be transferred accordingly. 2. legislative frameworks of environmental management by local government authorities thailand has experienced a number of policy reforms in recent years. most of the policies have stressed the need for public participation and involvement in the management of the environment. this section examines the legislation pertaining to the local government authorities in thailand and provides a brief description of the local government institutions. this part also looks into the functions and powers of the institutions involved in managing environment in areas of their jurisdiction. further, it attempts to give an analysis of the problems of the legal framework, which acts as obstacle to the local government authorities in providing for efficient and effective protection and proper utilization of environment in areas of their jurisdiction. the main legislation examined in this section are : a. the enhancement and conservation of national environmental quality act of 1992 and; impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 103 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b. the constitution of the kingdom of thailand 2007 the enhancement and conservation of national environmental quality act, 1992 was provided for environmental quality control and promotion including support of public participation in maintenance of environmental quality. according to this act, policy and planning mechanisms are taken into account as a strategic tool for decentralization. it allows provincial and local authorities to formulate their own environmental management plans. the implementation process of policy was adopted according to the environmental act. these processes consist of the long-term environmental policy and plan named “policy and prospective plan for enhancement and conservation of national environmental quality, 1997-2016, 5 years environmental quality management plan, and annual provincial environmental quality management action plan. due to the act, any province which has its territory designated as an environmentally protected area or pollution control area or other provinces which desire to enhance and conserve the environmental quality are eligible to formulate an action plan and submit it to the national environment board for approval. the provincial action plan should be in accordance with the environmental quality management plan and should take into account social conditions in the area. crucially, it emphasizes on public participation from all parties and at all levels. in order to guide and assist provincial governments and local authorities in formulating their action plans, the framework of the action plan is set up which consists of water quality, air quality, solid waste, and hazardous waste. in addition, it should be in harmony with the conservation of their natural resource such as soil and land use, forest and wildlife, fisheries, coastal resources and the natural and cultural environment. it is, however, based on the actual circumstances, conditions and priorities of each area. the provincial action plan consists of 4 programs: public awareness raising program, surveillance and protection program, remedy and rehabilitation program, and applied research program. moreover, according to the environmental act, the national environment board (neb) is setup for controlling and supervising at policy impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 104 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ level. at the provincial and local government levels, the sub-committee for provincial environmental quality management under the committee for provincial development is set up as an advisory committee for environmental management. this act also specifies the powers and duties of national environment board, pollution control committee, and environmental fund committee, involving control, preventions, and solution of power pollution. according this act, provincial and local government authorities are allowed to formulate their own environmental management plans under the approval of the national environment board. this act which allows local government authorities to formulate their own environmental management plans provides more opportunities for local people to participate in the planning process. thailand’s new constitution of be 2550 (2007), approved by a public referendum on 19 august 2007, guarantees the rights of citizens and communities to conserve and utilize natural resources and the environment, including biodiversity, on a sustainable basis. the constitution also supports public participation in economic and social policy formulation and development planning. the roles of local government authorities in environmental management are provided for under section 290 of the constitution as follows : “for the purpose of promoting and maintaining the quality of the environment, local government organization has powers and duties as provided by the law. the law under paragraph one shall at least contain the following elements as its substance: 1. management, preservation, and exploitation of natural resources and environment in the area of the locality; 2. participation in the preservation of natural resources and environment outside the area of the locality only in the case where the living of the inhabitants in the area may be affected; 3.participation in considering an initiation of any project or activity outside the area of the locality which my affect the quality of the environment, health, or sanitary conditions of the inhabitant in the area; 4. participation of the people in the locality.” impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 105 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. advantages and disadvantages of decentraling environmental management to local authorities the advantages of decentralization, which include allowing more participation in the process of governance, enabling local priorities to be more fully taken account of in planning service provision, thus facilitating greater local ownership and participation, have been well documented. the implication of decentralization for environmental management, and the extent to which environmental issues impact on the effectiveness of decentralization, have received far less attention. a number of issues in this regard should be highlighted. first, decentralization by shifting responsibilities to lower tier of authority confronts complex issues of existing power relations. these issues often manifest themselves in staffing problems, such as reluctance to allow staff mobility or ambiguous definitions of representatives between different tiers of government. they are also appear as financial problems in terms of resource allocation. there is a temptation for central authorities to retain resources at central level where existing resources are already heavily concentrated. this can result in the decentralization of responsibilities without accompanying resource to undertake the new roles expected of staff. second, there is the general issue of personnel capacity and capability. the lack of adequately trained personnel to take on the environmental responsibilities of decentralization is a common cause of concern, and the scope for corruption and nepotism can increase unless transparency and accountability mechanism are robust. there is ample evidence that private sector participation in the delivery of municipal utility services leads to a change in the role of local authorities, from an implementing to a supervisory and law-enforcing one. in addition, successful decentralization increase the workload for local authorities and also require new and higher managerial and administrative competencies. decentralization has created units of public services which are closer to the users and able to react more flexibly to their needs and expectations through more autonomy of decision-making at local government local. decentralization can also shorten many bureaucratic procedures and make such procedures more efficient. the disadvantages obviously impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 106 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lies in the relatively small size of the units, which make their operations costly owing to lack of volume. therefore, decentralization has to ensure that prices are affordable and quality standards of public services are available to all citizens. accordingly, decentralized public services also have to be submitted to nationwide regulation. in order to gain a critical volume in their operations, certain functions have to be re-centralized, as in the case of the supply of wastewater treatment facility. similar effects have been achieved by creating networks or other forms of cooperation among municipalities, for example in the case of solid waste treatment facility between neighboring towns. even mergers between municipalities were established with mixed results however. 4. capacity of local government authorities in environmental management the thai local governments have been unable to effectively and efficiently manage the environment due to the unworkable legal framework currently in place. this section attempts to examine and provide solutions to these problems. a. poor enforcement of environmental laws b. weak penalties and incentives c. capacity of local governments decentralization continues to spark continual debate in thai polemics. a quick assessment, however, indicated that local governments have a limited capacity to manage the environment. the capacity of local governments to manage cannot be enhanced under the current system of revenue sharing. in some districts protection of the environment is not a priority. it only becomes a priority if it is a source of revenue generation. in some areas, local councilors will not promote allocation of funding to the environmental sector because it is not viewed as important. this is a problem of political decisions being made without consideration of advice from environmental staffs. in some instances politicians think that in order to solve the environmental problems the only way is to apply high technologies through the construction of big treatment facility. impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 107 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ conclusions environmental management reform initiatives have been implemented in thailand during the past decade. this include the establishment of the ministry of natural resources and environment, establishment of the national environment board, enactment of the enhancement and conservation of national environmental quality act of 1992, and etc. as a result, environmental management systems have been improved in many areas including increase of public participation in environmental management activities and environmental policy processes. if decentralization of environmental management for local government authorities is reviewed as an incremental process of institutional capacity building, many of the past decade can be judged as moderately successful. however, success depends heavily on careful planning and implementation. the successful experiences seem to be those in which the program of decentralization were given adequate time to prove themselves, were centered around specific financial on management functions, and included a training component. in fact, decentralization must be an incremental process of building the capacity of local government organizations to accept and carry out effectively new functions and responsibilities. the process must be carefully nurtured from the center and accompanied by a shift in the orientation of central bureaucracy from control to facilitation and support. the thai governments have attempted to decentralize environmental management to local government organizations. however, they have faced serious problems of implementation. some problems arose from insufficient central political and bureaucratic support and other from ingrained contrast attitudes and behavior on the part of political and administrative leaders. although, the governing policy for environmental management in thailand is well formulated, but the mechanisms and plans at the local level are not well implemented. there is inadequate expertise in the field of environmental management and public awareness to implement those designed policy at all levels. the current process of decentralization in thailand has produced mixed results in terms of degree in which power and responsibility for the management of the environment at the local level is shared. decentralized institutions lack the capacity to manage the impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 108 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ environment. this is further by the fact that little or no resources are available to the institutions entrusted with the duty of managing the environment. moreover, the role of local authorities under the current decentralization process for environmental management is not clearly stipulated. this is exacerbated by bureaucracy at the center resulting in the inadequate release of all allocated funds. this leads to frequent delays in the delivery of services or the completion of environmental projects. in addition, staff shortages and/or inadequate trained staff for dealing with environmental projects at the local level is a continual problems. as such, local government positions are often not respected not desired, and this leads to turnover, lack of morale and commitment to innovate or deal with local environmental issues creatively. there is also inadequate policy and legal provisions, disintegrated authoritative, administrative and institutional mechanisms to handle environmental matters. in many cases, the authority is delegated to local organizations but they are not given the resources to perform their duties properly. as a results, local authorities are nothing more than bureaucratic instruments for the central government and do not generate alternative values, preferences or aspirations. in conclusion, environmental management lacks harmony and continuity from the national to local levels. it is at the local level where systems of environmental management become complex and serious attention is needed for sustainable environmental development. therefore, environmental management requires the integration of all institutions in the field and empowering local authority for management of the environment. references iiene,jennie, litvack ahmad, richard bird. 1998. rethinking decentralization in developing countries. the world bank. oepp. 2001. enhancing environmental management efficiency of local government agenciessolid waste management facilities report, bangkok thailand: office of environmental policy and planning (oepp), ministry of natural resources and environment. oepp. 2002. project of formulating the local authorities role and pilot impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 109 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ project of local authorities’ management of natural resources and environment, bangkok thailand. ministry of natural resources and environment. smith, james fielding. 1998. “does decentralization matter in environmental management”. journal of environmental management. new york : springer. volume 32, number 2/ march. tummakird, aree wattana. 2003. local government structure in thailand. office of environmental policy and planning. bangkok. http:// www.unescap.org/drpad/vc/conference/bg_th_25_lgs.htm (retrieved on march 10, 2001) impacts of decentralization on environmental management in thailand / soparatana jarusombat / ttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0006 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0045.619-639 the implications of traditional market development for governance of conflicts: an experience from klewer market of surakarta, indonesia sudarmo the study program of public administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas sebelas maret, surakarta, indonesia e-mail: sudarmo63@yahoo.com abstrak pasar klewer berdiri lebih dari 6 dekade yang lalu. sejak keberadaannya, konflik antara stakeholder dipasar tersebut telah berulang kali terjadi. ada berbagai kelompok kepentingan terkait dengan pasar klewer diantaranya adalah pemerintah kota, pedagang yang mempunyai izin formal penempatan, pedagang jalanan yang mempunyai izin, pedagang yang tidak mempunyai izin dan keluarga kasunanan surakarta. penelitian ini menggunakan metode etnograpi untuk menunjukan interaksi antar stakeholders yang seringkali memunculkan konflik. penyebab konflik tersebut tidak sederhana. setiap kelompok memiliki kepentingan yang seringkali berlawanan dengan kelompok lain. dalam beberapa kesempatan, sejumlah pedagang membentuk kelompok modal untuk memecahkan masalah tetapi seringkali malah menimbulkan konflik yang lebih besar. terkadang konflik dapat dihindari tetapi akan muncul kembali karena akar permasalahan tidak terselesaikan. salah satu dari sumber konflik adalah kompetisi sumber daya yang terbatas. keterbatasan sumber daya yang dimiliki pemerintah kota surakarta yang mendorong pemerintah kota bekerjasama dengan pihak lain yaitu kasunanan surakarta, bank, perusahaan swasta dan pemerintah pusat untuk menyediakan sumber daya yang dibutuhkan sebagai salah satu bentuk manajemen konflik. kata kunci: pemecahan masalah, pemerintahan kolaboratif, pedagang pasar tradisional, pedagang kaki lima abstract klewer market has been developing since over six decades ago. since the begin ning of its development, conflicts among stakeholders in the market have re peatedly happened. there are various interest groups associated with the market including the city government, authorized market traders with formal license placement, street traders with formal permission letter, street vendors with no legal placement, and the royal family of former monarchy of the kasunanan journal of government & politics 619 received 21 august 2016 revised 13 september 2016 accepted 22 september 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0045.619-639 mailto:sudarmo63@yahoo.com vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 620 surakarta. by using ethnographic method, the study shows that intensive interactions amongst the associations of traditional market traders, the city government, street trad ers and other interest groups of klewer market created conflicts. the causes of conflicts are not simple. each group of traders tends to have its own interest agenda that contra dict to that of the others. in some occasions, a group of traders built social capital in tended to resolve conflict but it is not always the case because it tends to be used for maximizing its own interests but at the expense of others so that vigorous conflict is unavoidable. sometimes a conflict was managed by avoidance but it is easy to raise again since the roots of conflict were not entirely resolved. one of the causes of conflict was the competition for limited resources among diverse interest groups. since the city govern ment of surakarta has insufficient resources, it collaborated with other parties including the royal family of the former surakarta monarchy, state banks, private enterprises and the central government to provide the required resources which is the part of governance of conflict. key words: conflict resolution, collaborative governance, traditional market traders, street traders. introduction this study discusses interactions among traders or groups of traders, street traders and traders, groups of traders and the city government, and street traders and the royal family since the beginning of the klewer market development; the interaction between parties may lead to conflict. this study is intended to investigate the reasons of why conflicts repeatedly occurred in the klewer market since the beginning of its development and how the city government (and other stakeholders, if possible) resolved the conflict. finally, by having a clear understanding of these issues, this study seeks to find a resolution approach called collaborative governance that is likely appropriate for governing the heterogeneity in the klewer market circumstance democrati cally, and thus, this practical benefit of the study may be em ployed in any other area of indonesia experiencing similar prob lem or situation. the study also provides theoretical benefits for public management and policy studies since it enriches the lit erature on decision making in conflict resolution and governance of diverse interest groups collaboratively. the slomporetan market which is well known as klewer mar ket, an icon of surakarta city and the biggest batik wholesale market in asia and the circulation of money reaching eight bil lion rupiah (us$615,000) per day has been gradually growing since the beginning of its formation in 1947. it has experienced significant redevelopment several times. development is an idea which combines the moral with the material; it is a moral idea in that it is about human betterment, fulfillment, the enrichment of lives through the expansion of choice; and material one in that it is about overcoming material poverty through the creation and optimal distribution of wealth. not amazingly, it is usually treated as if it denoted an unalloyed good (goldsworthy, 1988: 507). decision for klewer market de velopment as activities are exactly like any other decision in which there is little or no likelihood of positive-sum outcomes with gains to all participants. development practices of klewer market is not just about deciding what courses of action will bring what benefits to which group; it is about ‘choosing which objectives to pursue at the expense of which others’ (goldsworthy, 1988: 508); it is also a ‘two edged sword which brings benefit, but also pro duces losses and generates value conflicts’ (goulet, 1992: 470). the klewer market as a traditional market, is a subsystem of a larger economic system engendering the development of an area that shapes a route round of business’ (aliah, setioko and pradoto, 2014). situated in the center of surakarta city, recently, the market has been consisting of about one thousand and five hundred kiosks built on the western area and about five hun dred and fifty stalls on the eastern area. according to the local law, buildings of the market and their management are under the authority of the local government. hadiningrat claimed that the eastern kiosks of the market were built on land which was believed to belong to them. despite this claimant, the city gov ernment asserted that it has a certification for land use autho rized by the national land board so that any development or redevelopment on the land does not need to have permission from the royal family. there are three main groups of traders growing in the klewer market: thousands of authorized market traders; hundreds of renteng traders—well organized street vendors occupying the back journal of government & politics 621 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 622 yard of klewer market alongside the wall of former monarchy palace of the kasunanan surakarta and having permanent kiosk and legal license placements; and thousands of plataran traders— casual unorganized street vendors occupying the area around the market with no legal formal placement and non-permanent stall. the renteng traders are those who were able to make personal relationships and had capability to make network with the city government; and because of it these street vendors were allowed to have license for placement since early 1990s. however they abused the authority they received from the city government. most renteng traders constructed and expanded their permanent kiosks by breaking some fences of the kasunanan surakarta pal ace; it was intended to facilitate their business and maximize their profits. their behaviors have broken the presidential de cree no 23/1988 and the 1992 act number 5. according to the presidential decree no 23/1988 the fences surrounding the pal ace is under the authority of the royal family; and according to the 1992 act number 5 in relation to materials of cultural pres ervation, anybody is not allowed to break or make any additional construction on the preserved buildings. however, the city gov ernment tends to protect them despite their behavior of break ing the rule of law. it is likely that those street vendors with ‘strong links to the city government are more likely to survive’ (sudarmo, 2016; woolcock and narayan, 2000; grafton, 2005). in addi tion, the number of casual unorganized street traders with no legal authorization gradually increased at the market. this situa tion where heterogeneous groups of people exist, might lead to conûict because of diverse individual or group demands (protasel 1988). literature review and research focus conflict may occur between individuals or groups in all forms of human relationships and in all social situations (pruitt & rubin, 1986; rubin, pruiit, & kim, 1994), so highly common in the groups of community or associations at traditional market like the klewer market (see rahim, 1983; o’connor, gruenfeld & mcgrath, 1993; alper, tjosvold, & law ayoko, 2000; härtel, & callan, 2002; lim and yazdanifard, 2012; emanuel and ndimbwa, 2013). the term conflict used in this study interchanged with con flict of interest—a property of the preferences of the participants and the structure of the situation in which they find themselves (axelrod, 1967). conflict can be defined as an unsuitability of goals or values between two or more actors in a relationship, fused with attempts to influence each other and opposed feel ings toward each other (coser, 1957; fisher, 1990; axelrod, 1967; ajayi and oluwafemi, 2014). there are some studies focusing on issues of trader or street traders in surakarta (rachmawati, 2014; permatasari, 2015; holidin and hsandini, 2014). a study by rachmawati (2014) fo cused on the contribution of street vendors as the majority group of informal sector in generating local government revenue of surakarta and how to govern them so that they could provide more income to the local government. a study by permatasari (2015) examined the process of government policy options in surakarta; she concluded that the relocation process of street vendors has been successfully executed by the city government but it is only sustained for several years. since most of street vendors have returned to their previous location, it has created a big enduring problem. another study by holidin and handini (2014) concerned the implementation of innovative program on street vendors during the leadership of mayor joko widodo in surakarta; the research suggested that an egalitarian communi cation policy among parties in the governance elicited transpar ency and participation. there are some other studies on street vendors and traders conducted in any other city of indonesia and any other develop ing country (syamsir, 2016; permatasari and rudito; and kumar, 2015). a study by syamsir (2016) described the city government’s attempts to empower street vendors, and the degree of success of journal of government & politics 623 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 624 the empowerment program implemented by the payakumbuh city government of west sumatra. a study by permatasari and rudito (2014), using a quantitative method with multiple regres sion, examined factors affecting the successful implementation of street vendors relocation program including business loca tion, working environment, communication, apparatus behav ior and entrepreneurial characteristic. another study by kumar (2015) sought to investigate the nature, operations and socio economic features of street venders in kerala, india. despite the perceptions provided by earlier theoretical, em pirical, and case-study work on street traders or traders, the study on conflicts in klewer market of surakarta since the beginning of its development and the governance of conflict committed have not been studied in a systematic manner. moreover, those earlier studies also did not specifically discuss factors causing conflicts and governance of conflict. thus, this study focuses on factors causing repeated conflict occurring in the klewer market since the beginning of its development and the way the conflicts were governed. the term of governance in this study refers to the ‘process of decision making involving diverse stakeholders’ that may include government and non-government parties such as associations of market traders, street traders and the royal family of the kasunanan surakarta ‘towards a common end’ (henton, melville and parr, 2006; ansell and gash, 2007). the term governence of conflict means a way of working with those diverse stakehold ers involved in conflict to decide and formulate enduring solu tions to common problems or any conflict they face, instead of the decision made by a single powerful actor such as the local government or any other dominant party such as the royal fam ily of the kasunanan surakarta. however, governance of conflict needs to be sought delibera tively because when individuals or groups or associations are trapped in a conflict they are frequently powerless to leave by themselves. they require the involvement of a third party in the role of arbitrator, mediator or consultant (fisher, 1972). early studies on conflict resolution identified a large number of sources or conflict (fink, 1968; mack & snyder, 1958). however, they can be classified into four main sources of conflict: economic (katz, 1965; fisher, 2000; polachek, 1980; stewart, humphreys and lea, 1997; emanuel and ndimbwa, 2013; bukari 2013), goal, interest or value (katz, 1965; fisher, 2000; jehn, 1994; pelled, 1996; mintz and geva, 1993; bukari 2013), power (katz, 1965; fisher, 2000; hegre et al., 2001; gaski, 1984; asadzadeh, 2016; bernard and umar, 2014; bukari, 2013) and communications (katz, 1965; fisher, 2000; drolet and morris, 2000; claycomb and frankwick, 2004; lim and yazdanifard, 2012). scholars offered diverse methods for governaning conflicts: arbitration, adjudication, bargaining, persuasion, communica tion, re-conciliation, cooperation, and encapsulation (wani, 2011; ajayi and oluwafemi, 2014; bukari, 2013; lim and yazdanifard, 2012; dixon 1994; raymond 1994). nevertheless, the way in which conflict is governed ascertains whether it is constructive or destructive (deutsch & coleman, 2000; kriesberg, 1998). this study argues that the repeated conflict is not caused by a single factor. conflict might be caused by economic motive or competition of scarce resources, or incompatible goals, interest or value among stakeholders; or power domination of the pow erful to the powerless party, or ineffective communication, or combination of two or more of them. since the sources of con flict may be complex and involve diverse parties or actors, it is likely that any option of conflict resolutions which does not ac commodate interest, value or goal of all stakeholders is unac ceptable or fails. since every conflict may be caused by different factors and occurs in different situations which involved differ ent types of parties’ interests it requires collaborative governance of conflict because this approach facilitates all stakeholders to cooperate to achieve common goals working across boundaries through those diverse stakeholders (henton, melville and parr, 2006; ansell and gash, 2007) so that conflict may be entirely resolved. journal of government & politics 625 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 626 methods this study, conducted in the area around the traditional klewer market of surakarta, indonesia, is a descriptive qualita tive research, not statistical hypothesis-testing. it uses an ethno graphic method, involving several periods of fieldwork using par ticipant observation, spending much time watching authorized trad ers, street traders, the royal family of the kasunanan surakarta, and city government officials relating to market affairs, and talk ing to them about what they did, thought and said. this ap proach was designed to gain an insight into the market traders, renteng traders, plataran vendors, officials of city government, the royal family of kasunanan surakarta’ viewpoints and the way they comprehended their interactions between the individuals and the groups, and including triangulation by using several ap proaches to people from different directions. those approaches were selected on the basis of both purposive and snow-ball sam pling techniques. this was combined with interviews with local people including parking attendants, pedicab drivers, public trans port drivers and thugs (preman) and with detailed content analy ses of secondary research and local newspapers. the validity of this research was maintained by using multiple data sources (tri angulation of data sources) or multiple information sources by using various informants and various documentary data and methods of data collection, as mentioned above, and the data interpretation collected from multiple views. result since the transaction in klewer market had increased in the late 1950’s the trading space expanded to the western area of the market where different kinds of goods including textile, birds, food, bicycle and other domestic commodities were offered. due to the constructions of many unordered semi-permanent stalls, the situation quickly became seen by many as a slum, a dirty and a messy market. however, until the end of the soekarno old order in 1966, the idea of market construction was absent. since the new order had got into power the market was paid atten tion by the authority of surakarta. the city government of surakarta under the new order decided to totally restructure the market in 1969, in a manner that it would be exclusively for textile market. the city government made decision that those who were not the textile traders were forced to get out from the area. consequently, conflicts between the non-textile traders and the apparatus could not be avoided but it was easily resolved by the local government by force. in dealing with this market devel opment plan, the local government arranged to involve a private investor, while traders were worried about the expensive price of the kiosks. this situation encouraged the textile-market traders to form an association of klewer market traders (the hppk) in that year, and opposed the government’s plan to involve private investor in the market development. because they did not have enough power to influence the local government decision, they saw mother tien soeharto to help them. finally, due to the then president suharto’s intervention (and without private investor’s involvement), the two-floor western building of klewer market was successfully built on the land measured 135 x 65 meters square and it was inaugurated in 1971 by the president himself. fourteen years later the market construction was expanded to the eastern area on the land measured 85 x 65 meters square in 1985 and it was launched by the governor of central java, ismail in 1986. initially, the western area of the market with 1,532 kiosks was occupied by 1,147 market traders with formal licenses, while the eastern buildings of the market were occupied by 545 traders with official licenses. the traders with licenses consist of differ ent tribes including java, banjar, arab and china. the last two ethnics mostly have a large-scale trading. most of them have more than one kiosk. the strategic location, particularly the western area of the market, rapidly had attracted hundreds of street trad ers to run their informal business around it; they were 136 street traders facilitated by the city government with permanent kiosks, journal of government & politics 627 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 628 called renteng traders occupying the backyard of the market along side the wall of former monarchy palace of the kasunanan surakarta; and 764 street traders without permanent kiosks as the city government claimed (although the hppk claimed that they were about 1000 street vendors at the end of 2012), called plataran traders, mostly occupying the front yard of the market. this promising location for business also attracted many other traders to buy or rent kiosks offered in the market. because the number of market traders and street vendors increased, while space for trading was limited, the market vastly crowded and gradually turned out to be untidy and messy. this situation had encouraged the city government to plan reconstruction of the market. the first idea to redevelop the klewer market in the post new order came from the city government in the era of mayor slamet suryanto in 2004. it planned to reconstruct and expand the market to western and northern areas and engaged a private investor from jakarta, but its plan was strongly opposed by all members of the hppk, who were totally united and cohesive. they convinced that the market was still firm enough and com fortable for trading and provide sustainable income and visible customers. they were also worried about their uncertainty after the renovation. moreover, they worried about the uninformed hidden reasons behind the city government plan to reconstruct the market because the mayor would end his power in the mid 2005 while market redevelopment may need more extra time. due to the cohesiveness of the hppk members to oppose strongly the market redevelopment plan, the city government cancelled the reconstruction project. the following mayor of surakarta was joko widodo who was in power between 28th july 2005 and 1st october 2012. although the management of market was under his authority, and the fea sibility study by hired private enterprise and the detailed engi neering design for the market reconstruction had been made in 2012, until the end of his power there was not any proposal for market reconstruction coming from his administration because he avoided the conflict between the traders and the city govern ment to escalate. moreover, at that time the hppk was able to maintain its cohesiveness and common trust among the mem bers, and it had a capability to lobby the mayor and other power holders to protect their business interests in the market. thus, for over seven years since the mid-2005 all members of the hppk felt safe from any government’s intervention related to the mar ket reconstruction plan and free from worry and uncertainty. the idea of market redevelopment rose again since mayor joko widodo ended his power in solo in early october 2012, and replaced by mayor fx hadi rudiatmo at the end of the year. based on the report by the market office management, recently klewer market has been occupied by 2,543 market traders with permanent kiosks, 136 renteng traders, and 764 plataran traders in 2014. the hundreds of street vendors in the area around the crowded market were blamed for having caused disorderliness and untidiness, which may lead to traffic jam and access block age toward the market. however, as a matter of fact, many pedicab drivers, public transport drivers and parking attendants have contributed to the city traffic disorder around the klewer mar ket. transactions at the klewer market have been able to provide local revenue for the city government of 3.5 billion rupiahs per year. the city government expected that by having redevelop ment, about 1000 street traders would change their status from informal to formal traders, and thus the city government rev enue would increase significantly. this current situation of the market and the detailed result of the feasibility study encouraged the city government to redevelop the market totally. shortly af ter the mayor fx rudi hadiatmo got into his power; his admin istration introduced the redevelopment plan to the hppk and the rest traders at the market. some accepted it but some others rejected it. large scale capital traders consisting of all chinese non moslem, some arabic moslem, and non-javanese moslems journal of government & politics 629 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 630 and non-moslem who were pro market redevelopment, then sepa rated themselves from the hppk and formed a new association called the kppk at the end of 2012. since then the association of klewer market traders has been divided into two conflicting groups: the kppk and the rest of the hppk who were mostly javanese moslem people with small scale capital. the hppk distrusted the result of feasibility research because in its opinion the market was still comfortable and feasible for trading. most members of the hppk were worried about the increasing price of kiosks after the total renovation was done, since based on their experiences, the prices of kiosks usually in crease after the reconstruction to the price level that they could not afford. they were also worried about their uncertain future because they did not know where their kiosks would be situated. due to the worry and its suspicion of the study, they initiated to do the same thing to verify its argument but it was rejected by the city government perceiving that the hppk had no authority to impose its self-interest on the city government plan. the city government argued that the market redevelopment was entirely under its authority. both renteng and plataran trader groups built networks with and affiliate to the kppk because they expected that their inter ests to have safe permanent kiosks in the new upcoming market would be materialized with the help of the kppk to lobby the city government. since the hppk knew that these street traders groups supported the kppk and they were pro the market rede velopment, it blamed them as part of the market problem and propose them to the city government for removal or relocation to any other location. however, its proposal was rejected since the city government was concerned about the market redevelop ment instead of the removal or relocation program of the street vendors. the city government, supported by the kppk repeatedly at tempted to induce the market redevelopment plan to the mem bers of the hppk but always failed. since the kppk has inten sively encouraged the city government for the market redevelop ment, conflict between the hppk and the kppk increased in the last two years since 2012. because members of the hppk were concerned about possible arson at the market, the mem bers of the former regularly safeguarded the market at night. eventually, the hppk’s worries turned out to be justified. the klewer market got burned on 27th december 2014. the local government in cooperation with the police claimed that the cause of the fire was an electrical short circuit. conversely, the mem bers of hppk claimed that the fire was not caused by the electri cal short circuit, but it was a deliberate fire instead, ignited by the city government and its supporters. traders occupying western part of the klewer market at this moment are in the need for a temporary market place. they de manded the government to provide them with an emergency market. the city government has been promising to reconstruct an emergency market intended to accommodate the traders of the klewer market; the reconstruction costs up to 5 billion rupi ahs. because of the limited budget, the city government engaged private institutions and asked them for more financial aid. there were at least three financial agencies (including bank of central java, bank of the republic of indonesia, and the assembly board of local banking) and one private enterprise (the sritex), involved in providing resources including 400 kiosks (the former two banks), 1 billion rupiahs (equals to 100 kiosks), and 500 million rupiahs (equals to 50 kiosks), respectively to the city government. however, the city government has no sufficient physical resource mainly vast area that is able to accommodate thousands of trad ers. finally, after it made cooperation with the royal family of the kasunanan surakarta, the emergency market was finally built in the northern square, with financial compensation provided to the royal family. the provision of the resources for traders has declined the tension of conflict between the city government and the traders of klewer market. while the city government was constructing the emergency journal of government & politics 631 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 632 market, it began with market redevelopment intended to accom modate over 3,000 traders. the promising market reconstruc tion suggests a four-floor object: the first and second floors will be provided for the formal traders, while the ground floors were intended for the former street vendors, including renteng and plataran traders. the market reconstruction commences in june 2015 at a total cost of 159 billion rupiahs: that is 61.8 billion rupiahs in the initial stage from the 2015’s state budget adjust ment and 97.2 billion rupiahs in the second stage from the 2016 state budget. the government promised that the reconstruction project will finish in the end of 2016; the city government planned to place all traders who are now in the emergency marketplace into the newly reconstructed market in early 2017. discussion and implication it is evident that inescapable conflict amongst stakeholders at the klewer market happening since the late 1960’s (see table 1) has embodied part of the dynamics of human interactions (fidelis and samuel, 2011; ghaffar, 2009); particularly, the conflict oc curred because of power dominance by the government over the powerless traders; incompatibility interest, values or goals in which each party claims the rightness and superiority of its argument; economic motives and ineffective communication (fisher, 2000). the interaction among authorized market traders, street vendors and the city government obviously creates two main possibili ties: cooperation because of agreements or ‘conflict due to dis agreements among individuals and groups’ (fisher 2000). conflicts among market traders groups or between traders group and street vendors in the klewer market were driven by economic motive in the forms of opportunism and self-maximiz ing among them or competition for scarce resources. based on the feasibility research conducted by a experts team of private enterprise, the city government basically knew that the market need redevelopment because it could not accommodate traders anymore since the number of traders and street traders tend to table 1. stakeholder analysis: interaction between forcing and forced stakeholders of klewer market and inflicting actions, 19692014 journal of government & politics 633 2014 27/12/ 2014 renteng traders hppk klewer market got burned kppk who were pro the market redevelopment; therefore it blamed them as part of the market problem and propose them for removal or relocation but the city government rejected its proposal . year forced forcing stakeholder stakeholders city government renteng traders kppk hppk 1969 non-textile traders the city government in the new order era made decision that those who were not the textile traders were forced to get out from the area of klewer market 1969 textile traders the city government in the new order era planned to restructure the market totally involving private developer 1990 the royal family of the the city government allowed renteng traders to have renteng traders constructed and kasunanan surakarta license for placemen;; it tends to protect them although they broke some fences of the expanded their permanent kiosks by breaking some kasunanan surakarta palace, and thus breaking the rule of law. fences of the kasunanan surakarta palace 2004 hppk the city government under mayor slamet suryanto planned to reconstruct and expand the market to western and northern areas and engaged a private investo.r 2005hppk during joko widodo 2012 administration there was not any proposal for market reconstruction coming from it because the mayor avoided the conflict between the traders and the city government escalating. oct. hppk mayor fx rudi hadiyatmo’s 2012 administration introduced the redevelopment plan of klewer market to the hppk and the rest traders at the market; those who were pro market redevelopment separated themselves from the hppk and formed a new association-the kppk. 2012 2014 hppk kppk has intensively encouraged the city government for the market redevelopment. plataran traders the hppk disliked plataran and renteng trader 2012 groups because they supported the vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 634 increase meanwhile the space was limited. the market building was also reported getting older; it has been over 40 years. based on the reasons, the city government supported by the kppk and other street traders agreed to reconstruct the market. conflicts occurring in the klewer market were also caused by ineffective communication. since ‘the communication’ between the city government (in collaboration with kppk) and the hppk ‘was lacking’ that leads to ‘different perception of interests and goals’ amongst the parties, conflict was unavoidable (katz, 1965; fisher, 2000; drolet and morris, 2000; claycomb and frankwick, 2004; lim and yazdanifard, 2012). however, during slamet suryanto and joko widodo era, con flict could not escalate because the hppk had a cohesive associa tion with high levels of trust among the members so that it was effective in controlling internal frights (woolcock, 2001) created by the city government. moreover, conflict also did not happen during the era of joko widodo administration because he was able to avoid it by rescheduling the market redevelopment from his agenda. it is clear that conflict avoidance can be used as one of conflict management (richardson, 1995) but it does not re solve the conflict entirely; it is only a temporary solution because the interaction between stakeholders in the market was dynamic whilst they keep their different interest and goal and compete for scarce resources that can lead to groupings and behaviors which are ultimately ‘detrimental to sustainment of the associa tion’ of klewer market trader (hocking, 2006; richardson, 1995). the study also shows that conflict was caused by ‘the asym metrical distribution of power between social groups’ of the hppk on the one side and the kppk together with renteng and plataran traders affiliating to the city government on the other side, ‘so cial capital they made leads to vigorous conflict’ (narayan, 1999; lave and cosmic, 1973) or any other negative form (dahal and adhikari, 2008). since the renteng and plataran traders under a threat of the hppk they affiliate to the kppk and it strengthen the power of kppk to support the city government in carrying out the market redevelopment. it is clear that when there is a threat there is a tendency of affiliation (stein, 1976). the con flict in the klewer market obviously increased because both par ties chose to take a power approach to the relationship and they were attempting to control each other (fisher, 2000). conflict requires solution democratically. for making democ racy work in these circumstances it requires mechanisms and processes to reconcile conflicts among three major social groups, mainly the city government, the kppk, the renteng and plataran traders; the hppk; and the royal family of the kasunanan surakarta. in reconciling the conflict, collaborative governance with authentic dialogue in a forum, with independent facilita tors (booher, 2004; ansell and gash, 2007; pretty, 2003; flanagan and runde, 2008) and having valid data on the common issue faced by the conflicting parties is recommended (sudarmo, 2015). in fact, although the city government has dominant power to make decision regarding the klewer market, it is powerless to work alone to provide the emergency market for accommodat ing thousands of traders in a short run. it requires participation of other stakeholders including private enterprises and the non profit institution such a royal family of the kasunanan surakarta. thus, the klewer market where diverse stakeholders interact in tensively leading to conflict requires collaborative governance among stakeholders inclusively to resolve the conflict. conclusion the development of klewer market where many stakeholders interact intensively is potential for repeated conflict but conflict is not caused by a single factor. although the provisions of re sources for traders may improve after its redevelopment, intrac table conflict in this area will not end since in the future it may attract many new actors or new street traders to run their busi nesses around the new market building whilst the space is lim ited so that it will be unable to accommodate them. in addition, since the street traders may change their status from informal to journal of government & politics 635 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 636 formal traders in the new market, instead of paying for cheap daily fee, they must pay for high taxes, public lights, electricity, security and sanitation fees that may reach hundreds of thou sands of rupiahs per month. this circumstance may encourage conflict between the new formal traders and the city government in the future. although the management of traditional market is under the city government authority, intensive interaction be tween actors which may lead to a vigorous conflict is not able to be managed by a single actor. the city government will find itself being powerless to govern robust conflict as heterogeneous de mands and interests of various stakeholders persist. to make the forceful conflict was effectively resolved, instead of resolving in dividually by the domination of the city government, it requires collaborative governance with authentic dialogue involving a neutral and independent third party having sufficiently accurate data as facilitator, consultant or mediator. it is likely that this approach enables a better and shared understanding of complex problems involving many stakeholders including the three ma jor stakeholders (the city government, the associations of mar ket traders, and the groups of street traders) and any other stake holders including pedicab drivers, public transport drivers and parking attendants who had contributed to the city traffic disor der around the klewer market so that this allows all these stake holders to work together to find agreed solutions that is appro priate for the current and 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(2000). ‘social capital: implications for development theory, research and policy,’ the world bank research observer, 15(2): 225-249. journal of government & politics 639 http://jcr.sagepub.com/content/1/2/212.extract?patientinform-links=yes&legid=spjcr;1/2/212 http://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/jap/article/view/968 http://www.atlantis-press.com/php/pub.php?publication=icse-15 http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=417106&val=642&title=the%20empowerment%20of%20marginalized%20community%20(street%20vendors)%20for%20developing%20creative%20economy%20in%20payakumbuh%20city%20west%20sumatra http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=417106&val=642&title=the%20empowerment%20of%20marginalized%20community%20(street%20vendors)%20for%20developing%20creative%20economy%20in%20payakumbuh%20city%20west%20sumatra http://www.ijhssnet.com/journals/vol._1_no._2;_february_2011/14.pdf http://www.ijhssnet.com/journals/vol._1_no._2;_february_2011/14.pdf http://www.oecd.org/innovation/research/1824913.pdf 212 jurnal studi pemerintahan responding to urban sphere’s mobility challenge: a case of nepal’s historic city maki ito tsumagari*1 , bipin ojha 2 abstract: urbanization is a globally shared challenge and nepal, a small developing country in the foot of the himalayas, is no exception. for lalitpur metropolitan city (lmc), the country’s second ranked city in terms of population density, the situation is complex as numerous historic and artistic monuments including a unesco world heritage property make structural adjustment prohibitive. as a practical and sustainable response to the mobility challenge, then, lmc has teamed up with the city’s stakeholders to transform into a cyclable city. based on a case study that employed in-depth qualitative interviewing of specialized populations, this study attempted to validate city’s course of actions in light of global trend in the use of bicycles, and discussed the movement from the perspective of sustainable urban governance. the study found that the case city is on the right trajectory for tackling urbanization challenges with sustainable means, aided by the collective wit of the political, administrative and citizens’ power. their effort was validated by the initiative’s alignment with the global benchmarking on the use of bicycle for sustainable mobility. the study concluded that factors such as collaborative public service design and local government led spatial management are holding keys for sustainable urban governance. keywords: cyclable city; sustainable mobility; unesco world heritage; ur ban governance; urbanization abstrak: urbanisasi adalah tantangan bersama secara global dan nepal, negara berkembang kecil di kaki himalaya, tidak terkecuali. untuk kota metropolitan lalitpur (lmc), kota peringkat kedua negara itu dalam hal kepadatan penduduk, situasinya kompleks karena banyak monumen bersejarah dan artistik termasuk properti warisan dunia unesco membuat penyesuaian struktural menjadi terlarang. sebagai respon praktis dan berkelanjutan terhadap tantangan mobilitas, maka, lmc telah bekerja sama dengan para pemangku kepentingan kota untuk bertransformasi menjadi kota yang dapat bersepeda. berdasarkan studi kasus yang menggunakan wawancara kualitatif mendalam dari populasi khusus, penelitian ini berusaha untuk memvalidasi tindakan city dalam kaitannya dengan tren global dalam penggunaan sepeda, dan membahas pergerakan dari perspektif tata kelola kota yang berkelanjutan. studi ini menemukan bahwa kota kasus berada di jalur yang tepat untuk mengatasi tantangan urbanisasi dengan cara yang berkelanjutan, dibantu oleh kecerdasan kolektif dari kekuatan politik, administratif, dan warga negara. upaya mereka divalidasi oleh keselarasan inisiatif dengan benchmarking affiliation: 1bangladesh institute of governance and management 2nepal administrative staff college how to citate: tsumagari, m. i., & ojha, b. (2021). responding to urban sphere’s mobility challenge: a case of nepal’s historic city. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (2). 210-226 article history: received: 2021-04-26 revision: 2021-05-07 accepted: 2021-06-05 file:///c:/users/hp/downloads/1 file:///c:/users/hp/downloads/ 213 global pada penggunaan sepeda untuk mobilitas yang berkelanjutan. studi tersebut menyimpulkan bahwa faktor-faktor seperti desain layanan publik yang kolaboratif dan pengelolaan tata ruang yang dipimpin oleh pemerintah daerah memegang kunci untuk tata kelola kota yang berkelanjutan. kata kunci: kota sepeda; mobilitas berkelanjutan; warisan dunia unesco; tata kota; urbanisasi introduction urbanization is a globally shared challenge, and a small developing country in the foot of the himalayas, nepal, is no exception. although it is the least urbanized nation in south asia with the urbanization rate of 17.07% according to the latest population census of 2011, the rapid pace of urbanization makes the country to project 30.18% of the population to be living in urban areas by 2031 (government of nepal national planning commission secretariat central bureau of statistics, 2014).kathmandu valley, where the country’s capital functions are concentrated, is “one of the fastestgrowing metropolitan regions in south asia” (muzzini & aparicio, 2013, p. xi) with popula tion density of 17,960 per square kilometer (government of nepal national planning commission secretariat central bureau of statistic, 2014). without any urban transit system such as metro rail and bus rapid transit (brt), the predominant mobility mode of the valley is road transport: like any other urbanizing cities, traffic congestion and environmental degradation are visible, cre ating grave concerns for the government and citizens alike. for the valley’s one integral constituent, lalitpur metropolitan city (lmc), the situation is complex. the city houses numerous historic and artistic monuments including a unesco world heritage property, patan durbar square (figure 1), making structural adjustment prohibitive. as a practical and sustainable response to the mobility challenge, then, lmc has teamed up with the city’s stakeholders to transform it into a cyclable city. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 214 jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 1. patan darbar square, unesco world heritage site source: author, 2020 this study attempted to (a) delineate how lmc came to initiate its transformation efforts into a cyclable city, (b) illustrate challenges encountered through the process, (c) analyze how the city, together with the stakeholders, are coping to move forward, (d) validate its course of actions in light of the global trend with the use of bicycles for sustainable mobility, and (e) discuss the movement from the perspective of sustainable urban governance. research design this study is an empirical research based on an analysis of a sustainable mobility case, employing in-depth qualitative interviewing of “specialized populations” (rubin & rubin, 2012) as a data collection method. the study is informed by specialist knowledge on the target initiative from city officials and stakeholders who have closely worked on and/or supported the cyclable city initiatives from policy, technical, advocacy, and other dimensions. the study emphasized validation of verbally obtained information by cross checking with print materials. for triangulating validity of the collected data, effort was made to witness stake holders’ relevant actions by the study team attending lmc’s cycle lane inauguration event as well as cycle enthusiasts’ 215 meet organized by nepal cycle society (ncs). for contextualized analysis and discussion, the study referenced global trends in the use of bicycles for sustainable mobility as benchmarks (jreisat, 2006) and sustainable urban governance as a broader knowledge base. finding cycling as social agenda filled with rich history that dates to ancient times, kathmandu valley has been host to countless number of temples and religious monuments, found in almost every corner of its cities within. there are three cities in the valley, kathmandu, lalitpur, and bhaktapur, all heavily populated. these cities have separate administrative jurisdictions but have maintained close socio-cultural interlinkages. since the construction of its ring-road almost four decades back, kathmandu valley has not seen a major strategic road network update. yet, roads inside the cities were still built as needs arose. such unplanned road extension has created a layout difficult for sensible further expansion. as one major constituent of the valley, lalitpur metropolitan city (lmc, previously lalitpur submetropolitan city) has seen a rapid growth reflected in the number of population: over the 10 year period from 2001 to 2011, lmc’s annual population growth rate averaged at 3.55%. (lalitpur metropolitan city, n.d.). this growth in population made lmc the second most densely populated city of the country with 14,574 people per square kilo meter, according to the latest national population and housing census conducted in 2011 (government of nepal national planning commission secretariat central bureau of statistic, 2014). with the restructuring of administrative divisions after the enactment of 2015 constitution, then lalitpursub-metropolitan city was reconfigured into lmc, merging https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 216 jurnal studi pemerintahan some adjacent areas. this change brought down the city-wide average population density to 7,888 people per square kilometer. however, out of 29 wards that are accommodated in lmc, the average population density of the 10 most densely populated wards recorded 34,024 people per square kilometer with the top ward counting 54,220 people per square kilometer (lalitpur metropolitan city, 2019). figure 2. number of new vehicle registration in bagmati zone source: adapted from details of registration of transport up to fiscal year 2046/47073/74 by ministry of physical infrastructure & transport department of transport management, not dated (https://dotm.gov.np/files/noticepdf/bagmati0730742020-0117_04-43-33-560.pdf). in the public domain. growth in the city over the years was also seen from the number of vehicles registered. the annual number of vehicles newly registered in bagmati zone, where lmc is located, was 26,689 in the fiscal year 2001/2002, while the corresponding figure went up to 119,956 in 2016/2017, 3.5 times more (figure 2) (ministry of physical infrastructure & transport & department of transport management, n.d.) people’s amplified preference for motorized vehicles over nonmotorized means is clearly shown in a travel mode survey conducted on the valley: while travel by motorized vehicles was recorded at 40.3% in 1991, the corresponding figure went up to 57.8% in 2011 (ministry of physical planning works and transport management, japan international cooperation agency, nippon koei co. ltd., & eight-japan engineering consultants inc., 2012). more use of vehicles contributes to air pollution, a major 217 environmental risk to health. in terms of particulate matter (pm), a common proxy indicator for air pollution, kathmandu valley’s annual average pm10 (a diameter of 10 microns or less) reached 117 ìg/m3 in 2007, almost six times higher than who’s guideline value of 20 ìg/m3 annual mean (world health organization, 2018). a survey of three environmental pollutants including pm2.5 (particulate matter with a diameter of 2.5 microns or less, tiny level that can penetrate the lung barrier and enter people’s blood system) conducted in 2015 shows that the air pollution situation has not improved in kathmandu valley. it was a survey based on daily monitoring at three different locations in the valley over a course of one year. the results show that pm2.5 measured at 49.1 ìg/m3, far surpassing the who guideline value of 10 ìg/m3 annual mean (nepal health research council, 2016; world health organization, 2018). tired of aggravating traffic congestion and pollution, a group of students at kathmandu university started cycle city campaign in 2009 to promote cycling as environmentally friendly and sustainable mobility means, branded as “kathmandu cycle city 2020” (kathet, 2009). the group started to organize cycle rallies, cycle workshops and different activities which expanded the group to count 700 active members within a year. although the group conducted a variety of activities, it did not draw wide public attention and the movement seemed to gradually wane. in 2011, however, one traffic accident re-ignited the cycle movement in the city. a truck killed a cyclist who happened to be one of the country’s most well-respected conservationists. general public, cycle activists, celebrities, journalists, human rights activists, environmentalists and many more gathered for a rally demanding justice for dr. prahlad yonzon and creation of dedicated cycle lane https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 218 jurnal studi pemerintahan throughout the city (figure 3 and figure 4). figure 3. rally demanding cycle lane and justice for dr. yonzon figure 4. mass gathered for the rally. source: “hundreds cycle users rallied demanding cycle lane,” by clean energy nepal (http:// www.cen.org.np/index.php?page=news_detail&nid=270). in the public domain. birth of nepal cycle society until 2017/18, although there were various cycle enthusiast groups in action, their scale of activities was small with limited impact commensurate with the scale. acknowledging the limited scope a small group can perform, activists gathered in 2018 to establish nepal cycle society (ncs). the initial agenda for forming ncs was to promote urban cycling in a larger scale. cycle enthusiasts with different professional backgrounds voluntarily came to connect with ncs. members’ diverse professional background has become an asset for ncs. having engi http://www.cen.org.np/index.php?page=news_detail&nid=270) 219 neers, architects, urban planners, health workers, legal experts, and many other professionals on board as its members, ncs started to conduct regular campaigns with an elevated sophistication to promote cycling culture in the neighborhoods. ncs was aware that it will not be an easy task to influence the whole of the government policy. hence, it strategically started from local level by approaching different major cities (then municipalities) in the country. cycling as city’s agenda mr. chiribabu maharjan, then-candidate for lmc mayor, vowed to make lalitpur a cyclable city in his election campaign. his vision well accorded with the goal of ncs and led to the tieup of the two parties. for lmc, ncs had a team of all the required technical manpower which the city was in need of. after being elected for the mayoral position in may 2017, mr. maharjan tenaciously led lmc authority to take up on foundational activities towards making lalitpur a cyclable city, which gained visibility by 2019. ncs was appointed as technical advisor cum consultant. ncs has brought in an interdisciplinary team consisting of urban planners, designers, transportation engineers, civil engineers, architects, legal experts, among others. major tasks of ncs being advising and consulting, ncs team designed, supervised and supported lmc’s cycle city campaigns. ncs’s involvement also included lmc’s master plan preparation on cyclable city component. the first phase of the master plan included construction of cycle lane, cycle stands, and establishment of cycle act by april 2020 with the total annual budget of five million nepalese rupees for fiscal year 2018/ 2019. this amount corresponds to 0.21% of city’s capital expenditure and 0.11% of its total budget. the small but symbolic allocation https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 220 jurnal studi pemerintahan continued for 2019/2020 budget, although only 3.7 million nepalese rupees (74%) of annual allocation was spent by the end of 2018/19 period (lalitpur metropolitan city, 2019). figure 5. cycle lane in kupondole source: author construction of cycle lanes is one of the major challenges for lmc, not just as technical but also as policy matter. road width more than 8 m falls under the jurisdiction of the federal government through department of road (dor). lmc frequently asked for approval from dor to construct cycle lanes in the existing roads, but dor simply ignored by not responding. hence, lmc initiated lane construction work with the expectation of acquiring retroactive approval. the first phase included construction of 4.7 km length cycle lane inside the city (figure 5). the lanes would consist of two types: dedicated or shared. dedicated lanes would be solely for cyclists, and other vehicles are not allowed to drive inside. shared lanes can be used by other vehicles depending on the level of traffic congestion. lmc has a plan to construct a total of 65 km of cycle lanes inside the city in five phases, including surrounding area of unesco world heritage site, patan durbar square, to allow cycles and pedestrians only. figure 6. cycle stand at lalitpur metropolitan municipality office 221 premise source: author for ease of cyclists, the total of 100 cycle stands in 10 different locations in the city are being constructed. sixty stands have been installed (figure 6) with 40 more in process. lmc is also planning to request commercial and public entities to construct cycle stands at their properties and to obtain city’s approval for design when they plan new infrastructure development. another important initial agenda for the city was the enactment of the lalitpur cycle act. the draft lalitpur cycle act was prepared, and its adoption is eminent once the city assembly has a chance to discuss for approval. the cycle act will include different provisions such as lane categorization, insurance for cargo cyclists, rules for lane, penalty, rights and responsibilities of cyclists. the act will be mostly referenced as promotion for cyclists. no strict rules and/or penalties will be enforced. once cycling culture matures in the city, the act is anticipated to also incorporate violation rules for cyclists through the amendment (ojha, 2020). the further phases will be more focused on expansion of cycle lane throughout the city. promotion of cycle use for short commute is also envisaged. however, specific plan for later phases is still under consideration, according to lmc. it will be important for the city officials to put forward well-grounded plans and arguments as it has been difficult https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 222 jurnal studi pemerintahan to make local representatives understand the value of cycle project. pro-infrastructure development mindset that favors large scale, traditional infrastructure was referenced as the reason. cycling as kathmandu valley’s common agenda mr. maharjan, the mayor of lmc, envisions that a further project effort to connect city’s open spaces, river corridors, ancient heritage sites and trails on the southern rims of kathmandu valley will help restore its historical glory and revitalize the city (shrestha, 2019). during the inauguration of the cycle lane construction in lalitpur, mr. maharjan announced his commitment in cooperating with neighbor cities to construct cycle lanes that connect throughout the valley. findings can be equipped with tables, graphs, illustrations and the like to facilitate explanation. kathmandu metropolitan city (kmc) had already begun to construct cycle lanes back in 2014 but could not proceed further. an lmc stakeholder views that a push from a neighboring city such as lmc can serve as a positive trigger for kmc to pick up on the motion to designate more cycle lanes in the city. mayoral interaction conducted among lmc, kmc, and godawari municipality to connect the valley by a linked cycle lane also suggests there is a positive direction setting towards the valley wide cycle lane establishment. at the federal level, minister for culture, tourism and civil aviation also announced about construction of a cycle lane that runs through the valley, for the goal of connecting all of its unesco world heritage sites (onlinekhabar, 2020). city’s effort in light of global trends lmc’s challenging experiences described in the case can 223 be interpreted as necessary steps towards sustainable mobility. such interpretation is made possible because of the active movement on the global scale that has created benchmarks on the use of bicycle as a measure. one validation reference is the copenhagenize index, that rates world cities based on bicycle-friendliness. it allocates scores exactly for the issues lmc is now fighting for, such as “bicycle infrastructure” (level of protected and separated bicycle infrastruc ture network), “bicycle facilities” (ease-of-use availability of bicycle racks), and “traffic calming” (traffic congestion relief measures and campaigns towards motorists). another validation reference is sustainable mobility for all (sum4all), a principal platform for international cooperation on sustainable mobility, that adopted greenness (termed as “green mobility”) as one core concept for sustainable mobility (sustainable mobility for all, 2019). these benchmarks endorse that lmc is on the correct trajectory for tackling urbanization challenges with sustainable means, aided by the collective wit of the political, administrative, and citizens’ power. discussion the case revealed that lmc’s challenge of converting the city to a sustainable one through the promotion of bikeability has been approached as a social movement. the original idea, conceived by the locals out of a quest for having a livable city, led the movement to evolve, and it was seized by the mayoral candidate as a winning political agenda. looking at the case that captured citizen group originated, non-structural city management endeavor coming from nepal, the following sections discuss its value, significance, and implications from three aspects of what underpin sustainable urban governance: (a) public service design, (b) https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 224 jurnal studi pemerintahan local government led spatial management, and (c) an empirical knowledge from a developing country. public service design service design is a concept that places both the user and the service provider at the heart of the development and testing process through co-designing (junginger, 2013; whicher, swiatek, & cawood, 2013). with a humancentered approach focusing on user experiences, this approach is envisaged to develop an optimal service product leading to “increased desirability, usability and efficiency” (whicher et al., 2013, p. 3). the concept has entered in public service domain as “a method of user engagement in public governance” (whicher et al., 2013, p. 14), and is advocated in public service reform (e.g. service delivery reform in australia) as “a formal acknowledgement of the role services have in shaping the relationships between a government and its citizens” (junginger, 2013, p. 19). the courage lmc had in acknowledging its inability to spearhead towards the goal of city conversion into a bikeable one by own effort ignited a constructive partnership with ncs, who could bring in the missing skill set to attain the objective. by the tenet of public service design, such foresight in collaborating with prospective service users with vested interest in the city’s future is an assurance for a durable service that will be used and appre ciated by the citizens. local government led spatial management while capacity to plan, manage and finance is considered as a fundamental aspect of effective urban governance, it is also widely recognized that many local tiers of the government do not adequately possess the 225 skills, capacity and resources to meet those obligations (avis, 2016). a major challenge comes from the difficulties to embed such expertise in bureaucratic routines: technical training is not sufficient but the required strategic plan ning experiences does not come automatically with the governing authority. then, (romeo and smoke, 2014) state that learning from working together with relevant stakeholders is a practical way out. if single city management is already challenging for local tiers of the government, the situation of lmc is far more complex, as it sits in the heart of kathmandu valley where crossing of administrative boundaries makes arrangement of public services spanning jurisdictions difficult due to lack of effective mechanisms for coordination at the metropolitan level (muzzini & aparicio, 2013). nonetheless, the case revealed that there is an undisputable common agenda which could trigger the collaboration among the cities located in kathmandu valley. that is to construct a cycle lane that runs through the valley not only for the residents but also for tourists drawn for the unesco world heritage sites. spatial management across jurisdictions will not materialize unless all the concerned parties have their own benefits met by the collaboration. from this perspective, kathmandu valley wide cycle lane establishment has a good potential for city level local government led, spatial management initiative for better living environment as well as for economic benefit arising from tourism. for the latter, the government stakeholder at the federal level also has own reason to engage, making it a collaborator with vested interests in the initiative. empirical knowledge from a developing country https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.122135 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 226 jurnal studi pemerintahan under the global phenomenon of urbanization, how to bet ter manage own environment is a common agenda for the whole world, yet, the gravity of seriousness for developing part of the world has been widely remarked. for example, (world bank, 2016) refers to south asia as a struggling region in the context of ur banization. (avis, 2016) points out that managing urban growth is particularly a daunting task in the poorest and most fragile countries because of the weak municipal capacity. more specifically on the ability to manage and respond to escalating demands for urban travel in the context of developing countries, (cervero , 2013) attributes to shortcomings in local governments’ institutional setup, which might explain about an observation by (andersson, 2015) that good developing country examples of metropolitan governance across jurisdictions are rare. such observations call for sharing of problem -solving experiences from developing countries as they hold a key for the world’s urbanization challenge. this study then provides a much soughtafter empirical evidence that showcases an illustration of urban governance though the collective effort making of local government with the relevant stakeholders of the society in creating public service for sustainable city, a defined tenet of sustainable urban governance (see, for example, avis, 2016). conclusion this case study captured citizen group originated, nonstructural city management endeavor coming from nepal. the study found that the case city is on the right trajectory for tackling urbanization challenges with sustainable means, aided by the collective wit of the political, administrative, and citizens’ power. their effort was validated by the initiative’s alignment with the global benchmarking on the use of bicycle for sustainable mobility. the study concluded that factors such as collaborative public service 227 design and local government led spatial management are holding keys for sustainable urban governance. reference andersson, m. 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capable of improving environmental qualities: a case study of 5 asean economies agussani abstract this study aims to analyze the impact of social (human, educational, and financial development) and institutional factors (corruption and administrative effectiveness) on environmental quality. data were obtained from 5 asean economies from 2000-2018, with the brush pagon lm and pearson cd used to test the cross-section dependency of variables. the results showed that ols depicted positive effects of human, educational, and financial develop ment, with administrative effectiveness on environmental quality, with nega tive effects due to corruption. in conclusion, the government needs to pro mote social and institutional factor in order to improve environmental perfor mance. keywords: social factors, institutional factors, environmental quality, cor ruption. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pengaruh faktor sosial (manusia, pendidikan, dan keuangan) dan kelembagaan (korupsi dan efektivitas administrasi) terhadap kualitas lingkungan. data diperoleh dari 5 ekonomi asean dari tahun 2000-2018, dengan brush pagon lm dan pearson cd digunakan untuk menguji ketergantungan variabel crosssection. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ols menggambarkan dampak positif pembangunan manusia, pendidikan, dan keuangan, dengan efektivitas administrasi terhadap kualitas lingkungan, dengan dampak negatif akibat korupsi. kesimpulannya, pemerintah perlu mendorong faktor sosial dan kelembagaan untuk meningkatkan kinerja lingkungan. kata kunci: faktor sosial, faktor kelembagaan, kualitas lingkungan, korupsi. introduction numerous studies have been conducted over the last decade on various strategies aimed at enhancing environmental ecology and hence the overall quality of the environment (salman et al., 2019). according to (ervine, 2018), administrative entrants need to ensure that administrative entrants meet their responsibilities towards the environment. 21 affiliation: universitas muhammadiyah sumatera utara, medan, indonesia correspondence: agussani@umsu.ac.id citation: agussani. (2021). social and institutional facto rs capable of improving environmental qualities?: acase study of 5 asean economies. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (1). 21 34 article history: received: 2020-12-15 revision: 2020-12-20 accepted: 2021-01-03 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121126 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9070-724x mailto:agussani@umsu.ac.id vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 22 their subordinates are probable to knowledge regarding envi ronmental quality. (benedetta and vincenzo, 2019) stated that the linkage be tween environmental quality and different exogenous variables at the macro level has been examined in different studies. how ever, the focus of most of the studies was limited to economic factors concerning environmental degradation (iwiñska et al., 2019). in addition, many other variables have significant effects on the environment, such as social, institutional, socio-economic, and structural factors (ciarli & savona, 2019). environmental modernization theory depicts the association between economic development and deterioration, which is realizable in progressive industrialized countries (morse, 2018). this theory deliberates many other characteristics such as “role of science and technology, the importance of financial develop ment, the role of administrative effectiveness and the ideology of social movements” (maurer, & bogner, 2019). furthermore, this theory is essential for better environmental performance and shows that society transforms their organizations to ecologi cal complications, which invariably improves the quality of the environment. (abdel basset et al., 2019) stated that social, institutional, political or structural factors are some additional economic related to environmental performance. these studies found significant disparities in the environmental quality of countries with parallel economic intensities and recommended that the quality of environment depends on economic, social and institutional factors. this study aims to investigate the ability of social and institu tional factors to improve environmental quality using 5 asean economies, namely indonesia, thailand, laos, brunei and the philippines. the study carried out by (raymond, 2004) focused on the economic factors in relation to environmental degradation. according to (welsch, 2004), the theory of environmental modernization indicates that society transforms their organiza jurnal studi pemerintahan tions in response to ecological complications, which also improves 23 the quality of the environment. in addition to economic and social factors, institutional factors tend to have a significant con tribution to environmental performance (meyer, kooten & wang, 2003). however, the effects of social and institutional variables are less focused on previous studies in relation to envi ronmental quality. therefore, this study aims to explore the collective impact of social (financial development, human de velopment, and educational development) and institutional fac tors (corruption and administrative effectiveness) on the envi ronment. this study collectively contributes to the environmen tal quality and investigates the impact of social and institutional factors in the 5 asean economies. remaining sections of this research are structured as follows: section 2 presents the review of existing literature, the outline of hypothesis and conceptual framework. section 3 provides data and methodology. section 4 depicts the empirical results, while section 5 concludes the study with some limitations. literature review this section reviews the existing literature and constructs the hypothesis. social factors and environmental quality human development (hd) over the past few years, studies have been carried out on the relationship between human development and environmental performance. (mukherjee & chakborty, 2012) investigated the influence of human development on environmental perfor mance and found positive linkage. (costantini and monni, 2011) stated that human development leads towards a sustainable en vironment. their study further suggested that human progress need to be the first objective of any nation in order to achieve a sustainable environment. (similarly,uddin, 2014) carried out a research using a 1990-2013 data obtained from bangladesh with the vecm technique, to examine the relationship between vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 24 human development and environmental quality. the study showed a positive association between human development and environmental quality in the long run. (furthermore, dhahri and omri, 2018) used the data of 20 developing countries from 2000-2013 to examine the association between human develop ment and environmental degradation, which revealed a nega tive linkage. therefore, an increase in human development re duces environmental degradation. h1a: human development has a positive and significant relation with environmental quality. educational development (ed) educational development is an essential factor with signifi cant contributions in environmental performance. (ervine,2018) stated that a nation with high educational progress is capable of handling more ecological disputes with assistance plans. (cracolici et al., 2010) reported that education development is proficient in apprehending the variances among nations regarding ecological and social dimensions. the study revealed a positive relationship between educational progress and environmental quality. (sohag et al., 2019) analyzed the effect of educational development on environmental performance, using literacy rates and co2 emissions as a proxy of educational development, and en vironmental quality, respectively. the study indicated that the higher the literacy rates, the lower the co2 emissions because the well-educated person portrays a higher level of information regarding ecological disputes. therefore, the study concluded that there is a positive effect of literacy rates on environmental performance. h1b: educational development has a positive and significant rela tion with environmental quality. financial development (fd) (frankel and romer,1999) stated that financial development and ecological apprehensions are interdependent with the abil jurnal studi pemerintahan ity of financial development to promote fdi, which leads to25 wards economic growth (eg). according to (islam et al., 2013), eg needs higher energy demand to degrade the environment resultantly. financial progress permits investors to use advance technologies that are environmentally friendly with less signifi cant contributions in increasing co2 emissions and attaining economic development (dhahri & omri, 2018). several studies have been carried out to determine the relationship between financial development and environmental performance, how ever, the results were conflicting. tamazian and rao (2010) stated that financial progress tends to increase co2 emissions, which reduces the quality of the environment. similarly, (al-mulali & sab, 2012) reported that there are negative effects of financial development on environmental performance using data ob tained from 12 mena countries. (ozturk & acaravci, 2013) stated that environmental performance enhances financial de velopment, thereby making it possible for industries to access advanced types of machinery which contribute less to environ mental degradation. (similarly, adam et al., 2018) examined the influence of financial progress on environmental quality and stated that a positive linkage existed between financial development and environmental quality. furthermore, the study claims financial division as a means of reducing co2 emissions. h1c: there is a significant relationship between financial develop ment and environmental quality. institutional factors and environmental quality corruption (cr) (welsch, 2004) carried out a research, which analyzed the re lationship between corruption and environmental quality. the study stated that the negative effect of corruption on the envi ronmental quality of a nation tends to increase pollution. (welsch, 2004) examined the effect of control of corruption on environmental performance and stated that both variables are positively vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 26 related to each other. (welsch, 2004) reported that the quality of the environment enhances when corruption is controlled. (gallego-álvarez, garcía-rubio & martínez-ferrero, 2018) car ried out a research to determine the effects of corruption on the performance of the environment using data from 12 devel oping countries. they stated that corruption tends to reduce environmental performance. (chen et al., 2018) conducted a valuable work on the relationship between corruption and en vironmental quality using data from 20 provinces in china from 1988-2018. the study concluded that an increase in the number of dishonest executives weakens the environmental conventions and increases illegal construction as well as manufacturing which in turn increases co2 emissions. h2a: there is a significant relationship between corruption and environmental quality. administrative effectiveness (ae) esty et al. (2008) carried out a research on the relationship between government effectiveness and environmental perfor mance using the two proxies of environment, namely “carbon dioxide and sulfur dioxide”. the study found that administra tive effectiveness is partially positive with co2 emissions and marginally negative with sulfur emissions. moreover, govern ment effectiveness has positive effects on waterquality and health ozone (fiorino, 2011). (yin et al., 2015) stated that there is a positive linkage between government effectiveness and environ mental quality. therefore, when the government is efficient, it tends to make policies for improving the quality of the environ ment, which in turn improves the performance of the environ ment. h2b: there is a significant relationship between corruption and environmental quality. data and methodology this study aims to investigate the effect of social (financial jurnal studi pemerintahan development, human development, and educational develop27 ment) and institutional (corruption and administrative effective ness) variables on environmental quality (eq). the samples con sist of 5 asean economies, namely indonesia, thailand, laos, brunei and philippines with data obtained from world bank from 2000-2018. the brush pagon lm and pearson cd were used to test the cross-section dependency of study variables. meanwhile, adf and ordinary least square model were used to test the stationarity and estimate the results. the study further analyzed the country-specific long-run associations among the variables across the selected countries. sources of data and specification of model the study used co2 emissions as a proxy of environmental quality, with literacy rates, corruption control and government effectiveness used for educational development, and the con trol of corrupt and administrative proxies. all data were gath ered from the world bank, except those of eq, which were available in index form. the following econometric model is used to investigate the influence of social and institutional fac tors on environmental quality: eq it = â 0 + â 1 (hd) it + â 2 (ed) it + â 3 (fd) it + â 4 (cr) it + â 5 (ae) it +µ t —————————(1) where “eq denotes the environmental quality, hd is hu man development, ed is educational development, fd is finan cial development, cr is corruption, and ae is administrative effectiveness â 0 is intercept and â 1 —— â 5 are coefficients of vari ables for time t, and countries i while µ is the stochastic (distur bance/residual) error term.” result and discussion this section presents the empirical findings of the study. cross section dependence table 1 shows the results of “breusch-pagan lm, bfk and vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 28 pearson cd” tests applied for checking the cross-section depen dence of variables which means that they shock in a selected country with a possible tendency to be transferred. the research obtained a null hypothesis, which is accepted, thereby indicat ing the absence of cross-section dependence among variables. table 1: cross-section dependence variables breusch-pagan lm pearson cd decision eq 0.8364 0.9823 h0 accepted hd 1.7399 1.7636 h0 accepted ed 1.8322 0.9264 h0 accepted fd 0.9264 1.8364 h0 accepted cr 0.6727 0.8265 h0 accepted ae 1.7836 0.9264 h0 accepted table 2: descriptive statistics and correlation matrix panel a: de scriptive st atistics variables eq hd ed fd cr ae mean 47.63864 4.050909 0.855455 63.56955 6.584000 93.50455 median 52.10000 4.330000 0.895000 67.91500 3.850000 94.25000 maximum 64.30000 7.670000 0.990000 92.33000 13.28800 103.5000 minimum 24.30000 1.010000 0.690000 38.40000 7.788300 73.10000 jarque-bera 2.392460 0.413963 2.178024 1.447608 1.272793 4.668132 probability 0.302332 0.813035 0.336549 0.484904 0.529196 0.096901 panel b: correlation matrix variables eq hd ed fd cr ae eq 1 hd 0.0462 1 ed 0.2794 0.2219 1 fd 0.3552 0.1843 0.2327 1 cr 0.0524 0.1202 0.1429 0.2222 1 ae 0.0779 0.2418 0.1737 0.1337 0.2720 1 descriptive statistics and correlation table 2 consists of 2 parts, namely panel a and b, which shows the results of descriptive statistics and correlation matrix, respectively. panel a shows the mean, median and standard deviation of the data. furthermore, it also shows themaximum and minimum values of the data, with the normality of residu jurnal studi pemerintahan als checked through the jarque bera test. theprobability values 29 of the residuals are normal and insignificant in providing re ports. therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected. panel b elabo rates the results of correlation matrix used to check the multicollinearity among the variables. the result showed that there is no multicollinearity in the data, with the highest corre lation value between fd and eq at obtained at 0.35, while the lowest correlation value of hd and eq is 0.04. unit root test table 3 shows the findings of the adf test in terms of the unit root used to test the stationarity and order of integration data. therefore, a non-stationary data produces spurious results. this research produced a null hypothesis with a non-stationary series. the table indicates that all variables are significant at all levels, thereby indicating that the data are stationary. table 3: adf test variables intercept level trend and intercept decision eq 2.8464 ** 4.9933 ** i (0) hd 4.8274 ** 3.8264 * i (0) ed 2.9475 * -4.8113 *** i (0) fd -4.8267 ** 4.8224 ** i (0) cr -4.8726 ** 5.9274 *** i (0) ae 3.9847 ** 3.8264 ** i (0) note: “*, **, *** represent level of significance at 1%, 5% and 10% respectively” ols regression outcomes table 4 shows the results of ols regression, with a negative coefficient value of hd (-.4434) which is significant at the level of 5%. this depicts that 1-unit increase in hd tends, reduces co2 emission by -0.4432 units, which means that hd has posi tive effects on eq. therefore, h1a is accepted. similarly, the coefficient of ed (-0.2927) is negative and significant at 5% with positive effects of ed on eq. the results further show that 1 unit increase in ed tends to reduce co2 emissions by 0.3987 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 30 units. therefore, h1b is also accepted. coefficient of fd (-0.1982) is also negative and significant at 10% level of significance. hence, an increase in 1-unit leads to a rise in fd tends, and a decrease in co2 emissions by 0.1982 units. results elaborate on the positive effect of fd on the quality of the environment. therefore, hypothesis h1c is also accepted. meanwhile, a posi tive coefficient value of cr (0.1626) indicates negative effects of cr on eq. the result shows that a 1-unit increase in crtends to increase co2 emissions by 0.1626 units. a coefficient is sig nificant at 10% level of significance therefore, h2b is accepted. finally, the coefficient of ae (-0.2436) also shows positive ef fects of ae on eq, with a coefficient significant at 10% level, thereby depicting that 1-unit increase in ae tends to reduce co2 emissions by 0.2436 units. therefore, hypothesis h2b is accepted. furthermore, the value of adjusted r square is 0.9283, thereby indicating that 92.63% variations in eq are collectively explained by social (hd, ed and fd) and institutional (cr, ae) factors. table 4: ols regression variables eq decision coefficient p-value c 0.3545 0.0457** h1a: accepted hd -0.4434 0.0056** h1a: accepted ed -0.3987 0.0323** h1b: accepted fd -0.1982 0.0982* h1c: accepted cr 0.1626 0.0827* h21: accepted ae -0.2436 0.0773* h2b: accepted r2 0.9938 adjusted r2 0.9263 note: “*, **, *** represents the significance at 1%, 5% and 10% respectively.” country-wise long-run association the study further analyzes the country-specific long-run asso ciations among the variables across the selected countries. table 5, shows the findings for individual countries with a significant positive effect of hd on eq in all the sample countries. this tends to decrease co2 by 0.3462 units in indonesia, 0.5547 units jurnal studi pemerintahan in thailand, 0.2534 units in laos, 0.2331 units in brunei and 31 0.4351 units in the philippines. similarly, ed also has positive effects on enhancing eq by reducing co2 emissions. the table shows that 1-unit increase in ed leads to a decline in co2 emis sions by 0.2983 units in indonesia, 0.3748 units in thailand, table 5: country specific long-run outputs variaindonesia thailand laos brunei philippines bles coef. p-value coef. p-value coef. p-value coef. p-value coef. p-value c 0.3454 0.0023 *** 0.2674 0.07322 * 1.6365 0.0933 * 1.9634 0.0374** 1.9983 0.0032 *** hd -0.3462 0.0543 ** -0.5547 0.0364 ** -0.2534 0.0254 ** -0.2331 0.0273** -0.4351 0.0042 *** ed -0.2983 0.0036 *** -0.3748 0.0732 * -0.4563 0.0363 ** -0.2098 0.0744* -0.3987 0.0372 ** fd 0.0836 0.0567 ** -0.1734 0.0834 * -0.1672 0.0263 ** 0.0243 0.0364** 0.0053 0.0947 * cr 0.1983 0.0635 * 0.1324 0.0364 ** 0.1783 0.0857 * 0.2816 0.0832 * 0.2552 0.0367 ** ae -0.2073 0.0355 ** -0.3582 0.0264 ** -0.3674 0.0327 ** -0.1982 0.0872 * -0.2874 0.0263 ** r2 0.8394 0.8386 0.7165 0.7639 0.78833 “*** and * shows level of significance at 1% and 5% , respectively” “*** and ** shows level of significance at 1% and 5%, respectively” 0.4563 units in laos, 0.2098 units in brunei, and 0.3987 units in the philippines. meanwhile, fd has mixed effects in selected countries. for instance, it has positive effects in thailand and laos which means that 1-unit increase in fd tends to reduce co 2 emissions in thailand by 0.1783 units and in laos by 0.1672 units. furthermore, it has negative effects on the rest of the countries which means that 1-unit increase in fd leads to a rise in co2 emissions by 0.0836 units in indonesia, as well as 0.0243 and 0.0053 units in brunei and philippines, respectively. cr causes a decline in eq in all the sample countries which means that 1-unit increase in cr tends to increase co2 emissions by 0.1983, 0.1324, 0.1783, 0.2816, and 0.2552 units in indonesia, thailand, laos, brunei, and the philippines. ae has a positive effect on eq, with a 1-unit increase in ae capable of reducing co2 emissions in indonesia, thailand, laos, brunei and philip pines by 0.2073, 0.3582, 0.3674, 0.1982 and 0.2874 units, re spectively conclusion over the last decade, numerous studies have been carried vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 32 out on the varying policies regarding ways to improve the envi ronmental ecology in order to enhance the quality of the envi ronment. currently, the environment has become the main area of concern for policymakers at the micro and macro levels. at the micro-level, managers are highly concerned on the envi ronmental quality of their industries. meanwhile, at the macro level, the environmental quality of nations is explained as its capability to produce public goods. the present study aims to investigate the effect of social and institutional factors on the quality of the environment with data obtained 5 asean econo mies, namely indonesia, thailand, laos, brunei and philippines from 2000-2018. the brush pagon lm and pearson cd were used to test the cross-section dependency of study variables. meanwhile, adf and ordinary least square model were used to test the stationarity and estimate the results. the results showed that hd has positive effects on eq, with the ability to increase human welfare and provide a sustainable path. therefore, human progress needs to be the first objective of a nation. this research is consistent with the studies carried out by (mukherjee & chakborty, 2012), (costantini & monni, 2011) and (dhahri & omri, 2018). moreover, ed also positively contributes to eq as a nation with high educational progress capable of handling more ecological disputes with assistance plans. this is in accordance with the studies carried out by (cracolici et al.,2010). similarly, fd also positively contributes to improving the quality of the environment because financial progress permits investors to use advance technologies that are environmentally friendly with less significant contributions in increasing co2 emissions. it also helps in attaining economic development. these results are consistent with the studies carried out by (islam et al., 2013) and (tamazian & rao, 2010). therefore, the study concludes that social factors significantly contributions to improving environmental quality. furthermore, a nation in need of sustainable environment needs to promote social factors. jurnal studi pemerintahan the study showed that there is a negative effect of corrup33 tion on environmental quality, which reduces the income of a nation and increases pollution. furthermore, a rise in the num ber of dishonest executives weakens environmental conventions. it increases illegal construction and manufacturing, thereby lead ing to a rise in co2 emissions that degrade the quality of the environment. these results are similar to the research carried out by (welsch, 2004). there is a positive impact of ae on eq in accordance with the research carried out by (esty et al., 2018). the study concludes that improvement in institutional factors also leads to a rise in the quality of the environment. this study used only 5 asean economies; therefore, future study needs to be carried out using all asean economies. fur thermore, the study examined linear relationships, therefore future studies need to be carried out to examine nonlinear rela tionships. references abdel basset, m., manogaran, g., mohamed, m., & 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is more and more complex and highly in need of a better arrangement, especially concerning on the improvement of the environment (water front city) in siak river surroundings. this is a descriptive qualitative research with population sample of the office of settlement and regional infrastructure of pekanbaru city, senapelan district government, ngos, community leaders, and private parties. data are collected through interview, observation and documentation, which is then analyzed using qualitative analysis technique. this research finds that the policy of the development of water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru is not implemented optimally. this situation can be seen through a variety of indicators related to the implementation of development policies of water front city at village kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru in that the effect of interest policies, benefits, desire for change, the process of decision-making, implementing programs and supporting resources have not been implemented effectively. the curbing factors in implementing development policies in the district water front city senapelan pekanbaru are mostly due to the lack of human resources, process of compensation and other inadequate financing, and managerial instruments that are unsupported to the implementation of development programs of water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. 129 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keywords: water front city, policy implementation, pekanbaru city, riau abstrak penataan wilayah perkotaan, khususnya kota pekanbaru, sangat diperlukan mengingat perkembangan kota pekanbaru yang semakin lama semakin kompleks dan perlu penataan yang lebih baik, terutama perbaikan lingkungan (water front city) di kawasan sungai siak. adapun jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan populasi dan sampelnya adalah dinas pemukiman prasarana dan wilayah kota pekanbrau, pemerintah kecamatan senapelan, lsm, tokoh masyarakat dan juga pihak swasta. teknik pengumpulan data wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi, sedangkan analisis data yakni analisis kualitatif. implementasi kebijakan dalam pembangunan water front city di kelurahan kampung baru kecamatan senapelan kota pekanbaru, belum terlaksana secara optimal. keadaan ini dapat dilihat dari berbagai indikator yang berhubungan dengan pelaksanaan kebijakan pembangunan water front city di kelurahan kampung baru kecamatan senapelan kota pekanbaru, yakni pengaruh kepentingan dari kebijakan, manfaat, keinginan untuk berubah, proses pengambilan keputusan, pelaksana program dan sumber daya yang mendukung belum terlaksana secara efektif. sedangkan faktor penghambat dalam mengimplementasikan kebijakan pembangunan water front city di kecamatan senapelan kota pekanbaru, lebih banyak disebabkan oleh kemampuan sumber daya manusia yang belum tersedia dengan baik, pendanaan dalam proses ganti rugi dan pembiayaan lainnya yang belum memadai, peralatan dan manajerial yang belum mendukung dalam pelaksanaan program pembangunan implementasi kebijakan dalam pembangunan water front city di kelurahan kampung baru kecamatan senapelan kota pekanbaru. kata kunci: water front city, implementasi kebijakan,kota pekanbaru, riau introduction reforms that has been in effect since the downfall of the new order leadership bring out many changes in government system in indonesia. the high demand for regional rights in the reformation era has triggered the changes of government system, from centralized into de-centralized system. delegation of authority from the central government to local governments, refers as entitlements for local autonomous to establish their own system and set independently for welfare society. giving autonomous rights for local government outlined in the law 22/1999 on local government. but the law governing regional autonomy was revised back to law 32/2004 on local government. the presence of the regional autonomy law, each region is delirious to spur independence in conducting local government and regional development, public services and other local activities. granting autonomy to local governments is basically a long chain of bureaucracy and centralized government. thus the presence of regional autonomy has carried a breath of fresh air for local governments to manage and run the administhe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 130 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tration and development of their respective regions. as has been mandated in the local autonomy law, the emphasis is on the implementation of regional autonomy and the provincial government of regency / city government. it is desirable for the provincial and district / city government to be more proactive, reactive and creative in creating autonomous rights for their respective regions. the realization of autonomous governance is expected to provide facilities for the community, especially in the concept of equitable and in accordance with the wishes of the people. the presence of regional autonomy as stipulated in law no. 22/1999 and law no. 32/2004 is an option lest is appropriate for the administration and increases the degree of social justice for indonesian. beside the presence of decentralization should be odd proportionate to the distribution or delegation of authority between the central and provincial governments, local governments and the city, to determine the direction and public policy, and political control of economic assets as well as arrangements of local resources, both natural resources and the resources human possessed by each region. parole finite to exclusive levels of government and is now being circled by the current implementation of the policy of decentralization and regional autonomy, which essentially boils down to an effort to empower area including local communities in all aspects of life. without adequate capacity, the existence of areas with all their activities will give birth to a new kind of dependence on the government, which means there is no local independence. therefore, governance and development and construction of social life must be based on the philosophy and understanding based on right and true to the concept of decentralization and regional autonomy. effort empowerment is a function of government, namely the function of the development and function of regional development. accompanying regional autonomy also meant that the area may be able to adjust and manage the interests of the people initiative based on the aspirations of the people in accordance with the laws and regulations in the framework of the indonesia state. in this setting local policy, whether in the form of regulation (regulation) and decisions must prithe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 131 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oritize regional heads in maintaining the integrity, the existence and preservation of the unitary republic of indonesia. despitefully, it should also be able to establish unity and harmony of the nation as well as ensuring the harmonious relationship between the community and the local government, the region with other regions and between local government and central government. this condition is the meaning of the concept of responsible autonomy. granting autonomy is not merely administrative approach, viz the achievement of the apparatus of government to work effectively, but also improve the performance of the apparatus towards a higher quality. this means the authority in the field of government should be directly related to the public interest, as well as local government institutions are also expected to play a role in political education for the community to absorb the aspirations of the people who put emphasis to public awareness in participant of political development in each area. at the bottom of the joint stock republic of indonesia consists of local area consisting of provincial, district and town and village government, where people live day-to-day. accordance with the general provisions set out in the law 32/2004. decentralization, gives the opportunity for the city of pekanbaru riau province in organizing and managing the construction of the city, the capital of riau province. implementation of developments in pekanbaru city is expected to realize the vision and mission development pekan baru 2020, namely: “the realization of pekan baru city as a center of trade and services that are reliable and modern”. achieving the vision and mission city of pekan baru, simply spite of the implementation of spurs-infrastructure development activities related to the achievement of the vision and mission of the city of pekanbaru. the geographical strategic position of pekan baru, the siak river sidelines, it’s possible to make the city of pekan baru the center of trade, because the siak river is a means of transportation, especially for ships that transport goods and services of trade entered the city of pekanbaru. siak river conditions are not arranged properly, will be a challenge for the new city government week in realizing the vision and mission that has been designated as a center of commerce and culture wither. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 132 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ structuring the siak river flow needs haste, given the development of the city of pekanbaru that is increasingly rising. apart from that region along the siak river basin have been solid and settlement arrangement for the beauty of the city, as well as providing traffic ease siak river waters for transportation between regions as a tool of transportation allied malay region known as the triangle of singapore, johor and riau (sijori) siak river areas are at the center of the city of pekanbaru, a watershed (das), in roommates the residents of the region, including quite loaded. full of population and settlement arrangement causes irregular roommates siak river basin experience a variety of problems, ranging from pollution to the area floods every year. the state settlement is become key issues in the development of the siak river by the local government pekanbaru.keadaan this, significantly affect the achievement of the vision and mission of the city of pekanbaru. spatial planning undertaken by the city of pekanbaru city government, particularly along the siak river flow needs in a timely and effective improvements to realize the siak river areas are well-organized, clean and perform minimization siak river water pollution levels. the area is well pelt settlement located along the river siak district administrative region senapelan pekanbaru. the need for structuring settlements and settlement areas along streams river senapelan siak district, especially in the village of kampung baru to realize the siak river fringe neat and well ordered, as well as give advices to people, especially people who come from outside the city of pekanbaru. structuring the siak river region, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, got a pretty good response from the local government pekanbaru, pekanbaru that local government makes policies that attempt arrangement known as the environmental improvement program (water front city). government policy is implemented by the department of housing regional infrastructure pekanbaru, where the agency is an agency directly involved in structuring infrastructures are existent in the city of pekanbaru. development of the siak river by the government through policy pekanbaru water front city is expected to address the problems that occurred siak river region, especially in the village of kampung baru subthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 133 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ district senapelan pekanbaru. structuring the siak river needs the support or participation of the public, the private sector, especially local government pekanbaru, implementation with the result that water front city development can be done effectively and efficiently, ergo that the arrangement of the siak river can realize the vision and mission of the city of pekanbaru. siak river basin region, alteration has arranged of environmental, especially residential areas, as well as frequent flooding especially rainy season. this condition would make suburb siak river, less rapid’s less well, and even lead to various problems faced by the community. it is necessary to establish a policy by the city pekanbaru in managing the environment along the siak river. suburb solid siak river, polluted and less well, is caused by different types of businesses in the siak river upstream in the form of factories also contributed to the pollution of the siak river sidelines. for that we need a strategic policy development of implementation water front city especially in the village kampung baru sub district senapelan pekanbaru, in order to realize the siak river flows along well-defined as well as the beauty of pekanbaru. implementation of development policies in particular water front city in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru has not been able to realize that the area can support various sectors of development for the city of pekanbaru. sober settlement siak river region will contribute both to the city of pekanbaru to increase local revenue, and also improve the standard of living for the city of pekanbaru, especially people who are in siak watershed (das). implementation of development policy in the development of water front city in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru also got a variety of obstacles in the compensation process that also creates a conflict between the city of pekanbaru communities. this condition is also housed within the various elements, including the political parties to make propaganda, especially the political parties in opposition to the city pekanbaru.para political elite propaganda with arguments to defend the interests of society, so that the process of land acquisition is a major bottleneck in the development of water front city in kampung baru vilthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 134 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lage district senapelan pekanbaru. policy development in the village water front city kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru, needs to be implemented properly and it takes the seriousness of any elements which have competence in the implementation of water front city development especially in the village kampung baru city district senapelan pekanbaru. this is detected the deeper water front city development policies that impact in structuring the environment, especially along the siak river, which is in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. theoretical framework theoretical framework in this study is as a reference to determine the ratio, between the facts found in the field with the theoretical concepts presented in this study. the concept of theory in this study involves about overview of the concepts of decentralization and regional autonomy, administrative and public service, and public policy. for more details will be described in the following explanation. 1. concept of decentralization and regional autonomy today’s era of reform has given rise to a concept of government administration, the devolution of power to each county and city to organize and manage its own household. regional autonomy laws constitute an organizing concept development district and city governments towards a more independent from each region, with, delegated powers by the law. it can make system is centralized government previously turned into decentralized. loulembah (1997:17) decentralization in indonesia legally derived from the constitution of 1945, along with an explanation of them, mentioning that indonesia region is divided into regions that are both autonomous as well as an administrative nature. meanwhile, according to rashid (1998) who argued that the decentralization of the central government can concentrate on the formulation and implementation of national policies that are fundamentally alone, and it’s time local governments are given the confidence to perform more creatively to give meaning to the government administration and development. the view above can be said that, decentralization a transfer of managethe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 135 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ment of the household by the central government to local governments and municipalities within the framework of the unitary republic of indonesia. decentralization during the new order hardly can be said to be tamed by the central government, which rules the household centralized area of regulation by local governments. with the concept of autonomy, which gave birth to decentralize required every county to be able to take care of its own household. kaloh (2002:8) explains that the concept of governance is already very old, many of the existing literature it is known that the present system of local government is basically a combination of a wide range of traditions and techniques of the implementation of the regional government in its development has been influenced by historical factors, political, economic and social. nevertheless, there are traditions that are categorized as early traits that always give its own color on the types of the region. meanwhile, according to thoha (1991:27) explains that there are four important in assessing an area that can take care house own affairs, namely: (1) the elements that played by the above, (2) to regulate the affairs of the necessary equipment and the apparatus itself, (3) to finance matters submitted, it needs its own finances, and (4) the setting and maintenance of business is done on their own initiative and discretion. judging from the four things mentioned above, it can be said that decentralization is a journey that cannot be denied, i.e. the number of regencies and cities have not been able to implement something that is under the authority of the area. this is visible in terms of local finance as a source of financing regional development is still lacking, and there are also areas that have excess revenue (pad), which raises the gap in regional development. decentralization realizes autonomous regions in taking care of and manages their own households. according sumaryadi (2005:39) regional autonomy is an area that has a legal self-sufficiency that is self-government are regulated and administered by the own lows. because is focus on autonomy aspirations of the condition. further explained salam (2004:11) explains that, in the conception of regional autonomy should not burden the people, but rather to motivate, empower and generate initiatives and to encourage commuthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 136 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nity participation in development efforts that will foster independence autonomy in managing the household and taking care of yourself. the construction area is conceptual success or failure of the implementation of an authority in the autonomous affairs there are some things that need to be considered by kaho (1995:60). some of these are: a. humans must either executing b. finance should be sufficient and well c. the equipment must be adequate and well d. organizations and management are good enough. this view can be said that the implementation of the local government is applying the concepts required organizations and good management. management of good governance and effective local government will bear an independent in carrying out the wheels of government and enhance regional development, as well as to provide public services to satisfy the every area. 2. management implementation of public policy. implementation of government is a container that consists of a set of government officials, as a public servant in the public service and local development organizers. in other words, local government’s container is a public organization that regulates and takes care of their local areas respectively. according to bernard in thoha (1991:12) explains that the organization is a system from coordinated activity of a good or a force made up of two or more people. while sondra (1999:27) says that the organization is a group of people who are formally bound in superior and subordinate relationships that work together to achieve common goals as well. furthermore sondra p. said that the organization can be highlighted from two perspectives, namely the container activities and as a process of interaction between the people in them. there will not be an organization that can achieve the goals and objectives at the expense of interaction with the environment, particularly with those called the concerned stakeholders for the organization. from the view of the above it can be said that the organization is a gathering place for people who have similar goals. a government organithe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 137 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ zation is a gathering of civil servants container to take care of and serve the community. apart from that organization are an integral part of the management functions. good government is a government that is able to execute public management functions properly. according to a. sanusi in bedjo (1990:3) says that management is a cooperative system of human behavior which led regularly through continuous efforts and is a rational act. further according to terry and leslie (2003:1) says that management is a process or framework, which involves guidance or direction of a group of people collar organizational goals or intentions are real. meanwhile, according to winardi (1986:3) management is a very important subject because he questioned the establishment and achievement of business goals. according to the liang gie (1999:4) office management is a series of activities to plan, organize (organize and compose), direct (giving directions and instructions), supervise and control (do control) to organize an orderly something. it affected or targeted by a series of activities that generally is office work (office work). the opinions above can be said that management is a process to regulate the activities of people or group of people to achieve the goals set. management in government means an activity that organizes and guides the civil servants to work in accordance with established rules. in the management of the government produced a policy which is often referred to as public policy. the services provided by the district administration officials should give a good performance for governance. performance by priyatmoko (2001:25) is the result of work that can be achieved by a person or group of people in an organization, in accordance with the authority and responsibilities of each in an effort to achieve the goals of the organization concerned legally, do not violate the law and suitable with morals and ethics. while solihin (2001:32) explains that, looking at the performance based on economic considerations, efficiency, effectiveness and equity of service. meanwhile dwiyanto (1995:36) points out that the goal of objective statements about the conditions that will exist after the work is done and the state of the bias is measured quantitatively. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 138 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ further dwiyanto (1995:41) explains that, there are several indicators of the performance of the bureaucracy, namely: 1) productivity, 2) quality of service, 3) responsiveness, 4) responsibility da, 5) accountability. productivity by s.p. hasibuan (1996:27) is the ratio of out-put (results) with in-put (input). if productivity rises, this can made possible by an increase in efficiency (time, materials, and labor) and labor systems, production techniques and an increase in the skills of the workforce. services provided should give the performance of the government, especially for the apparatus that directly provide services to the community. if service quality, effective, and efficient and has good productivity, will provide public image or public response to the government, the better. this needs to be applied to each element in the government, both central and local governments, especially the government district and village government, basic level public service of society. 2. implementation of public policy implementation of policies by william and elmore in sunggono (1994:139) revealed that an overall policy implementation of activities related to the implementation of development policy. while the authority, et al (1994:15) says that public policy always contains three basic components, namely the broad goals, specific objectives and how to achieve those goals. in the way of achieving these objectives contained several other components that anyone can be implemented, the amount and source of funds, who is the target group, how to program and management system implemented and measured the performance of the policy. in this way the components broad goals and specific objectives clarified and then interpreted. the means of achieving this goal with the implementation of the policy called. according meter and horn (1975:6) that defines the implementation of public policy as a public or private action, either individually or in groups, is intended to achieve the objectives that have been adopted in policy decisions. this definition implies transformation effort into operational decisions, and achieves the goals that have been formulated. implementation of state development policy should involve the active participation of the public and private sectors to accelerate the implethe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 139 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mentation of policies that gave birth to the concept of development in a country. mazmanian and sabetier in wahab (1997:71) revealed that, the important role of the analysis of the implementation of the state policy is to define the variables that affect the achievement of formal goals in the implementation process. the variables in question are classified into three major categories, namely: (1) whether or not easy issues to be worked out and controlled, (2) the ability to structure policy decisions in a timely implementation process, and (3) the direct influence of different variables on the balance of political support the achievement of policy objectives. according to amir santoso grindle (1986:13) revealed that, the whole process can be started when the new policy the general purpose of the policy is set, program implementation has been made and funds have been allocated for the achievement of policy objectives. furthermore, according to grindle (1980:12) states that the implementation of the policy is not simply related to how the translation mechanism of political decisions into routine procedures through bureaucratic channels, but more than that it comes to conflict, decisions, and who gets what from the policy. view of the above can be said that the implementation of policies in development, the need for appropriate policy formulation and efficiently, so that in implementing policies to achieve the expected goals. apart from the implementation of development policy was also need for policy evaluation to improve the weaknesses faced and as an input or feedback in making or formulating new policies. research methods this research is using qualitative descriptive research. the study is in the form of qualitative research. types of qualitative research in this study explain or clarify issues concerning the improvement of the implementation of development programs (water front city) in district senapelan pekanbaru. what this study is the improvement of the environment (water front city) in district senapelan pekanbaru, especially the region of sub kampung baru. region village kampung baru sub-district senapelan the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 140 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pekanbaru is the area immediately adjacent to the siak river flow and environmental needs with good arrangement, because this area is a densely populated area and relatively irregular, so the government through the department of pekanbaru settlement and regional infrastructure pekanbaru set a policy of environmental improvements (water front city) in district senapelan pekanbaru. the type and source of the data or materials required in this research include: primary data, through an interview and in-depth observation of the relevant agencies are the department of settlement and regional infrastructure pekanbaru implementing environmental improvement or development program water front city, in the form of data on policy specified in the program. apart from that data collected from other agencies that are relevant to this study. secondary data, is supporting data in this study were taken from the office of sub senapelan pekanbaru, the central bureau of statistics and other intansi. secondary data also consists of general data on the form pekanbaru pekanbaru geographical location, state of the population, organizational structure and other data that support this research. primary data is analysis to gain from the implementation of the development environment improvement program or water front city in district senapelan pekanbaru. this approach is done through observation and interviews with key respondents and the information contained in this study. secondary data were obtained from the department of human settlements and regional infrastructure as executive development programs or environmental improvements at water front city district senapelan pekanbaru. while the primary data through observation and interviews sought are related to the implementation of environmental improvement or development program water front city in district senapelan pekanbaru. all of the data obtained will be analyzed by descriptive qualitative arguments that explain each of the information and data obtained from survey respondents and respondents were used as key information, all the data obtained will be sorted according to the tabulation of the data portion and is then given an explanation of the arguments accordance with the concept of theory in this study. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 141 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ results and analysis results and discussion conducted during the course of the study it will be explained in the development of policy implementation in the district water front city senapelan pekanbaru, and the factors that hinder the implementation of policies in the development of water front city in district senapelan pekanbaru. 1. policy implementation in development water front city in district senapelan pekanbaru city construction of water front city held on the siak river. siak river region is located in the heart of the city of pekanbaru the development is very rapid when compared with other areas in the city of pekanbaru. but in developing, siak river region is not in tune with the development of other areas in the city of pekanbaru, where the siak river grows naturally with the various activities of society and industry without clear planning concepts with specific characteristics by siak river conditions and sociocultural circumstances that located along the siak river flow. siak river basin is a means of transport for economic activities, industrial and infrastructure transfortasi. these activities are directly or indirectly affect the environment and the physical condition of the siak river stretches in the district senapelan pekanbaru. to make arrangement and environmental improvement or water front city along the siak river basin, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, government policies need to be considered in managing the environment. implementation of the government needs to pay attention to the following; a. the affected interest (effect of interest). implementation of development programs environmental improvement or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, need to pay attention or consider the effect of interest, both for the community and the city is concerned that the development pekanbaru. water front city provide certain interests, especially for the flow along the siak river district senapelan pekanbaru. the interest affected or influence the interests of the implementation of the environmental improvement or water front city along the siak river, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 142 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pekanbaru, pekanbaru city government through the department of settlement and regional infrastructure in implementing the environmental improvement implementation policy or the water front city, not optimally influence particular importance to the people of kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru. this situation makes the implementation of the environmental improvement program or the water front city has not implemented optimally. implementation of policies in the implementation of environmental improvement or water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, concerning the effect of interest should provide a good contribution to the government or the people who have not been properly realized. to determine the effect of the benefit from the implementation of development programs implemented water front city siak river basin region, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be seen from the responses, which are described in the following table is an overview; table1. respondents to the environmental improvement implementation policy or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru giving influence of interest. resources: processed data field results, 2008 from the responses above, it can be said that the influence of the interests of the implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, not to show the influence of interest more effectively. this is evident from the responses in which respondents provide answers effectively amounted to only 17 people or 37.78% of respondents. respondents were less effective anthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 143 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ swers amounted to 21 people or 46.67% of respondents. and respondents who gave an answer to the lack of effective category amounted to 7 people, or 15.56% of the total respondents. implementation of policies that influence interest in the building or the water front city environmental improvement or water front city, has not been implemented effectively, it is seen from the responses is still dominated by the response less effective. this shows that the implementation of policies in development water front city has not been able to contribute to the effects of interest, especially for the people in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, effect of interest expected from the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, should give effect to the interests that are equally beneficial. it can be seen from the reasons respondents gave their responses. respondents gave their answers by saying that the category of effective development programs water front city is significant in giving effect to the interests of the public interest, especially in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, which reorganized their territory, especially for communities affected by land development in the area of program to receive compensation in accordance with the applicable rules. while respondents, who gave an answer to the category less effective, they reasoned that, construction water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, clearly reveal the effect of the interest yet, both for the city, especially for the people in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. respondents provide answers to the ineffective category, they argue that, in the development of policy implementation water front city at village kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru did not show a very positive influence for the benefit of the community, where development will change many aspects of community life in social, economic and cultural rights, especially for the fishermen who depend their lives from the siak river. implementation of the government’s policy in the implementation of development pekanbaru city water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru need for more in-depth policy formulation, so that the programs can work well, as well as contributing to the the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 144 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ public interest and for the interests of the city of pekanbaru, particularly in implementing the restructuring towards a better city, to realize the vision and mission of pekanbaru, pekanbaru making them trade center and services in south east asia region. b. the type of benefits (benefit type). the benefits type or types of benefits means that the implementation of policies in the implementation of the water front city development is expected to provide benefits collectively or just give you some benefits in environmental regulation in the district senapelan pekanbaru, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. environmental improvement program or the water front city undertaken by the government through the department of housing pekanbaru city and regional infrastructure in sub kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru city is expected to provide benefits in the long term, so that the results of the environmental improvement or water front city or the water front city held on kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, more efficient and effective. the expected benefits of development water front city prioritized to benefit local communities and also provide benefits to the arrangement of pekanbaru city toward better. to find out the policy implementation water front city development in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, when viewed from the type of benefits provided, it can be seen from the responses based on the explanation and description of the following table; table2. respondents to the environmental improvement implementation policy or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru views of study benefits resources: processed data field results, 2008 the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 145 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table above can be seen that the implementation of government policy in the development of pekanbaru city water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru when seen from the type of benefit, can be effective, but has yet to reach a more optimal level of effectiveness. this is evident from the responses in which respondents provide answers to the category of effectively amounted to 19 respondents or 42.22%, of respondents who gave the answer choices with less effective categories totaling 17 respondents or 37.78%, and respondents who gave answers to ineffective options totaling 9 people respondent or 20.00% of the total respondents. field observations by the author as well as interviews with the respondents, can know the reason of their answer choices. the respondents who gave answers to the effective category, they argue that the benefits of development programs in the village water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru will be felt well and effectively, both the government and the region is the construction of water front city. respondents provide answers to the category of less effective, they argued argument, where construction implementer of water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, the benefits remain, but felt less effective, especially for local communities. while respondents who gave an answer to the ineffective category, they argue that the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru, ineffective in providing benefits primarily fishing communities who lived at the site, as they hung their lives to catch fish along the river flow siak. policy implementation in building water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, should consider the principle of benefit, especially for local communities, for the construction of water front city will lead to changes in people’s lives, especially in social and economic life of society, especially in the village of kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru. this needs to be considered a fairly mature, so that the implementation of the water front city development program can be collectively perceived benefits of each of the elements involved and affected by the development of the program, especially for people who are siak river basin region kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 146 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ c. extent of change envisioned (the desire for change). extent of change envisioned (the eagerness for change), this involves two aspects namely: (1) the behavior of the people who carry out if they want to change themselves according to the needs of the program or they will not change their behavior, (2) design of the program, whether long term or short term. it is necessary to pay attention to the desire for change in the carrying out of development, especially the development of the existing water front city in district senapelan pekanbaru. implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, should start from the desire to change attitudes or behaviors in implementing development programs, so that the construction undertaken or will be designed and targeted to run effectively and efficiently. bring about change the behavior of the public in receiving construction water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, required government efforts to institutionalize the development program. efforts in making desire of all agencies involved in the development of water front city, has showed a more optimal effort yet, it can be seen from the responses in the explanation and description of the following table; table3. respondents to the environmental improvement implementation policy or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru seen from eagerness to change resources: processed data field results, 2008 the table above can be said that, in an effort to change behavior by pekanbaru city government through the department of human settlements and regional infrastructure has not been done effectively, it can be seen from the responses, where respondents who gave answers to both categories totaling 13 people or 28.89%, respondents who gave an the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 147 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ answer to the lack of effective category amounted to 21 people or 46.67%, and respondents who gave an answer to the ineffective category amounted to 11 people or 24.44% of the total respondents. thus, efforts to realize the desire for change has not been implemented effectively in carrying out development in the village water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. observations and interviews conducted by the author in the field by the respondents, it can be seen weld them in determining the answer choices presented. respondents provide an effective response; they argued that the effort to change the attitude or behavior of the government is well run, according to the ability of the city of pekanbaru through local government agencies. respondents who answer less effective, they argued that the attempt to change the attitude or behavior of all the elements involved in the construction of water front city have done but have not done institutionally in society, especially the people in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. while respondents who gave an answer to the ineffective category, they reasoned that the effort has not touched the social aspect, so the desire to accept the changes difficult to realize. implementation of development policies by the government water front city pekanbaru, need to do a variety of approaches, ranging approaches to community leaders, social agencies to approach the existing apparatus, especially in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, because the agency has a direct relationship with the community at the kampung baru siak river district senapelan pekanbaru. d. site of decision making (decision points). this situation is the substance of policies that determine the direction of policy would be implemented. that is where the important decisions are formulated to meet the policy objectives. environmental improvement program or the water front city by pekanbaru city government should be accepted by all the elements are there, especially for people on the siak river basin, especially in the village of kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. policy development in the village water front city kampung baru subthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 148 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ district senapelan pekanbaru, the first times the need for the formulation process undertaken by the government through the department of housing pekanbaru city regional infrastructure. although the formulation of policies implemented by government agencies, but the need to involve other elemn especially people who felt the impact of the development program urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. actions are taken the formulation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru acceptable to all parties, so that the policy can be made implementation well. place decision making development policy water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, has not indicated that the policy formulation or formulations are effective, it can be seen from the responses based on the description and explanation in the following table; table4. respondents response to place defined policy formulation decision of environmental improvement or water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru resources: processed data field results, 2008 the table above can be said that the formulation of policy or decision taken by the government through the department of housing pekanbaru city and regional infrastructure, the substance has not been shown effective policies. this is evident from the responses where most respondents are still a lot of answers to the unfavorable category were 24 respondents or 53.33%, while respondents who provide an effective response amounted to 12 people or 26.67%, and respondents who responded to the ineffective category amounted to 9 people or 20.00% of the total respondents. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 149 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ observations and interviews conducted by the author in the field to know the reasons respondents expressed about the decisions made in the implementation of development urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, is; respondents who provide an effective answer to the argument that they put forward, a decision-making do would be effective if carried out by the agency or agencies related to development programs namely water front city department of housing infrastructure and regional of pekanbaru. respondents provide answers to the category of less effective; they argue that the making of decisions made will result in a less effective policy formulation in the absence of other agencies involved. while respondents did not respond effectively to the argument that, where decision-making is done in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru is ineffective, since the program is the need to involve the people affected by the impact of the program. place a decision if we review the decision of the container or location is not a fundamental problem, but the place is the involvement of the affected elements of the impact of development programs, especially the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. this needs to be sought common ground in formulating policy, resulting in the implementation and evaluation of policies is implemented will be perpetually good and in line with expectations or goals that have been set previously. e. implementers program (executive program). actors include institutions, implementing the program must have a strong network. this means that, although the decision was taken by one of the units of the bureaucracy that is usually located in the center of town, but the decision should be spread to all elements associated with the program. water front city development which aims to improve the flow of the siak river, are expected to reach and engage existing institutions in the district senapelan pekanbaru, especially agencies in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. action is performed, so that the program or the environmental repair water front city or the water front city is in district senapelan received support the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 150 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ from various agencies, especially the support of the whole society. the establishment of the program in the development of urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru is expected to carry out the policy of the city of pekanbaru in managing existing areas along the siak river basin. implementing the program should have the capability of existing resources, both human resources and other resources. to understand the formation of the implementation of development programs in the village water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be seen from the responses based on the description and explanation of the following table; table 5. respondents to the environmental improvement program implementation policy or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru table 5. respondents to the environmental improvement program implementation policy or the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru resources: processed data field results, 2008 the table above it can be seen that, in implementing development programs in urban water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, have been shown implementing effective programs, but have not reached an optimal level of effectiveness. this is evident from the responses, where respondents who gave answers to the effective category number 25 people or 55.56%, of respondents who responded with less effective response categories totaling 13 people or 28.89%, and respondents who gave an answer with no category effectively amounted to 7 people, or 15.56%. thus implementing development programs in urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru has not reached the level of a more optimal effectiveness. the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 151 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the observations made by the authors in the field, as well as interviews conducted with survey respondents, it can be argued that the reason that respondent disclosed. respondents provide answers to the category of effective; they argue that, in the development implementers water front city at new urban village district senapelan pekanbaru city is right in line with the instructions governance and technical guidance in implementing regional development programs. while respondents who gave an answer to the category less effective, they argue that, in the development of program implementers water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru yet to show the ability of the projects towards a better, and respondents who did not respond well to the categories they argued that, implementing the program established by the government of pekanbaru not have a strong network in disseminating development program urban water front city in kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru. implementing the program established by the government through the department of housing pekanbaru city infrastructure and regions, should have enough ability to develop a strong network of existing elements, as well as the affected communities from the impact of the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. actions are taken in order to be acceptable programs implemented by all elements that have a connection or relationship with the implementation of the water front city development whose purpose is to organize or improve existing areas in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru that have a direct connection with the siak river flow. f. committed resources (resources in support). decisions made will indicate who is responsible for running a variety of programs and decisions that will be executed. government policy pekanbaru in implementing environmental improvement or water front city along the siak river basin expected the full responsibility for implementing that program environmental improvement or water front city can success efficient and effective. apart from that, in the construction or the water front city environmental improvement or water front the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 152 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, required capabilities of the available resources, so that the implementation of policies in the water front city program development can be achieved on time and on target. resources available in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, not only the availability of human resources, will also be supported by the funding, but the wrong sufficient, support facilities, and the need for program implementation and management organizations in both the spatial realignment region in the water front city program, particularly in the siak river village as waterworks kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. to determine the ability of resources to support the implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, can be seen from the explanations and descriptions of the following table; table6. respondents responses to resources that support the implementation of the environmental improvement or water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru resources: processed data field results, 2008 the table above can be said that the ability of resources to support both, human resources, financial resources, infrastructure or facilities and management are effectively implemented, but have not reached a more optimal level. it can be seen from the responses, where respondents who gave an answer to the category of effectively amount to 22 people or 48.89%, of respondents who gave an answer with less effective categories totaling 17 people or 37.78%, and respondents who gave an answer with no category effectively amount to as much as 6 people or the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 153 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 13.33% of the total respondents. thus it can be said that resource capabilities that support the implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village senapelan pekanbaru district, yet available optimally. field observations by the author, as well as interviews with survey respondents, can know the reason of their chosen answer choices. respondents provide answers to the category of effective, they argue that the resources to support the implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru effective enough. respondents provide answers to the categories less effective they argue that the ability of resources to support the development of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru not support the availability of adequate human capacity, funding, facilities and management better. whereas respondents who gave an answer to the ineffective category, they suggested the reason that the ability of existing resources in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru insufficient in implementing development programs that are categorized as huge development projects. ability of resources to support the implementation of development policies water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, need available well, because the arrangement of the siak river region was needed human resources, major funding for compensation, adequate facilities for supporting the implementation of the program and a good managerial coordination in implementing the various parties involved in the repair environment. implementation of development policies water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, has not been implemented effectively, because of the six indicators described above are still a lot of answers that lead respondents to answer with category selection less effective. this shows that the implementation of the policy has not been implemented optimally. to find out the policy implementation in the construction water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be seen from the summary table of the responses to the following explanation; the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 154 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ respondents 7.rekapitulasi table on the implementation of policies in development water front city at pekanbaru city district senapelan resources: processed data field results, 2008 table recapitulation respondents about the implementation of the policy in pembnagunan water front city at village kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru, has not been implemented effectively, in other words, the implementation of the new policy to the extent less effective. this is evident from the average respondent’s answer to the implementation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru city, where the average respondent’s answer to the effective response categories totaled 18 respondents or 40.01%, the average response respondents with less effective categories totaling 19 people or 41.85%, and the average respondent’s answer to the ineffective response categories are 8 people or 18.14% of the total average of respondents’ answers. implementation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, has been unable to ensure an optimal, so that the city government through the department of housing regional infrastructure need to re-structuring efforts in creating and improving the environment or the water front city held at kampung village new district senapelan pekanbaru. it is very important to realize that having a vision pekanbaru as trade and service area in the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 155 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ southeast asia. to realize this vision, the necessary arrangement to support the city and realize the vision. to realize this vision pekanbaru, needs the participation of all elements existent in pekanbaru local government, especially for the people to realize pekanbaru conducive spatial planning done well, so that activities relating to trade and services can be accomplished effective and efficiently. 2. factors inhibiting the development policy implementation in the water front city pekanbaru city district senapelan implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, is an implementation of the policy pursued by the government in implementing pekanbaru spatial planning better and more conducive. however, in implementing development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, is not an easy thing so there are various obstacles or barriers in implementing the policy. barriers or obstacles encountered in the development of urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be viewed from two aspects. this will be explained or described in the following explanation. a. pekanbaru city governments barriers faced from the government through the department of housing pekanbaru city and regional infrastructure in implementing development urban water front city at kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be seen from the real conditions seen in the field theor y based explanation of the concept proposed by kaho (1995:60) ie, there are several things to consider in carrying out development in the era of regional autonomy, namely: first, people should be implementing. barriers related to human resources development water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, pekanbaru city government through the department of settlement and regional infrastructure is the unavailability of effective human resources who have the ability and expertise to implement development programs water front city at village kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru. a state that is the obstacle in realthe policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 156 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ izing the implementation of government policy in the development of pekanbaru city water front city at village kampung baru sub-districts senapelan pekanbaru. second, the treasury should be pretty and nice. barriers sufficient funding available in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, a barrier that has been evident, because the arrangement of the siak river is done, it will require considerable cost and always available, particularly in the financing of land compensation and people’s homes. this will hamper the implementation of development policies in urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. third, the equipment must be adequate and well. equipment in this case: it is not a major obstacle in the implementation of the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, because the arrangement of the environment in the development of urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, needed more funding and human resources with expertise and competence in structuring the siak river, so that the implementation of development programs in the village water front city kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru, can be realized effectively and efficiently in accordance with the objectives of the policy. fourth, organizations and management are good enough. the presence of the existing organization and management in implementing the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, also has disadvantages especially in uniting perception between the organization and management of pekanbaru city government through the department of human settlements and regional infrastructure with other organizations that are also a part in the construction of water front city in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, from the non-governmental organizations, researchers, community organizations and other organizations. this needs to be done effort perception, so that the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, can be realized effectively and efficiently. barriers mentioned above are technical barriers, however in an effort the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 157 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to disrupt the smooth implementation of the water front city development in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru. barriers need to be eliminated, so pentaan region is carried out through the construction water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru can be realized well. b. potential barriers kampung baru area in the village district senapelan pekanbaru obstacles encountered in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, when viewed from the potential of kampung baru village area, more often caused by human factors that exist in the village is kampung baru. where the community is in the village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru most of them had education below the upper secondary school, thus becoming less public support in the development of urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. apart from that, the barriers are seen in the field by the author, a dense residential area, so that the existing access road becomes less available, where existing roads are generally shaped alley way that relatively narrow, so that the arrangement of the area carried out in the construction of water front city in kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, become obstructed, particularly in the financing of compensation enough, because number of people who own land and houses are quite solid. the most important barriers of the potential areas for development in the village water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, is the kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru when viewed from a low-lying topography has and the adjacent watershed siak, with the result of region is vulnerable to flooding, especially during the rainy season. it is also an obstacle to the implementation of the water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, as an attempt to prevent flooding is also needed various resources, particularly in the construction of embankments and other development. barriers mentioned above, both the policy makers and implementers the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 158 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pekanbaru city government through the department of human settlements and regional infrastructure and of the potential territory or state kampung baru village district senapelan pekanbaru, efforts should be made to overcome these obstacles, because the construction of water front city kampung baru in the village district senapelan pekanbaru, it needs to be implemented, given the region is no longer fit to be in the heart of the city of pekanbaru. other than that the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, will provide economic benefits, which the region will be objuek tourist and trade center are arranged neatly, so as to realize the vision and mission of the city of pekanbaru in 2020 as trade and services center in the southeast asia region. conclusions and recommendations the conclusion that can be drawn from the research and discussion about development policy implements water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, are as follows; 1. implementation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, has not implemented optimally. this situation can be viewed from a variety of indicators related to the implementation of development policies water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, the effect of interest policies, benefits, desire for change, the process of decision-making, implementing programs and resources that support has not been implemented effectively. thus the implementation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru not run effectively and efficiently, in other words, a new implementation at a less effective. 2. factors that hinder the implementation of policies in the implementation of development policies in the construction of the village water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, caused more by human resources that are not available to the well, in the process of funding and other financial compensation inadequate, and managerial tools that do not support the implementation of development programs in development policy water front city at village the policy implementation in the development of water front city in senapelan district pekanbaru / panca prihatin, kasmanto rinaldi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0008 159 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. this will be the main obstacles or barriers in implementing development programs in development policy implementation water front city at village kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru. the results and conclusions on the implementation of development policies in urban water front city in kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, the author can ask some advice. the recommendation is as follows; 1. implementation of development policies in water front city at village kampung baru subdistrict senapelan pekanbaru, the need for the availability of the resources available, so that the implementation of the policy will be easily realized and structuring the siak river can be implemented. apart from that the city needs to do more in-depth feasibility study that found the answer to the effectiveness of policy implementation in the construction of water front city. 2. implementation of development carried out mainly in the implementation of a policy, which is under construction in the village water front city kampung baru sub-district senapelan pekanbaru, need to realize participatory development. this means that any development made by the city of pekanbaru should have the support and participation of all the elements that have 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licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0041.516-550 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 516 received 21 august 2016 revised 13 september 2016 accepted 17 september 2016 bureaucracy and the politics of identity: a study on the influence of ethnicity on the bureaucrat recruitment process in sorong selatan regency, west papua, indonesia bambang purwoko universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia email: bbpurwoko@ugm.ac.id abstrak secara empiris, pemerintah indonesia memperkenalkan model birokrasi yang seragam untuk seluruh wilayah di indonesia. sementara masing-masing daerah memiliki karakter masyarakat yang berbeda-beda yang berpengaruh pada birokrasinya, pemaksaan model birokrasi yang seragam dapat dianggap sebagai kegagalan dalam menciptakan model birokrasi yang sensitif terhadap konteks lokal. penelitian ini dilakukan di kabupaten sorong selatan, papua barat sebagai upaya untuk mengisi kesenjangan baik di tingkat teoritis maupun empiris tentang hubungan antara birokrasi dan identitas politik. penelitian ini membahas bagaimana politik identitas, khususnya etnis, bekerja dalam berbagai proses lobi oleh birokrat dari kelompok etnis yang berbeda untuk mendapatkan posisi strategis di birokrasi. lebih khusus lagi adalah upaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan tentang apakah etnis mempengaruhi penunjukan birokrat di sorong selatan. pada penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa identitas etnis menjadi faktor penting yang digunakan sebagai instrumen untuk mendukung promosi birokrat. identitas etnis tidak hanya mencerminkan perbedaan budaya di antara kelompok-kelompok etnis yang beragam namun berkaitan erat dengan peran kelompok etnis dalam administrasi di sorong selatan. setiap kelompok etnis memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk mengklaim peran penentu mereka di pemerintah daerah dan dalam pemilihan bupati. klaim seperti itu berfungsi sebagai dasar untuk menuntut kompensasi untuk mendapatkan kantor strategis dalam birokrasi. dapat dikatakan bahwa identitas etnis berfungsi sebagai alat politik untuk mendukung proses lobi. kata kunci: birokrasi, rekrutmen, identitas politik, etnis, pemerintahan lokal. abstract empirically, the central government of indonesia introduced a uniform bureau http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0041.516-550 cratic model to the entire territory of the country. while each region has a distinct com munity characters and each character has aninfluence onthe bureaucracy, uniform model of the central government bureaucracy can be regarded as a failure to deliver a bureau cratic model which is sensitive to local context.this study, which was conducted in sorong selatan district of west papua, is an effort to fill the gaps in both theoretical and empirical level on the relationship between the bureaucracy and political identity. in the area of research, political identity has a significant influence on the bureaucracy. this study dis cusses how identity politics, particularly ethnicity, works in a variety of lobbying processes by bureaucrats of different ethnic groups to gain strategic positions in bureaucracy. more specifically, it is an attempt to address the question of whether ethnicity affects the appointment of bureaucrats in sorong selatan.it was found that ethnic identity became an important factor used as an instrument to support promotion of bureaucrats into important positions. ethnic identity does not merely reflect cultural differences among diverse ethnic groups but is closely related to the ethnic groups’ roles in sorong selatan administration. each ethnic group has a strong basis to claim their determinant role in the local governments and in the election of the regent. such a claim serves as the basis for demanding compensation to obtain strategic offices in bureaucracy. it is argued that ethnic identity serves as a political instrument to support the lobbying process. keywords: bureaucracy, recruitment, political identity, ethnicity, local governance. a. introduction indonesia has been pretending to be able to rely on weberian notion of bureaucracy in governing its populous and culturally diverse country. bureaucracy is meant to serve the country ratio nally and be oriented toward achieving predetermined goals ef fectively (albrow, 1970:41; s.l. das, 2010), given its main char acteristics: including hierarchy, continuity, impersonality, and expertise (beetham, 1987: 11-12; trikha, 2009: 8-10). the reli ance on hierarchical-chain of command and impersonal logic makes bureaucracy work in an inhumane manner, confining employees in a formal structure that isolates them from social life. this can be described as a “collision between the bureau cratic and social life” (hummel, 1977:62). this weberian model of bureaucracy is counter productive when implemented in the indonesian context. despite its insistence on applying formal rules indiscriminately, bureaucracy is defenceless to subversion of these very rules. it is entrapped in an acutecontradiction. local context is one of the important factors affecting the performance of the bureaucracy. the strong influence of iden tity politics on local government administration in papua and west papua provinces provide one example of this variation. in journal of government & politics 517 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 518 the dutch colonial period, papua was generally referred to as western new guinea or dutch new guinea (nederland’s nieuw guinea). after being integrated to indonesia in 1969, its name was changed to west irian province. in 1999, papua was to be divided into three provinces (papua, irian jaya tengah, irian jaya barat) but the province was then simply divided into two: papua and west papua (widjojo, 2011: 2). housing civil servants of various ethnic backgrounds, the bureaucracy has not been able to create a situation where all could work together irrespective of their ethnic origin. the sorong selatan (sorsel) regency in west papua province was chosen as a research area because, this area provides a good example of the uniquely diverse demographic character present in the rest of the region. the ethnic and social dynamics of the communities, including those living inland and in coastal regions, has a signifi cant influence on the local bureaucracy. an exploration of the influence of ethnicity on bureaucracy in sorsel regency would shed light on the fundamental issues of government manage ment in papua and other regions in indonesia. this paper discusses how identity politics, particularly ethnicity, works in a variety of lobbying processes by bureaucrats of different ethnic groups to gain strategic positions in bureau cracy. more specifically, it is an attempt to address the question of whether ethnicity affects the appointment of bureaucrats in sorsel. literature review and research focus studies on bureaucracy have given significant contribution to the development of social studies in indonesia. in addition to the benefit to the academic world, such study also has a real social relevance as it can be used as a basis for policy-making to build a better bureaucratic system. one of the important refer ences in the study of bureaucracy is a book by heather sutherland (1979) the making of a bureaucratic elite, the colonial tranformation of the javanese priyayi that uncovers the origins and historical development of indonesia’s bureaucracy from the era of javanese kingdom to the dutch colonial period. this book carefully highlights the transformational process of the indone sian bureaucracy as a power instrument of javanese kingdom in the past to that of the dutch colonial administration, which at the same time functioned as an effective machine to support the political and economic interests of the colonial government. furthermore, in the new order era there was further study on bureaucracy from a variety of perspectives. dwight y. king (1987) ‘indonesia’s new order as bureaucratic polity, a neopatrimonial regime or a bureaucratic-authoritarian regime: whatdifferences does it make?’ introduced the term “bureaucratic authoritarianism” as a criticism to the model of “bureaucratic polity” used by karl d. jackson (1978) to explain the bureau cratic model of the new order in which both power and politi cal decision-making authority were in the hands of civilian bu reaucrats and military officers backed by technocrats. another study, carried out by david reeve (1985) golkar of indonesia, an alternative to the party system explains the relationship between bureaucracy and politics by examining the case of golkar politi cal party. reeve argues that bureaucracy in the early new order became an effective political machine that played a major role for golkar’s triumph. mohtar mas’oed (2003) politik, birokrasi, dan pembangunan examined bureaucracy from a political economy perspective and put bureaucracy as a political actor in the context of the global economy. this study posits that the bureaucracy is an instru ment of the state to defend the economic interest, especially in third world countries, with an indication of the politicization of bureaucracy for the sake of securing capital. meanwhile, ryaas rasyid (1997) kajian awal birokrasi pemerintahan dan politik orde baru discussed bureaucracy from a governmental perspective in the context of indonesia’s national development in the 1980s. priyo budi santoso (1997) birokrasi pemerintah orde baru specifi cally highlights the dominance of bureaucracy in the political journal of government & politics 519 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 520 governmental system of the new order. it reviews the success of the bureaucracy in playing its role as a political actor, which was evident in its involvement in golkar’s victory in general elec tions. in addition, the book also reviews the role of bureaucracy in the successful development programs of the new order era. miftah thoha (2002) perspektif perilaku birokrasi focuses on suitable bureaucratic behaviour for the indonesian state admin istration. bureaucratic behaviour is closely linked to the cultural approach that at that time was considered the most suitable frame work in studying indonesian bureaucracy. miftah thoha (2007) birokrasi pemerintahan indonesia di era reformasi also wrote a book about the bureaucracy with a focus on bureaucratic management in indonesia. in addition to the studies on the behaviour and bureaucratic management by miftah thoha, sondang siagian (1994) patologi birokrasi: analisis, identifikasi dan terapinya also studied the pathology of bureaucracy. some of the ‘bureaucratic pathology’ includes misuse of authority, prejudiced perception, conflict of interests, bribes, fear of change/innovation, arrogance, deceit, blaming others, lack of commitment, and indifference to criticism and suggestions. bureaucratic pathology in indonesia is also related to inaccuracy, counter-productive action, learning disability, hesitant attitudes, lack of initiative, inability to describe the policy of the leadership, and the tendency of bureaucrats to act in discordance with their duties. bureaucratic failure in creating quality public service delivery has spurred many publications centred on bureaucratic reform, including agus dwiyanto, et. al. (2003), ambar sulistiyani (2004), and yuyun purbokusumo, et al. (2006). dwiyanto explains the results of research on bureaucratic reform in some provinces in indonesia and they assess the performance of the bureaucracy. this study attempts to explain how environmental conditions interact with the internal characteristics of bureaucrats that ulti mately shape the practices and behaviour of public officials who tend to be power-oriented, to ignore the public interests, and to be very rigid in applying the procedures and regulations so that worsen the performance of the public services. meanwhile, the book by purbokusumo describes the background and process of bureaucratic reform in the special territory of yogyakarta, and sulistiyani’s writing highlights the aspects related to human re source management in the bureaucracy. in 2008, fadel muhammad as the governor of gorontalo province authored a book reinventing local government: pengalaman dari daerah ex amining the practice of organizing the bureaucracy at the local level. muhammad reviews the success of gorontalo provincial government in managing the bureaucracy in the era of decen tralization and regional autonomy. muhammad goes some way in simplifying complex theories used to examine the performance of bureaucracy in provincialgovernment. some works also study indonesian bureaucracy’s connection to the social structure of the country. joel. s. kahn (1987) ex plains three important aspects that can be used to understand the ideology and social structure of indonesia, namely: aliran (cultural stream), ethnicity, and patterns of patron-client relation ship. aliran is the terminology used by geertz (1976) to describe the political orientation of community groups influenced byre ligious factors. ethnicity is used to analyse political behaviour, as conducted by liddle (1970). patron-client patterns are used by sociologists and anthropologists to explain the pattern of rela tionships between individuals with different access to power and wealth. the pattern of patron-client relationships will be used in this thesis to explain the behaviour of bureaucrats and their rela tions with various ethnic communities. setiawan (1998) relates bureaucracy to the influence of ethnicity especially by the javanese concept of power. the javanese concept of power suggests a form of ethnic dominance (javanese) in the bureaucratic management in indonesia. among the influ ence of javanese control on bureaucracy is the centralization of power in the hands of the leader, the paternalistic style of man agement, and a strong javanese culture of ewuh-pakewuh (“un easiness, awkwardness, uncomfortable, ill at ease”) which is a journal of government & politics 521 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 522 javanese custom not to say directly anything that could poten tially insult the interlocutor or demean oneself. the embodi ment of the ewuh pakewuh value in the bureaucracy is the will to live in harmony and with respect. the will to live in harmony is implemented through an attitude of “avoiding any potential con flict or dispute” while the will to live with respect underlies the understanding that one should pay attention to the degree and position to which one belongs. muhaimin’s work (1980) also states that the strong influence of javanese culture on the bureaucracy is noticeable in the insti tutionalization of reticent attitudes and the pattern of patron client relationships in management. the widespread patron-cli ent patterns in bureaucratic management confirm the influence of traditional aristocratic javanese styles on the local bureaucracy. there are certain studies on papua that focus either on the local government bureaucracy or on the problems of ethnicity in a particular region. books by yan pieter rumbiak (2005), sem karoba, et al. (2005), frits bernard ramandey, et al. (2006), and bambang purwoko (2008) deal with questions of papuan special autonomy. rumbiak elaborates the papuan people’s disappoint ment to the central government at various periods since inte gration of papua into indonesia to partition of territories into new administrative entities, which have been coloured by vio lent conflict. koroba argue that autonomy is actually a policy to accommodate a variety of interests: personal, local, national, re gional and international interests, all of which actually lead to the same thing, that is, the search of material gains. ramandey shifts focus toward the background of special autonomy imple mentation in papua, including the policy principles. meanwhile purwoko analyses the eight-year implementation of special au tonomy (from 2001 to 2008) and the impeding factors on its success. to understand the problematic relationship between bureau cracy and ethnicity in papua it is not sufficient to simply review the literature on decentralization or special autonomy, but also important to examine the fundamental socio-political aspect of the society. mansoben (1994) take on the traditional political system is a helpful reference. this book describes the social struc tures of the indigenous people of irian jaya (now papua), the varied patterns of leadership and religious systems. the book also provides information on the organization of traditional gov ernance, organizational structure of central and regional organi zations, as well as the relationship between power and economy in regard to the royal system of leadership. mansoben’s elabora tion on the types of leadership in papua is highly relevant to explain the behaviour of ethnic groups in papua and their in volvement in the structure of local bureaucracy. schoorl (2001), with a focus on on the history of governance in papua, describes the early contact between irian jaya and the outside world, which was first established by the dutch. based on the articles written by the dutch administrators in papua it provides a detailed pic ture on the condition of its people during 1945-1962. in the past ten years, there has been considerable research on the politics and governance in papua. two books whose content is relevant to this study are by richard chauvel (2005) on papua nationalism and by widjojo, ed (2010). chauvel describes the fundamental problems that papuans faced by looking at histori cal factors and ethnicity as well as the influence of the govern mental models of both dutch colonial administration and indo nesia on the rise of papuan nationalism. the part most relevant to this study is a description of the anti-amberi (foreigner) senti ments among papuan bureaucrats. widjojo’s papua road map identifies four sources of conflict in papua: a) the effects of marginalization and discrimination against indigenous papuans; b) the failure of development in education, health and economic empowerment of the people; c) contradiction between jakarta and papua on history and the construction of political identity; and d) accountability for past state violence against indonesian citizens in papua. widjoyo’s examination about“papuanisation of the bureaucracy” is very closely connected with this study on journal of government & politics 523 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 524 bureaucracy and ethnicity in sorong selatan. in relation to pemekaran (regional partition) in papua, a study by andrew mcwilliam (2011) reviews comprehensively the con sequences of radical decentralization policy in the form of waves of pemekaran in konawe regency, south sulawesi and teluk bintuni regency, west papua. both regencies underwent differ ent process of regional partition according to their own contexts of local politics and society. nevertheless, the logic of regional partition elaborated in this study presents a critical overview of the discrepancy between the ample power extent and the lack of political capacities, which resulted in the poor governance and administration in the two regencies. the study compares the two pemekaran processes by identifying the trigger factors, the actors, the required resources and the administration of the new au tonomous regions. furthermore, it explains the political spec trum after the pemekaran. the resulting success and failure is analysed to see the extent to which cultural and structural fac tors significantly affect the sustainability of local autonomy. another study on papua in relations to the pemekaran is by aloysius g. brata (2008). it explains the political and govern ment configuration in the form of regional expansion in papua as a consequence of decentralization. this book elaborates on the factors that drove the pemekaran by identifying the various underlying interests. using the perspective of a social democracy in which the public interest gets more emphasis than political compromise, the author tries to identify and analyse the two rea sons for the formation of new autonomous regions: issues of social welfare and elite interests. discussions on papua are often associated with conflict oc curring in the region. timo kivimaki (2006) explains conflict resolution, through a more democratic approach with little risk of derivative conflict, takes precedence over security measures and the introduction of conflict resolution through dialogue and negotiation. the mapping of actors and interests in the conflict between the indonesian government and papuan separatist groups is also important here. according to kivimaki, the in volvement of the international community is important when conflict resolution requires a mediator to bring the involved par ties together. with the need to consider unique local and social contextual factors, the international community opted for a more favourable conflict resolution mechanism through the re-enact ment of peace values. while these books deal with the issues pertaining to the po litical dynamics in papua both before and after the enactment of law no. 21/2001, a specific study on the newly-established re gencies emphasizes the interplay between the new bureaucracy and ethnic interests is yet to be undertaken. therefore, this study is an effort to fill the gaps in both theoretical and empirical levels on the relationship between bureaucracy and the politics of iden tity. here, identity politics has significant influence on bureau cracy and, being part of political identity, ethnicity must be con sidered in the establishment and management ofbureaucracy. researchmethod all data in this study was obtained in research conducted be tween 2008 and 2011. as a faculty member at gadjah mada university, in 2000 the author served as a member of the boards of examiners to select sorong regency’s bureaucratic officials who would take a master’s program at the graduate school of local politics and regional autonomy (s2plod), gadjah mada university. again, in 2006 the author was assigned to the team for sorong selatan regency. these tasks provided the author with the opportunity to get to know and to learn more inten sively the bureaucratic problems in papua in general and in the two regencies of sorong and sorong selatan in particular. since 2008, the author has specifically been focusing a study on bu reaucracy and ethnicity in sorong selatan regency. as a researcher-cum-consultant to whom sorong selatan re gent and officials always ask for advice on various problems in bureaucratic management in the regency, the author has had an journal of government & politics 525 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 526 unrestricted access to various documents and other information, some of which has become valuable data in this study. the au thor has unlimited data accessibility, which, in terms of method ology, is an important aspect in any study, as also endorsed by sarsby in bryman (2012): every field situation is different and initial luck in meeting good informants, being in the right place at the right time and striking the right note in relationships may be just as important as skill in tech nique. indeed, many successful episodes in the field do come about through good luck as much as through sophisticated planning, and many unsuccessful episodes are due as much to bad luck as to bad judgement. the data in this study was obtained through participant ob servation and ethnographic research. through these two meth ods, researcher as observer and ethnographer took part and en gaged in the lives of sorong selatan community and bureaucracy during 2008-2011, during which the author observed the behaviour of bureaucrats and community leaders as the key in formants, recorded and analysed the conversation between them, collected the relevant documents, conducted interviews and dis cussions with small groups on certain topics. referring to bryman, this is a process of ethnographic research. ethnographic research can also be understood as a method of cultural descriptions, or description and interpretation of cultural and social systems of a community, or the study of culture in order to understand the subject of research in their own perspective, or a research prac tice that places researchers in the centre or as part of the re search subjects. political feature of indonesian bureaucracy political analysts have been suggesting that bureaucracy in post colonial countries including indonesia, does not conform to the weberian ideal. in indonesia, bureaucracy presents itself as a politically powerful entity and, in many cases, becomes a pillar of the political regime in power. in the new order era (1966 1998), the role of the indonesian bureaucracy was not limited to administrative instrument to achieve goals effectively, but also served as a main instrument to the golkar political party as the new order’s strongest political machine (reeve, 1985). in its development, bureaucracy has also had a dominant role in the political-governmental system of the new order (santoso, 1997). in the context of the global economy the bureaucracy played an active role in the capital protection of the country (mas’oed, 2003: 20). aside from the military’s declining role, the present indone sian bureaucracy has not changed significantly. bureaucracy is a dominant institution serving as an effective, power-supporting machine. it has enormous power and capability to mobilize the masses through its programs. it is due to this enormous power that politicians try to control the bureaucracy in order to per petuate their power (mas’oed,2003:12). some pathology has also developed in the indonesian bureau cracy (siagian, 1994). the signs of this include the misuse of authority, fear of change/innovation, and indifference to criti cism and suggestions. as a result, bureaucracy has failed to de liver the proper public service. a number of project are often left incomplete as bureaucrats sometimes lack the relevant skills and are reluctant to consult their supervisors for fear of reveal ing their weaknesses. (blau and meyer, 1971:38-45). bureaucratic reform is an important issue, especially since the era of democratization and political decentralization of 1998. the purpose of bureaucratic reform in indonesia goes hand in hand with the notion of good governance, where the principles of accountability, competence, participation, and equity are ap plied. at the national level, the masterplan for bureaucratic re form 2005-2025, introduced by central government, has been ratified and used as template for regulating local government (padjadjaran university, 2005). there are also national legisla tions in the form of the laws and government regulation gov journal of government & politics 527 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 528 erning the structure and nomenclature of the local bureaucracy. as a result, in 2007-2008 all regencies/municipalities were si multaneously trying to reorganize their bureaucratic structure. due to the national legislation, the structure of the local bureau cracy throughout indonesia is relatively symmetrical. local gov ernments cannot develop a different bureaucratic structure; oth erwise, their access to the central government finance would be cut off. bureaucratic uniformity through the national legislations has made it difficult for local governments to manage the bureau cracy. there is a contradiction between the decentralization policy, which provides local government with broader autonomy on the one hand, and the obligation to comply with the national regula tions on the other hand. in fact, local bureaucracy tends to be vulnerable to local influences. local bureaucracy (especially in regions outside java and bali) is heavily influenced by political affiliation, ethnicity, and religion (dwiyanto, 2003:82; nordholt and klinken, 2007). in the appointment of officials, bureaucracy is forced to accommodate the demands of local ethnic groups on their share of power. studies conducted in several areas includ ing north sulawesi, west kalimantan and papua show that bu reaucratic policies also accommodate the dominant ethnic groups in the particular regions (kusnoto, 2005; rakhmawati, 2006; vel, 2008; krenak, 2011; tanasaldy, 2014). as an archipelagic country with vast territory, indonesia is administratively divided into 542 local governments consisting of 497 regencies (excluding one administrative district in dki jakarta province), 93 municipalities (excluding five administra tive cities in dki jakarta province) and 34 provinces (kemendagri, 2014). communities in each region are comprised of ethnic groups and sub ethnic groups with different culture and charac teristics. government administration and local public services could be more effective if the bureaucracy that implemented it was more adaptive to the local context. this is supported by the implementation of the law on regional autonomy, which has facilitated the implementation of asymmetric decentralization. theoretically, the asymmetric instrument is a policy intended to address two fundamental things that a country faces. the first is the political dimension of the problem, including those rooted in the uniqueness and cultural differences. the second is tech nocratic-managerial problems, i.e., the limited capacity of a re gion in performing the basic functions of government (wehner, 2000: 2). in indonesia, four provincial governments have special autonomy to implement different local government systems from the other provinces. nevertheless, the characteristics of the in donesian bureaucracy remain centralized and symmetrical (uni form). in general, the indonesian bureaucracy simply adopts the val ues of the dominant ethnic groups, the javanese, resulting in the centralization of power and patron-client relations (setiawan, 1998; muhaimin, 1990; day, 2002). furthermore, the power that accommodates the values of the dominant ethnic group at the expense of the other ethnic groups has the potential to become an “ethnocratic state/ provinces/ regencies/ municipalities” as takes place in burma and several provinces in indonesia (brown, 1996: 36-37; firman noor (ed), 2008; erb and sulistiyanto (eds), 2009). ethnocratic recencies represents a situation where the state acts as an agency for the dominant ethnic community in terms of ideology, policy, and resource distribution. one example is in the recruitment of government and military officials, which is not proportional allowing majority group to dominate it. in the case of burma, such an ethnocratic model results in ongoing and unresolved ethnic rebellion even until today. the burmese case of ethnocracy can be used to explain the importance of the implementation of a bureaucratic system that is more sensitive to local contexts and is able to accommodate the diverse community. a bureaucratic model that allows ethnic representation at the national level, among others, can be found in zambia during the 1960s (dressang, 1974: 1605-1611). in zam bia there was a response to ethic diversity in the community. in journal of government & politics 529 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 530 particular, ethnic groups tried to gain access to positions in the bureaucracy as an opportunity for social mobilization and as a means to channel the group interests in policy-making. the fun damental argument for the creation of bureaucracy that embraces all segments of society is the assumption that every state em ployee will articulate the values and interests in line with their social background. this will affect the substance and implemen tation of policies. it is surprising that to date in indonesia there are only a few studies on bureaucracy in relation to ethnicity. brown’s study as cited above discusses more about the relationship between neo patrimonialism and national integration, which specifically looks at the case of aceh. in fact, some scholars conclude that there are growing demands for ethnic groups to be involved in deci sion-making in the bureaucracy (nordholt and klinken, 2007; spencer, 2007; vel 2008; tanasaldy, 2012; haryanto, 2015, paskarina, asiah and madung (eds), 2015). the challenge for indonesia is how to implement a model of representative bureaucracy at the local level. it is becoming very urgent as an alternative solution to regions with special charac ters, such as papua. one of the past mistakes in the public ad ministration in papua since the dutch colonial period was the absence of indigenous people’s involvement in government ad ministration. while in the other regions of the dutch east indies, the colonial government employees were taken from the local elites, almost all governmental administrators in papua were ei ther foreigners (dutch) or migrant (non-papuans) who directly dealt with the papuans. ultimately, this develops such a papuan resentment against indonesia (chauvel, 2005: 42). thus, an implementation of a bureaucratic system that gives opportuni ties for various papuan local elites to take part would be more acceptable to local people and would be expected to be more effective in delivering the public services. e. craticfeatures in response to political pressure, the central government treats its own provinces asymmetrically. in this regard, papua is granted ample political and cultural autonomy. papua, comprising of papua and west papua provinces, has a unique character. it is one out of the four provinces in indonesia that are granted spe cial autonomy. the other three provinces are nanggroe aceh darussalam, special territory of yogyakarta, and jakarta capi tal territory. papua’s uniqueness is not only due to special au tonomy but also due to its diverse ethnic groups (bromley, 1973; widjojo, 2010), as well as the way ethnicity has heavily influ enced the local government. papua is demographically unique compared to other parts of indonesia: its population largely consists of the indigenous papuans classified as melanesian while that of the other areas are predominantly malay (muller, 2008:58; rollings, 2010: 82). in addition to the distinctive melanesian phenotype and culture of its inhabitants, papua has also been characterized by its abun dant natural resources. it has huge amounts of copper grain and gold ore deposits that are currently being exploited by an ameri can company, freeport indonesia. maley explained that the gold mine in papua has the largest deposits in the world. the entire backup hertzberg-grasberg (including underground reserves) managed by freeport reached 2.6 billion tons of ore with 39.7 billion pounds of copper and 46.6 million ounces of gold (numberi, 2013: 58). unfortunately, the development process in the regions is less advanced than that in the other regions of indonesia (cenderawasih university, 2012). the abundant natu ral resources do not make papua a prosperous land for its com munities. papua is trapped in underdevelopment and poverty. in term of human development index from 2011-2016, papua is in the 34rd position while papua barat province is in the 33th position of the 34 provinces in indonesia (bps, 2016).1 the conspicuous condition of underdevelopment, in com parison with other regions in indonesia, has been one of the journal of government & politics 531 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 532 sources of local communities’ resentment and dissatisfaction with the central government in jakarta. with the increasingly inten sive implementation of both political liberalization and decen tralization policy by the central government, by the end of 1999 and early 2000 the papuans began to demand special attention from the central government. particularly, they insisted on the implementation of a special autonomy policy for papua prov ince. after a long and gruelling struggle, the central government finally responded to the demands by papuans through the enact ment of the law on special autonomy for papua province. the essential spirit of law 21/2001 is the empowerment of and the respect to various essential traits of indigenous papuan society within the unitary state frameworks of the republic of indone sia. the policy has extremely wide effects on both papua and central government. changes in the governmental structure at the local level, the delegation of authority to a vast extent, an extensive fund mobilization and the recognition of the indig enous society are the dominant colours in the political landscape of the government in papua today. since then, the policy has also been the central government’s formula to solve the problem of underdevelopment in papua. despite of the implementation, special autonomy policy is not yet overcome the roots of papuans problem (ramandey, 2005, 2006; purwoko, 2008; malak, 2013). as a part of the special autonomy policy implemented through out papua since 2001 (ramandey, 2006; malak, 2013), sorsel regency has encountered problems that are replicated in other parts of papua as well. sorsel is a new regency as a result of the partition of sorong regency. although declared officially in 2002, it was only in 2003 that local government activities began. in august 2005, the local government started developing a new lo cal government structure to carry out local development and to deliver public services. it applied the principles “equity, balance, and togetherness” as the basic value in local governance. both locals and bureaucrats interpreted this principle as an impera tive to sustain an ethnic representation in bureaucracy. this is noticeable, for example, in the recruitment of structural officials in bureaucracy. structural officials in the indonesian bureaucracy are bureucrats who appointed in certain positions such as head of section (echelon iv, the lowest), head of division (echelon iiib, the lower middle), head of office (echelon iii a, the upper middle) and head of local department (echelon ii, the highest level). key positions in bureaucratic offices are distributed equally along ethnic lines, at the expense of competence (otto ihalauw, 2008; gainau, 2012). journal of government & politics 533 figure 1: the structure of local government in papua according to special autonomy law 21/2001 as new regency, sorsel encounters new challenges. while the local government’s main mandate is the provision of public ser vices, the people also expect them to provide high levels of finan cial redistribution. to give an idea of the patterns of relation ships among the actors in local governance in papua, the follow ing figure (figure 1) shows the structure of local government applicable throughout papua including sorsel regency. the dynamics of sorsel local government is an interesting topic of discussion as it could reveal the entire interaction pat tern between the political structure of modern government and vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 534 the primordial structure of the indigenous papuans. the struc ture of modern government is at the centre of the figure and includes heads of villages, heads of districts, regent, and gover nor. meanwhile, indigenous people are represented by their tra ditional leaders who assemble institutionally in mrp (majelis rakyat papua) or papuan people’s council. political aspirations of the people are channelled through the local political parties and parliament, which at the provincial level has a specific name dprp (dewan perwakilan rakyat papua) or papuan local parlia ment. according to this mechanism, the aspirations of the papuan people should have been sufficiently channelled through the customary figures, political parties, and local parliaments. in practice, however, sorsel community tends to ignore all these mechanisms and prefer to channel their aspirations directly to the regent who is viewed as the top authority determining the allocation of financial resources. bureaucracy, which is placed in the middle of the scheme, administratively supports the perfor mance of local governments in providing public services. politi cally, however, bureaucracy becomes an arena for contestation among local ethnic groups in their struggle for local government resources. the effects and manifestations of the special autonomy vary from one regency/municipality to another. however, in most cases, there is a common, strong expression of ethnic identity related to the issue of local representation. new demands for greater roles in political structure (through local parliament) and modern government (through the bureaucracy) keep emerging and solidifying. however, at the level of policyimplementation, special autonomy often ends up in a paradox. the policy aimed at creating more room for the fulfilment of native rights has cre ated new problems in the bureaucracy. the issue of putra daerah has been a hot topic during the spe cial autonomy era. this concept assumes maximization and prioritization of representatives from among the indigenous people in political and bureaucratic positions. this policy pre sented a vast opportunity for local human resources by changing the composition of the bureaucratic structure, and promoting local representatives into dominant roles in sorsel’s local gov ernment. this is obvious especially in recruitment process of bureaucratic officials, which is strongly influenced by the poli tics of ethnic accommodation. ethnic domination starts to de termine the strength of one’s position and decisions in thegov ernmental mechanism. until 2002, the number of indigenous civil servants in papua who occupied top-level offices was only 40%. this figure jumped to 80% in 2003. the papuanisation and restructuring policy of the bureaucracy in the special au tonomy era has deprived 4,242 non-papuan bureaucrats of both structural and non-structural offices (widjojo, 2010: 52) in 2010, sorsel regency made a strategic move to launch bu reaucratic reform at the local level, one of which was the recruit ment of bureaucratic officials by emphasizing professionalism and reducing ethnic considerations. this policy had triggered strong negative reaction from bureaucrats, politicians, and tradi tional leaders who were concerned about the possible removal of the indigenous bureaucrats and the promotion of more “for eign” bureaucrats to strategic positions. in response to this they made various attempts to secure their positions in the bureau cracy. there has been a strong relation between ethnic identifica tion and communal ways of life among the native people in sorsel. in their daily lives, sorsel natives live a very strong communal life. in most ethnic groups, when a child is sent to school, all members of the particular ethnic group will pay for the tuition collectively. in return, the beneficiary is under an obligation to return the favour to anybody from within the ethnic group in need. a successful member of a society carries a debt that has to be paid back to the people. managing ethnic composition in sorsel the people of sorsel live in original papuan social structure, journal of government & politics 535 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 536 i.e. heterogenic, fragmented, and not institutionalized. domi ciled in the area of this regency are several groups of people who insist on clinging on their root values. sorsel is the home for at least three major ethnic groups: maybrat, tehit, and immeko. in addition to the three, there are another two ethnic groups that play an important role in the socio-political dynamics of sorsel: the non-sorsel papuans and non-papuans, both are known as pendatang or settlers. maybrat ethnic group comprises about 10% of the sorsel popu lation. the maybrats are nomadic farmers and have been prac ticing certain concepts of production in their simple form (mansoben, 1994:67). for the maybrats, becoming a civil ser vant, especially in the bureaucracy, is a noticeable achievement. this encourages education, since they believe that it is only by having good education, capability, capacity, and personal quali ties that a person can occupy a bureaucratic position rather than by depending merely on ethnic background (interview with karel murafer, a maybrat, former sorsel bureaucrat who moved to maybrat regency, sorong, june 7th 2011. he was elected as the vice regent of maybrat in october 2011). tehit ethnic group identify themselves as the natives of sorsel. their population is about 35% of the total population and most of them are farm ers, traders, civil servants, and entrepreneurs. in this group, par ents expect their children to join civil service in the hope to that they would become the future leaders. they generally mention, “it is better for our children to be civil servants than to become entrepreneurs” (interview with michael momot, the chief of tehit customary council, may 3rd 2011 in teminabuan). imekko, being the abbreviation of inanwatan, matemani, kais and kokoda, unites the four ethnic groups residing along the shore line. their population is around 45% of the total population of sorsel. the imekkos usually work as fishermen (as a dominant occupation), private workers, farmers and traders, with quite large number working as civil servants. the imekkos generally per ceive the civil service as a dignified profession. parents send their children to school in the hope that they would become civil ser vants (interview with dominggus aifufu, the chief of imekko customary council, may 2nd 2011 in teminabuan). the pendatang or settlers in general refers to both papuan eth nic groups other than the big three of sorsel, and non-papuan settlers that started arriving in sorsel in the early 1980s. in the earlier years, the non-papuans departing from java, sulawesi and moluccas used to come as fishermen and traders. some of them, generally from java, were transported as part of central govern ment transmigration program (transmigration is the displace ment or removal of people from one region to settle in other areas specified in the territory of the republic of indonesia in the interests of the country’s development for reasons deemed necessary by the government (law 3/1972 on basic provisions of transmigration). along with the development, they migrated to the teminabuan district, where most of settlers now reside. this group consists of people from bugis, buton, makassar, am bon, java, and toraja, and is estimated to amount to 10% of sorsel population. in general, this group is more dynamic. most people of this group engage in economic and service sectors and commonly work as traders and motorcycle taxi drivers. the set tler bureaucrats of sorsel are generally the second or third gen eration. even for those who are competent, strategic positions in the structure of bureaucracy do not often appeal to settlers, as a result of their position as outsiders in papuan society (interview and focus group discussion with some settler bureucrats, teminabuan 9 maret 2011). despite their small number, how ever, this group is more than capable of fuelling the bureaucratic engine. sideliningformalrequirements: mobilisationof ethnic sentiments in the more advanced regencies/municipalities with relatively stable bureaucracies, the appointment of bureaucratic officials to structural positions belongs to the full authority of the head journal of government & politics 537 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 538 of regional administration (governor, regent or mayor) and baperjakat or “advisory board for bureaucratic position and rank”. baperjakat is an institution in every regency/municipality and province whose functions are to examine the process of struc tural appointments and to provide the head of regional adminis tration with consideration in promotion or demotion of offi cials. baperjakat is chaired by the regional secretary. although bureaucrats might lobby the regent/mayor to be appointed to certain offices, it usually takes place silently and the bureaucrats willingly accept any decision of their leaders. in sorsel, the bu reaucratic appointments process is always tinged with heated political and social dynamics. ethnicity becomes an important instrument used by bureaucrats as a basis to gain various posi tions in the bureaucracy. this process is even characterized by mass mobilization involving members of each ethnic group de manding the regent’s attention so that the bureaucrats of a par ticular ethnic origin are appointed to certain offices. likewise, the regent also utilizes the ethnic sentiments as an instrument to gain support from the community. the regent is a central figure who was instrumental in determining the fate and future of the bureaucrats. the great power of the regent is a result of two factors: the incapacity of local bureaucracy in general, and the administration mechanism at local level which makes the regent the most dominant actor in allocating local budget and policies. the process of appointing officials to key positions in the bureaucracy in sorsel regency was conducted from march to may 2011. this process was preceded by a competence assess ment for bureaucrats, the result of which became the basis for determining the bureaucrats’ qualifications. the competency assessment had several objectives, which was mainly to increase competence and capability of the future leaders in the local gov ernment. in fact the competency assessment did not go smoothly. bureaucratic officials and local politicians feared that the results of the competency test could simply marginalize indigenous papuan officials and, would put foreign officials in key positions. the result of comptence assessment was revealed that the aver age competence of the bureaucrats was below the determined standards as regulated by central government. the composition of the official candidates were determined based on the competency test result, combined with the result of the psychological test which gave an idea of the bureaucrats’ per sonality, cognitive ability, motivation, and leadership potentials. the regents then look at the ethnic background of each bureau crat to keep the same ethnic composition of positions. the har mony in the ethnic composition remained intact to prevent re sentment among the indigenous community as well as to pre vent the domination of one ethnic group at the expense of an other ethnic groups. however, the ethnic composition was the second after the primary consideration of the basic competence test results. in this case, it appears that the regent tried to adopt an “affirmative policy” in appointing certain officials of the imekko ethnic group that had been considered to be playing a minor role in local bureaucracy. the particular ethnic group did not have any high-echelon bureaucrats despite the ethnic group having the largest numbers compared to that of the other groups and, politically speaking, had the most votes in the election of the regent in 2005 and 2010. though the regent was balancing the twin needs, the appointment of bureaucrats still showed the relevance of ethnic politics and lobbying. during the nomination process for the official candidates, the regent received criticism, suggestions, advice, and even pres sure from the bureaucrats, politicians, and traditional leaders. many of them even contacted the regent either by sending short messages (sms) or by phone call, with some even trying to meet the regent at his official residence. in general, they requested the regent appoint the bureaucrats of their ethnic groups to key offices. they also asked the regent to limit the appointment of settler officials, even when those bureaucrats were born, raised, and educated in papua, stressing that those settlers are not indig journal of government & politics 539 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 540 enous papuans (interview with regent otto ihalauw, held on several occasions between march and august 201). unlike in sorsel regency, in other areas with relatively well established bureaucratic culture and relatively well-established socio-economic conditions, the process of rotation or promo tion of local officials does not distract from the bureaucrats’ daily work and is not a serious public concern either. in sorsel, the bureaucracy is always a major concern for both community and bureaucrats, causing unrest and affecting a decline in the bu reaucrats’ performance. the overall effect is stagnation, due to the lost motivation as a result of bureaucrats feeling that they have no certainty about their future and tenure in bureaucracy (interview with suroso, bappeda secretary of sorong selatan, teminabuan march 9th 2011). ethnic sentiment is an important factor that is used as a means to support the bureaucrats’ and community’s aspirations on the appointment of strategic offices. each ethnic group has their ar guments and strategies to lobby or press the regent. there are various strategies that each ethnic group carried out to attain their goals, due to the differences in ethnic characteristics and in socio-political dynamics of their interactions with the regent/ vice regent. the description of ethnic groups’ lobbying processes and channels is presented in the following figure (figure 2). it shows that each ethnic group uses the traditional leaders and bureaucrats to approach the regent. the bureaucrats also use the mass support of their ethnic origins as a force for press ing the regent. in addition, they also use the politicians in local parliament to nominate the bureaucrats of their ethnic group to the regent. it turned out that not all ethnic groups nominated only bu reaucrats of their own ethnic origin. for example, the imekkos, known to have limited human resources to occupy the structural offices, proposes at least four settler bureaucrats to be appointed as head of local department. there were two reasons. first, candidates were considered to have been experienced in each office. second, the imekko community thought that those bu reaucrats could help the imekkos, for example by providing them with fuel for their boats, and assisting them with food and other things (interview with dominggus aifufu, imekko customary council, may 2nd 2011 in teminabuan). figure 2: ethnic groups’ lobbying channels to the regents a maybrat ethnic community, in a village who were disap pointed that no bureaucrat of their village was appointed to ech elon ii and iii offices, showed a different method. as an expres sion of disappointment, the villagers demanded that their vil lage had to be merged to the bordering maybrat regency. this was done because their indigenous bureaucrat was not appointed to head of district and the office was granted to a non-sorsel papuan bureaucrat (interview with suroso (a javanese), the bappeda secretary of sorong selatan, may 8th 2011 in teminabuan). several tehit bureaucrats also reacted towards the regent’s policy in bureaucratic recruitment. yet these attitudes did not exactly constitute an ethnic refusal because the case represented a problem with individual bureaucrat. what happened was actu ally an anomaly in a bureaucratic mechanism, where a head of division (echelon iii b) refused to be promoted (and inaugu journal of government & politics 541 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 542 rated) head of office (echelon iii a). the bureaucrat even mobilised the masses of her ethnic group to launch a demonstra tion in front of the government offices on the inauguration day to protest against the regent for promoting her to a new office, which had less access to financial allocation. there was also an other demonstration conducted by a group of people from the same ethnic group, mobilized by an officer’s wife who was not satisfied with the office given to her husband (interview with sudi sasmita, a student at the gadjah mada university’s gradu ate program on local politics and regional autonomy who was conducting a research in teminabuan when the demonstration took place. also interview with sorong selatan regent one day after the demonstration, may 5th 2011). the imekkos, the tehits, the maybrats had various degrees in their demands to the regent. the imekkos’ aspiration was based on community needs, for example related to the needs of fisher men and other transportation needs. the imekkos’s, however, did not make demands on the regent because they understood his position, and were confidant that he would serve their inter ests. this was also due to the limited numbers of the imekkos bureaucrats to be placed in high-level positions. this was in con trast with the maybrats and the tehits who strongly demanded that their “indigenous children” had to be appointed to various offices in the bureaucracy. this was because the number of their representatives in bureaucracy was higher than that of the imekkos, who only have 16 qualified bureaucrats compared to 60 of the tehits, and 40 of the maybrats, largely due to their educational advantages. unlike bureaucrats of those three ethnic groups, the “settler” bureaucrats in general did not have to lobby or launch any moves to approach to the regent. according to some settler bureau crats, they strongly believed that the regent would definitely give them suitable positions, especially because their results in the last competency assessment were slightly better and, in fact, they did have the administrative skills that the local government needs(interview with ajis, (a javanese bureaucrat), teminabuan, march 11th2011). f. ensuringethnicrepresentationinbureaucracy: a hidden initiative by ethnic background, of the 116 echelon ii and iii officials in sorsel regency, there are 37 tehit bureaucrats, 26 maybrats, only 11 imekkos, and 42 “settler” bureaucrats, which is surpris ingly more than the other ethnic groups individually. by per centage, 64% is indigenous sorsel bureaucrats consisting of 31.9% tehits, 22.4% maybrats, and 9.5% imekkos. meanwhile, the re maining 36.2% is non-sorsel papuans and non-papuan bureau crats. the composition is presented in the following table (table 1). at face value, the table shows that the size of population by ethnic groups does not correlate with the number of their repre sentatives in echelon ii and iii in bureaucracy. the gap is espe cially obvious among the imekkos who makes up to 45% of the population but their representation in structural office is only 9.5%. in contrast, the settlers who constitute 10% of the popula tion have the highest number of representatives in the bureau cracy (36.2%). there are two possible explanations for this. first, journal of government & politics 543 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 544 as mentioned above, the imekkos do not have sufficient number of bureaucrats to be promoted to echelon ii and iii. second, realizing their weaknesses, the imekkos nominated some settler bureaucrats to represent them in the bureaucracy. thus, despite having the largest number of officials, some settler bureaucrats actually represent the imekkos. among the 42 settler bureaucrats, five occupied echelon ii offices that required special expertise such as the regional fi nancial management board and the regional inspectorate. at the lower level or echelon iii, there are 12 bureaucrats placed in the secretary level of the local departments. the presence of the settler bureaucrats in sorsel local government was not only a balancing factor in the context of ethnicity but also provide a more fundamental functions such as support, and a driving force behind the bureaucratic machines (interview with regent otto ihalauw, teminabuan march 7th 2011). the distribution of bureucratic position among ethnic groups shows mutually beneficial relationship between the regent and the community. ethnic groups aspiration in the process of lob bying is “the structure of demand”, while the regent holds “the structure of supply”. this political process can be considered as the negotiation between the two interests. therefore, it is urgent to formulate a bureaucratic model that is more sensitive to local contexts. public regulation and national standards may currently apply to the whole areas of the country, but local governments should have more flexibility in implementing an adaptive bu reaucratic system. this would be expected to deliver public ser vice more effectively conclusion does ethnicity influence the appointment of structural offi cials? based on an analysis of research data, it was found that ethnic identity became an important factor used as an instru ment to support promotion of bureaucrats into important posi tions. ethnic identity does not merely reflect cultural differences among diverse ethnic groups but is closely related to the ethnic groups’ roles in sorsel administration. each ethnic group has a strong basis to claim their determinant role in the local govern ments and in the election of the regent. such a claim serves as the basis for demanding compensation to obtain strategic offices in bureaucracy. it is argued that ethnic identity serves as a politi cal instrument to support the lobbying process. yet each ethnic group shows different strategies of lobbying. this difference is influenced more by differences in the character of each ethnic group and the differences in patterns of interaction among cer tain ethnic groups with the regent who is the central figure in the socio-political relations. based on the analysis of various cases taking place, it can be concluded that the prevailing phenomenon involves an“ethnic manipulation” where ethnicity was used as an instrument to sup port the interests of the candidates of local government officials and even to exert some pressures to the regent to meet the spe cific demands of certain ethnic groups. at the same time, the regent also used the sentiment of ethnic balance as an instru ment of retaining the perpetuity of society supports to his politi cal existence. the national government of indonesia should think about implementing an alternative bureaucratic model in some regen cies with special characteristics, rather than the uniform model that currently operates throughout indonesia. if this were to oc cur what kind of bureaucratic model is suitable for local admin istration, which is also sensitive and adaptive to local contexts? for regions whose community has similar socio-cultural charac ter with sorsel regency, a model of bureaucracy that is capable of accommodating the strong demand for the involvement of the ethnic groups in the bureaucracy should be considered. al though the local community and bureaucrats may not be aware of the notion of representative bureaucracy, various practices carried out in sorong selatan are analogous to what is theoreti cally known as representative bureaucracy which assumes that journal of government & politics 545 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 546 the conditions of a bureaucracy reflect the population in such terms as race, ethnicity, or gender (pitts, 2005:616, gainau, 2012). bureaucratic structure in sorong selatan also reflects the so cial structure of the community, especially in terms of ethnic backgrounds. the condition has been around since 2005 with the application of the pkk principle (equality, fairness, and bal ance) in regional development. the locals demand equality, fair ness, and balance, in the sense that the majority ethnic group would have a majority share that the small ethnic groups would simply have small portion. the locals consider a proper imple mentation of the justice and balance principles to be a propor tional distribution of the positions. the theory of representative bureaucracy defines passive representation as occuring when the composition of the bureaucracy reflects the societal demographic. however active representation will occur when the process of policy formulation and aspirations also benefit the various groups within the particular society (pitts, 2005:617, hai lim, 2006: 194 195, bradbury and kellough, 2007: 699; gainau, 2012). the extent to which the bureaucratic representative model can be implemented in this area will be highly dependent on central government policy. however, if central government keeps implementing the uniform model of bureaucracy, many local governments might keep altering the structure simply to adjust the bureaucracy to local conditions. therefore, although they formally comply with the model of bureaucracy applied nation wide, the actual operation of local bureaucracy is substantively different. if the condition goes unrevised, it might simply worsen the performance of the bureaucracy in delivering the public ser vice. endnote 1 bps data (2014) shows that the number of poor people in papua province reached 864 113 people (27.80%) and the west papua province reached 225 463 people (26.26%), placing both the province ranks first in the number of the poor population in indonesia. in the health sector, until 2013 west papua has the level of the highest prevalence of underweight children in indonesia is 30.9% (kemenkes, 2014). papua is also the highest of provinces affected by hiv / aids (bps, 2013; kemenkes, 2014). in education, until 2015 papua province still has the lowest school enrollment rates in indonesia (73, 71%), far below the average national rate of school enrollment rates in the range 88.14% (bps, 2015). in the field of human rights enforcement, until now papua is still the area that remains in the spotlight of the un human rights council for the record of human rights violations are rife. until 2014, papua is still the highest areas of conflict cases to result in more deaths from separatism and conflict over natural resources (snpk, 2015). taken from bambang purwoko and gabriel lele (2016), draft naskah akademik: jalan baru pengelolaan otsus papua: pembentukan badan nasional percepatan pembangunan papua (bnp3) , yogyakarta: pusat pengembangan kapasitas dan kerjasama (ppkk) fisipol ugm. bibliography beetham, david (1987), bureaucracy, open university press, milton keynes, england. badan pusat statistik of republik of indonesia – bps (2016), tabel indeks pembangunan 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(1994),patologi birokrasi: analisis, identifikasi dan terapinya, jakarta: ghalia indonesia. spencer, jonathan (2007), anthropology, politics, and the state democracy and violence in south asia, new york: cambridgeuniversity press sulistiyani, ambar t (2004), memahami good governance dalam perspektif sumber daya, yogyakarta: gava media. sumule, agus et.al – eds (2003), mencari jalan tengah otonomi khusus provinsi papua, jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. sutherland, heather (1979), the making of abureaucratic elite, the colonial tranformation of the javanese priyayi, asian studies association of australia, heinemann educa tional books (asia) ltd. taufiq, tanasaldy w, (2012), ‘regime change and ethnic politics in indonesia: dayak politics of west kalimantan’, leiden: kitlv press. thoha, miftah (2001), perilaku organisasi: konsep dan aplikasinya, jakarta : rajawali press. ——————————(2002), perspektif perilaku birokrasi, jakarta: raja grafindo persada. —————————— (2007), birokrasi pemerintahan indonesia di era reformasi, jakarta: kencana. trikha, rajeshwar (2009), bureaucracy and public administration, jaipur: abd publica tion. vel, jacqueline a.l. (2008), uma politics: an ethnography of democratization in west sumba, indonesia, 1986-2006, leiden: kitlv press. walker, malcolm & mansoben, johsz (1990), “irian jaya cultures: an overview”, jurnal irian, volume xviii. wehner, joachim h-g, “asymmetrical devolution”, development southern africa vol 17, no.2 june, 2000. widjojo, muridan s. ed (2010), papua road map – negotiating the past improving the present and securing the future, buku obor-lipikitlvjakarta. wing, john robert (1994), irian jaya development and indigenous welfare the impact of development on the population and environment of the indonesian province of irian jaya (melanesia west new guinea or west papua), thesis, university of sydney. available at: http://otda.kemendagri.go.id/images/file/data_dan_informasi/seputar_otda/ total_daerah_otonom.pdf file:///c:/users/user/appdata/local/temp/http/ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3276 http://www.depkes.go.id/rehttp://www.depkes.go.id/rehttp://www.depkes.go.id/rehttp://otda.kemendagri.go.id/images/file/data_dan_informasi/seputar_otda/ http://otda.kemendagri.go.id/images/file/data_dan_informasi/seputar_otda/ layout desember 2008 since 1945, has been appointed automatically as governor. this non-elected governor is a reward for the sultanate’s historical role in indonesia’s revolution and independence. this region remains very unique, well known as a cultural city and university town, as well as a place of interaction between the modern and traditional (nakamura 1984), since javanese-hindu religions have mixed with modernist islamic groups to produce a syncretic ‘javanese’ religion as described by clifford geertz (1964) and by woodward (1989). in indonesian history, yogyakarta has been both a kingdom and part of indonesia during the dutch colonial period, the old older, the new order and in the reform movements. the kingdom of yogyakarta played a key role in opposing and fighting against the colonizers to gain independence of indonesia. in the old order era, sultan hamengku buwono ix negotiated the social and political changes at foot during the earliest stages of independence by providing full support to the founding of the republic of indonesia. since yogyakarta was considered autonomous by the dutch, the sultan “requested” sukarno to grant independent and sovereign status to the kingdom, and such special status was enshrined in the charter of sukarno’s determination dated october 16, 1945 (woodward, 2010). as a result of java and yogyakarta’s special political status, the image of javanese communities deteriorated in the eyes of non-javanese. suharto’s leadership style, in line with javanese tradition, was thick with mystical rituals and david efendi lecturer at the department of government affairs and administration studies at the universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia. email: defendi@umy.ac.id/ defendi83@gmail.com collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime recieved 11 january 2015; accepted 02may 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 abstract: in response to an uncertain political situation, since 1998, yoyakartans have engaged in resistance through groups called indigenous organizations. such groups reproduce existing cultural resources as part of a broader movement to oppose democratization reforms that have been raised by the central government. based on interviews, fieldwork and newspaper reports, this study finds that: (1) collective identity can be understood in different ways from political and cultural perspectives, and indigenous groups are part of the “deep cultural resources” that establish collective identity; (2) such organizations use cultural resources in ways that conform to social movement theory; and (3) the existence of indigenous groups contributes to shaping and reshaping the activities of the movements in which they participate. keywords: social movement, collective identity, protest tactics, liberal democracy. introduction daerah istimewa yogyakarta (diy), has special political status in indonesia equivalent to the provincial level. more precisely, it enjoys a special status as the cultural center of java and as a continuation of the mataram kingdom, which continues to be ruled by a hereditary sultanate. the sultan rules as both a cultural figure and a political leader and, 204 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ traditions intended to perpetuate his power, which fed on the syncretic javanese religion, combining the teachings of javanese indigenous religions with those of hinduism and islam (geertz 1976; anderson 1984 ; woodward 1989:199-201). william liddle has found that the role of the palace and sultan in yogyakarta’s regional development is significant and cannot be overlooked (liddle, kompas 2/7/2011). unlike fukuyama (1992), who believes the history of government will end with a system of liberal democracy, faith (2006) in his book decline of constitutional democracy in indonesia states that parliamentarian democracy (which is understood as liberal democracy) failed to be implemented during the sukarno era in indonesia. the failure of liberal democracy contributes to popular beliefs in and advocacy for local traditions and culture, regardless of whether such local systems are democratic or undemocratic. freedom and peace appear in such cases to be goals that motivate people more than an abstract concept of democracy. from above explanation, this paper aims to examine how the process of collective identity building among social movement organizations, participants, and audiences in yogyakarta played out during protest events. the relationship between collective identity and collective action is a puzzle that is closely examined in this paper. research methods the data analyzed in this study are derived from interviews and fieldwork conducted during the peak of the protest movement in 2011. about 30 protest participants and leaders were interviewed in formal and informal conversations. following goodwin et al. (2004), i employed in-depth interviews so as to gather more systematic information about the emotions and strategies of leaders. this type of methodology is generally described as participant observation, that is, talking with people to study the everyday emotional culture of a social movement (goodwin, jasper, polleta, 2004: 424). to supplement the data from these interviews, i also collected data from national and local newspaper reports. selected data were then coded and interpreted to answer questions concerning the processes of collective identity and protest tactics from 2003-2012. also what is the nature of the relationships between social movement organizations (smos) and indigenous groups. theoretical frameworks social movements can be defined as instances of collective action, whether they are led and motivated by economic or class-consciousness or other causes like identity and civil rights. the first case is an example of early social movements that arose mostly in europe, while the latter are exemplified by more recent social movements. a common assumption underlying this definition is that, “shared grievance and generalized belief (loose ideologies) about the cause and possible means of reducing grievance are important precondition for the emergence of a social movement” (mccharty and zald 1977:1214). nonetheless, participants have their own rationality to participate or not in movement activities. additionally, social movements or collective action involve components such as constituents, adherents, and beneficiaries; proponent and opponent (mccharty and zald 1977); protagonist and antagonist groups (counter movements), and audiences (hunt, benford, and snow 1994); resources; social movement organizacollective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 205 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tions (smos) (mccharty and zald 1977; mcadam 1982); leadership (tarrow); tactic and strategy (tilly 2008; mcadam; levitsky). a social movement organization (smo) is a complex, or formal, organization which identifies its goal with the preference of a social movement or a countermovement and attempts to implement those goals (mccharty and zald 1977: 1218). protesters typically need a so-called ‘common enemy.’ additionally, in the framing process, collective action has three functions which are “diagnostic,” “prognostic,” “and motivational” (snow and benford 1998). meanwhile gamson more focuses on “injustice,” “agency,” and “identity.” collective identity is form of “collective representation” (durkheim). for this study, i wish to expand upon melucci’s notion of identity (1989: 34-5), as quoted below: “collective identity is an interactive and shared definition produced by several interacting individuals who are concerned with the orientations of their action as well as the field of opportunities and constraints in which their action take place. the process of constructing, maintaining, and altering a collective identity provides the basic for actors to shape their expectation and calculate the costs and benefit of the action … collective identity is thus a process in which actors produce the common cognitive frameworks that enable them to assess their environment and to calculate the cost and benefit of their action. they definition which they formulate are in part the result of negotiated interaction and relationships of influence and in part the fruit of emotional recognition.” taylor and whittier (1992) examine the processes by which collective identity is constructed and contested to reach goals of a protest movement. movements may broaden or tighten aspects of identity, which may be unavoidable by design or may involve the invention of new traditions, such as the creation of hip-hop using javanese language, or the use of ritual ceremonies during protest events. the construction of collective or shared identity itself can be done by using multilevel and diverse activities such as public discourse through talk, framing process, narrative, interaction among others, media, storytelling and legitimate cultural activities (hunt and benford 2004: 445). additionally, collective identity itself is a requisite component for collective action, and they may grow from each other (hunt and benford 2004: 450-1) due to the importance of solidarity, commitment and emotional ties among protest participants. hunt and benford (2004) have defined collective identity as the conceptions by which individuals identify themselves collectively in cognitive, emotional, and moral terms. rooted in and shaped by particular socio-cultural contexts, collective identities are produced and reproduced in ongoing interaction between allies, oppositional forces, and audiences, who can be real or imagined. while providing a sense of “we-ness” and collective agency, collective identity likewise creates a sense of “other” via boundary identification, construction and maintenance. collective identity is, thus, shared meaning, providing cultural context for planning, enabling, carrying out, and evaluating individual participation and collective actions. in addition, collective identity is the main characteristic of new social movements worldwide, including collective action that may be led by class consciousness or economic concerns. new social movements that have arisen followcollective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 206 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ing collapses of authoritarian regimes worldwide tend to follow “identity-oriented paradigms” (cohen 1985) under the banner of postmodernism or social constructionism (b. epstein 1990). in line with such theoretical frameworks, williams (2004) examines shifts among collective movement from bases for economic distribution to new identities, moral concerns, and civil rights issues. for this study, i define new social movements as those that are based in culture and that produce and reproduce new collective identities throughout a framing process or public discourse. result and analysis the dynamics of power relations became quite interesting in indonesia when the new order government fell on may 21, 1998, amid massive popular and student protests. yogyakarta, as a center of cultural legitimacy for the rulers, also played a role in supporting reform. the sultan took part in reforms for democratization, and ultimately the people of yogyakarta supported the appointment of the sultan as governor of yogyakarta. this could be a blessing from the reform. negotiations are political, and traditions can be justified. the success of popular pressure in maintaining this tradition is often interpreted differently by different groups. one the one hand, it can be seen as a tribute to the historical role of yogyakarta during periods of revolution and reform. on the other hand, the appointment of the sultan as governor can be seen as a counterreformation movement. in yogyakarta, identity has played an important role in almost every single collective movement, both in building numbers of supporters and participants. multiple levels of identity are involved, such as individual, societal, organizational identities based on shared beliefs, or identities as framed by elites through media and other instruments. not surprisingly, collective identity is broadened, tightened, and even reconstructed by design as newly invented traditions for the purpose of effectively gaining the notice of audiences. this is obvious in the case of yogyakarta, where activists mobilize people regardless the age, religion, and ethnicity. the creation and reshaping of collective identity for social movements in yogyakarta are best traced in several ways, and these include internal and external processes. internal processes are ways in which collective identity is constructed from existing cultural resources, such as shared memories, symbols, myths, values, codes, traditions, and rituals. since such notions are embedded in the everyday lives of people, they are easily politicized so as to influence them in supporting the goals of a movement. on the other hand, are forces by which protesters try to appropriate other cultures or social elements as part of their social movement. for instance, the use of electronic social networking tools, blogs, local and national newspaper, and collaborative music that crosses ethnic boundaries. they contribute to the formation of collective identity building for the yogyanese, javanese, or “kawulo mataram” and they can also frame such new traditions as a new multiethnic identity. this is the form of collective identity which is typically constructed by social movement organization (smo). second, consciousness is how social movement participants define the need for yogyakarta’s special status based on their traditional belief and collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 207 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ‘cultural resources’ (melucci 1995) and, by doing so, they can build support among the public. based on varying interpretations of cultural heritage, they understand how local traditions will help them to maintain their dignity and prosperity under the sultinate’s rule. shared identity is one component of social action, which can be internalized through formal and informal educational institutions from generation to generation. unsurprisingly, protesters come from larger social groups, including highly educated, less well educated, and even uneducated people to support the privileges of yogyakarta. in addition, indigenous groups have shaped such historical and future consciousness. the past is framed as an ideal, and the future should be modeled on the past. this is a common belief in yogyakarta. therefore, every external threat that endangers such traditional beliefs and myths will meet with strong resistance. moreover, strong social cohesion among members of indigenous groups allows them to act collectively. meanwhile, negotiation requires both direct and indirect strategies to challenge a dominant group, namely, the state. protesters have their own understandings and beliefs about power relations, democracy, and traditions, and therefore they mobilize a variety of symbols to oppose the central government.. collective identity is also formed also through emotional and psychological ties. the new collective identity is thus not just javanese but is construed as a broader, indonesian community marked by multiethnic groups. protesters thus bring together both the flags of yogyakarta and indonesia during protest events. this makes it clear that they are not a separatist movement, countering the claims of a radical group named “posko referendem” that has challenged the central government to get regional freedom (interview with posko referendum volunteer 6/8/ figure 1: activities and characteristics of social movements in yogyakarta source: adapted from newspaper reports in kompas and kedaulatan rakyat. collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 208 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2011; kompas 12/5/2010). social movements and protest movements take different forms and employ different tactics, depending on the context. while the state has certain powers to shape and reshape the activities of social movements, we may argue to the contrary that social movements also influence the type of state regime and that they can transform their strategies such that the state acts in ways that are less oppressive. the table ( figure 1) summarizes the protest tactics and its characteristics of social movements in yogyakarta post-suharto regime. smos are those organizations in a movement that explicitly organize their members. the four smos i focus on here are gry (the people’s movement of yogyakarta); gentaraja (united yogya movement); sekber gamawan (association for the special status of yogyakarta); and lastly posko referendum (referendum). i then consider several characteristics among these smos, including their main supporters, identities, goals, relationship to the palace, tactics, and strategies. on the one hand, the diversity and variations in the movements can be seen as strengthening their primary purpose of supporting each other, because together they can reach a broader audience of towns and villages, as well as religious and ethnic groups. another advantage is that the government cannot easily co-opt such an array of groups having collective-collegial leadership (though there are exceptions where igs have a centralized leadership that joins with other organizations in the same smos). on the other hand, the diversity of these smos can alternatively lead to fragmentation and conflict. gentaraja, for example, is a new smo that grew from disillusionment with gry, while the joint secretariat of gamawan was originally part of gentaraja (interview with adji bancono, 13/8/ 2011) and became its own smo. this can table 2: charactersitics of smos in yogyakarta movement 1998-2011 source: adapted from interviews and newspaper reports from kompas and kedaulatan rakyat. collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 209 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result in detrimental public relations, since discord can be considered as pointing to ulterior political and personal interests among smo leaders. if so, the public may be reluctant to join in protest. one radical group that does not use street demonstrations or political negotiation is called command post referendum. they prefer a cultural approach because such activities can not be easily contaminated by political interests. proponents of this group are militant have strong social relationships and traditional values. the largest protest activities include the mubeng benteng (a traditional ceremony of silently circling the palace), an event i witnessed once out of the three times it was held. in the event i saw, thousands of people participated in the activity, which lasted from noon to 5:00 pm. it can be seen differences in the characteristics of these smos. every choice has consequences for both supporters and groups of antagonists, including the central government. if certain groups are found to be too pragmatic and political, they may elicit a response in the streets, which would affect the internal dynamics of the smo itself. the image of the movement is important for the maintenance of continuity and integrity. demonstrations are framed in terms of new concepts of democracy rather than forms of mass action that display symptoms of a “social disease” or expressions of people who have lost in the struggle for table 3: protest events in yogyakarta sources: kompas, kadaulatan rakyat, personal field notes. collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 210 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ economic resources. good public images can win the hearts and minds of people, and negative images can drive them away. gry is a good example of how the political interests of certain elites have led to the collapse of organization that existed for nearly 10 years. for a better understanding of protest dynamics, an additional chart summarizing several notable protest events held from 1998 to 2011: based on selected data from the local and national newspapers kedaulatan rakyat and kompas from january 1998 to october 2011, the types of protest events can be summarized below: table 4: frequency of protest activities by type, jan. 1998 – oct. 2011 source: kompas and kedaulatan rakyat. following tarrow, protest events can be divided into three groups, namely, confrontation, violence, and conventional (1995: 98). confrontation includes collective action involving large masses of people but which lack violence, such as the occupation, obstruction and forced entry of spaces, as well as radical strikes. like confrontation, conventional protests are also non-violent, and this category includes petitions, legal action, demonstrations, leafleting, mass gatherings, and public assemblies. meanwhile, violent protests include looting, riots, shootings, and so on. in the case of yogyakarta, the violent events were minor and occurred only in 1998 and 2008, when gry employed terror against groups that opposed its movement. kompak has been reported, what mccharthy and zald (1977: 1218) theory, as a countermovement organization in 2008 and was threatened by many actors at that time (interviews with budi setiawan 7/7/2011; pambudi 7/16/2011; wahyu 8/12/ 2011). they define that a countermovement is a set of opinions and beliefs in a population that is opposed to a social movement. an additional type of protest event that does not fit nicely within this framework are so-called cultural events, which serve as a way of delivering the message of protests through rites, festival, shadow puppet shows, traditional village cleansing, and art performances. from table 3 above, we can actually see the pattern where the frequency of protest activity increased. from 1998 to 2011, the office of governor of yogyakarta has continued to be extended by domestic minister without election process. in 1998 the major transition of government nationally had an impact on traditional community responses to save the region from liberal democracy. each of these extensions was preceded by protest movements supporting the establishment of the sultan as governor and expressly rejecting an electoral system. the motivations of participants involved in this movement can be grouped into three categories: motivation founded on past agreements and historical awareness, motivation stemming from feelings of social solidarity, and motivation from emotional ties with the figure of the sultan as symbolic and ritual leader as well as political leader (astuti & palupi in kompas 6/12/2010). if we trace collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 211 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the reasons for each of these, there is a variety of emotional and psychological roots that lead to strong beliefs in tradition, which are in line with javanese beliefs in supernatural powers, as geertz (1964), anderson (1972), and woordward (2010) have each found, namely, that power is symbolized by the charismatic figure of sultan and inheritance as the real power base. such traditional beliefs are powerful in yogyanese communities, and they are taken for granted as undeniable “truth,” which can give rise to militants and radical protesters. as goodwin et al. (2004) argue, the emotional dimension is part of social action but, unfortunately, it is underestimated by many scholars. from the perspective of antagonist groups, they argue that emotional and irrational movements will quickly dissipate because they lack strategy and political calculation while having only a minor political effect. they further criticize that spontaneous protests driven by emotional groups are not worth worrying about, since they are only short-term events (interviews with budi setiawan july 17/7/2011 and with putut 12/ 8/2011). nevertheless, such protest movements have declined and reemerged for a decade already. thus, despite the existence of an apprently “irrational” or “emotional” dimension, participants have built their common beliefs into a movement of collective action, which can be effective precisely because of the emotional content, sense of belonging and primordial sentiments embedded within public beliefs and expressed in everyday life. thus, cultural or emotional collective action might emerge and reemerge as responses to dominant groups, turning resistance to change into a part of everyday life. conclusion based on the discussion above, several points can be summarized my findings: (1) a new social movement has emerged in contemporary indonesia nation wide especially in the post-reform era since 1998, in which cultural resources or what we call local identity have become the basis for mobilizing and framing of collective movements; (2) indigenous groups have been playing an important role in shaping and reshaping both smos and the continuity of collective movements; (3) fragmentation on political interests can lead to the decline of a movement, as was the case with gry and keris jati; (4) collective identities are produced and reproduced in a social movement as a continual process of negotiation between different level of politics and voluntary organizations; and (5) such collective actions have been successful in maintaining the privileged status of yogyakarta by imposing special law no.13/2012 (undang-undang keistimewaan di yogyakarta). references: anderson, benedict.r.o’g. the idea of power in javanese culture (pp.1-69). in claire holt (ed), benedict r. o’g. anderson & james siegel, culture and politics in indonesia. ithaca & london: cornell university press, 1972. bert klandermans, eds., social movements and culture. social movements, protest & contention, volume 4. minneapolis: university of minnesota press, 1995, pp. 127-143. doug mcadam, john d. mccarthy, and mayer n. zald, “opportunities, mobilizing structure, and framing processes—toward a synthetic, comparative perspective on social movements” in doug mcadam, john d. mccarthy, and mayer zald, collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 212 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ comparative perspectives on social movements: political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framing. cambridge studies in comparative politics. new york: cambridge university press, 1996. diani, mario, “networks and participation” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 15, pp. 339-359. earl, jennifer, “the cultural consequence of social movements” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 22, pp. 508-530. edwards, bob, and john d. mccarthy, “resources and social movement mobilization” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 6, pp. 116-152. fine, gary alan, “public narration and group culture: discerning discourse in social movements” “ in hank johnston and fukuyama, f. the end of history and the last man. new york, ny: free press, 1992 feith, herbert. the decline of constitutional democracy in indonesia. jakarta & kuala lumpur: equinox publishing, 2006 hadiz, vedi r.( 2010). localizing power in postauthoritarian indonesia: a southeast asia perspective, contemporary issues in asia and the pacific. stanford: stanford: stanford university press. hunt, scott, robert d. benford, and david a. snow, “identity fields: framing processes and the social construction of movement identities” in larana, enrique, hank johnston, and joseph r. gusfield, eds., new social movements: from ideology to identity. philadelphia: temple university press, 1994, pp. 185-208. hunt, scott a. and robert d. benford, “collective identity, solidarty, and commitment” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 19, pp. 433-457. kriesi, hanspeter, ruud koopmans, jan willem duyvendak, and marco g. giugni, “new social movements and political opportunities in western europe” european journal of political research 22:219-244. kriesi, hanspeter, “political context and opportunity” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 4, pp. 67-90. mccarthy, john d. and mayer n. zald, “resource mobilization and social movements: a partial theory,” american journal of sociology 82, 6 (may 1977): 1212-41. mcadam, doug and ronnelle paulsen, “specifying the relationship between social ties and activism” american journal of sociology 99:640-667. melucci, alberto, “the process of collective identity” in hank johnston and bert klandermans, eds., social movements and culture. social movements, protest & contention, volume 4. minneapolis: university of minnesota press, 1995, pp. 41-63. piven, frances fox and richard a. cloward, “the structuring of protest” from richard a. cloward and frances fox piven, poor people’s movements: why they succeed, how they fail. new york: pantheon books, 1977. phongpaichit, pasuk. (2005). recent social movement in thailand in global perspective (pp.222) in shiraishi takashi and patricio n. abinales, after the crisis: hegemony, technocracy, and governance in southeast asia. kyoto university press. snow, david a., louis a. zurcher, jr., and sheldon ekland-olson, “social networks and social collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 213 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ movements: a microstructural approach to differential recruitment “ american sociological review 45:787-801. snow, david a., “framing processes, ideology, and discursive fields” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 17, pp. 380-412. schaffer, f. charles. democracy in translation: understanding politics in an unfamiliar culture (wilder house series in politics, history, and culture). cornell university press, 2000 taylor, verta, and nancy e. whittier, “collective identity in social movement communities: lesbian feminist mobilization” in morris, aldon d. and carol mcclurg mueller, eds., frontiers in social movement theory. new haven, ct: yale university press, 1992 pp. 104129. tarrow, sidney g. power in movement social movements, collective action and politics. cambridge studies in comparative politics. cambridge england, new york: cambridge university press, 1994. tocqueville, alexis de, democracy in america. new york: barnes & noble, 2005 williams, rhys h., “the cultural contexts of collective action: constraints, opportunities, and the symbolic life of social movements” in blackwell companion to social movements, ch. 5, pp. 91-115. woodward, m. “java, indonesia, and islam, muslim in global societies series 3, springer science and business b.v. 2011 yoshino, kosaku (ed). consuming ethnicity and nationalism, asian experiences. honolulu: university of hawaii press, 1999. collective identity and protest tactics in yogyakarta under the post-suharto regime / david efendi http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0015 layout jgp mei 2016 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 388 received 21 may 2016 revised 13 june 2016 accepted 17 august 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0035 ethical behavior, work values and performance of the provincial government officers of agusan, del sur, philippines, in the light of asean integration jed p. acero university of mindanao, davao city, philippines acerojie@yahoo.co.uk abstract thisdescriptive-correlationdeterminedthelevelofethicalbehavior,workvalues and performance of the provincial government officers of agusan del sur,philippines.findings servedas thebases for interventionscheme throughan orientation plan for the recommended programs.there is avery high level of ethical behavior,high level of work values and excellent performance of pgas’ department heads. there is no significant relationship between the subjects’ profile and their level of ethical behavior. there is no significant relationship between respondents’ profile and their level of work performance. however, there is a significant relationshipbetween respondents’ levelofethical behaviorand work values. there isa significant difference between the level ofethical behavioras perceived by the different respondents: municipal mayors, department heads, anditsemployees.however,there isnosignificantdifferencebetweenthelevels ofworkvaluesasperceivedbythedifferentresearch-respondentsandnosignificant difference between the levels of work performance as perceived by the research-respondents. there is a difference on the actual rating and perceived work performance of the rating of the respondents. the proposed intervention scheme through and orientation plan as programs forpgas’departmentheads after thorough study shall be implemented, monitored and evaluated by both the pgas’ department heads, non-government organizations and other stakeholders. key words: ethical behavior, work values, performance abstrak analisiskorelasi-deskriptif inimenilaiperilakuetis,nilaikerjadankinerjapejabat pemerintah provinsi agusan del sur,filipina. temuan yang ada menjadi dasar untukskemaintervensimelalui rencanaorientasiuntukprogram-programyang direkomendasikan. berdasarkan analisis yang dilakukan, perilaku etis, nilai kerja https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0035 mailto:acerojie@yahoo.co.uk dankinerjaparakepaladepartemendiprovinsiagusandelsurberadapadatingkatyang sangat baik. namun demikian, tidak ada hubungan yang signifikan antara profil responden dengan tingkat perilaku etis maupun dengan tingkat kinerja. hubungan yang signifikan ditemukanantara tingkatperilakuetisdengannilaikerja.adaperbedaanyangsignifikan dalam tingkat perilaku etis yang dirasakan oleh responden yang berbeda: walikota, kepala departemen,dankaryawan.namun, tidakadaperbedaanyangsignifikandalamtingkat nilai kerja dan kinerja yang dirasakan oleh para responden. ada perbedaan pada nilai kinerja yang sebenarnya dan yang dirasakan oleh responden. skema intervensi yang diusulkan melalui rencana orientasi program bagi para kepala departemen provinsi agusan del surharus dilaksanakan, dipantau dan dievaluasi secara kolaboratif oleh para kepala departemen provinsi agusan del sur, organisasi non-pemerintah dan pemangku kepentingan lainnya. kata kunci: perilaku etis, nilai kerja, kinerja introduction ethical behavior, work values and performance are concepts very common but quite taken for granted among government officials and employees. these should be given importance especially among provincial government officials and employees who are under the supervision of the department of interior and local government because the success on the implementation of a public policy depends on how these concepts influence decision making. although public officials and employees are not expected to make a perfect performance, they have at least to live up to their oath to serve for the best interest of thecountry. ethics is what people see as appropriate behavior. in the field of public administration, ethics sets the norms of conduct for public servants. appropriate behavior in the conduct of their responsibilities as public officials occupying sensitive position goes a long way in gaining the trust and confidence of the people and the community which in turn would lead to greater participation in governing the local government unit. to a great extent, the success and failure of performance of lgu’s officials and employees depend on how they behave in the conduct of their official duties and responsibilities and how work values are translated in attaining its goals andobjectives. work values have their effects on the ethical behavior and performance of employees in an agency that provides programs and projects and the delivery of services wherein the future of journal of government & politics 389 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 390 one’s nations at least depends on the type of public officials and employees that we have. the utilization of work values as a possible avenue for bureaucratic change stems from its contribution inestablishing socialchange.ifpeoplewantto changethepresent social system, it could be assumed that commitment to work values could be transmuted into moral convictions in the bureaucracy also for those employees who have such commitment. this study aims to determine the level of ethical behavior, work values and performance of provincial government officers of agusan del sur, philippines. findings of this served as bases for a proposed intervention scheme. specifically, it sought to answer the following questions: 1. what is the profile of the provincial government officers in terms of: age, gender, highest educational attainment, religious affiliation, combined monthly income and position? 2. what is the level of ethicalbehavior of the provincial government officers as perceived by the respondents according to the following dimensions: honesty, conflict of interest, respect of law of interest, equality and democratic responsibility; 3. what is the level of work values of the research subjects as perceived by the respondents: achievement, independence, recognition, relationshipand support; 4. what is the level of work performance of the research subjects as perceived by the respondents:effectiveness,efficiency, economy,human relations; punctuality and attendance, initiative, leadership and stresstolerance? 5. is there a significant relationship between the: profile and level of ethical behavior, profile and level of work values, profile and level of work performance, level of ethical behavior and work values, level of ethical behavior and work performance and level of work performance? 6. is there a significant difference on the level of ethical behavior of the research subject as perceived by the following respondents: provincial government officers, provincial government staffs, and municipal mayors; 7. is there a significant difference on the work values of the research subject as perceivedbythe followingrespondents: provincialgovernment officers, provincial government staffs an d municipal mayors: is there a significant difference on the actual rating andperceived work performance rating of the respondents; what are the factors affecting the work performance of the provincialgovernment officers and what intervention scheme can be proposed based on the findings of the study? ethical behavior, work values are important elements of performance. focusing on these variables, this study is beneficial to the following entities: provincial government of agusan del sur. findings of this study would help the provincial government of agusan del sur to improve its provincial human resources management thru its hrmo. this would help them determine what area/areas in their ethical behavior needed improvement and subsequently in planning for the necessary steps to maximize effectiveness and efficiency in the delivery of its services. conceptual framework this study is anchored on section 4 of ra 6713 otherwise known as the code of conduct of philippines’ government officials and employees. although there are eight norms under this law; but in this study it is summarized into honesty, respect of law, conflict of interest, equality and democratic responsibility. the work values are based on motivation-hygiene theory by herzberg as cited by hellriegel, et.al.,(1989). he said the responses suggest that the opposite of satisfaction is not dissatisfaction, as was traditionally believed. removing dissatisfying characteristics from a job does not necessarily make the job satisfying.the work values assessment test is based on dawis and lofquist’s (1984) theory of work adjustment. the theory, which has evolved over four decades of research, provides a comprehensive model for conceptualizing the interaction between individuals and their work environments. on performance, it is based on douglas mcgregor’s theory x-theory y view of human nature and motivation as cited by robbins(2004). journal of government & politics 391 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 392 methodology research design the research design was descriptive-correlation study using quantitative and qualitative approach. it was descriptive because it presents and describes the result where it is established by hypothesis and correlational-relational showing the relationship of the concept of the study. research environment. this study was conducted in the province of agusan del sur to all provincial government officers. agusan del sur is a first class province with an approximate area of 890,500 hectares or 8,965.50 sq. km. ranking as the fourth largest province in the country. research respondents. the research-subjects of the study are the provincial government officers. the choice of the province and its provincial government officer or the department head is done purposively there are 23 department heads from 23 provincial government offices as research-subjects as the same time, is one of the groups of the research-respondents of the study. the 14 municipal mayors from the 13 municipalities and 1 city of the province were also chosen purposively as respondents of the study; and 310 research-respondents from the staffs or employees as sample from the different offices of pgas with a total of 347 research-respondents, hence, this study is a triangulation. research instrument. the instrument is a researcher-modified standardized validated by experts. the questionnaire has two parts. part 1 will be about the demographic profile of the subjects while part 11 contains the specific questions of the study. it will be designed to measure the level of ethical behavior, level of work values and level of performance of the provincial government officers of agusan del sur, philippines. on ethical behavior, the provision of ra 6713 is adopted only it is summarized into: 1) honesty; 2) conflict of interest; 3) respect of law; 4) equality; and 5) democraticresponsibility. on work values, the indicators designed by, dawis and lofquist’s (1984) based on the work values assessment test by table 1. rating scale used in the survey questionnaire journal of government & politics 393 table 2. scale and descriptive interpretations of the variables the o*net consortium, a project produced and funded by the u.s. department of labor, the employment and training administration, and the office of policy and research (opr). their instrument has been reproduced here for public use underprovol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 394 vision of the freedom of information act (foia, 1996). while on performance, the dimensions include: 1) effectiveness; 2)efficiency; and 3) economy. these are based on the theory of new public management. the items are developed and constructed by the researcher. further, it is also based on the performance of employees system (pes) for the provincial government employees of agusan del sur. qualitative approach is also used in this study. the selection made by the respondents is based on the likert scale. the following is the description of the scale: findings behavior refers to the set of principles, standard, rules and norms of behavior with moral duty and obligation. as used in this study it refers to honesty, conflict of interest, respect of law, equality and democratic responsibility.work values refers to global aspects of work that are important to a person’s satisfaction.performance refers to the system of evaluating employee to help them reach reasonable goals and thus ensure that the company performs well (christensen, 2007). as used in this study it refers to affectivity, efficiency and economy. intervention plan refers to the program which will be used by the provincial government of agusan del sur through its provincial human resource management office.pgas refers to provincial government of agusan del sur table 3 discloses the summary on the level of ethical behavior of provincial government officials in terms honesty, respect of law conflict of interest, equality and democratic responsibility with a grand mean of 3.19, 4.35 and 4.25 and interpretation as high, very high and very high respectively. this means that majority of the research-respondents describe their department head possess the above-mentioned ethical behavior in the discharge of their duties and responsibilities. this finding corroborates on the findings of acero (2008), that the punong barangays were rated very high on the level of ethical conduct, in the municipality of san francisco, agusan del sur. tabe 3. level of ethical behavior of provincial government officials table 4 level of work values of provincial government officials table 4 depicts the summary on the level of work values of provincial government officers on the following indicators: achievement, dependence, recognition, relationship and support. the data show that provincial government officers who are the department heads possess and practice the above-mentioned work values. the result also show that a big majority of the respondents perceived a satisfactory work values except the department head employees whom they rated their “bosses” as outstanding in terms of the work values listed above. if the latter group of respondents showed the highest level of perception of workvalues to their department heads, it only implies that work values shown by their respective heads to their office are felt by its employees which make sense of the result. it can also be deduced journal of government & politics 395 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 396 that somewhat a crystal reflection of employees to their department head because of its excellent rating to the latter. table 5. level of work performance of provincial government officers table 5 presents the summary on the level of work performance of provincial government officers with a grand mean of 3.96, 4.23, 4.33 or very good, excellent and excellent from the municipal mayors, department heads and its employees respectively. this means that most of the department heads exhibited the highest level of performance that they could ever achieve. if this is the case, it can be construed that these group ofappointive public employees perform their duties with utmost commitment, dedication, and hard performance appraisals do serve a useful role in the workplace. a common misconception is that the sole purposeof an appraisal to inform an employee of how his performance has been rated. unfortunately, this is often all that is done. a productive performance appraisal, however, can accomplish much more. it serves as a work session in which takes the time and effort to meet with an individual employee and set new goals for the coming year. as what douglas mcgregor’s theory x-theory y view of human nature and motivation as cited by robbins (2004), that under theory x, the four assumptions held by supervisors are the following: 1) employees inherently dislike work and, whenever possible, will attempt to avoid it; 2) since employees dislike work, theymust be coerced, controlled,or threatened with punishment to achieve desired goals; 3) employees will shirk responsibilities and seek formal direction whenever possible; 4) most workers place security above all. . table 6. significant relationship between respondents profile and their level of ethical behavior table6 presents the significant relationship between researchsubjects profile and their level of ethical behavior. the result shows as to age with a computed r-value of 3.67 and critical p values of.885. this reveals that the null hypothesis on the significant relationship when subjects are group according to age to their level of ethical behavior is rejected, hence, notsignificant. it could also be compared with the results of all clients profile that the p value and r value of each is notsignificant. further, as far as gender is concerned, it showed a computed r-value of 1.74 and critical p values of.995. this also reveals that hypothesis is rejected, hence, not significant. this means that there is no significant relationship between the gender and its level of ethical behavior. whether the subject is male or female, he could have a high level of ethical behavior because human behavior could be a product of his culture and religion. the findings of natinga (2001) on the awareness of barangay officials on barangay financial management corroborated the findings of this study. a study considers the relationship between perceptions of ethical behavior and the demographic characteristics of sex, age, journal of government & politics 397 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 398 education level, job title, and job tenure among a sample of marketing researchers. the findings showed significant probably because the subjects are in the marketing field while in this study are government officials. kelly, s.w.(2000). table 7. relationship between respondents profile and their level of work values table 8 computedr value criticalp values decision on ho inter-pretation table7 presents the significant relationship between researchsubjects’ profile and their level of work values in terms age, gender, educational attainment, monthly income and position. as to age, a computedmean value of3.67andcritical p valuesof.885 where decision is reject hypothesis, thus, not significant. this means that whatever values do the department has, is not affected by age of an employee.. hence, there is no relationship between age of the research-subjects and the level of work values. significant relationship between respondents’ profile and their level of work performance table 8 presents the significant relationship between respondents profile and their level of work performance in terms of age, gender, highest educational attainment, monthly income and position show a computed r value and critical values to reject hypothesis, hence, not significant. this means that the above research-subjects’ profile does not show any relationship to department heads’ work values of pgas. whether you are at the retiring age, male or female, master degree holder or bachelor’s degree holder, with an income below 30 thousand or above, and whether you are only an officer in–charge or designate department head, has nothing to do with one’s work values. work values could probably an attributes gain from the family, friends and from its culture and religion. statistical test also shows significant relationship between respondents’ level of ethical behavior and work values. the result shows a computed r-value of -.512* and a critical r-value of.003. the values show to reject hypothesis; hence significant. this means that, there is a highly significant relationship existed between the two. ethical behavior and work values are highly correlated; because work values of persons are extracted from its ethical behavior. ethical behavior and work values are inseparable, because the former describe work values as to what is right and wrong; and good or bad. both concepts are related and sometimes used interchangeably (cruz, c.l. 2005), thus, a high relationship is established. this means that there is no relationship existed between the two. a very high level of work performance can not just be attributed to its level of ethical behavior. there could some other factors that could establish such relationship such as management andleadership journal of government & politics 399 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 400 style, organizational planning and development, and financial management. these findings contradicted the findings of abdon (2000) which showed a high relationship between ethical behavior and work performance table 9. significant relationship between respondents level of work values and work performance table 9 presents the significant relationship between the research-subjects’ level of work values and work performance with a computed r-value of.251 and critical p-value of.248. this also reflects to accept hypothesis, because it is not significant. this means that there is no correlation that existed between the two. table 10. significant difference between the level of ethical behavior as perceived by different respondents table 12 unfolds the significant difference between the level of ethical behavior as perceived by the different respondents: municipal mayors, department heads, and its employees with a mean of 3.95, 4.35 and 4.25 respectively. the result shows an fvalues of 4.305 and critical f-values of 3.478. this also reveals to reject hypothesis; hence it is significant. there is no difference whether the respondents are mayors; the department heads themselves, and its employees that they should have a high level of ethicalbehavior. table 11. difference between the level of work values as perceived by different respondents table 11 discloses the significant difference between the level of work values as perceived by the different respondents: municipal mayors, department heads, and its employees with a mean values of 4.01, 4.14,and 4.24 respectively. the computed f-value is.878 and critical fvalues of 3.478. the hypothesis is accepted; hence not significant. the variables correlated is notsignificant to work values. table 12. significant difference between the level of work performance as perceived by different respondents table 12 presents the significance difference between the perceived work performance rating of the respondents and the actual rating of the respondents. the work performance as perceived by the research-respondents: with a means of 3.96, 4.23 and 4.33 with variables correlated to its municipal mayors, department heads, and provincial government officers or the department heads respectively. the computed f value is 4.360 and journal of government & politics 401 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 402 critical f-values is 2.895. the result shows to accept hypothesis; hence, not significant. this means that work performance is not determined by one’s position in the office. the actual rating of pgas’ department head has been very good for the last three years. while on the perceived work performance rating as conducted by this study is excellent. the diffierence could be attributed due to constraints of time, and place. the level of work performance of provincial government officials or department of agusan del sur with a grand mean of 3.96, 4.23, 4.33 or very good, excellent and excellent from the municipal mayors, department heads and its employeesrespectively. discussion the intervention plan is somehow a basis to effectively attain the goal of the researcher to establish a very high work values in the discharge of their duties and responsibilities. therefore has relatively important in monitoring and evaluating the plan in order to increase performance and become aware of their role that plays in development. the orientation plan is developed with the end of sustain the high level of work values in the discharge of their duties and responsibilities; and continuously improve the level of work values with regards to achievement, dependence, recognition, relationship and support for governance, public accountability, and public transparency; and could contribute for the policy making and decision-making for the improvement of every department and the entire pgas in the delivery of its services mandated by law in their respective offices; and could be able to translate the results of this study into reality as this will become basis of genuine public service by empowering the department heads of quality management responsive to the needs of the clienteles. considering the result of the study, it could be assumed that with respect to ethical behavior, work values and performance of the provincial government of agusan del sur, the province is ready to participate in the conduct of business to its asean neighbors in the light of asean integration. agusan del sur is one of the provinces of northeastern mindanao known as caraga region. it can offer best goods and products to its asean neighbors and is known as the province of gold. the province has a very rich culture and natural resources which are showcased during its naliyagan festival with abundant natural resources and it is known of its palm oil industry. this is true in agusan del sur and it is true in davao and mindanao and the entire island of the philippines. basically, agusan del sur and the mindanao is generally peaceful and this reflects the entire island of the philippines. the business and investment could be safe with government officials who are very accommodating, friendly and hospitable. mindanao is the “land of promise”, philippines is the “pearl of the orient sea”, in davao city, “life is here” and i welcome you all to agusan delsur. conclusion based on the findings, it is concluded, that provincial government officers of agusan del sur’s possess and practice ethical behavior as mandated by r.a. 6713otherwise known as “code of conduct of government officials and employees” and has strengthened work values in their working conditions, all of these are translated into their work peformance mandated by law under the civil service commission. the proposed intervention scheme as orientation plan as programs to theprovincial government officers shall be implemented, monitored and evaluated by both the provincial government officers of agusan del sur through the pgrmo and the office of the govenor, non-government organization and other stockholder. further research shall be conducted regarding ethical behavior, work value and performance includingspirituality. references abdon, jr.n.b. (2000). religiosity, ethical practice and performance: a case of bureau of internal revenue.unpublisheddoctoraldissertation,universityofthephilippines, diliman,quezoncity journal of government & politics 403 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 404 acero,b.p.(2008). ethical conduct and work performance of punong barangays. unpublished master’s thesis, bukidnon state university. malaybalaycity. cruz, c.l. (2005) contemporary ethics. philippines:national bookstore, inc. hellriegel,d.,et.al.,(1989).organizationalbehavior.5thed.,westpublishingcompany, newyork. manual on ra 6713. code ofconduct of government officials and employees. natinga, w.y.(2007).awareness ofbarangay officials onbarangay financial management. unpublished master’s thesis, bukidnon state college. malaybalay city. provincial government of agusan del sur, annual report (2011) robbins s.p., et.al., (2004) supervision. 4th ed., pearson prentice hall, new york website agusandelsur.gov.ph dawisandlofquist’s(1984)workvaluesassessment testbytho*netconsortium.http:// www.myplan.com/assess/methodology/v1.php?sid=80093989edf77573fb972c75c2a1f010 kelly,s.w.(2000)http://www.springerlink.com/content/n52328259j181374/ christensen, t.e. (2007). what is performance management.httpwww.wisegeek.com http://www.myplan.com/assess/methodology/v1.php?sid=80093989edf77573http://www.springerlink.com/content/n52328259j181374/ http://www.wisegeek.com/ 388 ethical behavior, work values and performance of 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 layout februari 2016 internet freedom in asia: case of internet censorship in china zainuddin muda z. monggilo universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia. emai: zainuddinmuda@gmail.com abstract internet can develop the communication and information freedom on society but unfortunately in some nations, especially in asia, it cannot be fully accessed because of government censorship. this report explains the relationship between the practice of internet censorship imposed by the chinese government and the freedom of its citizens (in the internet surfing experience) as the realization of human rights in the freedom of expression and opinion (seek, receive-use, and communicate information) which is traced through the relevant literature study. china is a unique case since the internet censorship regulation contributes to its status as the country with the least internet freedom yet at the same time it is credited as having the most internet users globally. in addition, china known as the communist country that began opening up to globalization and information of technology, but the government’s control over it is still so tight and binding, not only in the press, or the traditional media, but also in new media with the internet censorship. the control over this information may have a clear objective to maintain a climate of information in the community, but on the other hand, such control is tantamount to restricting the right of citizens to make, use, and distribute information, and more fatal as a violation of human rights. keywords: internet, ict, censorship, china, asia introduction the rapid growth and development of information and communication technology nowadays cannot be separated from the invention of the first generation of computer, which later inspired the creation of a number of innovations in information and communication devices for instance laptop, smart phone, tablet computer, recieved 23 december 2015; accepted 09 january 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 153-179 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 154 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics etc. it also has led us to the era of interactive communication that indicated by the emergence of new media (internet) in it (rice & williams in abrar, 2003:37). the internet (interconnection networking) itself is a set of computer network which connected to each other through telephone line, satellite, and telecommunication system that enable the exchange of information from one person to another—it is certainly means that the internet will attach and exist on every aspect of life such as social, culture, economic, politic, especially in communication (and information) matter. (dimaggio, hargittai, neuman, & robinson, 2001:307; dominick, 2011:282). the existence of the internet is increasingly strengthened in the middle of 21st civilization and seems well-matched to human attachment to the internet at this time. it has been dominated from the individual to the community level. in the individual level, at least five to seven hours of free time has been spent to access the internet and social networking. in the organizational level, computer, telephone and internet are also vital facilities to support office works. even wider, in the global society, the internet has obviously connecting the world and eliminating geographical boundaries (van dijk, 2006:1-2). global attachment to the internet is confirmed by the latest statistical data that showed a significant increase of internet users around the world from year to year. based on elaboration data from nielsen online, international telecommunication union (itu), and growth from knowledge (gfk) published by internet world stats stated that the number of internet users has reached approximately 3.2 billion users in 2015 q2 (per 30 june 2015) globally with asian continent in the overall top rank (about 1.5 billion users) (http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm, accessed on 8 november 2015). it indicated that billions of population in the world has been utilizing the internet as new media to communicate and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 155 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 exchange information. regarding to the aspect of communication and information, the internet opens the opportunity for anyone to become producer of information (mcquail, 2005:40). internet provides the chance to exchange information across places which formerly hampered by the limit of distance, space, and time. internet allows access anytime and anywhere to a wide range of information in just one click per second. in turn, the internet forms an open and free society based on information called network society (abrar, 2003:11-12; castells, 2010; van dijk, 2005). unfortunately, the relationship between the using of the internet and the establishment of network society is not fully proven. in some regions, particularly asia, although it were listed as a continent with the largest internet users in the world, the freedom of netizen (a term to call the user of internet) still encounter some obstacles for instance limited access, limited content, the digital divide, and violation of user rights (http://id.techinasia.com/kebebasan-internetdi-asia/, accessed on 14 september 2014). referring to the data released by freedom house in 2015, the only country in asia which is entrenched in the top ten countries with the free status of internet freedom is japan (east asia), and the remainder is dominated by western countries. on the contrary, china that has the largest internet users in asia and the world was accredited as the country with the lowest internet freedom in the world (https://freedomh o u s e . o r g / s i t e s / d e f a u l t / f i l e s / f o t n % 2 0 2 01 5 % 2 0 f u l l%20report.pdf, accessed on 10 november 2015) china which is also known as the communist country has started to open up toward the globalization of information, communication, and technology although the government’s control is still very firm and binding not only on the press or traditional media, but also on new media with the internet censorship. this control has a clear objective to maintain the climate of information in the comhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 156 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics munity, but unfortunately, it can be categorized as the violation of human rights to make, use, and distribute information. this paper intends to outline the relationship between the practice of internet censorship imposed by the the chinese government and the internet freedom of its citizens as the realization of human rights to seek, receive, use, and communicate information. the analysis will be examined through the literature study method and expected to provide a comprehensive description of internet censorship development in china in particular and asia in general. internet censorship in asia there is a hope for an open and independent public sphere which is totally free from the pressure of the ruling authority when the internet first appeared in the early 1990s in asia. since then, every person can communicate with each other without being limited by geographical and political boundaries. once a message, whatever it is, posted on the internet, the control of its spread will be very difficult. in order to handle the difficulties, the regulation of censorship which is already implemented to regulate traditional media seems also will be applied to the internet to avoid the dissemination of undesirable content. however, the idea of internet censorship by the government authorities is not the only available option. not a few parties believe that the government can take preventive measures and carefully reconsider the long-term consequences that will arise if the censorship policy is finally should be enacted. in this case, that hope for the free public sphere can really be actualized with the increased freedom of expression and opinion as well as the development of democracy and advocacy of human rights in the asian region (gomez & gan, 2004:14). in fact, the majority of asian governments have censored the internet either technically or non-technically to prevent the deployhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 157 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 ment of categorized harmful contents according to them (http:// www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jun/30/internet-censorshipmethods, accessed on 18 december 2014). the internet censorship itself can be divided into two types: (i). active censorship which means prohibition and restriction on how netizen use the internet, even criminalizing individual or group who disseminate unsuitable content; and (ii). passive censorship which means to block certain contents for example pornography and gambling by blocking its data site or source which continues to be pursued until now (kodabagi & kameri, 2013:1). here is a brief overview of the internet censorship practiced by asian government in several countries: first, in india (south asia), internet is totally under the oppression of state for instance the movement of internet kill switch (iks) and the program called central monitoring system (cms) which are claimed by government as better solution to treat cyber security threats in the country. but in fact, they are precisely hidden methods to strengthen the surveillance power of local government and its agency. the most recent, blogspot has been banned by indian government as a result of cms pilot program. india actually has a cyber-regulation namely information technology act year 2000 (it act, 2000) which is quite supportive and friendly to the netizen. but since the amendment occurred in 2008, it has switched as a constitution instrument of local government to perform e-surveillance, internet censorship and website blocking. what is more ironic, the amendment made unconstitutionally in the absence of procedural rules that might prevent power abuse by the government. it can be assumed that internet censorship is still not the right solution yet, so that the indian government need to work seriously on creating more effective and plain constitutional guidelines with the coverage issues including national security, cyber security, etc. (kodabagi & kameri, 2013:2-3). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 158 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics second, in pakistan (south asia), the government has been censoring the internet since 2003. state has controlled the internet by blocking facebook, youtube, twitter, and certain pages of wikipedia for years. in 2010, high court of lahore decided to forbid facebook as a consequence of the spreading of blasphemous content and the inviting campaign to draw the prophet mohammed on this zuckerberg’s social networking site. some latest attempts undertaken by the pakistan telecommunication authority (pta) have been prohibiting the using of specific words in texting (sms), setting up a system of internet filtering like great firewall of china used by the chinese, and implementing kill switch on digital communication all over balochistan and gilgit-balkistan areas (liu & kim, 2012:23). third, in russia (north asia), through a meeting with media executives in st. petersburg on 24 april 2014, president vladimir putin said his government will impose greater control over the information flowing through the internet. russian parliament has signed a law that was similar to the chinese which would require internet companies such as google to build data center in russia and store the user data locally for six months (http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2014-05-01/russia-moves-toward-china-styleinternet-censorship, accessed on 21 october 2014). in addition, this act supports the authority of the government to block sites which are considered extremist or threaten public order. it was reported that some of the sites and blogs of government opposition like the grani.ru, kasparov.ru, ej.ru, echo.msk.ru, and navalny.livejournal.com have been blocked (http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/russianblogger-law-puts-new-restrictions-on-internet-freedoms/2014/07/31/ 42a05924-a931-459f-acd2-6d08598c375b_story.html, accessed on 21 october 2014). the first third order were the opposition news websites, the fourth is the site of echo moskvy (the last remaining free radio station in russia), and the fifth is the blog of opposition pohttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 159 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 litical figure alexei navalny (http://www.washingtonpost.com/ blogs/monkey-cage/wp/2014/03/16/the-logic-of-russian-internetcensorship/, accessed on 21 october 2014). fourth, in iran (west asia), the islamic government wants to create their own internet which is not connected to the global network because security and cultural content reasons. by having their own internet, iranians are perfectly being censored and isolated from the external world. the state will allocate 60% of iranian households and companies to have access to a new internet and within an approximately of two years, the whole country will be connected each other with their own internet. however, the total closure of the global internet has two sides both positive and negative implications for iranians. according to the wall street journal, the state government wants to protect the country from massive protest and conflict as happened in various african countries (e.g. egypt, libya, etc.) in 2011. but negatively, this disconnection of universal internet access may ruin the iranian economy. currently, about 11% of iranians access the global internet with the strict internet censorship for example modified content; monitored dissidents, blocked threaten websites, and deleted outrageous blogspot’s posts by the government (kodabagi & kameri, 2013:4) fifth, in indonesia (southeast asia), ministry of communication and information announced in october 2011 that 300 sites had been blocked in order to eliminate radical and extremist contents that threaten national integration after sectarian clashes in solo, central java, and ambon. however, the ministry did not reveal the blocked sites as well as the criteria used to determine the decision to block these sites (liu & kim, 2012:22). the newest is the enactment of the regulation of the communication and information ministry number 19 of 2014 about the blocking management of negative internet sites. since then, the indonehttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 160 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics sian government has legally blocked numerous sites especially which containing pornographic materials, gambling materials, ethnicity, religion, and race elements, etc. although this action is done to avert bad internet effects for indonesian netizen, it has drawn criticism from various non-governmental organizations and communities because it is considered incompatible with article 28 letter j constitution of 1945 and article 19 of the covenant on civil and political rights which already ratified with law no. 12 of 2005. indonesia media defense litigation network (imldn) highlighted the freedom of expression while ict watch highlighted the nontransparent and unaccountable mandate on the preparation of negative site database—it has been proved when the state government decided to block vimeo. netizen also protested the blocking of vimeo for no apparent reason. but still the ministry persisted that the vimeo should be blocked because its pornographic substances (http://tekno.kompas.com/read/2014/08/08/1426022/ resmi.ini.isi.peraturan.blokir.konten.negatif, accessed on 21 october 2014). sixth, in north korea (east asia) there is still no accurate statistics yet that measure the level of internet penetration in the country. however, the presence of north korea’s official online media has increased in recent years. rodong sinmun has launched a new website in februar y 2011 and korean central news agency (kcna) has continuously improved since its debut in 2010. website korea friendship association as the main channel to promote international propaganda has supported multimedia content such as video. sites like youtube and twitter are managed under the name of uriminzokkiri which means our nation. since february 2013, north korea has allowed foreigners to visit or live in the country and access the internet from their mobile devices over 3g networks operated by koryolink company. world http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 161 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 internet access is still limited to a handful of high-level officials who have received state approval. in spite of the increasing number of academic scientists and students in the country, they are only allowed to access the internet on limited functions. citizens are given access only to the national intranet which is not connected to a foreign network. the korea computer center, a government research center for information technology, controls all the information and determines which information can be downloaded from the intranet (http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/ 2014/north-korea#.veasbvmudy0, accessed on 22 october 2014). personal computers are very rarely at home; access is only granted via terminals in libraries, offices, luxury hotels, and foreign visits zones in big cities (kodabagi & kameri, 2013:3). referring to the ongoing practice of internet censorship in six asian countries from five different regions shows that the online media is also a subject to government which plays the central figure to legitimate and authorize every realm of communication and information ranging from the biggest to the smallest scale (abbott, 2013:585). the system and regulation then designed to dictate normatively about what should and should not be done by individual or group when go online. in the end, the strict enforcement of internet censorship regulation is still believed as the fastest, easiest and most reasonable methods to nullify each thing that potentially disrupting the stability of state regime. internet censorship in china the largest netizen yet the worst freedom the survey result of freedom on the net conducted by freedom house in 65 countries in 2015 scored china as the worst abuser of internet freedom in the world. the ratings were determined through an examination of three broad categories associated with the state censorship on the internet namely obstacles to access, limits on http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 162 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics content, and violations of user rights as listed in the following table: table.1. china’s profile on internet freedom source: freedom on the net 2015 by freedom house (2015:190) as many other countries in asia that implements digital media and censorship legislation as their way to cope with unexpected circumstances as a result of the uncontrolled flow of information on the internet. likewise chinese government also took the same actions starting from executing the multilayered censors, enacting the binding legislations, and applying the multidimensional and multilevel control mechanisms of the internet. the table also emphasizes that government do not allow any kind of online and offline public opinions as they may cause public movements or chaos against government. the vocal users are imprisoned, social networking sites are forbidden, political and social contents are blocked, and press is fully controlled. type of internet censorship in china the chinese government mainly utilizes three types of internet censorship known as the great firewall, the golden shield, and keyword blocking (king, pan, & roberts, 2013:3; liang & lu, 2010:106-108). the great firewall is started to be used since the late 1990s to restrict access to foreign websites; the golden shield is a system of domestic surveillance created by the chinese ministry of public http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 163 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 security in 1998; and keyword blocking is content blocking of keywords or phrases which are prohibited through the filter software specially designed and widely used for application, access point, internet service provider, backbone network, affecting website, email, online forum, college bulletin board, social networking site, blog and micro blog, instant messaging, and search engine. while targeted content filter to filter pornography, religious material known as falun gong, political topics and issues of ethnic minorities (yong kun, yang, ha, yuping, mengyao, & nute, 2012:118; http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/ 2013/04/economist-explains-how-china-censors-internet, accessed on 22 october 2014). the chinese government controls all internet activities such as blocking website or ip address and filter keyword by router in eight gateway of state’s internet, telecom enterprise data center and internet portal; managing and monitoring internet service provider, internet cafe, and university bulletin board system; listing website and blog; arresting the hacker and rebel user; blocking foreign website such as social networking sites (facebook and twitter), video sharing site (youtube) including radio free asia, voice of america (chinese language), international human rights site, taiwanese news site; english online news site for example voice of america, new york times, and washington post (though sometimes by chance they still can be accessed or censored selectively). since 2005 the state has paid group of people known as 50 cent party to send a pro-government message and lead online conversation away from sensitive topic. the government reportedly has hired thousands of students to express the pro-government acts on website, bulletin board, and chat room (lum, figliola, & weed, 2012:2). internet censorship legislation in china internet censorship in china is principally aimed to manage the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 164 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics news and discussions which does not comply with state legislation on measures for security protection administration of the international networking of computer information networks announced by the chinese ministry of public security in 16 december 1997. since then, a lot of legislation on internet content were authorized, in particular legislation on measures for the administration of internet information services or better known as the telecommunications regulations of the people’s republic of china legalized by the state council in 25 september 2000 as well as the provisions on the administration of internet news information services issued by the state council, the ministry of information industry, and the state council information office (scio) in 25 september 2005 (yunchao, 2010:54-55). the establishment of telecommunications legislation in 2000 formed three systems namely the licensing and site registration, the pre-approval for certain type of site, and exclusive approval for the function of specific site (yunchao, 2010:55). these three systems essentially forbid any organization or individual to use telecommunication network to produce, reproduce, distribute, or transmit information consisting of nine points: (i). oppose the basic principles prescribed in the constitution, (ii). threaten state security, reveal state’s confidential, subvert state power, or devastate national unity, (iii). adverse the state dignity and interest, (iv). incite ethnic hatred, racial discrimination, or undermine interethnic unity; (v). sabotage the state religion policy or propagate the heresy or feudal superstition; (vi). spread rumors, disturb social order, or disrupt social stability, (vii). do obscenity, pornography, gambling, violence, murder or spread fear, and incite crime, (viii). insult or defame third parties or infringe upon the legitimate rights and interests of third parties, (ix). include all related content prohibited by the laws or administrative regulations (yong kun, yang, ha, yuping, mengyao, & nute, 2012:112-113). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 165 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 chinese legislation on the use of the internet has grown and become more comprehensive over time although can be too broad, vague, ambiguous, inconsistent, overlap and redundant so that the decision making process may not be coherent and consistent (endeshaw, 2004; liang & lu, 2010:108-109; qiu, 2000; qiu, 2003). nevertheless, citizens of china are unable to fight back because of the absolute tendency of repression and authority from government. internet control mechanism in china internet control mechanism conducted by chinese authorities is basically a fusion form and adjustment of traditional media control mechanism that have been applied before the emerging digital media. figure 1. internet control mechanism in china (source: dong, 2012:408) http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 166 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics even though the instrument is mainly similar, but the implementation is dissimilar because of the differences in the nature of the two media (dong, 2012:407). in general, the internet control mechanism can be concluded as government efforts to censor netizen’s activity on the internet with a wider range of aspects for instance economy, politic, education, culture, technology, either directly or indirectly (through self-censorship). in terms of economy and politic, although restrictions on media ownership have been eased in the internet age with the growing number of private internet content provider (icp) and internet service provider (isp) (esarey, 2005; he, 2004; zhao, 1998, 2008 in dong, 2012:408), the ownership of internet access provider (iap) is still entirely owned by the government (qiu, 2000:17). as a result, traditional media licensing system is still used for the icps and isps (dong, 2012:408). furthermore, all the international data exchange must use the incoming and outgoing channel provided by the state and each icps and isps legally responsible to the state for any inappropriate content on the site (dong, 2012:408). both icps and isps must pass the professional training regulated by government in order to work in the media industry. in particular, icps and internet cafe owners are required to provide records of users’ information, published content, and visited sites. users including icps and isps actors are also only allowed to register using their real names and provide clear personal information and contact number to the ministry of industry and information technology (dong, 2012:408-409). because afraid of possible sanctions by the government, the owner of the icps and isps proved more censorious than the authorities themselves (http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jun/30/internetcensorship-methods, accessed on 18 december 2014). in terms of education and culture, politic is a study taught from elementary school to university. marxist theory and its ideological http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 167 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 as well as philosophical and nationalist thought about vision and mission of the establishment of new china inserted into learning curriculum. it is intended to train self-censorship in the earlier level of individuals and organizations (dong, 2012:409). in short, censorship, legislation, and control by government aimed to continue conditioning the citizens to be the obedient subject to the state. angry netizen, government keep going all forms of government control and censorship on the internet have caused restlessness and anger for chinese netizen. those limitations and censorship on almost every dimension and level of internet activities have triggered protest because they extremely suppress netizen’s freedom. moreover, more complaints also arise since the regulatory agency is overlapping and its legislation is volatile (chu, 1994; esarey, 2005; he, 2004; qiu & zhou, 2005; winfield & peng, 2005 in dong, 2012:409). in order to cover up these weaknesses, the government launched a technological project called the golden shield as their database system. this project then culminated on 8 june 2009 when the government announced that all personal computers which sold in china after 1 july 2009, to have the filtering software called green dam youth escort installed on them. this policy followed by massive protests among youths, academics, activists, industries, and foreign companies in china as they assumed it violated privacy and freedom of every citizen. the protest was getting louder since lately known that the software was defective and could allow hacker to monitor the user’s internet activity, steal data, inject virus, even ridiculously the cartoon cat garfield and baby pictures blocked by this software (yu & liu, 2009 in dong 2004:409). responding to such criticism, cctv broadcasted an exclusive report on young generation’s anxiety for the uncontrolled negative content such as pornography found on http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 168 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics google.cn. a several days later, revealed that those people appeared in the report evidently were interns paid by cctv (http://www.jx.xinhuanet.com/review/2009-06/22/content_16872885.htm, accessed on 18 december 2014). the government finally decided to suspend temporarily the further application of this software (http:/ /www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jul/02/china-green-dam, accessed on 18 december 2014). the most current protest was the pro-democracy demonstration in hong kong last year (september 2014). demonstrators demanded that the chinese government frees hong kong to hold its own democratic election. in addition, china received protest for restraining the freedom of hong kong and censoring all information relating to hong kong on all types of media including the internet in order to avoid or reduce political movement in china (http://edition.cnn.com/2014/09/29/world/asia/china-censorship-hong-kong/, accessed on 19 december 2014). apparently, the chinese government will indeed perform a variety of ways to banish upheaval scattered information on the internet— no matter whatever the controversies might come from their people. government has built a very systemic and holistic circumstance so that the information climate can always be under their control. it takes a struggle from chinese netizen to be able to voice their rights. weibo micro blog: a new hope for freedom of expression in china? in spite of the strict censorship imposed by government in the last decade, chinese netizen even more aggressive to express their opinions through online media such as bulletin board attached to the general site, personal site, and then the most recent is twitterlike called weibo (http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/ 21574632-microblogs-are-potentially-powerful-force-change-they-havetread, accessed on 22 october 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 169 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 according to some experts, within two years, micro blog weibo has become the most important public sphere, the most prominent place for freedom of speech, and the source of the most important news for the community. there are reportedly about 300 million micro bloggers registered as weibo’s users through the platform provided by the leading isps such as sina and tencent. both of isps have been in the forefront to reveal various countries’ black records such as corruption and other unexposed sensitive news for instance, in july 2011, micro bloggers exposed the highspeed train crash near the city of wenzhou that killed 40 passengers while government was trying to control the news coverage (lum, figliola, & weed, 2012:5). weibo’s fever has attracted some news sites and online portals to highlight the euphoria. government, political elites, opinion makers, and academics in the country have their own weibo. even international celebrities open their own weibo’s page. figure 2. weibo homepage and hollywood actor’s official page (source: http://blogs.ubc.ca/carlytaojing/files/2012/01/ crt_weibo_g_20101116094909.jpg; https://www-techinasia.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/02/tom-cruisesina-weibo.jpg?17bc4c, accessed on 22 october 2014) its presence has triggered a lot of debates and controversies in china both because of its ability to disseminate information and mobilize individual or mass, or in some cases related to government http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 170 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics control on it. one of the most notorious cases occurred in october 2010, when a 22-year-old boy named li qiming killed one person and wounded another in a car accident because he was drunk while driving at hebei university. at that time, he lightly warned “sue me if you dare, my father is li gang (a deputy police chief in nearby district)!” (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/18/world/asia/18li.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0, accessed on 18 december 2014). this case immediately covered by the government, but not with the words that already spread quickly in online forum like weibo (qiang, 2011; bamman, connor, & smith, 2012:2). figure 3. censorship of liu xiaobo in weibo (source: bamman, o’connor, & smith, 2012:3) in december 2010, nicholas d. kristof (a newspaper columnist of the new york times), opened an account on sina weibo to test the censor level. his first two posts were “can we talk about falun gong?” and ”delete my weibo if you dare! my father is li gang!” as a result, within twenty minutes, the posts immediately removed by the administrator. having attracted widespread attention from the media, the account was also deleted (http://www.nytimes.com/ 2011/01/23/opinion/23kristof.html, accessed on 18 december 2014). censors are also found when information searching contained forbidden certain keywords on weibo for instance the name of liu http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 171 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 xiaobo (a chinese literary critic, writer, professor, and human rights activist who called for political reforms and the end of communist single-party rule) on 30 october 2011 as shown figure 3. the notice was ”in accordance with relevant laws, regulations, and policies, the search results could not be displayed”. another keyword such as jasmine, egypt, ai weiwei, zengcheng, beijing occupy, occupy wall street, etc. are also prohibited in weibo (bamman, o’connor, & smith, 2012:3). the highest statistical forbidden keyword in the period of 2014 was hong kong because chinese government assumed it could evoke reactions of citizens and repeat the tragedy of tiananamen 1989 demanding democracy in china. figure 4. the chinese government censorship of the hong kong demonstration on weibo (source: http://edition.cnn.com/2014/09/29/world/asia/chinacensorship-hong-kong/, accessed on 19 december 2014). beside forbidden keywords blocked, on 31 march 2012, chinese government through the xinhua announced that sixteen sites have been closed down and six people were arrested, while sina weibo and tencent weibo criticized and punished (in the form of suspension of the comments function for three days) on the dissemination of rumors online (http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/ http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 172 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics china/2012-03/31/c_131500416.htm, accessed on 22 october 2014). it seems that chinese netizen is still difficult to break free from the restraints of government, because in fact, weibo is expected to be a source of alternative news, a free forum for discussion, a free media sharing, and a connector to the outside world, still get censored. this condition affirms that there is no medium of communication and information which is neglected by the state intervention and suppression, and there is no citizen movement which is not known by the state. as a consequence, freedom of expression and opinion attached to every citizen who should be respected, fulfilled and protected by the state is minimized even treated as an entity that should be given to the state as a regulator and a determinant of its significance (nowak, 2003:50-53). alibaba.com: state supports commercialization, not democratization china, who had known for the authoritarian government, fully owns, organizes, and funds the existing media in the country. the communist party do tight control on political expression, speech, religion, association, and any individual or large-scale movement of social group perceived as threaten for the country (yong kun, yang, ha, yuping, mengyao, & nute, 2012:15), however, major changes have occurred since the commercialization of media which encouraged institutional transformation (ma in curran & myung, 2000:21-22). state began to reduce funding for the media, which meant that the state did not have a full scale intervention of the media so that the media was no longer merely a mouthpiece for the party and the government, but the media have started to produce entertainment content to stimulate interest in the audience in order to gain more profit through advertising and subscriptions. non-state actors also began to emerge and compete in the middle of media competition (majid, 2004:557-558). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 173 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 one conclusive support from the government for the commercialization of media is a massive investment to develop infrastructure of information and communication technology. according to the state council, china invested rmb 4.3 trillion (us$ 680 billion) in internet infrastructure development over the last 13 years to boost economic growth and promote the ability of domestic technology so the country will no longer rely on foreign technology, especially from the united states and japan (yong, kun, yang, ha, yuping, mengyao, & nute, 2012:15). alibaba group holding limited (new york stock exchange: baba), the greatest e-commerce company who has hundreds of millions users and oversees millions of merchants and businessmen in china and worldwide, is an obvious evidence of government’s support for the media commercialization (http://projects.wsj.com/ alibaba/, accessed on 18 december 2014). established and supervised by jack ma on 4 april 1999, alibaba has become a success local company in global scale because the government’s support in it (http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21573981-chinas-e-commerce-giant-could-generate-enormouswealthprovided-countrys-rulers-leave-it, accessed on 18 december 2014). it is not the same as the strict censorship on the internet in general; three online shopping sites operated by alibaba namely taobao.com, tmall.com, and alibaba.com were released with a loose censorship to penetrate international markets. the government also alleviates alibaba to compete with its competitors e.g. ebay and amazon by conducting quite difficult policies and regulations for foreign companies to grow, but giving wide space to national companies (http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2014-05-07/ how-chinas-government-set-up-alibabas-success, accessed on 18 december 2014). alibaba probably is just one of the many examples on how chinese government shows their support for the using of the internet http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 174 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics in the economic and business purposes. alibaba can bring multiple benefits to the state, does not like the other websites or online forums that just wastes the country’s efforts. thus clearly shows that the chinese government does not want the state and its citizens into the democratic activists, but activists on liberalism or capitalism with the internet. conclusion china continues to transform into a consistent state in guarding the utilization of traditional media and new media like the internet. having the largest populations does not necessarily make it as a country that provides and guarantees freedom of surfing to its citizens. this is indicated by the persistence of the strict limits as obstacles to access, censorship of content, and violations of the user rights. in addition to the consistency showed in dispels all sorts of issues that threaten the state regime, the chinese government also appears to be in a state of confusion and tend to be inconsistent when viewed from a fantastic investment expended for the development of the internet in the country. there is no small cost allocated to build the physical infrastructure for supporting the internet, but it seemed to be useless because people cannot experience entirely non-material support from the government along with the internet censorship and control which constantly rob their freedom. three types of censorship consist of the great firewall, the golden shield, and keyword blocking; state regulations that prohibit any organization or individual to use telecommunications networks to produce, reproduce, distribute, or transmit information comprising nine points against the interests of the state; and systematic controls that cover all aspects of economy, politic, education, culture, technology, either directly or indirectly is a series of protection that actually made by the state, run by the state, and the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 175 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 results are returned to the state. citizens do not have the power and autonomy over themselves because everything has been set by the state. every citizens actions demanding freedom will be short-lived because immediately lost and replaced with other issues under government’s control. government can close all access into and out of china then bury the issue without a trace. it is difficult to find a gap that can be used to penetrate the defense of the country since the government will always come up with a plan and the other plans. weibo which had started to bring a new hope for the chinese netizen to express their opinions, in turn also experienced similar things with other websites that have been blocked and banned by government. netizen’s thoughts posted on weibo are seen as a new threat to the country if they are not immediately intervened. censorship then became the main weapon to control and make everything still running stable. furthermore, chinese netizen more often censor themselves to avoid sanctions which overshadows every time they search, create, use, and disseminate all things forbidden by country. the government’s censorship began to weaken when confronted with the economic interests of the state. alibaba which was developed by chinese has confirmed that the government does not support the political and democratic interests in cyberspace, but do encourage economic and profitable business on the internet. it has been clear that the government does not put an excessive prejudice when the internet is used for commercial objections only. in the end, the freedom on the internet and freedom of expression and opinion in china are quite difficult to be fulfilled. the country is in the highest authority over everything. as a result, citizens are like fighting against their own country with a tiny chance of winning. internet only used by the state as the savior of government so that it cannot be as a tool against the government. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0026 152-179 176 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics references abbott, j. 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education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0044.594-618 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 594 received 21 july 2016 revised 13 september 2016 accepted 17 september 2016 politics and religious freedom in indonesia: the case of west sumatra and north sulawesi1 delmus puneri salim iain manado, north sulawesi delmus.salim@gmail.com srifani simbuka iain manado, north sulawesi muzwir luntajo iain manado, north sulawesi abstrak sejak penerapan sistem desentralisasi, daerah-daerah di indonesia telah mempromosikan kearifan lokal dalam berbagai bentuk pembangunan termasuk politik, ekonomi dan administrasi. penelitian ini menganalisa wacana politik dalam kebebasan beragama di sumatera barat dan sulawesi utara yang yang ditafsirkan sesual dengan filosofi kedua daerah tersebut. penelitian ini menganalisa kebebasan beragama berdasarkan peraturan perundang-undangan tentang interaksi antar umat beragama di indonesia. banyak peraturan perundangan-uandangan daerah yang berada dibawah konstitusi negara mempertanyakan kebebasan beragama dan memainkan peran penting dalam wacana politik tentang kebebasan beragama di indonesia. penelitian ini juga menganalisa bagaimana pemahaman para stakeholders di sumatera barat dan sulawesi utara tentang kebebasan beragama. data diambil dari pemimpin muslim dan kristen serta para pejabat pemerintah. hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa filosifi islam di sumatera barat telah mempengaruhi pemahaman kebebasan beragama masyarakat lokal, sedangkan filosofi keberagaman masyarakat di sulawesi utara telah membuat istilah kebebasan beragama dipahami sebagai pluralisme agama. penelitian ini juga menganalisa hubungan pemerintah pusat dan daerah dalam hal agama di indonesia. kata kunci: politik agama, pemerintah pusat dan daerah, hubungan antar umat beragama, dan kebebasan beragama. abstract since the introduction of decentralization, regions in indonesia have promoted regional philosophies that guide their development. they apply said philoso phies to many forms of development, including politics, economics, and admin http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0044.594-618 mailto:delmus.salim@gmail.com istration. this paper examines the political discourse of religious freedom in west sumatra and north sulawesi, where the term ‘religious freedom’ has been variously interpreted to suit their regional philosophies. this paper includes examining religious freedom in regu lations on religious interactions in indonesia and shows that regulations below the indo nesian constitution have questioned religious freedom and played an important role in the political discourse of religious freedom in indonesia and its provinces. this paper also examines how religious freedom in both west sumatra and north sulawesi is understood and explained by stakeholders. this picture is drawn from both muslim and christian religious leaders as well as governmental officials. the results show that west sumatra’s islamic philosophy have influenced the local understanding of religious freedom, whereas north sulawesi’s philosophy of plural society has lead the term of religious freedom to be understood as religious pluralism. this paper questions relationship between national and regional governments over religion in indonesia. keywords: religious politics, national and regional governments, interreligious relations, and religious freedom introduction indonesia has long been seen as a religiously moderate coun try. in november 2010, for example, us president barack obama visited jakarta and mentioned the spirit of religious tolerance that is enshrined in indonesia’s constitution, and said that it is one of this country’s defining and inspiring characteristics. ger man chancellor angela merkel said in april 2016 that germany saw indonesia as playing a very important role in spreading the values of tolerance, considering that indonesia was a majority muslim country while at the same time being a democratic coun try. in addition, the former indonesian president susilo bambang yudhoyono received an award for religious tolerance from the us-based appeal of conscience foundation in 2013. meanwhile, the british government awarded azyumardi azra, former rector of jakarta-based syarif hidayatullah state islamic university (uin), the title of commander of the order of the british em pire (cbe) in 2010 for his important contributions to the estab lishment of inter-faith dialogue and cultivation of good relations between islamic and non-islamic peoples in indonesia. these honours for the indonesian leaders and political state ments from the us president and german chancellor took place when sectarian tensions, societal violence and the arrest of indi viduals considered religiously deviant did not stop. they had ignored the plight of religious minorities for implementation of journal of government & politics 595 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 596 religious freedom in decentralized indonesia. regional govern ments do little to intervene as many minority religious commu nities are being attacked and mobs under the banner of religion reign on the streets in their provincial areas. this paper, at first, examines regulations on religious interac tions in the country and compares them with the indonesian constitution. after suggesting that regulations of a lower level than the constitution have ignored religious freedom, the paper explains how religious freedom has been interpreted differently in two provinces, west sumatra and north sulawesi. the theoretical framework the sources of problems on the interreligious relations in the indonesian regulations can be categorized into two basic ideas: religious freedom and religious pluralism. these underlying ideas are undoubtedly interlinked. to state two basic ideas does not amount to structuring a theory, but merely to identify some of the most predominant leading categories. religious freedom is generally understood as a positive free dom while religious pluralism requires active engagement within religious diversity and willingness to abide the existence of other religious opinions or behavior that one does not necessarily agree with. these principles and their adequate interpretations will be discussed below. the primary idea of religious freedom means that all religions are tolerated and free to flourish. it means every citizen has right to worship, right to join in communion of beliefs, and right to evangelize and spread the doctrine of the faith. the religious freedom also recognizes right of citizen not to worship and right to be in absentia from religious institutions (marshall, 2000, p 8). religious freedom also means that every religious group or religious community has rights to exercise their religious beliefs (scolnicov, 2011, p. 2). therefore, all religions have right to per form their beliefs and show their identities in group and in pub lic. in this context, jeremy menchik (2011) introduces a new model of understanding of interreligious relations. rather than the common understanding of religious freedom based on indi vidual right, he demonstrates that interreligious relations are based on communal choice. it means that individual religious person, according to jeremy menchik (2011), must adapt to their religious communal groups which have communal rights to ex ercise their beliefs together. religious freedom has been commonly connected with the separation of state and religion (eisgruber & sager 2009, p. 6). this understanding has been applied in the us and france. the parting means that a state cannot set up a religious worship; it cannot pass laws which aid one religion, aid all religions or pre fer one religion over another. state cannot force or influence a person to go to or to remain away from religious institutions against his will or force him to profess a belief or disbelief in any religion. state cannot punish those who entertain or profess reli gious beliefs or disbeliefs and who attend or not attend religious worships (eisgruber & sager 2009, p. 6). this is not to say the state do not guarantee the right of a religious group to be free to engage in collective expressions of its faith (scolnicov, 2011, p. 2). journal of government & politics 597 in accommodated religion by states like indonesia and india, however, states must engage equally in all established religions (menchik, 2011). the state can open up registration for religion, set up registered religious worship; pass laws which aid registered religions, not one religion over another. a person has individual right to or not to practice their beliefs. the interreligious relations also inundate with the next term, pluralism. it has tended to do with active engagement among different religious communities (eck, 2006). society consists of enumeration of difference and religious persons are encouraged to engage one another. the term pluralism also suggests celebra tion of the diversity in a good manner as well as engagement of the difference to construct multi religious relationships. in do vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 598 ing so, proponents of the concept furthermore focus on inter faith-dialog (eck, 2006). additionally, they also recognize engage ment of non-believers in the multi-faith dialogue (berger, 2014). therefore, pluralism seeks to enrich a faith or non-faith com munity through engagement of each other (eck, 2006). it invites religious and non-religious identities to participate in the dia logue to understand differences and similarities among them by sharing their experience. those participants share their differ ences and similarities to understand each other. it is a language of give and take, and it is not always the language of agreement or common ground, but also the language of relationship. the strongest the mutuality in the relationship, the better the rela tionship is (eck, 2006). furthermore, it also creates a new sense of place in a diverse and changing landscape. it tries to limit fragmentation and frac turing of communities and emergence of ghettoes in which cer tain religious communities live unto themselves. the diverse places are the most important sites for interreligious encounter. the places inhabit common space and many informal ways for diverse communities to be aware of the multiple religious lives live in the neighborhood. the model of religious pluralism is not premised on relativ ism or the retreat from commitments, but is the encounter of commitments (eck, 2006). religious speech is included, but ex pressed in the context of mutual respect for others who may not accept the fundamental premises of someone’s truth claims. the more robust norm of religious pluralism is to give room for free expression in a context of mutual respect for real differences. the religious pluralism promotes ideas such as freedom with out uniformity, social responsibility together, opposing use of religion for individual purposes, and guard religion against reli gious extremism. the religious pluralism is achieved on the ba sis of respecting diversity and difference in culture and faith. when religious differences are recognized and their legitimacy are respected, different religions can enjoy their respective growth and develop in freedom. the aforementioned categories share a benign view of reli gious interactions can be managed. it is a matter of persuading citizens both as an individual and a group and governments to understand and comply with the common categories. states and societies are positioned on a spectrum of progress, either inclined toward the achievement of better religious interaction as a social project, or slipping backward into religious hatred or persecu tion. research method this paper seeks to build on religious and political science, in order to provide a more comprehensive and comparative picture of religious freedom in indonesia by selecting west sumatra and north sulawesi. west sumatra is a majority muslim population and north sulawesi is a majority christian society. administratively, west sumatra consists of 19 sub-units below the provincial govern ment, among them 11 districts (kabupaten) and seven cities. mean while, the provincial governance of north sulawesi has 11 dis tricts too and four cities. west sumatra has a population around four and half million, the majority of whom are ethnic minangkabau (bps 2011) and north sulawesi has more than two million with predominantly ethnic minahasa, bolmong, and sangihe (bps, 2011). minangkabau culture is defined mainly by matrilineality, in which inherited lands and houses are transferred from mothers to daughters. minangkabau men, on the other hand, are well known for their culture of circular out-migration (merantau), a practice which has engendered a culture open to the exchange of ideas and dynamic social relations in west sumatra. north sulawesi, on the other hand, is patrilineal, like many other provinces. people of the north sulawesi are known by their family names, called ‘fam’ locally. geographically, west sumatra is dominated by the bukit barisan mountain range, which defines the boundaries of its journal of government & politics 599 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 600 cultural heartland. the highlands of west sumatra are called darek (literally, the land as opposed to the sea or coast), centred historically in the village of pariangan in the district of tanah datar, which is considered the cradle of minangkabau culture. in the coastal areas, called the pesisir or more broadly the rantau, meaning the regions outside of the highlands, there is a long history of intermarriage with traders and other sojourners brought to west sumatra by ancient trading systems that linked the re gions to india and the straits of malacca, and through which gold and then cultivated coffee were traded between the fourth and the nineteenth century (summerfield and summerfield 1999: 31). this trade played an important part in the introduc tion of sufi islam into the region from the sixteenth to the eigh teenth century (dobbin 1983), from which time islam has been an important part of minangkabau identity. north sulawesi is bounded by the celebes sea to the north, the molucca sea to the east and south, and the province of gorontalo to the west. it includes the talaud and sangihe groups of islands in the celebes sea. most of north sulawesi is moun tainous, with extensive uplifting and faulting and it has many active volcanoes. the coastal lowlands are narrow and the up lands are drained by many fast-flowing streams. the highlands are covered with rainforests of oak, chestnut, and various coni fers. the relationship between minangkabau culture and various forms of islam has been marked by both accommodation and tension. when islam became established in the region in the seventeenth century, mosques became a part of the local politi cal system (nagari). tensions arose with the emergence of the paderi movement in the early nineteenth century, which, under the influence of wahhabism, challenged the principles of matrilineality and the heterodoxy of sufi islam. when indonesia’s dutch colonisers lined up on the side of traditional culture (adat), they paradoxically increased the importance of islam as an ele ment of regional identity. from this time, islam has become an important element of regional identity and has increased in the post-suharto period. in north sulawesi, christianity was introduced by the portu guese and the dutch during 16th and 17th centuries. before that, north sulawesi was part of the buddhist sriwijaya empire of palembang and hindu majapahit empire of eastern java. with the gradual disintegration of majapahit empire in 15th century, islam was introduced in north sulawesi by the southern celebes state of gowa with little impact. christianity grew stronger with the colonial dutch rule in 1905. however, the association of minahasan’s people with christianity and gorontalo (the region became a separated province in 2000) and bolmong’s with islam has played an important part of pluralistic element of regional identity in north sulawesi. this history makes the two provinces ideal field sites for a study that examines the uses of religious discourse by two differ ent religious majorities on religious freedom in the post-suharto period. in addition, documentary analysis on religious freedom in both provinces was conducted. government regulations and internal documents published by regional governments were collected in order to document the myriad understanding of in terreligious relations in both provinces. analysis of the extent and ways in which they were informed by claims about interreli gious relations was conducted in 2013, which provided insight both into the public presentation of religious freedom by stake holders. these textual sources were analysed in order to reveal the re ligious, social and political constructions employed when seek ing to introduce and validate particular understanding of reli gious relations, with the aim of understanding the ways in which public figures use the language of interreligious relations to main tain and construct regional identity, and equally the ways in which the regional identity is mobilised in order to justify the use of certain understanding of interreligious relation as an argument for the introduction of new forms of social control on interreli journal of government & politics 601 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 602 gious relations. the analysis was carried out using techniques associated with critical discourse analysis, which seeks to produce insights into the way discourse reproduces or resists social and political in equality, power abuse and domination. techniques of over-word ing and the identification of experiential, expressive and rela tional values were used to identify categories, themes, ideas, views and roles. over-wording refers to ‘an unusually high degree of wording, often involving words which are near synonyms’, which indicates a focus of ideological struggle (fairclough 1989: 115). an experiential value is ‘a trace of and cue to the way in which the text producer’s experience of the natural or social world is represented’; an expressive value is ‘a trace and a cue to the producer’s evaluation of the bit of the reality it relates to’; a rela tional value is ‘a trace of and a cue to the social relationships which are enacted via the text in the discourse’ (fairclough 1989: 112). experiential and expressive values provide insight into the understanding and opinion of the speaker while relational val ues can be used to identify reciprocal social relationships. to gether, these elements made it possible to piece together the puzzle of how claims pertaining to certain understanding of interreli gious relations have been used to justify regional identity, which has been reintroduced in the post suharto era. the systematic examination of policy documents and regula tions and structured textual analysis of newspaper articles was complemented by insights from observation and semi-structured interviews during fieldwork. the first author’s subjectivity was an important element in the fieldwork process. he has lived and worked in manado since 1999, but, he is of west sumatran ori gin and finished his secondary school in the province. this is to say, his cultural roots and on-going connections with the region have clearly influenced the research process. the other two re searchers are of north sulawesi origin and grew up in the area. interviews were conducted in padang, the capital city of the province in september 2013 and in manado, the capital city of north sulawesi from july to august 2013. in both provinces, respondents were drawn from key stakeholder groups, such as state officials, formal and informal islamic and christian leaders and ordinary muslims and christians. twenty five people in both regions identified through purposive sampling techniques were interviewed. interviews with the religious leaders focused on their understanding of interreligious relations. interviews with mem bers of the community, which focused on the impact of interre ligious relations, provided supplementary data for the study. these interviews were supplemented by our observations during fieldwork of the impact of interreligious relations in west sumatra and north sulawesi and our reflections on our experi ences as an observer-participant in conferences, seminars, visits to official and religious institutions, and attendance at ceremo nies. since the demise of the new order government in 1998, the role of regional ideology in indonesian politics has been gradu ally redefined. in place of the new order ideology of nationalist secular developmentalism (which had replaced the anti-imperi alism and radical nationalism of guided democracy), the role of regional ideology in indonesian provinces has greatly increased. west sumatran regional governments have actively promoted the regional philosophy ‘adat basandi syarak, syarak basandi kitabullah’(abs-sbk), which asserts an integral relationship between islam and traditional minangkabau social and cultural norms. in north sulawesi, the old minahasan life philosophy, “si tou timou tumou tou”, which in the minahasa lan guage means: “man lives to educate others”, and ‘torang samua basudara, (we all are brothers and sisters) have been reintroduced in the post-suharto era. decentralisation has given regional governments the author ity to align local social and political development within their regional philosophies that has influenced their understanding of interreligious relation in the post-suharto era. journal of government & politics 603 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 604 findings religious freedom in indonesian regulations indonesia is a pluralistic society. this plurality consists not only of hundreds of tribes and ethnic groups, but also religions. this social fact would lead to conflict if it was not managed pro portionally or if the state failed in managing the relationship between religions. to manage the plurality, the indonesian con stitution acknowledges religious freedom for all citizens. this acknowledgment, however, is not reflected in subsequent regula tions on religious affairs in indonesia. religious freedom are of ten formulated based on a concept of kerukunan antar umat beragama (inter-religious harmony). for example, presidential regulation no 1/1965 began to control religious interactions among society by providing official recognition to six official re ligions (islam, protestantism, catholicism, hinduism, buddhism, and confucianism) at the expense of others.2 this regulation allowed the six aforementioned religions to be publicly dissemi nated while others were not. this was considered a way to con struct religious freedom; conversely, if religions without official recognition send missionaries into communities, they are con sidered to be causing religious disharmony. the implicit politics of religious freedom in this regulation began the construction of an association of religious freedom with the prohibition of pub lic religious activities without official recognition. the next regulation on religious freedom was a joint ministe rial decision between the minister of internal affairs and reli gious affairs, numbered 1/ber/mdn-mag/1969. this regu lation managed missionary activities for the six official religions, stipulating that missionaries are not allowed to intimidate, per suade, or force others in any form. according to this regulation, persuading others to convert to another religion is a cause of religious disharmony. this regulation has become problematic since conversion to one’s partner’s religion became a prerequi site in the marriage law no. 1 year of 1974 and thus someone must persuade his or her partner to convert to his or her religion in order to be able to officially become married. this prohibition of interreligious exchange of knowledge was clarified with a subsequent regulation, joint ministerial deci sion of the minister of internal affairs and minister of religious affairs no. 1/1979. this decision states that religious missions cannot be targeted at persons of different faiths. in other words, according to this regulation religious freedom involves convey ing religious messages only to persons of the same religious affili ations. this regulation further explains that persuading one to convert by providing life utilities considered to be against reli gious freedom; the acts of distributing written messages (such as books, pamphlets, and magazines) and visiting adherents of other religions to convey religious messages are likewise considered to cause religious disharmony. this regulation has limited indone sians opportunities to discuss and learn about other religions with friends who adhere to different religions. the association of religious freedom with the limiting of reli gious preaching by and to adherents of religions without official government recognition was continued through a regulation es tablishing a forum for the elites of official religions. instruction no. 3 of 1981 showed an intention to create the wadah musyawarah antar umat beragama, a forum for religious lead ers from all officially recognized religions that was expected to meet regularly and promptly in response to religious conflict in their own regions. this forum, however, ignored the role of reli gious leaders in groups and sects without official recognition. subsequent regulations on religious affairs have continued to ignore religious freedoms. in 1996, the minister of religious affairs set a guideline for the counteracting of disharmonious religious interactions through decision of minister of religious affairs no. 84/1996. according to the decision, the damage to religious freedom can arise from the construction of places of worship, religious broadcasting, foreign aid, interfaith marriages, celebrated religious holidays, blasphemy, religious splinter groups, and other social and political factors. this regulation overlooks journal of government & politics 605 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 606 religious frictions related to groups without official recognition and their construction of religious places of worship in the coun try. in 2006, joint ministerial decisions of the minister of inter nal affairs and minister of religious affairs (numbers 9 and 8 of 2006, respectively) gave regional governments the authority and responsibility for managing religious freedom in their re gions and districts—with majority consent. this regulation has played an important part in making minority groups politically vulnerable in indonesian districts. to reach majority voters in local elections, candidates must follow majority demands, even where detrimental to minority groups. the regulation also states that construction of religious places of worship requires 90 local users and support from 60 people from the community. this regulation suits islamic sunni culture where every follower can practice his or her faith at any mosque nearby because they have no structural institutions. christians, particularly protestants, are generally required to go to their own churches, which may not necessarily be near their own residences. similarly, members of muslim tarekat organisations could go to mosques outsides their areas where their forms of islam are being practiced. these regulations cannot prevent conflict among religious adherents in indonesia and events detrimental to religious inter actions in the country continue to occur. these include church burnings, killings of member of religious sects lacking official recognition, and difficulties in the construction of religious wor ship places. the uneasy relationships between religious groups in indonesia have been strained further by the availability of glo bal media networks which provide coverage of international reli gious disharmony and thus undermine political discourses of religious freedom. coverage of an american priest’s intent to burn the qur’an, muslim civilians being killed in palestine, and terrorist acts show failures in constructing religious freedom worldwide. these have been detrimental to the interactions of religious communities in indonesia and indicate that religious freedom in indonesian society has always been influenced by the local, national and international events. discourse on religious freedom in west sumatra and north sulawesi west sumatra and north sulawesi,3 two of indonesia’s thirty three provinces, have different religious majorities. demographi cally, the population of west sumatra is 97 per cent muslim, whereas north sulawesi is 70 per cent christian (data as of 2012). this paper examines how muslims and christians in these two regions perceive religious freedom. muslim and christian narratives about religious freedom in both regions have initially focused on similar terms such as ‘mu tual respect’ (saling menghormati), ‘mutual recognition’ (saling menghargai), ‘tolerance’ (toleransi) and ‘peace’ (damai). these re sponses are not surprising, as national and regional discourses on religious freedom have associated the religious freedom with those terms. however, as the national discourse on religious free dom does not describe further who should respect whom, mus lims and christian in the two regions differ their understanding of those terms. religious freedom for muslims in west sumatra and north sulawesi muslim respondents in west sumatra commonly provided examples of religious freedom in terms of behavior and dress, limited places for non-muslim activities, and government engage ment in islamic activities. for example, rahman,4 chairman of a local muslim organization (interview, 20 july 2014) said ‘if a woman wears shorts, she does not respect islamic values [as mani fested in] the dress code in the region’. he added ‘all women— not only muslim woman—must respect the dress code in order not to disturb the comfort of society (kenyamanan masyarakat)’. he refers to religious freedom as the act of following regional dress codes, codes based in islamic values.5 journal of government & politics 607 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 608 unlike in west sumatra, muslims in north sulawesi, when asked about the islamic dress code and its relation to religious freedom, do not require adherents of other religions to follow such a dress code. a habib (50s) told me that the issue of dress code is one of attitudes. he urged muslims to wear muslim dress in order to differentiate muslims and christians in the region (interview, 15 august 2014). for him, unlike muslims in west sumatra, religious freedom in north sulawesi means that mus lims are allowed to wear islamic dress code in public, as they are allowed to do now; as such, for him islamic dress code is to dis tinguish them from other adherents of other religions. west sumatran muslims also understand religious freedom as the closing of restaurants from morning to a few hours before magrib prayers during the month of ramadan. ahmad (43), a member of regional indonesian ulama council, suggested to me in our conversation in early august 2014 that non-muslims must respect (menghargai) muslims who are fasting during ramadan. such respect can be shown, he said, by not eating during the day in public places, as muslims are not allowed to eat and drink. for him, when restaurant owners open their busi nesses for everyone, the owners break codes of religious toler ance and trigger disharmony between religious groups. this po sition is echoed by rahman, who told me that, in the days before ramadan, religious elites from all religions are asked to gather in the city of padang to be reminded that ramadan will come and for those religious elites to tell their followers to do certain ac tions, including closing restaurants. again, religious freedom during ramadan in west sumatra, according to my muslim re spondents, is understood as limiting certain behaviors for all citi zens. such politics of religious freedom during ramadan in west sumatra do not occur in north sulawesi. for muslim respon dents in north sulawesi, closing restaurants during ramadan is going too far. mahmud, a head of the regional religious office in manado, suggests that respecting muslims during ramadan means allowing them to come late to school and work, and to go home earlier that of the usual working hours; this is current prac tice (interview, 12 august 2014). this message is echoed by the habib, who even suggests that ‘muslims must show that they are fine in their normal activities during ramadan’ (interview, 2 august 2014). for muslim respondents in west sumatra, religious freedom also refers to limited construction of places of worship. places of worship must be constructed within their own ‘established reli gious community’, as stated by rahman (interview, 20 july 2014) when i and him were discussing many forms of religious free dom in west sumatra. he inferred that construction of places of worship is only permissible in places communities with a long history of certain religious affiliations. this interpretation is in teresting because it could be interpreted as meaning that mosques could not be built in historically buddhist or christian areas; such an understanding harms relations between religious com munities. these responses are, again, dissimilar to those of muslim re spondents in north sulawesi. for mahmud, the construction of places of worship must follow national regulations on the issue (interview, 12 august 2014). for him, so long as the regulations’ requirements—pertaining to congregation size and endorsements from communities and regional governments—are fulfilled, the construction of places of worship must be supported. muslim respondents in west sumatra also discuss the engage ment of regional governments in islamic activities as part of the discourse on religious freedom. for example, rahman argues that regional government officials, such as governors and may ors, must enforce the closure of restaurants during ramadan (interview, 20 july 2014). he likewise finds that regional govern ments must enforce islamic dress codes in public places. he in fers that religious freedom will not occur if the islamic commu nity enforces these activities by itself. the association of religious freedom with regional government journal of government & politics 609 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 610 engagement in islamic activities is supported by muslims respon dents in north sulawesi. the habib told me that governments’ must provide services to the community—including religious ser vices (interview, 15 august 2014). as a regional official, mahmud explained that the regional government has been engaged in sup porting religious activities. he said that religious leaders and teach ers in the community have been supported financially. however, mahmud disagrees regarding the enforcement of regulations in spired by islam, except if said regulations have become regional or national ones regarding religious interactions in indonesia (interview, 12 august 2014). the aforementioned responses from muslims in north sulawesi show that, for them, religious freedom means freedom for muslims to follow their own religious beliefs, for governments to facilitate the practice of these religious beliefs, and for mus lims and governments to follow regulations on religious activi ties. these muslim respondents in north sulawesi also refer to religious freedom to practicing religion, standing side by side in religious worship, and exchanging religious wishes—none of which are common for muslims in west sumatra. it is common in north sulawesi for muslims to pray together during meetings attended by adherents of different religions. such meetings usu ally begin with prayers led by a christian priest and end with prayers led by a muslim imam. the construction of mosques near churches is also apparent in north sulawesi. more impor tantly, muslims wish “merry christmas” to their christian fel lows in the region. mahmud told me that, for him, wishing some one “merry christmas” meant commemorating the birth of the prophet isa as acknowledged in islam, and not belief in jesus as god (interview, 12 august 2014). in conclusion, comparison of muslims in west sumatra and north sulawesi indicates that muslims in north sulawesi en courage interaction with christians while muslims in west sumatra tend to limit interactions. additionally, muslims in west sumatra strongly demand adherents of other religions to not disturb islamic activities,6 while muslims in north sulawesi ex pect their muslim fellows to strongly follow islamic activities. however, muslims in both provinces support government en gagement in religious activities. religious freedom for christians in west sumatra and north sulawesi christian respondents’ narratives on religious freedom in west sumatra focus on interactions between adherents of different religious and freedom of worship and freedom to construct places of worship. christian respondents in west sumatra showed con cern with the lack of interaction between christians and mus lims in west sumatra. albert, a christian priest in padang, re ferred to religious freedom as social interactions, rather than for mal relationships, between the region’s christians and muslims. he felt that the christian community was being isolated from the majority of society (interview, 27 july 2014). though he is sometimes invited to forums and meetings of religious elites in the region, he expressed belief that such meetings do not discuss or resolve problems of religious interactions (interview, 27 july 2014). christian respondents in west sumatra also showed concern over their freedom to jointly hold religious activities at individual residences. another christian priest in padang, joshua (50s), complained that the christian community has found it difficult to hold sermons at congregation members’ homes (interview, 27 july 2014). he stated that he often receives complaints from his flock that they cannot hold religious gatherings at homes, shops, or malls (interview, 27 july 2014). in discussion of religious freedom, christian respondents in west sumatra focused on the difficulty of constructing places of worship. joshua opined that the construction of places of wor ship is a consequence of the increasing christian population (in terview, 27 july 2014). he argued that religious freedom should mean eased construction of places of worship for adherents of journal of government & politics 611 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 612 all religions. the difficulty of constructing churches and limited social and religious interactions were not the main issues associated with religious freedom among christian respondents in north sulawesi. they instead referred to religious freedom as freedom of religion, joint engagement of adherents of different religions in social and religious activities, religious plurality, and power sharing between muslims and christians. deny, a lecturer at a christian college in the region, told me that religious freedom is accepted by showing the indonesian jewish community’s only synagogue in north sulawesi. he also suggests that worship can take place everywhere, be it at places of worship or at congrega tion members’ homes (interview, 20 august 2014). for christian respondents in north sulawesi, religious free dom also means the engagement of different religious commu nities in social and religious activities. muslims and christians invite each other to participate in religious celebrations such as eid al-fitr and christmas. likewise, muslims and christians pro vide assurances of security during these prayers during these holidays. furthermore, muslims and christians work together to put up tents for wedding ceremonies or wakes. this engagement in north sulawesi is supported by recogni tion of each religious community’s different values. for example, muslims are provided halal food when they are invited to christ mas celebrations and wedding ceremonies hosted by christians. likewise, muslims sometimes provide low-alcohol drinks to chris tian guests at eid al-fitr celebrations. providing the necessities of adherents of other religions has become another practice of reli gious freedom in north sulawesi. for christian respondents in north sulawesi, religious free dom also refers to embracing religious plurality. as mentioned earlier, joint prayers are considered normal during meetings at tended by muslims and christians. likewise, mosques and churches can be constructed close to each other. furthermore, islamic performances can be shown during easter celebrations, as can christian performances during islamic new year celebra tions. religious freedom for christian respondents in north sulawesi also refers to power sharing between muslims and chris tians in public administration. when the author was a secretary of the regional elections watch team in 2012, the governor, like all members of the team, agreed to select personnel of the regional indonesian election watch proportionally between muslims and christians; as proposed, one in three members was muslim. the power-sharing between muslims and christians also occurred in selecting members of north sulawesi’s regional com mission for general elections in which two of five members are muslims. discussion this paper surveys the religious freedom in indonesian regu lations and perception of muslims and christians on the reli gious freedom in west sumatra and north sulawesi. it begins by laying out a divergent meaning of religious freedom in the indo nesian constitutions and regulations below. the paper then fol lows the different meaning of religious freedom by muslims and christians in the two provinces in indonesia. the paper shows the association of religious freedom with an islamic understand ing in west sumatra and of pluralistic meaning in north sulawesi. it shows that there is considerable divergence in the concept of religious freedom in the decentralized indonesia. this paper argues that the diverging meaning of religious free dom has caused religious intolerance in indonesia. this paper adds analysis on studies on religious freedom in indonesia. andy fuller (2011) argues that lack of law enforcement on principles of religious freedom has increased religious discriminatory in indonesia. julian millie (2012) suggests that mainstream islamic organizations play important role in discrimination toward is lamic sect, ahmadiyah. bani syarif maula (2013) shows that in donesian government’s attitudes toward minority groups are con journal of government & politics 613 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 614 trolled by dominant social groups, rather than the indonesian constitution. frans-magnes suseno (2013) also suggests what the previous scholar do. zainal abidin bagir and his colleagues (2014) shows that two indonesian islamic organizations; nahdatul ulama and indonesian ulama council, have pushed regional government to limit governmental service toward islamic minor ity in jawa barat. ahmad najib burhani (2013) also suggests that discriminatory toward ahmadiyah in indonesia because of alli ance of government and mainstrean muslims. according to burhani, government is too easy to accept religious decree en acted by islamic organizations. ahmad najib burhani (2014) then suggests that discriminatory toward minority takes place because of majority’s fear of loosing religious dominance. carool kersten (2014) shows a long list of causes of religious discriminatory after 1998 in indonesia ranging from democratisation, political open ness, alliance of religious and political institutions, and emer gence of religious militant groups. sydney jones (2015) argues that religious violence occurs because of lack of law enforcement and attitudes towards religious discriminatory in public. mohammad iqbal ahnaf (2015) argues that lack of law enforce ment, narrow minded religious understanding and dynamic of local politics in democratisation of indonesia have fuelled reli gious discriminatory in indonesia. this paper is in line with arguments presented by scholars who argue that local politics has played an important role in religious freedom in decentralised indonesia. unlike many other scholars, however, this paper also suggests that local politics can contribute to enhancing religious freedom as it is shown in north sulawesi. conclusion this paper has demonstrated how indonesian regulations on religious freedom have diverted its meaning from the indone sian constitution. religious freedom as right of individual citi zen to follow religion and beliefs have changed into respecting majority religion and limiting activities of religious minorities. as has been shown here, regulations on religious freedom have not focused on the implementation of religious freedom, as re quired by the constitution, but rather on related issues giving advantages to mainstream religions. this paper has also shown discourse of religious freedom by muslims and christians in west sumatra and north sulawesi. it is shown here that muslims in west sumatra and their fellows in north sulawesi have indicated different interpretation of reli gious freedom. for muslim in west sumatra, religious freedom means demanding adherents of other religions to not disturb islamic activities, while muslims in north sulawesi expect their muslim fellows to strongly follow islamic activities. however, both muslims in west sumatra and north sulawesi support govern ment engagement in religious activities. as demonstrated in the paper, christians in west sumatra and north sulawesi have focused on different keywords in rela tion to religious freedom. in west sumatra, religious freedom is expected to encourage interaction, freedom of worship and free dom to construct places of worship. in north sulawesi, however, religious freedom refers to freedom to believe in religion, em bracement of religious diversity and power sharing between muslims and christians. all in all, the paper has identified the key terms through which muslims and christians focus discussion on religious freedom. it has demonstrated that religious freedom has been interpreted to suit local philosophy in decentralized provinces of west sumatra and north sulawesi. in west sumatra, religious free dom is interpreted by muslims to suit islamic perspectives while christians comment on the effects of said islamic perspectives. meanwhile, muslims and christians in north sulawesi define religious freedom in terms of accepting religious plurality. implication the research might not have solved the divergent meaning of journal of government & politics 615 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 616 religious freedom in indonesia. but, it has helped demonstrat ing the effect of local politics on religious freedom in indone sian provinces. the research has established divergent facts re garding local politics and religious freedom in west sumatra and north sulawesi. it has brought to fore the regionalism and reli gion across countries and has given rise to opportunities and challenges for religious freedom in the country. this is provid ing an added information base for analysis of local politics and religion. the paper recommends that the national government take authority from regional governments over decisions related to religious issues, including the construction of places of worship, freedom of religion and rights to practice faith in the country. the indonesian national commission for religious freedom would be necessary to be constructed for arranging, planning and monitoring religious freedom in indonesia. this paper also recommends that the government is to review existing regula tions and to revise them to promote and enforce religious inclu siveness and religious freedoms in the country. endnotes 1 acknowledgements: the authors thank iain manado for funding this research and christopher a woodrich, frank dhont, and prof. robert hefner for helpful com ments. 2 confucianism was excluded from the list of officially recognized religions in 1967 by the suharto government before again being acknowledged by the susilo bambang yudhoyono government in 2006. 3 the first author has worked in north sulawesi since 1999, but grew up in west sumatra. 4 all respondent’s names in this paper are anonymous. 5 these are islamic values as understood by the community. different interpretations of the qur’an and hadiths have led to different recommendations of what exactly consists of islamic dress code. 6 rahman suggests that the limitation of non-islamic religious activities in the region is like the limitation of islamic activities in other places, such bali (interview, 20 july 2014). bibliography ahnaf, m. i. dkk. 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(2013). ketika kebebasan beragama, berkeyakinan dan bereksprsi diadili. journal of government & politics 617 http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=261310&val=297&title=identitas%20jemaah%20ahmadiyah%20indonesia%20dalam%20konteks%20multikultural file:///c:/users/user/appdata/local/temp/doi%2010.1007/s11562-%20014-0302-2 file:///c:/users/user/appdata/local/temp/doi%2010.1007/s11562-%20014-0302-2 http://alexandria.ucsb.edu/lib/ark:/48907/f3707zhx http://alexandria.ucsb.edu/lib/ark:/48907/f3707zhx file:///c:/users/user/appdata/local/temp/doi%2010.1007/s11562-013-0278-%203 file:///c:/users/user/appdata/local/temp/doi%2010.1007/s11562-013-0278-%203 https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5464ade0e4b055bfb204446e/t/566f654a5a5668192a192286/1450141002478/from+diversity+to+pluralism.pdf http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674045828 http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=133458&val=5624&title=religious%20freedom%20in%20indonesia:%20curious%20cases%20of%20dialogues,%20fatwas%20and%20laws https://www.mup.com.au/items/119888 http://www.mei.edu/content/map/religious-pluralism-versus-intolhttp://www.mei.edu/content/map/religious-pluralism-versus-intolhttps://www.academia.edu/3409757/transnational_muslim_politics_reimagining_the_umma https://www.academia.edu/3409757/transnational_muslim_politics_reimagining_the_umma http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=167875&val=5624&title=religious%20freedom%20in%20indonesia:%20between%20upholding%20constitutional%20provisions%20and%20complying%20with%20social%20considerations http://download.portalgaruda.org/article.php?article=167875&val=5624&title=religious%20freedom%20in%20indonesia:%20between%20upholding%20constitutional%20provisions%20and%20complying%20with%20social%20considerations http://www.insideindonesia.org/one-year-after-the-cikeusik-tragedy http://www.springer.com/la/book/9783319154121 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 618 padang: ylbhi. scolnicov, a. (2011). the right to religious freedom in international law: between group rights and individual rights. usa: routledge. summerfield, a. and summerfield, j. (eds), (1999). walk in splendor: ceremonial dress and the minangkabau. los angeles: ucla fowler museum of cultural history. suseno, f.m. (2013). “christian and muslim minorities in indonesia: state policies and majority islamic organizations”. dalam mirjam künkler, alfred stepan, democracy and islam in indonesia. columbia: columbia university press. yewangoe. (2011). agama dan kerukunan, jakarta: bpk zarkasyi, h. f. (2011). islam, ham dan kebebasan beragama, jakarta: insists. https://www.routledge.com/the-right-to-religious-freedom-in-international-law-between-group-rights/scolnicov/p/book/9780415813488 sustainability issues on residential area policies in indonesia: how adaptive they are? pitri yandri stie ahmad dahlan jakarta dominicus savio priyarsono, akhmad fauzi, arya hadi dharmawan institute pertanian bogor abstract regulation is one of the important instruments in generating good governance, including the governance of residential area in order to achieve sustainable development. in indonesia, however, the sustainability issue of residential area does not get any serious attention, especially from the perspective of policy. this article elaborates the regulation related to the issue of sustainable residential area. the results of the review show that all residential area regulations, both in the central and local governments, have not been adaptive against issues of sustainability. detailed elaboration of the findings is discussed further in this article. keyword: residential, policy evaluation, maladaptive regulation, tangerang selatan city abstrak regulasi merupakan instrumen penting dalam menghasilkan tata kelola yang baik, termasuk tata kelola kawasan perumahan dalam upaya mencapai pembangunan berkelanjutan. namun demikian, di indonesia isu keberlanjutan kawasan perumahan belum mendapat perhatian yang serius, terutama dari aspek kebijakannya. artikel ini mengupas regulasi yang terkait dengan isu keberlanjutan kawasan perumahan di indonesia, dan kota tangerang selatan diambil sebagai studi kasus. hasil telaah menunjukkan bahwa seluruh regulasi, baik di level pemerintah pusat dan daerah belum mengadaptasi isu keberlanjutan. elaborasi rinci atas temuan tersebut dibahas lebih lanjut dalam artikel ini. kata kunci: perumahan, evaluasi kebijakan, kesalahan regulasi, tangerang selatan jurnal studi pemerintahan 378 received : may 30, 2018 revised: july 16, 2018 accepted: july 27, 2018 how to cite this article is : yandri, p., priyarsono , d., fauzi, a., & dharmawan, a. (2018). sustainability issues on residential area policies in indonesia: how adaptive they are? jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(3), 378-392. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 379 introduction search on the studies related to the residential area has been made, both at national and international level. the results reveal some important facts. first, residential area changes livelihood strategy of people who work in agricultural sector (elhadary et al., 2013, liu & liu, 2016) because the process of its construction is conducted by transforming the farmland. second, residential area can stimulate social tension (widhyharto, 2009, yandri, 2015) because it pressures social capital (clark, 2007); marginalizes the minority groups (ragusett, 2014); creates economic and income imbalances (huang & jiang, 2009; neckerman, 2009; yandri, 2014; zhao, 2016); constructs social (yandri, 2015) and residential segregation (hwang, 2015); as well as makes class exclusivity (gunawan, 2011). third, the emergence of residential area generates less political participation because of a situation known as gentrification (schram, 1991). a study on gentrification is also verified by newman, et al. (2013) in the united states, ningrum et al. (2014) in jabodetabek, and yandri (2017) in tangerang selatan city. regardless of those various negative impacts, residential area also has its positive side. it can be seen from the existence of economic agglomeration that generate additional resources in form of human capital which plays role as an engine of economic growth, and in the long run produce a convergent economic growth (world bank, 2009; andrada, 2017). an effort to mitigate the negative and positive impact give rise to what is called a sustainable residential area. in literatures and empirical study reports from many parts of the world, the discourse regarding sustainable residential area has been much discussed. british columbia, for example, is now developing the criteria for assessing small-size neighborhood sustainability (haider, et al. 2017). even germany has implemented the certification system for sustainable residential area (rid, et al., 2017). in iran, a study has been conducted by measuring the sustainability of residential area in the housing block of kermanshah city. the measurement and the criteria come from the principles of sustainable development (pakzad & salari, 2018). in vietnam, le et al. (2016) identify 12 indicators which are considered capable to cover the quality of social housing. meanwhile in australia, the principles for assessing the sustainability of a residential area have been constructed. these principles include: (1) protecting heritage; (2) reinforcing cultural features; (3) enhancing public places; (4) expanding open space; (5) integrating sustainable development); (6) providing sustainable infrastructure); and (7) ensuring planning and development is fair to everyone (rauscher & momtaz, 2015). at the level of public planning, the concept about the importance of residential area’s sustainability is in agreement with the 2016 new urban agenda in united nation habitat iii conference. it is important because it acknowledged the fact that a sustainable housing can maximize economic efficiency, encourage social diversity and variation of land use (mixed land use), which in turn will encourage environmental balance (tsenkova, 2016). in 2015, the indonesia national development planning board (bappenas) also adopted the agenda of the new urban development. as for the new vision of urban development, it concludes that urban should be livable, competitive, environmentally green, resilience and promoting local urban identity (loksal). those four visions are based on the principles of (1) equal access to physical and social infrastructure as well as affordable housing; and (2) environmental sustainability by promoting clean energy (bappenas, 2015). in indonesia, however, the issue of sustainable residential area has not received serious attention, both at the level of academic research as well as in the policy level. at the level of empirical research, small efforts have been exercised by a number of researchers who examined the sustainability of a residential area. it has been detected, for example, from research done by santosa et al, (2012) in the area of settlement in das cisadane. jurnal studi pemerintahan 380 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 381 however, the rest of the studies is more on the issue of housing as part of basic needs (aminah, 2015), housing subsidies (kusumatuti, 2015), and policy reform and the strategy of organization of housing and settlements (suprijanto, 2004). at the level of policy, ministry of public work and housing (kementerian pupr) has designed the conception of sustainable urban settlement in 2014. the criteria that they built consist of social, economic and environment aspect, in which governance is made as its foundations. however, it seems that the conception is still yet to be materialized into a more formal regulation. in addition, the existing regulations associated with sustainable residential area are still very minimal. even for regulations that control sustainable residential area, they have yet to cover a number of the criteria agreed upon by scientists. the lack of regulation coming from the government is also happened at the level of local government. whereas in the context of decentralization, local governments should be more rapid and adaptive in responding to changes in the social, economic, cultural, and even political society. the study of göcmen and lagro jr. (2015) found that better planning (including a policy) might be significant in an effort to overcome the obstacles of realizing a sustainable housing development. on the basis of the description, this article attempts to explain the findings the issue of sustainability in the regulation related to the residential area, and at the same time elaborating their adaptability compared to empirical discourse of development, both at national and international level. literature review world bank (2009) realized that there is interdependence between the settlements and residential area. therefore, the policy advice that can be taken include: (1) bridging the interrelation among settlement areas, while ensuring that policies are enclosed within the framework of provincial governments, even regency/city levels (municipal); (2) prioritizing policies that can help the government in facilitating inclusive urbanization, for example policies that regulate building density by reducing the economic gap which spatially has infrastructure connectivity. regardless of the academic dynamics, residential areas need to implement sustainable principles. huby (1998), tocis (2004), and edwards & torrent (2000) in winston & eastaway (2008) give arguments on why the residential area should be sustained. first, housing is one of the important public policies that may affect the development of the urban area and potentially contributive to sustainable development. second, housing development, including the design, has a significant impact on the environment. third, housing developments and amenities have an impact on how waste is managed. fourth, housing developments have an impact on the use of electric energy, wood, etc., and these have direct linkages with sustainability. sustainable development is considered as the ideology of the new development that widely implicates both private the public spheres. more specifically, it affects individual lives, and this is a new challenge for the development of science. it also becomes a challenge for policies that can support sustainable development (loukola & kyllonen, 2005). therefore, the nature of sustainable development, says loukola and kyllonen (2005), includes three problems which the answers are related to: (1) the increasingly critical natural capital; (2) the fact that there are parts of natural resources which are not sustainable (irreversible nature); and (3) the values of the resource of nature itself.the dynamics of the current sustainability issues has evolved to the observation area with a smaller scope. it seems scientists assess that to achieve sustainable development in the macro level, regional (rural and urban) and even local concept is needed. talent (2014) argues that the issue of sustainability at regional level usually takes on problems such as housing, transportation, and the environment, as well as the interconnection of the governance of the government. in this case, stimson et al. (2016) in priyarsono (2017) even states that achieving sustainable regional development requires strong leadership, effective public policy, and the presence of institutional elements (the regional milieu) which includes social capital, loyalty and learning regions, power relations and control in the organization, and organizational culture, norm and rules. jurnal studi pemerintahan 382 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 383 therefore, theoretically public policy is the things that the government decided to do and the things that the government decided not to do or is left (dwijowijoto, 2003). in indonesia, range of public policies that are addressed by the executive (government) are multileveled, namely: (1) government regulations (peraturan pemerintah/pp); (2) the presidential decree (keputusan presiden/keppres); (3) ministerial decree or the head of a non-department (keputusan menteri/kepmen atau keputusan kepala lembaga/badan), and so on. at the local level, public policy includes: (1) governors decree (keputusan gubernur), and decisions from agencies or service under it; (2 regents decree (keputusan bupati), and decisions from agencies or service under it; (3) the mayor decree (keputusan walikota), and decisions from agencies or service under it. research method the origin of policy analysis is due to the large number of policies are not satisfactory (dwijowijoto, 2003). in the literature, the main focus of the study was the making of policy agenda, policy implementation and evaluation. the article was presented by conducting review against the relevant literature, both international and national studies. policy evaluation was done to policies ranging from legislation and regulation of the minister at the central government level, to applicable local regulations up to the mayor at the level of local government. technical analysis was done by comparing the development of the latest literature on existing residential area with existing regulations that govern sustainable residential area. figure 1. conceptual diagram of the policy analysis of residential area following dunn’s way of thought (1999), this article was written with description method using seven criteria. the article was presented by conducting review against the relevant literature. policy evaluation was done to policies ranging from legislation and regulation of the minister at the central government level, to applicable local regulations up to the mayor at the level of local government. technical analysis was done by comparing the development of the latest literature on existing residential area with existing regulations that govern sustainable residential area. result and discussion central government level in the era of regional autonomy, policies in the forms of settlements and housing regulations underwent various changes and revisions. the latest regulation in the reformation era was the passage of the law no. 1/2011 regarding housing and settlement area, which was followed by the launch of the government regulation no. 14/2016 regarding the organization of housing and settlement area. jurnal studi pemerintahan 384 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 385 the table below informs various housing areas policies that were related to issues of sustainability. table 1. policies/regulations related to housing and settlement at the central government level policies/regulations subject aspect settings related to housing and sustainability issues law no. 26/2007 spatial planning. article 34 stated that the use of space is implemented in accordance with: (1) the minimum service standard field spatial; (2) environmental quality standards; and (3) support and resource capacity of the environment. in the explanation of article 34, it is stated that the enactment of environmental quality is tailored to the type of use of space so that the environmental quality standards in the area of housing will be different from the standard quality in the industrial environment. law no. 1/2011 housing and settlements. there are three "sustainability" words in this regulation. sustainability issues are reviewed in chapter 2 (basis). the terminology of "sustainability" is followed by the word "continuity"; article 28 is about financing, and attachments explanation of article 2. "sustainability and continuity" in section 2 is further explained as "provides a foundation in order to make the provision of housing and the area of the settlement is done by observing the condition of the environment and adapt to the ever-increasing needs in line with the rate of increase in population and area in matching and balanced for the present generation and generations to come." law no. 14/2016 the organization of housing and settlements. the term "sustainability" is used only in article 52, with the theme "the harmony of the lawfulness of human life with the environment". the article explains that the theme “aims to maintain a variety of human activities in order to achieve sustainability of human life ". law no. 88/2014 construction organization of housing and settlement area. this regulation administrates the housing and settlement area governance in accordance with the structure of the country (central, provincial, and regency/city). aspects of the governance includes: planning, regulation, control, and surveillance. regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 07/2013 changes to the regulation of the minister of housing no. 10/2012 about the organization of housing and the residential neighborhood with a balanced housing. although there is no "sustainability" mentioned specifically, the underlying idea of this regulation is the existence of a balance between housing area is important. in this regulation, "balanced" is defined as "housing and settlements that are built in balance with certain composition in the form of a single home and home series between the simple houses, medium houses, and luxury houses, or in the form of flats between public flats and commercial flats, or in the form of footprint houses and public flats ". ministerial decree of public works and housing no. 425/kpts/m/2015 limitations on the sale price of house that can be obtained via prosperous home ownership credit program. subject is quite clear. regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 02/prt/m/2015 green building. focusing on the physical infrastructure. the definition of "green building" is "building that meets the requirements of the standard building and have measurable performance significantly in saving energy, water, and other resources through the implementation of green building principles in accordance with the functions and classifications in each the first stage ". regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 05/prt/m/2015 general guidelines for sustainable construction implementation on conducting public works areas infrastructure and settlements. the focus of the regulation is that the physical infrastructure of the settlements must apply the principles of sustainability. this regulation mentions 12 principles of the sustainability of the physical infrastructure of the settlement. regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 38/prt/m/2015 help infrastructure, public utilities, and a means for public housing. the basic idea of this regulation is addressed in an attempt to increase the access of low-income communities against a decent dwelling. in this regulation, public housing is organized to meet the needs of shelter for people on low incomes, which consists of a collection of houses equipped with infrastructures, means, and public utilities regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 02/prt/m/2016 increased quality towards the slum housing and slums subject is quite clear. regulation of the minister of public works and housing no. 20/prt/m/2017 the provision of a special home this regulation governs the provision of special house by the government. the nomenclature "special house" translated as " housed held to meet special needs " source: the ministry of public works and housing (2018) the information from the above table confirms that some of the general regulations have adapted the issue of sustainability. in law no. 26/2007, although there is no specific mention of the word "sustainability", the legislation is designed in an attempt to reach sustainability. while in law no. 1/2011, there are three "sustainability" words. as the general regulation that governs housing, this regulation must indeed have a vision of sustainable development. sustainable vision also occurs in the derivatives, namely government regulations no. 14/2016. however, the findings above are not found in a specific regulation, especially in technical regulations issued by the ministry of public works and housing. the issue of sustainability in the regulation still focuses on the infrastructure. however, we all understand that sustainability has dimensions of economic, social, and environment; in which the third dimension is sustained by good governance. therefore, a number of specific regulations have not been able to adapt to the changing social, economic and environmental situations. more than that, the lack of regulation that can set the sustainability of residential area had an impact on the design of regulation in the region, especially in regency and city level. local government level: case in tangerang selatan city taking a case in regional areas becomes essential especially if it is linked to the fact that in the era of autonomy and decentralization, public policy will be more effective inframe at the provincial level, and even at regency or city (world bank, 2017). this is in accordance with the government regulation no. 25/2000 regarding the authority of the government and the authorities of the provinces as an autonomous region, and government regulation no. 38/2007 about government affairs divisions between the government, provincial government and regency/city government. in government regulation no. 38/2007, it is explicitly stated that the authority of the central government includes: (1) foreign policy; (2) national defense; (3) security; (4) yustisi; (5) national monetary and fiscal; and (6) religion. meanwhile, the authority of local governments includes twenty-six of mandatory affairs and optional affairs. from the descriptions, then of course it is clear that housing affairs becomes one of the subjects of local government. jurnal studi pemerintahan 386 figure 2. the location of the city of south tangerang on the basis of that explanation, the study observes a locality in the suburb, south tangerang city. the city is the autonomous region, formed under law no. 51/2008 regarding the formation of the city of south tangerang in banten province, november 26, 2008 (figure 2). the data showed that the total land of this city is 147.19 km 2 . as much as 61.79% of land use is for land housing/settlement (bappeda city tangsel, 2016). data form settlements land planning agency of south tangerang in 2017 confirmed that there were 839 housing area with diverse unit types, spacious and the facilities provided. real estate shares 17.5% of the gdp (2016), second biggest contributions after the trade sector. also, there was positive growth trend throughout the 2010–2016. in addition, there was a surge in land/home transaction. the average improvement/growth of acquisition duty of right on land and building (bea perolehan hak atas tanah dan bangunan/bphtb) along 2011-2014 reached 38.7%. responding to that development, the local government has issued a number of regulations related to residential area. the following is a matrix of a number of regulations about residential and/or settlements in south tangerang. vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 387 table 2. policies/regulations related to housing and settlements in south tangerang city policies/regulations subject regulating aspects related to housing and sustainability issues regional regulations of south tangerang city no. 3/2014 the organization of housing and settlements there are three "sustainability" words in this regulation. sustainability issues are reviewed in section 25. this article concerns the handover of infrastructure, facilities and utilities. in the explanation, “sustainability" in article 25 means that the local government guarantees the existence of infrastructures, means, and utility in accordance with the functions and allocation. paragraph 3 of article6 states that "integration" means that every new planning of infrastructure and housing utilities is targeted to follow the existing planning of housing and utilities infrastructure/settlement, with the principle of sustainability of the existing infrastructure and utilities, especially for small and medium-sized housing. mayor regulations of south tangerang city no. 41/2015 guidelines for the calculation of the minimum needs of infrastructure, facilities and utilities on the flats no terminology of "sustainability". however, in article 1 points 16 declared that "the means” is facilities in residential environment work to support organizing and development of social life, culture, and economy. mayor regulations of south tangerang city no. 16/2015 the procedures for submission of infrastructures, facilities and housing utilities the term "sustainability" is contained in article 4 points e. it is mentioned that the delivery of infrastructure, facilities and housing utilities is done with the sustainability principle that is also found in regional regulations no. 3/2014, article 25. mayor decree of tangerang selatan city no. 663/kep. 131-huk/2017 the location of the slums this decree arises as a form of prevention for slums, as mentioned in adendum “notice” which reads “accompaniment document of planning and quality improvement of urban slums (rp2kpkp) 2016”. source: https://www.tangerangselatankota.go.id/, 2018 jurnal studi pemerintahan 388 https://www.tangerangselatankota.go.id/ vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 389 exactly the same as law no. 1/2011, there are three words of “sustainability” in regional regulation no. no. 3/2014. the similarity is certainly inspired from law no. 1/2011. as a consequence, the derivative regulations also fail to anticipate the changes in the social, economic, and environmental. specifically, the regulation indeed contains the word "sustainability", but the focus on question is more on facilities and infrastructure. whereas, sustainability is not just the about physical infrastructure, but also includes social, economic and environmental issues. the absence of regulation implies the effort of making governance better. the failure of governance implies institutional failure as a whole. depends on existing regulation, indonesia will have hard time adapting to new agenda of urban areas from the agreement in the united nation's habitat conference iii 2016. therefore, unsustainability threat for residential area in the suburbs has been in plain sight. conclusion new urban agenda demands adaptation of each country to design policies that are capable of responding to changes in the social, economic, cultural, environmental, and even political community, especially community residing in the 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geography, vol. 49, no. 1: 56-63. zhao, p., (2016), planning for social inclusion: the impact of socioeconomic inequities on the informal development of farmland in suburban beijing, land use policy 57: 431-443. jurnal studi pemerintah 392 http://ced.petra.ac.id/index.php/ars/article/view/16188 http://ced.petra.ac.id/index.php/ars/article/view/16188 https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/bfm%3a978-3-642-23430-9%2f1.pdf https://journal.ugm.ac.id/jsp/article/view/10962 https://journal.ugm.ac.id/jsp/article/view/10962 https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11205-007-9165-8 https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/5991 http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.905.735&rep=rep1&type=pdf https://search.proquest.com/openview/29d9757e4175c5758e2e9ffffac6f481/1?cbl=2032646&pq-origsite=gscholar https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s0264837716305890 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement 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information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul 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login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 141 reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 m. faishal aminuddin jurusan administrasi negara universitas brawijaya malang. email: faishal@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract indonesian politics after new order drawing the raise of political islam movement. partai keadilan sejahtera (pks) welfare justice party bring a newest ideological looked that rooted from islamic value. this article tend to explore reorganizing of pks in important periods. it capture changing the name from pk to became pks which contained switching a fundamental movement typology from dakwah which emphasizing social and mass mobilisation to political reorganisation. this article’s method is literature review. this period being critical phase that pks has successful to maintain theiri ideology and compromise with political pathways. indeed, pks has one of the most influent party in the future indonesian politics. keywords: political party reorganization, pks, post new order abstrak dinamika politik di indonesia pasca orde baru meumbuhkan gerakan islam politik. partai keadilan sejahtera membawa ideologi baru yang berakar pada nilai-nilai islam. artikel ini mencoba untuk mengeksplorasi reorganisasi pks pada periode periode penting perjalanan partai ini. salah satunya adalah perubahan nama dari pk menjadi pks yang membawa perubahan tipologi fundamental dari partai dakwah menjadi partai yang berbasis mobilisasi massa untuk reorganisasi partai. analisa dalam artikel ini menggunakan tinjauan pustaka. pada periode perubahan tersebut, pks sukses dalam mengatur ideologi dan jaringan dengan unsur-unsur politik lainnya. pks menjadi salah satu partai di indonesia yang berpengaruh di masa yang akan datang kata-kata kunci: reorganisasi partai politik, pks, pasca orde baru reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 142 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendahuluan runtuhnya rezim orde baru membuka kesempatan bagi semua kekuatan politik untuk tampil kepermukaan. sistem multipartai yang dioperasikan dengan terbuka dalam suasana demokratis memberikan fasilitas bagi semua kekuatan politik untuk membentuk parpol baru dengan tujuan yang baru atau yang bersifat revivalis dengan memanfaatkan semangat dan simbol parpol di masa lalu. beberapa parpol yang sebelumnya tidak diunggulkan menuai sukses. dalam pemilu 2004 pks meraih 7,3% suara dan pada pemilu 2009 sebesar 7,9% dan tergolong lebih eksis ditengah terpuruknya parpol berbasis umat islam. partai keadilan (pk), menurut liddle mewakili kelompok islam baru yang tidak berakar pada kekuatan organisasi modernis yang pernah ada di indonesia. pemilihnya berasal dari latarbelakang perkotaan dan terkonsentrasi pada universitas terkemuka dimana kebanyakan pemimpinnya juga pengajar dan peneliti. dalam pemilu 1999, pk tidak mengkampanyekan pendirian negara islam tetapi membawa agenda pembarantasan korupsi, mengembalikan profesionalitas pemerintah dan pembuatan kebijakan ekonomi yang egaliter dimana pembangunan industri seimbang dengan pertumbuhan pertanian (william lidle, 2003) kampanye politik yang mengusung tema antikorupsi tetap dilanjutkan ketika pk berganti menjadi pks. dari sisi kampanye politik mempunyai perbedaan dengan dinamika pandangan politik internal. dalam studi ruland (2005) pk bersama partai bulan bintang (pbb) merupakan parpol yang berbeda dengan parpol berbasis islam lainnya karena menolak pemisahan negara dan agama. anggota militan dalam pk dan pbb menuntut diberlakukannya sharia atau hukum islam. namun dalam fenomena yang paling mengejutkan yakni kemenangan mutlak pks pada pemilihan legislatif di dki jakarta yang semula merupakan basis pdi-p dan golkar. pada saat itu, justru simbolisasi sebagai partai yang bersih dan bisa dipercaya yang dibawa pks mampu memobilisasi massa dengan cepat di dki jakarta untuk isu-isu nasional disaat yang sama, kaderisasi pks dimulai di kampus-kampus penting di indonesia. tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi mengenai faktor dominan yang membuat pks maju sebagai parpol yang harus diperhitungkan kekuatannya dalam pemilu-pemilu yang akan datang. pertanyaan yang reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 143 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hendak dijawab adalah bagaimana pks melakukan reorganisasi internalnya? pks mempunyai karakteristik sebagai parpol massa yang begitu agresif. secara ideologis, pks diuntungkan oleh pilihannya menjadikan islam sebagai asas dan meskipun eksklusif, dia bisa memainkan pencitraan sebagai parpol bersih. fenomena politik islam yang diwakili oleh pks yang percaya pada jalur demokrasi untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan atau minimal berpartisipasi didalamnya menarik untuk dikaji lebih jauh. terkait dengan cara membangun basis konstituen dan menempatkan diri sebagai partai massa, pks membutuhkan strategi baru yang memungkinkannya memunculkan organ-organ strategis disamping mendapatkan konstituen dari basis organisasi islam yang sudah mapan. pks memilih konsisten pada bentuk negara yang diamanatkan oleh konstitusi. meskipun terdapat kemiripan karena memang terinspirasikan oleh model partai serupa di turki, aljazair dan mesir, pks mempunyai ciri khas tersendiri karena mampu merangkul segenap kekuatan politik islam baik yang sudah mempunyai akar atau yang sama sekali baru. bahkan penegasan basis ideologis dan jaringan sosial pks sudah tampak kepermukaan bisa berlaku efektif dan berpotensi besar menjadi parpol islam yang dominan dalam konstelasi politik nasional. kerangka teoritik partai massa dalam usahanya meraih suara akan melakukan diseminasi ideologi parpol dan mendirikan basis aktif keanggotaan, parpol kemudian memasuki banyak ruang dalam kehidupan sosial (gunther & diamond, 2003). dalam pembagian lebih jauh, partai massa memanfaatkan beberapa basis seperti sosialisme, nasionalisme dan agama. partai massa berbasis agama dibagi lagi menjadi dua jenis yang berbeda yaitu antara proto-hegemonic dengan fundamentalis. karakteristik terakhir melakukan reorganisasi negara dan masyarakat dengan pembacaan yang terbatas pada prinsip doktrin agama. tipologi lainnya adalah denominational yang lebih bersifat pluralis pada agenda-agenda politiknya. hubungan jenis parpol dengan strategi penguasaan yang dilakukan tidak bisa mengabaikan birokrasi karena fungsinya sebagai kepanjangan tangan untuk mengelola negara dan masyarakat. dalam term reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 144 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ organisasional, partai menunjukkan bentuknya yang ekstrem dalam hirarki politik dan birokrasi dan keduanya bisa eksis sebagai pelindung bagi kandidatnya atau malah menjatuhkan partai diantara kedua bentuk ekstrem tersebut (morgenstern 2001: 235). dari penjelasan ini, secara organisasional, parpol bisa memilih diantara sekian banyak cara sehingga bisa menjawab sesungguhnya tidak satu bentuk organisasional yang paling benar dari parpol, baik yang diidealkan untuk saat ini dan masa depan. parpol juga tidak lebih baik dalam kapasitas organisasionalnya daripada organisasi masyarakat lainnya. kedunya sama-sama ingin menujukkan struktur formal yang melekat pada dirinya sementara sistem hubugan informal, prosedur pelaksanaan dan nilai yang dibawa cenderung dikamuflasekan. tidak semua parpol bisa diidentifikasi dengan jelas tanpa penelurusan yang mendalam apa sebenarnya yang diinginkannya. tabel i. tipologi partai massa sumber: gunther & diamond dalam menilai dukungan bagi parpol perlu diketahui juga jaringan sosialnya. perhatian ini harus diberikan menyangkut komposisi dan karakteristik kelompok pendukung seperti basis ideologi dan sosialnya, durabilitas dan hetegonitasnya (kollner & bassedau, 2005). dukungan bagi parpol tidak sepenuhnya menjadi jaminan terslenggaranya visi dan misi organisasional karena bagaimanapun juga parpol harus melampaui kompetisi pemilu terlebih dahulu. kitschelt (2001) menyatakan bahwa keberhasilan atau kegagalan usaha parpol sejalan dengan konfigurasi sistem kepartaian dan framing umum kebijakannya. hubungan erat antara sistem kepartaian dengan pencapaian parpol perlu diposisikan dalam kerangka hubungan sebab akibat secara vertikal sementara itu terdapat hubungan linier-horisontal untuk melihat bentuk dukungan dan jaringan sosial parpol dengan pencapaian parpol sendiri. hubungan parpol dengan sistem pemilu dalam taraf tertentu bisa saling memberi keuntungan. partai bisa besar apabila mampu merangkum banyak dukungan dengan pembilahan yang lebih heterogen dari reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 145 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ latarbelakang konstituen. dalam memberikan rasa keadilan, pemerintahan yang demokratis harus bersandar dan mempunyai gambaran mendasar tentang sistem pemilu yang cocok (rose :1984). masa depan demokrasi didirikan diatas sistem pemilu yang bisa menyebarluaskan proses dan mekanisme yang jelas karena menjadi bagian dari institusi politik yang merefleksikan pergulatan banyak kecenderungan sosial, ekonomi dan politik (le duc et al 1996:4). dalam pemilihan sistem pemilu, duverger (1984: 35) memberikan klaim bahwa sistem proportional representative (pr) secara umum melemahkan demokrasi sedangkan sistem plural majority (pm) justru akan memperkuatnya. meskipun dalam studi pippa norris (1997: 311) telah dibantah, dia telah menguji keuntungan dan kerugian dari sistem pemilu yang berbeda-beda, dia menyimpulkan tidak ada sistem yang paling baik yang bisa diterapkan secara umum pada setiap negara. pada awalnya pk merupakan partai kader tetapi karena tidak meraih banyak suara dalam pemilu 1999, kemudian berubah menjadi pks yang menawarkan diri dalam format parpol semi-terbuka dengan cara-cara agresif untuk merawat kader semasa pks dan merebut konstituen dari ormas dan parpol islam lainnya. pks pada akhirnya menjadi partai dakwah dengan tipologi partai kader berorientasi massa. sistem pemilu pr di indonesia memberikan dampak bagi eksistensi pks. paling tidak dalam menjaga stabilitas perolehan suara. hasil dan analisis 1. pks dan gerakan politik islam pk berdiri pada bulan juli 1998, sebagai partai dakwah yang dimaksudkan untuk menyebarkan dan mengkaji islam. pada pemilu 1999 pk memperoleh 1,34 persen suara nasional dan dipimpin oleh nurmahmudi ismail, seorang insinyur lulusan ipb dan mendapatkan doktor dari texas untuk spesialisasi teknologi pangan (aris ananta 2005). gerakan pk dikampus telah diaktifkan setelah runtuhnya soeharto dan mendapatkan banyak pengikut mahasiswa. agenda menjadikan pk sebagai partai dakwah mempunyai konsekuensi pada upaya pemberdayaan massa dan merekrut sedikit diantaranya untuk menjadi kader militan. pembentukan militansi kader melalui sistem dakwah keislaman bukanlah reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 146 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hal baru dalam politik indonesia karena partai nu telah melakukannya pada era tahun 1950 an. sejak orde baru tidak ada partai dakwah karena parpol islam masyumi yang dilarang. praktis pergerakan dakwah hanya berada di lingkaran masjid yang berafiliasi pada kelompok dakwah seperti dewan dakwah islamiyah (ddii) yang menjadi penerus gerakan masyumi. menilik status pk sebagai gerakan yang berbasis mahasiswa untuk pengajaran islam, maka suara pk pada pemilu 1999 lebih disebabkan faktor eksklusivitas karena tidak mengandalkan basis massa dari arena yang lain. pks lebih jelas sebagai parpol islam yang bercorak semisektarian dan terorganisir rapi yang naik dari status pinggiran (demos 2005). pks mampu mendulang 7,34 persen suara dari 8,3 juta pemilih dan menempatkan 45 wakil di dpr. setelah nurmahmudi, sejak tahun 2000, pks dipimpin oleh hidayat nurwahid, alumnus ponpes gontor, jawa timur dan mendapatkan doktor dalam studi hukum dan teologi islam di universitas madinah. pergeseran orientasi dari basis massa mahasiswa yang cenderung eksklusif dan memperluasnya untuk merebut massa mengambang dari nu dan muhammadiyah membuka peluang bagi pks untuk menyedot suara yang begitu signifikan pada pemilu 2004. banyak diantaranya suara dari pan, pkb dan ppp. pks setelah diketuai oleh hidayat nurwahid lebih bercorak islam modernis daripada basis mahasiswa teknokratis yang digalang semasa nurmahmudi. sentuhan politik yang begitu kelihatan, mengingat latarbelakang hidayat yang dekat dengan kalangan islam modernis tetapi sekaligus mengembang misi fundamentalisme. jika pencitraan pk hanya sebatas sebagai gerakan dakwah dengan sasaran kampus universitas negeri di jurusan eksakta yang mempunyai karakteristik apolitis dan berbasis kelompok ekonomi menengah perkotaan. pk memegang peran kunci bagi pergerakan mahasiswa ekstrakurikuler dengan kedekatan emosional dan jaringan dengan kesatuan aksi mahasiswa muslim indonesia (kammi) yang kini sudah merambah dan besar dikampus negeri. sesungguhnya peranan kammi sangat mendominasi sebagai pendukung dari isu-isu yang didistribusikan oleh pks. kemampuan mengorganisir massa yang begitu besar membuat kammi menjadi satu-satunya gerakan mahasiswa yang solid, teratur dan militan. pks juga menyediakan dirinya sebagai ajang dan lompatan bagi kader terbaik mahasiswa untuk mengisi struktur reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 147 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kepengurusan partai yang diambil dari kelompok persaudaraan (usrah) di kampus-kampus. perumusan garis ideologi pks bisa dilihat dari dua sisi yaitu perpaduan antara islam modernis dengan fundamentalisme. bisaj juga dinyatakan ideologi pks adalah fundamentalisme garis lunak yang berpolitik. tujuan pks dan yang diterjemahkan sebagai landasannya adalah penegakan sharia melalui kompetisi pemilu dalam negara demokrasi sekuler seperti indonesia. garis ideologi pks merupakan minoritas bersama pbb yang relatif sudah kehilangan basis massa. cara pks mengorganisir massa tidak bisa dilepaskan dari politik pencitraan sebagai parpol islam masa depan yang berwajah manis. sentimen fundamentalisme, meskipun tertutup oleh batas kepiawaian memainkan politik dalam sistem demokrasi sekuler masih seringkali muncul kepermukaan. dalam teorisasi azzam tamimi (2005), ketika minoritas berada di wilayah negara yang menjamin keamanan dan kebebasan berekspresi serta mempertahankan keyakinannya, maka tidak ada jalan lain kecuali mengikuti aturan main yang sudah dibuat. tugas mereka selanjutnya adalah mengorganisir keyakinannya di dalam masyarakat atau komunitasnya untuk disuarakan dalam mekanisme dan saluran politik yang ada. pks juga berjaringan dengan partai lain yang berahaluan sama diluar negeri. garis ideologi pks bukanlah asli dari penggalian dimensi fundamentalisme politik islam yang menyejarah di indonesia melainkan dari adaptasi yang diambil dari timur tengah. ada dua latar belakang yang dominan dari jaringan internasional yang dikembangkan oleh garis ideologi fundamentalisme politik islam. pertama, transmisi gagasan secara langsung dari timur tengah ke indonesia karena asia tenggara menjadi wilayah intelektual pinggiran dalam dunia islam. transmisi ini diikuti dengan mengalirnya wacana dominan yang menguasai struktur politik informal pks, disamping itu dukungan dan aliran dana yang membantu sayap politik pks dalam bentuk kerjasama mutualisme juga dilakukan. kedua, transmisi islam ke indonesia mempunyai faktor penarik dan pendorong dengan banyaknya pelajar yang menunut ilmu di timur tengah dan beberapa pemerintahan dan lembaga donor disana memberikan dukungan bagi segala macam usaha pengembangan islam reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 148 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang sesuai dengan kondisi di timur tengah (buballo& fealy 2005). tidak semua sarjana yang belajar di timur tengah masuk kedalam pks karena banyak diantaranya berada di nu tetapi kader yang dimaksud disini adalah kader yang semasa belajar bersingungan dengan aktivisme politik yang menggusung fundamentalisme politik islam. di indonesia, dalam sejarah politik islam menyisakan gambaran buruk yaitu pertama, partai islam tidak pernah mendapatkan dukungan separuh dari pemilih muslim. kedua, realisasi kebijakan islam seperti pemberlakuannya sebagai konstitusi masih gagal dan ketiga selama pasca kemerdekaan, politik islam selalu ditekan oleh penguasa. pks mengangkat sharia sebagai modalitas yang dijual pada konstituennya, yang berarti pks harus memformulasikan sharia untuk kelihatan berbeda, minimal dalam segi kemasannya agar tidak mengulang kesalahan dan kegagalan di masa lalu. pks bisa sangat diuntungkan karena sistem demokrasi menjamin tiadanya tekanan penguasa atas politik islam sekalipun sudah terangterangan menjadikan islam sebagai asas partai dan tujuannya menegakkan sharia dalam nkri. gerakan tarbiyah banyak disebut-sebut sebagai inspirator pks karena beberapa diantaranya menjadi pendiri pk pada tahun 1998 sebagai reaksi dari tekanan politik yang diberikan oleh orba pada gerakan islam. dalam pemilu 1999 pk mempunyai anggota 60,000 orang dan ketika sudah berubah menjadi pks pada pertengahan 2003 anggota partainya mencapai 300,000. pada pemilu 2004 memperluas keanggotaan tidak terbatas pada gerakan tarbiyah dengan menempatkan 30 orang non muslim sebagai kandidat dalam pemilu. pembukaan diri pks pada dasarnya bukan hanya untuk menarik dukungan yang menujukkan bentuk partai terbuka karena permainan sistemik mereka tetap dipegang oleh kader-kader yang dipersiapkan khusus. dalam pemilu 1999 yang menggunakan sistem pr “closed list” dimana pemilih menentukan pilihannya pada simbol parpol dan kemudian parpol akan menentukan siapa kader yang bisa duduk sebagai anggota parlemen, pks mengambil keuntungan karena bisa menempatkan kader terbaiknya untuk duduk di dpr dengan suara yyang didapat dari daerah pemilihan di perkotaan. dalam pemilu ini, parpol merefleksikan berlakunya politik aliran, didalam parpol bisa diklasifikasi sekularis dan nasionalis (abangan) reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 149 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ , islam modernis dan tradisional (santri). islam sebagai jalan dan pandangan hidup berbeda dengan sekularisme yang memisahkan antara negara dan agama. sekularisme menarik posisi agama dari persoalan masyarakat dan negara, membatasinya hanya pada ruang personal dan tempat ibadah. sebaliknya dalam politik islam, agama harus menjadi petunjuk dalam semua aspek kehidupan dan hal ini menyebabkan benturan dalam demokrasi karena aspek moral masyarakat dipisahkan dari kehendak negara (hassan 2005) beberapa sarjana yang menyebutkan pks yang lebih condong sebagai islam modernis beralasan karena basis pendukungnya adalah profesional dan pedagang kelas menengah, bersama pbb menginginkan pemberlakuan sharia (sherlock 2004). kategorisasi ini tidak bisa memperjelas arah ideologis karena perilaku politik pks disatu sisi dipengaruhi oleh pemilahan basis ekonomi dan sosial tetapi disisi lain lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh latarbelakang ideologis. secara kasat mata dukungan pks berada di kota-kota besar karena di tempat itu dia bisa mengorganisir massa dalam jumlah besar dan solid. jika identifikasinya diletakkan pada perebutan identitas, maka pks merupakan tempat pelarian bagi massa dari ormas atau parpol lain yang kecewa. perebutan identitas merupakan hal yang menarik karena meskipun seorang pemilih mengaku berafiliasi pada nu atau muhammadiyah tetapi akibat terjadinya kohesi sosial pada akhirnya menunut mereka bisa memilih pks. terjadinya banyak tipikal identitas sebagai nu dan partai demokrat atau muhammadiyah dan pks memang baik bagi integrasi dan kohesi sosial (schiller 2004). dalam kampanye pemilu 2004, pks menjadikan sharia sebagai latarbelakang dan poin penting yang dijual pada publik. platform perang terhadap korupsi, promosi keadilan dan menciptakan pemerintahan yang baik dan bersih dibawa menjadi agenda yang bisa diuji konsistensinya. pks menjadikan agenda politiknya bisa dinegosiasikan dengan kekuatan lain selain kelompok nasionalis. artinya, pks tetap meletakkan strategi politik terbuka untuk menaikkan penawaran politiknya pada posisi jabatan publik bagi kader-kadernya. agenda politik diatas dalam kacamata publik tentu membuat banyak orang menyukainya karena membawa unsur integritas dan komitmen yang tinggi. ricklefs (2004) menafsirkan bahwa kemenangan pks di jakarta adalah harapan dari pemilih untuk reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 150 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mengakhiri korupsi dan menetapkan kompetensi dan moralitas yang tinggi dalam pemerintahan. pada kampanye pemilu 2009, pks tidak banyak menampilkan sikap politiknya dalam isu-isu penegakan sharia dan memposisikan dirinya terlibat lebih jauh dalam pedebatan yang lebih ideologis. pks lebih memilih pendekatan pragmatis dengan harapan bisa memperluas dukungan dan basis konstituen. kampanye media yang paling fenomenal adalah pengakuan terhadap mantan presiden soeharto sebagai pahlawan. bersamaan dengan itu, latarbelakang warna bendera pks bukan lagi putih melainkan lebih berwarna-warni. dari sini terlihat, secara organisasional, pks adalah partai kader yang bergerak menjadi catch all. 2. jaringan dan variasi strategi jaringan sosial yang dikembangkan pks dapat diklasifikasi menjadi tiga yaitu pertama, model politisasi publik dengan pemanfaatan saluran politik formal yang didukung oleh sistem kaderisasi yang ketat dan solid. model ini menguntungkan pks karena mampu menyebarkan pencitraan dengan lebih baik mengenai kebenaran kampanye yang menanggapi berbagai macam isu baik domestik atau internasional. kedua, model penanaman kader yang bertanggungjawab untuk mengendalikan organ penyangga di kalangan mahasiswa, pedagang dan akademisi. setidaknya disektor tersebut pks mendapatkan kekuatan yang sangat signifikan. ketiga, model rekrutmen politik berlapis yang memungkinkan pks bisa menyaring kader yang akan menduduki jabatan publik dan mempunyai militansi dalam mengembangkan garis ideologi. menilik dari visi umumnya sebagai partai dakwah dan visi khusus untuk mewujudkan masyarakat indonesia yang madani, pks sebenarnya mengembangkan konsepsi politik-islam. islam menjadi alat perjuangan sekaligus solusi dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. prinsip kebijakannya mengatur kebijakan dasar yang pluralisme karena tujuannya adalah persaudaraan yang adil di kalangan ummat manusia, jauh dari bentuk rasialisme atau fanatisme kesukuan, ras dan etinsitas. hubungan antara garis ideologi dan model jaringan sosial dituangkan dalam pembatasan konstitutif yang mempunyai sanksi ketat. pembatasan yang dijabarkan dalam kebijakan dasar terdiri atas 10 landasan. reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 151 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diantaranya berhubungan dengan dengan garis ideologi adalah al ishlah (reformatif) dalam mengupayakan kemenangan sharia dan menegakkan daulah, al syari’ah (konstitusional) guna menetapkan hubungan pokok hubungan manusia-tuhan dan manusia-manusia sesuai dnegan al quran dan sunnah, al wasathiyah (moderat) yang menolak ekstrimitas dan eksageritas kezaliman dan kebatilan. al istiqamah (konsisten) berpegang teguh pada aturan islam dalam setiap hasil program dan kebijakan. sementara jaringan sosial ditegaskan dalam al numuw wa al tathawwur (tumbuh dan berkembang) tidak melahirkan stagnasi dan kehilangan kreativitas. al tadarruj wa al tawazun (seimbang dan proporsional) gerakan partai harus dilakukan secara bertahap da proporsional yang melaikat dalam kiprah individu dan kolektif. al awlawiyat wa al mashlahah (priorotas dan kemanfaatan) lebih merefleksikan kebutuhan strategi dan taktik perjuangan yang melekatkkan kepentingan ummat diatas kepentingan individu dan kelompok. perhitungan politik pks lebih banyak didasarkan pada pendekatan negosiasi. tampaknya juga sangat berhati-hati dalam menentukan posisi politiknya ketika berhadapan dengan kekuasaan. di ranah parlemen, pks menempuh strategi politik kooperatif daripada berdiri di barisan oposisi. tetapi organ pks diluar ring parlemen juga mempunyai kapasitas dan kapabilitas untuk melakukan fungsi pembentuk opini alternatif. penolakan usulan jusuf kalla tentang penggabungan waktu pemilu dan pilkada ditolak oleh pks melalui ketua badan pemenangan pemilu pks, muhammad razikun dengan alasan tidak menyehatkan. ketakutan yang paling mendasar adalah jika beban memilih diberikan pada pemilih yang belum menyadari arti penting memilih sementara waktu antara pemilu dan pilkda digelar bersamaan, maka pilihannya akan diberikan dengan asal-asalan. pernyataan tersebut terlalu umum untuk dijadikan perangkat kontrol terhadap wacana kekuatan politik lain yang terkait dengan kekuasaan seperti hubungan antara jusuf kalla dan golkar. pada tahun 2004, pks tampak lebih pragmatis dengan menempatkan kader-kadernya untuk mendukung kandidat presiden yang berlainan. setelah amien rais gagal melaju di putaran kedua, mereka beralih mendukung pasangan sby-kalla sehingga pilihan ini menempatkan sekurangnya empat kader di jabatan kementrian dalam kabinet sby-kalla reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 152 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (ahmad norma, 2008) keputusan pks tersebut diambil dari mekanisme persidangan majelis syura yang ketiga dengan mendukung pasangan sbyjk dalam pemilu presiden. perilaku strategis yang ingin ditunjukkan oleh pks pada konstituennya adalah pemberian harapan bahwa sby-jk merupakan figur yang bisa dipercaya meskipun dari perhitungan negosiasi, keputusan untuk mendukung sby-jk lebih pada persoalan perebutan jatah di kabinet. kepercayaan yang terlalu tinggi dari konstituen pada amanat partai membuat kecemasan diantara kader-kader kritis yang melihat ada persoalan hegemonisasi wacana dan monopoli strategi. sangat terlihat jelas manakala kebijakan sby tidak pro pada publik, elit politik di dpp pks membela amanat partai dikarenakan kontrak politik antara pks dan sby-jk belum selesai. isyarat yang diberikan oleh pks yang menginginkan berperan untuk menjalin kinerja sebagai mitra kritis dan konstruktif bagi pemerintah semakin menguatkan dugaan bahwa strategi negosiasi dari pks memang bermaksud untuk mendekat pada pemerintah dengan harapan bisa menata kadernya di jabatan-jabatan penting. strategi ini harus mengorbankan suara yang datang dari kadernya meskipun 62 persen kader di dki jakarta pesimis atas posisi pks dengan pemerintah dan di yogjakarta mencapai 75 persen yang menyatakan pks akan rugi jika tetap mendukung sby-jk. penjelasan strategi negosiasi yang dilakukan oleh pks menujukkan bahwa tidak ada konsistensi dan terdapat proses mengabaikan yang dilakukan elit pusatnya pada suara-suara daerah. strategi memainkan opini publik yang bertujuan untuk meyakinkan kader-kadernya hanya sebatas pada kalimat bahwa pks akan mengkritisi komposisi dan kinerja kabinet sby-jk dengan harapan jangan sampai terjebak pada orang yang ttidak mempunyai moral bersih, terlibat kkn dan sebagai kepanjangan tangan imf. strategi pewacanaan konsepsi ideal menjadi pilihan yang tidak terelakkan. elit politik pks menerapkan strategi ini dengan lebih hatihati. bahasanya diperhalus seperti komitmen pemerintah juga ditunggu dalam rangka mewujudkan pemerataan ekonomi dengan memperhatikan ekonomi kerakyatan. demikian juga pencitraan dari kkasus penolakan ketua mpr dari pks hidayat nurwahid atas pemberian mobil dinas volvo selama masa jabatan pimpinan mpr dan juga menolak menggunakan reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 153 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fasilitas mewah. akibatnya, dukungan pks dalam deklarasi berisi lima butir kesepakatan yang diberi judul nota kesepahaman untuk sebuah kebersamaan dalam melaksanakan perubahan menuju indonesia madani yang adil, aman dan sejahtera hanyalah salah satu pendukung strategi pewacanaan atas konsepsi ideal yang justru semakin memperkuat opini dan pencitraan pks sebagai parpol bersih dan representatif bagi pemilih yang menginginkan perubahan. pks mengelola diri dengan strategi politisasi publik yang mengkampanyekan pencitraan sebagai partai yang berpihak pada kepentingan umat islam dalam sistem demokrasi di indonesia. strategi lainnya adalah pewacanaan yang bergerak untuk memasukkan ajaran-ajaran teologis yang dibawa oleh pks dengan perangkat politik islam. konstituen coba diyakinkan bahwa politik adalah baik dan sangat bermanfaat tanpa harus terjebak dalam kekotorannya. pencitraan atas konsepsi ideal ini menjadikan pks semakin diterima karena ditunjang oleh proses negosisasi dengan pemerintah untuk meletakkan kadernya pada jabatan publik dengan harapan bisa membuktikan kinerja pks secara langsung pada publik. amanat politik yang disampaikan pada sby mempunyai gambaran pada usaha untuk melakukan integrasi sosial dalam politik nasional. diantaranya yang paling menarik adalah mempertahankan kedaulatan nkri (butir 2) dan melanjutkan proses demokratisasi dan reformasi di indonesia dalam rangka terbentuknya masyarakat madani yang mengedepankan supremasi sipil dan tidak menghadirkan pemerintahan yang militeristik atau police state (butir 3). butir pertama menegasikan suara yang menyatakan kecurigaannya bahwa pks akan mengganti nkri menjadi negara islam. asas politik islam yang dibawa oleh pks tidak serta merta menunjukkan fundamentalisme politik melainkan dari sisi keagamaannya. sedangkan butir ke 3 juga menjadi penjamin utama dari cita-cita pks menjadikan pemerintahan sipil sebagai pilihan terbaik daripada militeristik dan negara yang selalu memata-matai warganegaranya. pks memakai nama masyarakat madani untuk menggambarkan kedekatannya dengan pemikiran islam modernis daripada fundamentalis. sebuah perpaduan yang tidak gampang dan unik. keinginan pks untuk merebut suara dari nu dan muhammadiyah serta ormas lain yang berhaluan fundamentalis memanfaatkan media reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 154 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pelayanan sosial. kebutuhan masyarakat bawah untuk urusan dan persoalan keseharian dilihat sebagai peluang seperti yang dilakukan oleh dpc pks surabaya yang memanfaatkan lebaran sebagai cara untuk menjaring anggota dengan pelayanan kesehatan gratis, pemberian takjil, konsultasi spiritual dan pengobatan ruqyah dan bekam (www.mediaindo.co.id). sepintas apa yang dilakukan juga hampir dilakukan oleh semua parpol utnuk menarik simpatisan. tetapi ada pencitraan ideologis yang dibangun oleh pks dengan memanfaatkan kader-kadernya yang berprofesi sebagai dokter untuk terlibat sebagai ideolog dan para ustadz untuk menyebarkan landasan keimanan islam dalam kerangka dakwah dan terpenting adalah simbolisasi pengobatan ruqyah yaitu mengeluarkan pengaruh jin dan sihir dari manusia. praktek terakhir, bersama terapi bekam merupakan ciri khas yang diambil dari tradisi semasa rasul muhammad. ormas semacam muhammadiyah malah menolak tradisi ini dan nu juga tidak terlalu memanfaatkannya respon dalam politik internasional juga dikeluarkan yang mengarah pada keberpihakan pada dunia islam. pencitraan ideologis bahwa pks sebagai bagian dari internasionalisme islam lebih menguntungkan bagi pks karena keberadaannya bisa dimonitor secara langsung oleh publik dunia. keputusan dpd pks yang menuntut pada as menghentikan serangan ke fallujah karena dianggap melanggar hukum internasional dan prinsip perdamaian (www.mediaindo.co.id) hal serupa juga dilakukan dengan anjuran untuk memboikot produk thailand (www.mediaindo.co.id) karena perlakuan pemerintahannya pada komunitas muslim pattani. argumentasi dan opini yang dibangun oleh pks dalam isu-isu internasional tidak hanya melibatkan rasionalisasi atas pertanyaan mengapa semua persoalan yang dianggap tidak adil bagi dunia islam perlu disuarakan? meskipun sebenarnya tidak menguntungkan pks karena ketidasetujuannya dengan politik as bisa dengan mudah menjerumuskannya dalam stigmatisasi islam radikal. mobilisasi massa serentak di seluruh tingkat kepengurusan untuk menanggapi isu internasional merupakan keberhasilan pks karena protes tersebut diikuti oleh pengiriman delegasi dari fraksi pks yang menghadap menteri luar negeri untuk menyampaikan lima butir pernyataan sikap. dibandingkan partai lain yang mendulang suara dari basis umat isreorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 155 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lam, pks merupakan partai yang menyadari perilaku pemilih dengan lebih responsif. menjual kampanye yang ideologis tidak banyak laku dihadapan pemilih karena yang diinginkan pemilih adalah kiprah partai dalam persoalan publik. tema-tema kampanye politik yang menyentuh ruang kebutuhan publik secara langsung lebih menjanjikan keuntungan daripada memelihara konservativisme ideologi politik. pilihan untuk melakukan reorganisasi dari partai kader ke partai catch all merupakan fenomena menarik, terutama bagi partai yang mengusung simbolisme keagamaan sebagai landasan ideologinya. pks mampu bertahan dan secara meyakinkan mampu menjadikan pragmatisme politik sebagai keniscayaan bagi gerakan politik elektoral untuk memperoleh tempat sebagai bagian dari kekuasaan. kesimpulan pks merupakan partai berbasis agama yang berani melakukan modifikasi gerakan politiknya. konsekuensinya sangat besar bagi perubahan pola reorganisasi, strategi dan jenis partainya. semangat modifikatif tersebut menjadi salah satu pembuktian paling baik dalam melihat akselerasi perolehan suara partai-partai agama dalam ruang politik yang demokratis. evolusi pks bukannya muncul tanpa tantangan, karena perubahan orientasi dari gerakan dakwah yang mencoba peruntungan melalui partai agama yang kolot tidak mampu menangguk banyak perolehan suara. dalam pemilu 1999, partai keadilan terpuruk sehingga harus berganti strategi ketika menjadi pks dan ikut pemilu 2004. reorganisasi pks dilakukan dengan memperhatikan faktor-faktor penting yang datang dari konteks demokrasi indonesia. diantaranya adalah memperlunak garis ideologi dalam rangka kepentingan jangka pendek pendulangan suara. caranya dengan memposisikan diri secara tegas pada isu-isu yang diminati atau dituntut oleh publik. isu-isu anti korupsi dan konsistensi dalam mengawal pemerintahan yang baik mampu memberikan keuntungan yang lebih besar daripada memelihara basis ideologi lama dan hanya berharap dari pemilih ideologis saja. sekalipun demikian, pola kaderisasi tetap dijalankan dengan ketat sehingga mekanisme seleksi kandidat kurang mengakomodasi figur-figur yang dalam pengertian ideologis, sangat lunak. reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 156 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pragmatisme sebagai haluan politik baru dari partai modern membuktikan hal yang penting untuk dicermati. pks, bukan tidak mungkin akan mereorganisir dirinya sebagai partai massa yang besar dan mempunyai pendukung ideologis dan kader-kader loyalis. dengan demikian, metamorfosis pks hanya akan menjadi strategi jangka menengah sambil menata basis konstituen yang pelan tapi pasti sudah mulai terbentuk dan melingkupi wilayah kesadaran sosial politik yang lebih luas. daftar pustaka ananta, aris et al. 2005. emerging democracy in indonesia, singapore. institute of southeast asian studies demos. 2005. “demokrasi oligarkis di tengah jalan”. tempo edisi 24 april. duverger, maurice. 1954. political parties: their organization and activity in the modern state. new york: john wiley inc. haniff hassan,muhammad. 2005. islam, pluralism & multi-culturalism. idss commentaries. september. kitschelt hp. 2001. parties and interest intermediation, in blackwell companion to political sociology, edited by kate nash and alan scott. oxford. blackwell. liddle, william. 2003. “new patterns of islamic politics in democratic indonesia. piety and pragmatism: trends in islamic politics’. asian program special report 110. norris, pippa.1997. passages to power legislative recruitment in advanced democracies. cambridge university press ruland, jurgen dkk. 2005. parliaments and political change in southeast asia a comparative study of india, indonesia, the philippines, south korea and thailand. iseas richard gunther and larry diamond.2003. “species of political parties: a new typology”. journal party politics, vol. 9, no. 2. schiller, jim.2004. “what is an election supposed to do? a local perspective on the 2004 indonesian elections”. the 19th biennial conference of the asian studies association of australia in canberra sherlock, stephen.2004. “the role of political parties in a second wave reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 157 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of reformation. unpublished paper, unsfir jakarta tamimi,azzam, rashid ghannouchi. 2001. a democrat within islamism. cary, nc. usa. oxford university press. reorganisasi partai keadilan sejahtera di indonesia / faishal aminuddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0008 layout desember 2008 introduction nahdlatul ulama (nu), which is categorized as a traditionalist islamic organization was experiencing dynamic motion in it that is characterized by the introduction of new discourses in the intellectual tradition.qodir (2011) states that the emergence of groups of young nu with progressive thinking has shifted from traditionalist nu categorization into neo-traditionalist, despite the presence of the group of progressive nu in a indigenization spirit of islam raises the pros and cons in nu. effendi (2008) in his dissertation also notes that the phenomenon of the emergence of nu young clerics and young intellectuals, both men and women, is not only interesting in terms of developments in the nu, but also shows that the differences between modernists and traditionalists are no longer relevant. gender thought in nu began to develop dynamically since the inclusion of gender discourse brought by nu gender activists in the 1990s, particularly among young activists.robinson (2009) linked the emergence of progressive gender activists in nu with the background in education, contiguity with the ideas of feminism, and the inclusion of the issue of democracy in islam that influence on the thinking and their movements. meanwhile, according to raharjo (2011), the emergence of a young generation in nu that is critical toward nu intellectual tradition, espedian eka rahmawati student of doctorate program in political science, gadjah mada university lecturer in departement of governmental science, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta e-mail: dian_e_rahmawati@yahoo.com gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) recieved 05 may 2015; accepted 05 august 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 abstrak the involvement of nu gender activists with the feminism ideas, the strengthening of democracy issues in islam, and the effects of civil society development introduced by ngo or new social movement have made gender discourse and women movement inside nu in dynamic. the occurrence of the new discourses brought by some nu gender activist results in the thought and movement among the nu activists community. it also happens inside the nu’s structure. further implication, some activists who disagree with the thought and movement of muslimat and fatayat as nu female organization found other institutions outside the nu’s structure. it shows that gender thought and women movement in nu is not static and anti-politics, on the contrary, it becomes dynamic and political because each actor involved inside try to affect and dominate each other both in discursive and praxis levels. this article aims to explain critically the various studies that have been done about the gender discourse and the women movements in nu. the discussion will begin with the development of the gender discourse and women movements in the general overview, the development gender discourse and muslim women movements, the influence of the gender discourse and women movements in nu. after that, it will be followed by the analysis of various literatures on gender discourse and women movements in nu as seen from the structural and cultural perspectives. key words: gender discourse, women movement, nahdlatul ulama ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 229 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 cially jurisprudence, due to the influence of civil society development that is engendered by ngos or the new social movements. the inclusion of a new discourse that was brought by some nu gender activists is implicated in the occurrence of differences in thought and action among nu gender activists. further implications, partly of nu gender activists who did not agree with the thought and movements of muslimat and fatayat as nu women organizations, establishing institutions outside nu structures such as yayasan kesejahteraan fatayat in 1998 in yogyakarta, rahima in 2000 in jakarta, fahmina 2000 in cirebon, and puan amal hayati 2000 in jakarta.the empirical fact implies there is a contestation of gender thought and women movements in nu. nu intellectual tradition might be able to accommodate a wide range of gender thought at the level of discursive, but it could not easily accommodate in the level of praxis. the presence of the new gender thoughts on the one hand can be read as a threat to the ideas and groups that are already established even cause divisions, but on the other hand it could also be interpreted as a new energy to the dynamics and flexibility of nu.thus it can be said that the gender thought and women movements in nu are not static and a-political, just the opposite is dynamic and political because each of the actors involved in it trying to influence each other and dominate in both the discursive and praxis levels. this is what makes contestation of discourse of gender and women movements in nu interesting to discuss. based on the above background, this article aims to explain critically the various studies that have been done about the gender discourse and the women movements in nu. the critical explanation becomes basis for formulating the theoretical categorization as a perspective to see the discourse and women movements that develop in nu. the discussion will begin with the development of the gender discourse and women movements in the general overview, the development gender discourse and muslim women movements, the influence of the gender discourse and women movements in nu.after that, it will be followed by the analysis of various literatures on gender discourse and women movements in nu as seen from the structural and cultural perspectives. theoritical framework 1. the development of gender discourse and women movements: a general overview understanding women movement, which was then commonly known as the feminist movement, must be understood from the context and the social, economic, and political condition at the time of its emergence. this is because of the emergence of the women movements in europe, america, and the islamic countries are affected by the objective conditions of the structural changes that happen in society.therefore, one way to understand the women movements is to search the explanation from the history. the women movements in the early development were focused on particular specific issues.in europe, the momentum of the french revolution and the industrial revolution in britain became the starting point of awareness of women to demand their rights.in france, the women movements demanded their rights as citizens in the political field, both the right to vote and the right to be gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 230 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ elected.in the uk, the women movements demanded equal rights after the industrial revolution.although at the time, the women movements had not used the term feminism.furthermore, the influence of the women movements spread to europe, usa, and the colonized countries that mostly were eastern nations (cott, 1987). feminist movement in america emerged in aroundthe late 19th century.at first, this movement focused on the right to vote for women.after the right to vote for women was approved in 1920, the feminist movement drowned.the women’s position until 1950 was not sued.at that time, the role of women in the domestic sector was considered as an ideal role though at that time many women worked in the public sector.then in the 1960s when it emerged the liberal movement, the feminist movement in the spirit of liberalism re-emerged by suing that the traditional role of women in the domestic sector had put women in a subordinate position (muqoyyidin, 2013). feminism began to bloom discussed in academic circles in indonesia since the 1980s. at first, feminism got strong opposition, especially from the patriarchal structures and was considered destabilizing the existing establishment. this can be understood because the information obtained by the society is not wide enough and the stereotype of feminism that came from western countries with liberal or radical views that were considered not in accordance with the conditions of the people in indonesia, even considered contrary to religious principles. at first, the women movements in indonesia was better known aswomen emancipation, which substantially had in common, that was an effort to empower women, but with a developed outlook at that time (rahmawati, 2006). according to darwin (2004),the idea of gender equality struggled by the women movements was actually not entirely new to the indonesian context.the history of women emancipation in indonesia can be withdrawn since the time of colonialism-imperialism through female warriors who fought both physical and non-physical, then followed by the emergence of various women organizations in the struggle for independence, in the old order era, the new order era, to reformation era. although it is also not entirely mistaken that assumption of some people claims that the concept of gender equality voiced by western feminists is more about their response to the situation and condition of gender injustice that surrounds them. however, almost the entire argument about gender originated from an assumption that gender inequality between men and women occurs through a long historical process, formed, socialized, constructed social and cultural, including by the patriarchal society culture and religious traditions.so that the condition is regarded as something generally accepted, natural, innate, and even becomes the rule of god, and indisputable. in feminism, sex and gender concepts are clearly distinguished.sex involves the physiological differences that are natural and in the community, this could be the division of gender roles following the natural physiological conditions that are natural.while gender is a social construction about how it should be men and women who clung to the nature of masculine and feminine.gender differences between men and women which bear differences in gender roles will not be sued if the gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 231 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ gender roles do not cause problems of injustice or subordination of men to women or vice versa.gender as a social construction result is maybe different between communities and different from time to time and influenced by social, cultural, economic, political, and even religious factors.as a social construction, gender can be reconstructed and even deconstructed (ilyas, 2006 ; fakih, 1999). according to muqoyyidin (2013) the gender discourse in islamic context can be categorized in four appearances, they are gender as thought discourse, gender as a movement, gender as the development from social and religion issues, and gender as an approach in islamic study. according to muslih, as quoted by muqoyyudin, gender activists among muslims in indonesia do not all equip themselves with an understanding of gender thought with the basis of ideology.therefore, some of them are no more than a bunch of women with several activities such as women organizations formed by countries or women organization as their husbands’ career companion. though as an idea, gender can be different or even contrary to the traditions and culture that has been established.or vice versa, on the other hand, there are groups of women demanding freedom under the pretext of gender equality, which it is often counterproductive and leading to poor judgment of society towards gender. gender as a movement is understood as a women or feminist movement.this region became area for ongoing work of feminist activists who usually form the organizations that are independent or affiliating with certain organizations or with government institutions. various women movements in indonesia can perform a variety of activities to empower women with the same sector of movement.but if we look closely, they have a different rationale that is influenced by the ideas of feminism that they profess.according to muqoyyibin, the majority of gender as a women’s movement in indonesia adheres to the ideology of liberal feminism.this domination along with the symptoms of global liberalization becomes part of the understanding of capitalism.however, other variations found in the study conducted by rahmawati (2000) to several women ngos in yogyakarta, which indicate the existence of mix-liberal ideology between feminism, socialist feminism, and feminism based on religion.they are not too concerned about the absolute ideology basis as basic ideology, but they take some aspects that they think it is relevant for the case of indonesia and emphasize on women empowerment movements at the praxis level. it is not easy to look for a point of similarities and differences to understand various developing feminism thought, because each sect was born with different theoretical background. but, one point that can be understood is their lawsuit or rejection to the patriarchal structure that is considered subordinating women. according to that assumption, megawangi (2000) classifies feminism into two major variants, they are modern feminism theory group and cultural feminism theory group. the modern feminism theory group is feminism theories which try to do social transformation with revolutionary change. existentialist philosophy becomes the basic from this theory, that naturally, there is no difference between men and women. women have to include in men’s world to get the equal position and status. therefore, women need to adopt masculine qualities and have gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 232 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masculine characters in order to be able to compete with men. feminist theories that belong to this group are liberal feminism, socialist, marxist, radical, and liberation theology. cultural feminism theory group is feminist theories that try to do social transformation with evolutionary change. deterministic understanding of biology becomes the basis of this theory, that naturally there are some differences between men and women so that there appear feminine and masculine qualities.therefore, in order to undermine the patriarchy ideology, women should accentuate their feminine qualities.if women can enter into the men’s world, the feminine qualities can turn from the hierarchical patriarchal system into matriarchal egalitarian system. the modern feminism theory group critizes the cultural feminism theory group because their thought is considered perpetuating the patriarchal system. the romantism of feminine qualities will cause women to stay in their position as caregiver and keeper figures. while the cultural feminism theory group critizes the modern feminism theory group because their thought is considered only making women to become men imitation in masculine world because they adopt masculine qualities, such as competitive, dominant, fighter, and etc. so that it will change the actor composition of men and women, but it does not change the patriarchal domination. ecofeminism theory was born as a reaction toward modern feminism theory that tends to see individual as teori ekofeminisme lahir sebagai reaksi terhadap teori feminisme modern yang cenderung melihat individu sebagai autonomous beings who are separated from environmental influences and can determine their own destiny.ecofeminism theory sees individual as bound being and interacts with his environment. furthermore, the contiguity between ecofeminism religion produces a new theory called spirituality ecofeminism.ecofeminism spirituality theory sued liberation theology that aims to deconstruct the religious understanding that is male bias, remove patriarchy, and search theological foundation of equality between men and women in all aspects of life. spirituality ecofeminism offers an internal transformation that is creating awareness of spirituality of the relationship between humans and the universe, seeing the common core of the different, not with external transformation performed by the modern feminism theory that is deemed to have failed. 2. gender discourse and islamic women movements: new perspective redefining interpretation of religious texts islamic feminism, like feminism in general, does not arise from a single thought prevailing in all islamic countries or countries with a majority of muslim population.islamic feminism can be understood as a discourse, analysis tool, and movement that is always historical and contextual in answering actual women issues regarding injustice. among the contemporary muslim feminists who question the historical islamic teaching are asghar ali engineer from india, rifaat hassan from pakistan, amina wadud muhsin from malaysia, and fatima mernissi of morocco.they argue that al qur’an does not see the inferiority of women compared to men.the problem lies in the mufassir, that almost all men, who interpret al qur’an inappropriately because interpreting gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 233 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ religious texts about women from the men’s perspective (ilyas, 2006). characteristic of islamic feminism is the intensive dialogue between the principles of justice and equality that exist in religious texts with the reality of the treatment to muslim women in muslim society.change in perception and interpretation of religious texts is the key word for islamic feminism dealing with the status quo of traditional interpretations that subordinate women.patriarchy is considered as the cause of misogynistic tendencies in the interpretation of religious texts.muslim feminism objectives not only liberate muslim women from gender bias on the interpretation of religious texts, but also men from social structures and religious views that do not give relationship justice between men and women in various spheres of life(rachman, 2000). therefore, according to baroroh (2002), there are two muslim feminists focus of attention in fighting for gender equality.first, gender inequality between men and women in the social structure of the muslim society is not rooted from islamic teaching, but on the understanding that male bias which is believed to be the basic islamic teachings. second, to achieve gender equality, it needs to reassess sources of islamic teaching related to gender relations rest on the basic principles of islamic teaching that are justice and equality. muslim feminists distinguish texts into two: the first is the verses that cross the context, it means absolute and universal, there is only one absolute interpretation binding on all space and time, should not be abandoned, and become a foundation in understanding the verses that are sociological.second, sociological verses, they are practical verses that respond the culture of arab society when the verses were revealed, these verses provisions should be implemented as long as they are still significant and providing benefit in the present. however, if the circumstances are different and requiring a change, then the interpretation can and should be changed (muhammad, 2001). . the influence of islamic feminism towards muslim women activists in indonesia started to be felt since the 1990s.publication of translated books, especially by riffat hassan, fatima mernissi, amina wadud, and asghar ali engineer has provided a new perspective among gender activists. they are looking for an alternative interpretation about the relationship between men and women that is more fair and equitable in the al qur’an and hadith.at the same time, openness to feminist issues also started to appear in indonesian intellectual circles that are influential such as nurcholis madjid, quraish shihab, djohan effendi, jalaluddin rakhmat, abdurrahman wahid, lies marcoes, wardah hafidz, siti ruhaini dzuhayatin, huzaemah tahido yanggo, masdar farid mas’udi, and etc. research methods literature review conducted are included in the category of library research. data collection technique used was technical documentation, by collecting various journal articles, theses, dissertations, books, that related to gender discourse and women movement in nu. besides documentation also obtained from the official website of the nu , fatayat , and rahima. result and analysis the influence of gender discourse and gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 234 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ women movement to nu: pros and cons among nu, the inclusion of gender discourse and the women movements can not be separated from nu gender activists contiguity with the feminism ideas, especially that developed in the islamic world in the 1990s, the inclusion of issues of democracy in islam, and influence the development of new social movements (robinson, 2009 ; raharjo, 2011). bruinessen (1994) in his study, noted that after nu returned to khittah in 1926, various discussions about religious issues become increasingly prevalent.in the late 1980s and early 1990s, under the leadership of abdurrahman wahid (gus dur), critical efforts done to develop a new discourse, implement and extend coverage of reasoning traditional fiqh to an area of contemporary problems.the most general fiqh implementation is the creation of fatwa as jam’iyyah authoritative provision through bahtsul masa’il institution. the traditionalist clerics tend to be textual in interpreting fiqh and rejecting ijtihad. but, along with the development of problems of society in economic, political, social, and cultural, it emerges problems that require answers, while there is no reference in the fiqh book or, at least, it is difficult to translate in the traditional fiqh discourse. responding that problem, most of the young nu clerics attempt to expand the fatwa coverage and improve the reasoning quality that they use as the basis of formulation. many young clerics studiedin egypt or saudi arabia and knew other madhhabs besides shafi that predominantly referenced by nu clerics. interestingly, the criticism toward textual fiqh interpretation did not come from the nu young generation who experience modern education, but it came from youg generation who experience smarter islamic boarding school education. one of the young cleric at that time who introduced critical reasoning and changes in bahtsul masa’il pattern was kiai musthofa bisri from rembang, followed by kiai muchith muzadi from jember, and kiaisahal mahfudzh. one of critical generation is masdar f. mas’udi who pioneered the idea of contextual reinterpretation of fiqh.he rejected the attitude of taqlid on four madhhabs adopted by nu, which in practice was dominated by shafi madhhab.masdar organized a critical discussion about the kitab kuning (yellow book) to broaden the discourse of the established fiqh and highlighted the social problems.the discussion was conducted to understand the contextual kitab kuning, which the sociocultural and historical context needs to be understood when classical books were made, rather than being taqlid on what is written in the book, but to understand and apply their methods of analysis and reasoning (manhaj) into the context of the new situation (taqlid on the method used in making the law). this new approach offered was shaking the position and authority of traditional clerics. the inclusion of gender discourse and moslim women movements into nu clearly implies to the emergence of pros and cons in nu. the debate is rooted in views about the women position and male-female relations in islam.generally, that view is divided into two groups. the first group is they who consider that male-female relation nowadays is in accordance with islamic teaching, sothat it does not need to be sued. this first group considers that feminists’ lawsuit toward the women fiqh written in kitab kuningis often exaggerated and erroneous.the mistakes lie on: first, syari’at probgender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 235 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lems often get mixed with fiqh problems. second, the feminists often generalize a case that applies specifically. third, the clerics’ opinions which the law foundation is not necessarily strong is often considered as opinions that represent islam about women. while the second group is they who think that women still get unfair and discrimination treatment. this condition is not accordance with islamic values that prioritized justice.this second group see the problems of discrimination and unfairness toward women, one of which sourced from the interpretation of religious text interpretation that is rigid and textual, so that it is needed the contextual reinterpretation. this group gives criticism to the first group who as if placing religious text interpretation (fiqh) as religious text itself that cannot or difficult to change (isma’il, 2000; fakih, 2000; mas’udi, 2000). several opinions are cons, one of which stated by (wahid, 2000) who gives sharp criticism toward fiqh interpretation done by fatima mernissi. wahid said that mernissi made a mistake in understanding information, assumption, and full of prejudice in her thinking pattern. according to wahid, there is no misogynistic tendencies in the hadith narrated by abu hurairah and imam bukhari as pointed by mernissi. al-hasany (2000) even mentions feminism is outdated traditional problems, that is not in accordance with with islamic values as derived from the liberal western civilization.ironically, the united nations helped legitimizing the struggle of feminism, so that un member states should also follow it and feminism became aglobal issue.he quoted some research results and books that show feminism failure in western countries and even counter-productive to the struggle of feminism itself.from the failure example, al-hasany questioned the positive values of feminism and again contrasted with islamic values set out in the qur’an and hadith.according to al-hasany,muslims who spread the ideas of feminism due to their weakness in understanding the islamic teachings, anything that comes from the west was considered modern so that various gender issues was legalized by the argument of the qur’an and hadith as eclectic culture.according to him, a mistake of muslim scientists thought about the ideas of feminism can be seen from the justifications, interpolation, subjectivity, and in accuracy.justification is an effort to justify new practices by subjecting the texts on the interpretation desired by the interpreter, instead of changing the reality in accordance with the texts.interpolation is inserting texts into a certain frame of mind possessed by the thinkers, the idea of feminism which is a non-islamic conceptual framework used as a framework to understand the texts. if the existing texts are not in accordance with the framework of thought, they will be rejected and will look for new texts with various rationalizations.subjectivity is taking a particular attitude prematurely toward the texts.two thinkers see the same texts, but from a different perspective.in accuracy is carelessness or ignorance of thinker that he adhered to the texts that are not valid. softer opinions delivered by ismail (2000) who says that the fiqh of women that is based on ijtihad can be re-interpreted in accordance with the changing times.the call made by muslim feminists to reinterpretation and reconstruction contextually fiqh could be carried along into the fiqh sphere as the istinbath ijtihadi results and must be carried by people or group of people who are truly competent gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 236 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and meeting certain conditions, such as field the science of usul fiqh. while who include in the territory of the shari’a islamiya cannot be changed. on the contrary, some supporting opinions also appear in the nahdlatul ulama community, not only from the young activists but also from the kiai (male muslims clerics) and nyai (female muslims clerics) who are open to the fiqh (jurisprudence) reinterpretation contextually. mahfudh (2012) in his book, explains that fiqh as a shari’a reflection has four main teaching components, such as ‘ubudiyah (liturgy), mu’amalah (professional and civil relations), munahakah (marriage), andjinayah (criminal). strengthening the bruinessen’s research result, mahfudh states that after kiai bisri, there are some changes in viewing the fiqh itself, from viewing it as an “orthodoxy truth” paradigmto a “social signification” paradigm. if the first paradigm shows reality to the truth of fiqh, the second uses fiqh as a counter discourse among the politics signification which is lasting. if the first paradigm shows the “black and white” characteristic, the second shows its nuanced characteristic in dealing with social reality. therefore, mahfudh, then, introduces the term of social fiqh nuance. according to mas’udi (2000) the masculine bias in the yellow book can be understood when we consider the modern context in which the gender issue which finds justice in the men and women relation appears. in order not to be trapped in the suspicious and judgmental behavior toward the yellow book, people must understand the historical context of the yellow book making. when the yellow book puts women to be men’s inferiority, it can be understood from some factors: first, the teaching of al-qur’an and hadits tends not to put men and women equally. second, almost all of the yellow book author men which make it difficult to avoid the masculine bias. third, the yellow book is law product in its era that is in the middle era which was dominated by the patriarchal culture. if the cultural positions are different then the views will also be different. scema the influence of gender discourse and women movement to nu gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 237 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ religion has been involved in unfair great cultural wave toward women. unconsciously, there has been reciprocal power between culture and religion which gives great power in creating subordination and suppression toward women. even though there are agreements about religion will not be discriminative in every life aspects, the social reality shows that discrimination does occur, especially in the gender relation between men and women locally and in public. therefore, there are gap and imbalance between religious idealism and social reality. the gap must be changed with critical intellectual strategies toward religious text considered as people beliefs. it will enable to separate the cultural dimension from religious dimension. in the popular perspective of nu, fiqh reinterpretation and reconstruction in present social context are needed (muhammad, 2001). viewing the dispute of gender and women movement study in nu from structural and cultural perspectives some researches about women studies and movements have been conducted such as by: bruinessen (1994), hasyim and bush (1998), thoha (2003), zahro (2004), muhammad (2001), candland and nurjanah (2004), rumadi (2008), effendi (2008), rumadi (2008), arnez (2009), monika (2009), mufidah (2010), affiah (2010), nuryantono and sukontamarn (2010), harisudin (2010), hamidah (2011), marhumah (2011), harder (2012), anshor (2012), harder (2012), astutik (2013), and ma’mur (2014). the studies above can be categorized into two: first, women discourse and movement of nu from structural perspective. second, women discourse and movement of nu from cultural perspective. this categorization is in line with the factual condition of nu which has unique characteristics since it can be seen from institutional formal perspective as jam’iyyah (organization/structural) and from mass basic perspective asjama’ah (community/cultural). a. structural perspective structural perspective puts nu’s structure, in this case are bahtsul masa’il, muslimat, andfatayat, as the actors taking role in producing gender thought and conducting women empowerment. bahtsul masa’ilinstitution as the fatwa creator authority holder on various public issues become the dispute field of various thoughts including the gender thought inside. some researches have been done toward bahtsul masa’ilinstitution such as those done by zahro (2004), anshor (2012), and ma’mur (2014). zahro did a research on methods, the yellow books which become references, the applied mazhab, and the law decision validity (itstinbat) done by bahtsul masa’il pbnu (higher board of nahdlatul ulama) in range of time from muktamar i year 1926 to muktamar xxx year 1999. his research finding concludes that the decisions made have been in accordance with the applied conditions. however, there is no definite agreement or final understanding toward the authoritative books (yellow books) which are made as the references in making decisions in bahtsul masa’il. the absence of agreement toward the authoritative books arises various different interpretations towardthe same issue because each interpretation is based on different yellow book reference. in the regional secretariat area, anshor did research about the dynamic ofbahtsul masa’il pwnu (regional board of nahdlatul ulama) of gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 238 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ east java in doing mazhab. according to him, the bahtsul masa’ilof pwnu of east java has experienced thought liberalization. it is understood that bahtsul masa’ilhas been encouraged to release itself from the main four mazhab in nu (hanafi, maliki, shafi’i, and hambali) as far as it is not against the articles of association bylaws (ad art) and even though it is still in little scale. the weakness of zahro and anshor studies is the studies do not reveal the social, political, and economic contexts in which they affect the decisions ofbahtsul masa’il. therefore, it makes the decisions are made as if they are only some practical issues controlled by “value” and run through the procedures of “fiqh”. in fact, there are many nu decisions controlled by “strategy” and are not independent as a single issue. even though zahro and anshor’s researches include about the existence of gender issue discussed in bahtsul masa’il, these researches do not explain the details of gender issues discussed and how the discussion dynamic is. a little difference with the previous two researches, ma’mur (2014) tries to include thought battleinter some groups in making fatwa in bahtsul masa’il. ma’mur specifically discusses the dynamic of gender thought in the forum of bahtsul masa’il pbnu in the range of time from 1989-2010 involving conservative, moderate, and progressive groups. the gender issues becoming controversy cover cross-religion marriage, mut’ah marriage, women working at night shift outside the house, women leadership, trafficking, and women circumcision. the cross-religion marriage is dominated by the conservative group. the women working at night shift outside the house issueand women circumcision issues are dominated by moderate group. meanwhile, the women leadership and traffickingare dominated by liberal group. with the dynamic description, ma’mur states that nu’s thought on gender is with religious gender that is gender based on religious values. another study from structural perspective is the study about nu women autonomy organization, they are muslimatandfatayat. muslimatis a women organization of nu which is for adult women, while fatayatis a women organization of nu which is for young women. from some researches done toward both organizations, it can be concluded that fatayat is considered more progressive than muslimat seen from gender thought and working programs done by both organizations. muslimatabsorbs more conservative gender values as a result of value socialization in nu’s culture and interacts more with national gender politics. the research done by candland and nurjanah (2004) on muslimat’s involvement supports the family planning program (kb) which becomes the government’s program. at the beginning, the different views among the kiai and nyai on family planning program as a program limiting the population caused by the differences in interpreting fiqh. however, at the end, the opinions which support this program are more dominant along with the intensity on the government socialization on this program. fatayatis more dominated by nu’s young women who have higher educational backgrounds, wider mobility and networks, interactions with feminism ideas, and democracy issues in islam. according to arnez (2009), fatayathas been experiencing changes toward a more progressive direction since 1980’s. since that decade, fatayat has experienced important changes in its movement gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 239 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ objective and strategy that is doing women empowerment based on islamic values. it applies local cultural approach and islamic values as its movement strategy. the occurrence of new approaches about women’s involvement in development that are gender and development (gad) approach and gender analysis put aside previous approaches that are women and development (wad) and women in development (wid) approach which are failed in their implementations. it greatly affects toward gender thought and programs run by fatayat. the research finding concluded by affiah (2010) shows that the use of gender analysis by fatayat considers a background of discourse and policy battle toward wid and gad approaches. gad approach becomes the basic individual view to do counter culture in encountering the values standardized by society and the nation. the effects seen from the use of gender analysis by fatayat are the switch on its views, programs, and activities based on gender analysis. funding source also becomes one factor of the independence differences on muslimat and fatayatin developing their thoughts and movements. nuryantono and sukontamarn (2010) review the link between muslimat and fatayat funding sources with the women empowerment programs independency done by both institutions. the bigger the funding is, the weaker its bargaining position to create women empowerment programs out of the government’s mainstream. while the more independent the funding is, the more progressive the women empowerment programs done by the women organizations are. b. cultural perspective cultural perspective puts gender activists out of nu’s structure as the actor taking role in reproducing gender thought and doing women empowerment (at next, it is called as cultural gender activists). this perspective positively assesses gender reconstruction efforts done by cultural gender activists. in the era of abdurahman wahid leadership, a renewal wave appears inside nu driven by nu youth. effendi finds that there are changes in religious view among nu youth community and in behavior toward gender injustice in islamic women community which come from old fiqh tradition understood and accepted as the religious teaching standard. the emergence of nu youth is not only in young kiai and young nyai circles but also among the educated nu’s young women. many nu gender activists involved in social activities and religious discourses. in this case, they look for and develop feminism principals through local cultural perspective and islamic teachings (effendi, 2008). according to effendi, the emergence of nu young generation with various discourses is caused by three facilitating main factors.first, the existence of intellectual tradition formulated in mazhabiyahtraditional paradigm framework. this tradition is supported and maintained through the existence of islamic boarding houses as cultural institutions and bahtsul masa’ilas the intellectual discourse. second, the existence of islamic boarding houses as traditional educational institutions in which islamic boarding houses taking role as the cultural infrastructures which maintain the continuity of traditional and local and at the same time are also open toward changes and developments. third, the existence of kiai plays role not only as gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 240 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ religious leaders but also as social leaders. understanding the role of kiai, nyai, and the tradition of islamic boarding houses as the gender reconstruction agent, hasyim and bush (1998) have different views with effendi. hasyim and bush criticize the patriarchal culture preserved in islamic boarding houses through yellow books and kiai-islamic boarding house islamic boarding house students relation. they explain the factors causing the discrimination toward women inside nu, they are: first, the role of kiai or nyai in developing gender discourses is less appreciative. second, gender discourses inside nu is highly oriented to fiqh. third, the two factors develop rapidly inside nu especially in the kiai and islamic boarding houses circlesbecause culturally, these institutions are paternalistic and patriarchal. in the context of traditional islamic society, there are meeting points between patriarchal culture and traditions which are dominant in the life of islamic boarding houses and kiai. with this background, fiqh often marginalizes women. the condition is supported by the limited amount of muslim men, moreover the amount of muslim women, who understand and are able to interpret religious texts such as al qur’an, hadits, and various islamic literatures. they entrust and are tunduk to the people who are considered of having abilities in interpreting islamic texts such as kiai and nyai as the cultural and religious broker. the problem is when the kiai and nyai are not sensitive to the gender issues. however, hasyim and bush have different opinion with effendi. they are in one same perspective in viewing actors outside nu’s structure such as kiai, nyai, and islamic boarding houses institutions have important roles in reconstructing thought gender in discursive and praxis levels. moreover, considering the position of kiai and nyai as social cultural broker and religious broker who becomes the reference of the islamic boarding house students and society in grassroot level. the problem is whether kiai, nyai, and islamic boarding house institutions are open to the developing gender issues in society or not. the researches about gender interpretations in islamic boarding house environments are also done by mufidah (2010) and marhumah (2011). mufidah reviews on the gender interpretations which are formed in the islamic boarding house circles categorized in the conservative, moderate, and progressive groups. while marhumah reviews about gender interpretations in islamic boarding houses by focusing on kiai, nyai, teachers, and islamic boarding house students as the gender values socialization agents in those islamic boarding houses. rumadi (2008) did research about contemporary thought developing inside nu and focusing on nu’s cultural movement in doing counter discourses toward the dominant thoughts. the developing thoughts among nu’s progressive activist circles are called by rumadi, as post traditionalism. even though, this research does not specifically discuss about the gender thoughts but it discusses the issue as a part of the thorough discussion, at least, the progressive thought description inside nu in feminism studies driven by p3m, fahmina, lkis, and desantara as an institution formed by nu’s progressive activists. while the more specific research done about gender thoughts in the cultural gender activist circle done by hamidah (2011) which reviews on the thoughts of masdar farid mas’udi, husein muhammad, syafiq hasyim, siti musdah mulia, and maria ulfa gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 241 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ anshor about basic women fiqh theology and methodology reconstruction which is gender-fair. this research more emphasizes on individual thoughts of some nu’s progressive gender activists. commonly, cultural gender activists consider that women still receive unfair treatments and are discriminated. this condition is considered not in accordance with islamic values which highlight equality. one of the causes of the discrimination and inequality issues toward women is the religious text interpretations which are toostiff and textual. the main criticism toward fiqh is its contents which are considered of not supporting women’s issues as fiqh is made by men and in men’s perspectives. therefore, religious text contextualization and reinterpretation on women’s issues are needed. they use terminology, idioms, and fiqhun-nisa paradigm (fiqh about women) as the tool to introduce, discuss, andpromote the women empowerment agenda. the use offiqhun nisais aimed at conditioning fiqh to be more relevant with sociohistorical context in nahdliyin circle. astutik (2013) mentions strategy applied by muslim feminists as organic intellectuals which is called by astutik in the political term as cultural affirmation, that is a strategy to introduce gender equality and justice in indonesian muslims society through cultures. culture becoming a target as it is considered as a tool which preserves gender injustice in society. by using the cultural facility, the muslims feminists are willingly to change the conservative arrangements. muslim feminists apply “war position”as their movement strategies by setting the target on religious text interpretations and gender justice socialization in institutions preserving discrimination culture toward women. both, then, are inserted in yellow book reinterpretation activities and are socialized in islamic boarding houses and in the al-qur’an verses reinterpretation and are socialized to the society by using “sholawat gender”, recruiting women clerics, and making islamic boarding houses as woman crisis centre. nu’s cultural gender activists cooperate with p3m enlarge the understanding and use of fiqhunnisa (fiqh about women) in three elements: first, fiqhun lin-nisa (fiqh used by women). this fiqh is used for arguing that misogynistic and patriarchal fiqh must be reinterpreted for women and provides benefits for women. second, fiqhun fin-nisa (fiqh based on women). this fiqh tries to focus the discussion about women’s issues in the public discourse mainstream in which during this time, it has not seriously been considered inside nu. third, fiqhun minan-nisa (fiqh formulated by women). in this issue, women can be actors and agents in formulating fiqh. however in the reality, women access in bahtsul masa’ilas the actors in formulating fiqh is still very limited. the increasing urgency the need toward fiqh reinterpretation and contextualization to solve various issues in society is also reviewed by thoha (2003), harisudin (2010), and bruinessen (2009). according to thoha and harisudin, when fiqh is understood textually, nu intellectual tradition will experience stagnancy as it cannot solve various people problems which are developing along with the modernization and globalization which need religious answers. therefore, two important things must be done are to implement that fiqh has flexibility along with the recent condition and situation demands and to deeply dig ushul fiqih andmantiqas fiqh interpretation methodology. harisudin adds the need of new methods such as hermeneutics and socio-cultural analysis to intergender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 242 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pret fiqh contextually. supporting the previous statement, muhammad (2001) more specifically criticizes on how the yellow books view menwomen relations. the link between cultureand textual religious teaching interpretation has put women in marginalized position. therefore, according to muhammad, it must be separated and differentiated the cultural products from religious values and teachings. based on the explanation above, gender and women movement discourses in nu from structural and cultural perspective can be simplified into the following table: structural perspective, substantively, assesses that nu structure has been quite accommodating and moderate toward the emergence of gender and women empowerment issues.bahtsul masa’ilinstitution as the institution making fatwa is considered of having given enough wide space for the existence of new gender discourse. muslimatandfatayatas an autonomous organization which is specialized for nu’s women is also considered of having taken role in nu’s women empowerment through its various programs and activities. even though in various studies, fatayat is considered more progressive thanmuslimat. from the gender thought aspect in the discursive level, structural perspective tends more to understand that gender is destiny (though some parts start to understand that gender is a socio-cultural construction especially in fatayat circle). the gender justice concept is accepted as far as it does not involve alqur’an, hadits, and fiqh. while in praxis level, some of the gender activists considering gender as destiny still have patriarchal views both in their view of men-women relation and gender justice concept. cultural perspective substantively assesses cultural gender activists as the group who brings renewal in nu organization and gives appreciations toward gender reconstruction done in discursive and praxis level. from gender thought aspect from discursive level, cultural perspective understands that gender is a result of internalized sociocultural construction in various aspects of life. the gender justice concept must be inserted in every aspects of life referring to maqasid as-syar’i:rights of life, rights of reproduction, rights of property, rights of having religion, and rights of giving opinion. fiqh reinterpretation issue becomes a crucial issue in this approach because during this time al-qur’an and haditstexts interpreted in misogynistic cause the discrimination toward women. however, both perspectives are in crossing side and separated. there is no explanation how discourse differences and women movement between both perspectives dispute each other. besides, both perspectives have not explained yet the possibility of different views in their own internal sides. the structural approach has not explained the possibility of different views amongbahtsul masa’il, muslimat, andfatayatcertain gender issues besides there are some similarities in these structural groups. also, the cultural approach which puts gender activists out of nu’s structure has not explained the possibility of different views which might happen among cultural gender activists. therefore, as the recommendation for the next research, it will be interesting if it explains the relation of the two approaches in dispute context. how these two approaches dispute in gender discourse level and in movement praxis level. also, how the dispute happens inside each gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 243 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ structural and cultural approach. therefore, a more comprehensive description on women discourse and movement inside nu will be gained. conclusion the involvement of nu gender activists with the feminism ideas, the strengthening of democracy issues in islam, and the effects of civil society development introduced by ngo or new social movement have made gender studies and women movement inside nu in dynamic. the occurrence of the new discourses brought by some nu gender activist results in the thought and movement among the nu activists community. it also happens inside the nu’s structure. as the examples of its further implication, some activists who disagree with the thought and movement of muslimat and fatayat as nu female organization found other institutions outside the nu’s structure. it shows that gender thought and women movement in nu is not static and anti-politics, on the contrary, it becomes dynamic and political because each actor involved inside try to affect and dominate each other both in discursive and praxis levels. some studies about the women discourse and movement inside nu can be categorized into two perspectives, they are structural and cultural perspectives. this categorization is in line with the factual condition of nu which has unique characteristics since it can be seen from the institutional formal perspective asjam’iyyah (organization) and from mass basic perspectives asjama’ah (community). the structural perspective puts nu’s structures (bahtsul masa’il, muslimat, andfatayat) as actors taking role in producing the gender thought and doing women empowerment. substantively, the nu’s structure is considered quite accommodating and moderate toward the existence of gender issues and women empowerment. from the gender thought aspect in the discursive level, the structural perspective tends to understand that gender is destiny (even though some other parts have started table the comparison of gender discourse and women movement of nu in structural and cultural perspektif gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 244 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to understand that gender is a socio-cultural construction, especially in fatayat activist community). the concept of justice in gender is accepted as far as it does not involve the al-qur’an texts, hadits, and fiqh. while in the praxis level, most of the gender activists still hold the patriarchal views both in their views on the men-women relation and in the concept of gender equality. cultural perspective puts gender activists outside nu’s structure as the actor taking role in reproducing the gender thought and doing women empowerment. substantively, cultural gender activists are considered as a group which brings renewal in nu organization and gives appreciation toward gender reconstructions done both in discursive and praxis levels. from the gender thought aspect in discursive level, cultural perspective understand gender as a sociocultural construction. the gender justice concept must be applied in every aspects of life covering rights of life, rights of reproduction, rights of property, rights of having religion, and rights of giving opinion. fiqh reinterpretation issue becomes a crucial issue since during this time, al-qur’an and hadits texts interpreted in misogynistic are the cause of discrimination 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interkoneksitas feminisme muslim dan gerakan pembaharuan di timur tengah, jurnal studi gender dan anak, vol.5, nomor 2, juli-desember, 2010. darwin, muhadjir, gerakan perempuan di indonesia dari masa ke masa, jurnal ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik, vol.7, nomor 3, maret 2004. diana, ilvi nur, wacana dan gerakan perempuan islam, www.e-journal.uin-malang.ac.id, diakses 20 juni 2015, jam 08.30. esha, muhamad in’am, membincang perempuan bersama pierre bourdieu, www.e-journal.uinmalang.ac.id, diakses 20 juni, jam.07.15. hamidah, tutik, dialektika teks dan konteks dalam metode istinbat fikih perempuan kontemporer, jurnal ahkam, vol xiii, nomor 1, januari 2013. kharis, muhammad, potret perjuangan organisasi perempuan indonesia, jurnal palastren, vol.5, nomor.2, desember, 2012. monika, arnez, empowering women trough islam: fatayat nu between tradition and change, journal of islamic studies, june, oxford university press, 2009. muslih, mohammad, membaca wacana gender (framework studi islam dan isu-isu kontemporer di isid pm gontor), jurnal tsaqawaf, vol.3, nomor 1. muqoyyidin, andik w, wacana kesetaraan gender: pemikiran islam kontemporer tentang gerakan feminisme islam, jurnal al-ulum, vol.13, nomor 2, desember 2013. roviana, sri, gerakan perempuan nahdlatul ulama dalam transformasi pendidikan politik, jurnal pendidikan islam, vol iii, nomor.2, desember gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 247 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2014. sam’ani, fiqh sebagai counter discourse sosial politik nu, www.e-journal.stain. pekalongan.ac.id, diakses 20 juni 2015, jam 09.00. qibtiyah, alimatul, indonesian muslim women and the gender equality movement, journal of indonesian islam, vol 03, number 01, june, 2009. gender discourse and women movements in nahdlatul ulama (nu) / dian eka rahmawati http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0017 layout desember 2008 62 kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 sulistyaningsih dosen program studi sosiologi fakultas ilmu sosial dan humnaiora, uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the existence of people forest in java was marginalized for a long time has changed. it was happened after state deforestation in java. it can be shown by people forest in gunung kidul district,yogyakarta. the people forest has gotten sertification strenghten the legitimation of real people role in forest management. in this context is needed local institution strenghten. the strong local institution is hoped to become social capital for community in people forest management . it makes farmers of people forest have strong and high bargaining posistion toward market intervention. but, in this case, state role in market intervention become important factor too. state must give protection toward the farmers of people forest. keywords: community forest, local institution capacity. abstrak keberadan masyarakat hutan di jawa yang selama ini termarjinalisasi dalam waktu yang sanagat lama, saat ini telah berubah. ini terjadi setelah negara melakukan deforestation di jawa. hal yang demikian dapat ditunjukkam oleh masyarakat hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul daerah istimewa yogyakarta. masyarakat yang telah mendapatkan sertifikasi memperkuat legitimasi bagi masyarakat untuk berperan dalam mengelolah hutan. dalam konteks ini dibutuhkan penguatan kelembagaan lokal. menguatnya kelembagaan lokal diharapkan dapat menjadi social kapital bagi masyarakat dalam mengelolah hutan. sehingga petani masyarakat hutan mempunyai kekuatan tawar menawar terhadap 63 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ intervensi pasar. tetapi, dalam kasus ini, peranan negara dalam intervensi pasar menjadi faktor penting dan negara harus memberikan perlindungan bagi petani masyarakat hutan. keyword: masyarakat hutan, kapasitas kelembagaan lokal pendahuluan berbicara tentang hutan di indonesia tidak bisa dilepaskan dari model pengelolaan hutan yang ada . hutan mempunyai makna penting dalam kehidupan manusia. keberadaan hutan diibaratkan sebagai paru-parunya dunia. hutan idealnya bisa memberikan manfaat secara ekonomi, sosial , budaya dan ekologi bagi manusia. sejarah pengelolaan hutan di indonesia sudah ada sejak jaman belanda. dengan demikian, dinamika pengelolaan hutan di indonesia sudah terjadi sejak lama. tidak dipungkiri, bahwa sejarah pengelolan hutan di indonesia memberikan warna pada model kebijakan yang diambil oleh pemerintah indonesia. hal ini bisa dilihat sangat nyata sekali pada model pengelolan hutan pada rezim suharto yang telah meninggalkan banyak persoalan dalam sektor kehutanan. ini nampak dari model kebijakan di sektor kehutanan yang “top down dan sentralistik “ yang telah banyak menimbulkan persoalan baik secara ekonomi, politik, sosial dan budaya serta lingkungan hidup. fenomena yang terparah yang bisa dilihat dalam sejarah pengelolan hutan selama rezim suharto adalah adanya degradasi hutan yang sangat akut disertai adanya masalah sosial,ekonomi, politik di tingkat masyarakat. ini bisa dilihat dari kasus penjarahan hutan pada tahun 1998 . penjarahan hutan yang terjadi tersebut sebenarnya lebih bermuara pada kondisi sosial , ekonomi dan politik nasional. atau dengan kata lain adanya penjarahan hutan terutama di pulau jawa adalah sebagai imbas kondisi sosial, ekonomi, politik, ekonomi secara makro di indonesia. penjarahan hutan yang luar biasa tersebut telah menyebabkan kondisi hutan semakin kritis atau mengalami degradasi baik secara kualitas maupun secara kuantitas. dampak dari kasus tersebut sangat dirasakan oleh masyarakat lokal yang ada di sekitar hutan seperti adanya banjir, tanah longsor juga masalah sosial (konflik di tingkat masyarakat) serta semakin punahnya marga satwa yang ada di hutan. persoalan-persoalan yang terjadi dalam pengelolaan hutan sebenarnya juga tidak bisa dilepaskan dari kepentingan kapitalisme dan struktur politik yang ada dalam masyarakat. ini artinya ada korelasi yang sangat signifikan kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 64 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ antara kerusakan lingkungan yang terjadi dengan adanya kapitalisme global. kapitalisme global di sini ditandai dengan adanya intervensi negaranegara maju terhadap negara-negara sedang berkembang dalam eksploitasi sumber daya alam seperti indonesia. eksploitasi itu dilakukan dalam kerangka membangun gerakan ekspansi bisnis melalui mnc (multi national coorporation) atau tnc (trans national coorporation). akibat yang paling fatal adanya kapitalisme global tersebut adalah adalah adanya marginalisasi di tingkat masyarakat lokal . sehingga yang terjadi seperti yang dialami oleh indonesia adalah yang kaya semakin kaya yang miskin semakin miskin. data laju kerusakan hutan di indonesia semakin mengkhawatirkan karena termasuk tertinggi di dunia yakni satu juta hektar per tahun. adanya deforestasi tersebut, keberadaan hutan rakyat menjadi salah satu solusinya. dalam pengelolaan hutan rakyat ini, kelembagaan lokal menjadi entry point penting bagi petani dalam meningkatkan posisi tawarnya apalagi ketika berhadapan dengan pasar. dalam konteks sertifikasi hutan rakyat, menuntut adanya kelembagaan lokal yang kuat yang diharapkan bisa menjadi social capital bagi masyarakat di gunungkidul karena secara historis anggota-anggota yang ada di dalamnya mempunyai kesamaan sejarah, nasib dan budaya. terkait dengan hal tersebut, maka persoalan yang muncul adalah bagaimana strategi penguatan kelembagaan lokal dapat dilakukan? uudang-undang no 41/1999 disebutkan bahwa hutan rakyat adalah hutan yang tumbuh di atas tanah yang dibebani hak milik. definisi ini diberikan untuk membedakannya dari hutan negara, yaitu hutan yang tumbuh di atas tanah yang tidak dibebani hak milik atau tanah negara. pengertian hutan semacam ini menurut suharjito (2000) menimbulkan beberapa konsekuensi seperti : pertama, hutan-hutan yang tumbuh di atas tanah adat dan dikelola oleh keluarga-keluarga petani sebagai anggota kelompok masyarakat diklaim oleh pemerintah sebagai hutan negara dan bukan termasuk hutan rakyat. kedua, hutan-hutan yang tumbuh di atas tanah milik diusahakan oleh orang-orang kota yang menyewa atau membeli tanah masyarakat lokal masih dapat dikategorikan sebagai hutan rakyat. lebih lanjut suharjito (2000;2) menyatakan bahwa hutan rakyat bisa menunjuk pada pelaku dan organisasi pengelolaannya. hutan rakyat kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 65 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dapat mencakup hutan individu, hutan keluarga, hutan kelompok, hutan kolektif. berbicara tentang keberadaan hutan rakyat, terutama hutan rakyat di jawa telah ada sejak lama. hutan rakyat di jawa dikembangkan pada tahun 1930-an oleh pemerintah kolonial belanda. setelah merdeka sejak tahun 1952 pemerintah indonesia melanjutkan pengembangan hutan rakyat melalui gerakan “karang kitri”.1secara nasional kemudian pengembangan hutan rakyat berada di bawah payung program penghijauan yang dimulai sejak tahun 1960-an sampai awal 2000. kemudian diteruskan melalui model kemitraan antara pengusaha dan organisasi petani yang difasilitasi oleh dana kredit usaha hutan rakyat (kuhr) yng dimulai sejak tahun 1996. sejak tahun 2002/2003 usaha pemerintah mendorong penanaman pohon-pohon di lahan hak diberi label baru gnrhl (gerakan nasional rehabilitasi hutan dan lahan ) (san afri awang, 2006;1) sampai saat ini hutan rakyat telah diusahakan di tanah milik yang diakui secara formal oleh pemerintah maupun tanah milik yang diakui pada tingkat lokal. menurut catatan departemen kehutanan sampai tahun 2004 luas hutan rakyat di seluruh indonesia mencapai 1.265.460,26 ha. sebagian besar merupakan hutan rakyat swadaya (1.151.653,13, ha) dan sisanya adalah hutan rakyat yang didukung oleh proyek pemerintah.(san afri awng, 2006; 2) menurut awang (2006; 7-8), bentuk-bentuk hutan rakyat di indonesia yang merupakan inisiatif masyarakat lokal antara lain hutan rakyat sengon, hutan rakyat jati, hutan rakyat campuran, khepong campuran, hutan rakyat suren da duren di bukit tinggi (hutan parak), hutan adat campuran. contoh hutan rakyat ini dalam pengaturannya ada yang berbasis hukum –hukum adat dan ada yang berdasarkan kesepakatan lembaga-lembaga sosial lainnya seperti kesepakatan antar keluarga, kesepakatan desa dan kesepakatan desa dengan pemerintah. hutan rakyat di setiap daerah memiliki nama masing-masing. oleh karena itu, hutan rakyat sebenarnya merupakan nama kolektif dari kumpulan sistem pengelolaan hutan yang inisiatifnya oleh masyarakat dan dapat oleh pemerintah yang mampu menjamin kelestarian fungsi dan manfaat hutan untuk peningkatan kualitas kehidupan masyarakat dan berkeadilan menjamin antar generasi secara berkesinambungan. kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 66 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ awang (2006) menjelaskan lebih lanjut bahwa karaketristik pengelolaan hutan rakyat adalah bersifat individual, oleh keluarga, organisasi petani komunal, tidak memiliki management formal, tidak responsif, subsisten dan dipandang sebagai tabungan bagi keluarga pemilik hutan rakyat. karakteristik seperti ini kurang memiliki daya saing tinggi untuk perkembangan ke depannya,karena tidak memiliki posisi tawar yang tinggi terhadap pedagang dan industri serta sinkronisasi konservasi dan kelestarian hutannya tidak dapat dijamin. dalam konteks ini perlu ada strategi baru dalam pengelolaan hutan rakyat. terkait adanya gejala kecenderungan bahwa hutan rakyat menjadi solusi alternatif pasca deforestasi ini bisa dilihat pada perubahan dalam industri perkayuan, dimana permintaan terhadap kayu semakin meningkat. kondisi ini membuat para pelaku industri dihadapkan pada kondisi kesulitan bahan baku dan mahalnya harga kayu jati. akhirnya, para pelaku industri kayu mulai melihat hutan rakyat, yang selama ini dianggap hanya sebagai produsen kayu pelengkap (data base arupa, 2006) adanya perubahan perilaku industri ini mengakibatkan perubahan pada pengelolaan hutan rakyat di jawa, khususnya di gunungkidul. misalnya selama ini masyarakat melakukan pemanenan berdasarkan ’tebang butuh’2, yaitu menebang bila butuh saja, tetapi saat ini menjadi berubah karena sekarang para pengrajin dan pemilik industri datang langsung ke desa dan melakukan penawaran-penawaran untuk membeli kayu rakyat. sekarang orang menebang kayu bukan hanya karena butuh, tetapi juga karena tuntutan pasar dan juga tekanan industri yang membutuhkan bahan baku . selama ini keberadaan hutan rakyat, meski secara policy (kebijakan:) kurang mendapat rekognisi dan legitimasi yang kuat oleh pemerintah sebagaimana keberadaan hutan negara . namun, kontribusi hutan rakyat terhadap masyarakat lokal tidak bisa dipungkiri, karena keberadaan hutan rakyat bisa menjadi katub penyelamat bagi masyarakat lokal. terkait dengan tuntutan dan tekanan pasar internasional yang mensyaratkan kayu yang diperjualbelikan adalah kayu yang sudah tersertifikasi, maka keberadaan sertifikat dan legalitas bagi hutan rakyat menjadi syarat mutlak agar bisa diterima, diakui dan laku di pasar internasional. artinya, dalam konteks perdagangan internasional, pembeli kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 67 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (buyers) atau dalam hal ini “pasar “membatasi pembelian kayu yang legal. ini menjadi tantangan baru bagi sektor kehutanan di indonesia. sebagai implikasinya, produsen (penjual kayu) memaksa masyarakat untuk mengelola hutan secara legal dan memperdagangkannya kayunya secara legal pula. adanya legalitas sebagai label yang diberikan oleh pasar terhadap pada kayu yan g diperjualbelkan ini menujukkan adanya kepentingan penetrasi pasar ,bukti autentik legalitas, pemenuhan aturan pemerintah dan image. di sisi lain adanya sertifikasi hutan rakyat tersebut diharapkan akan ada legitimasi negara atas peran masyarakat dalam pengelolaan hutan baik skala besar maupun skala kecil dan bukan intervensi negara terhadap pengelolaan hutan rakyat yang sudah lestari, selain itu juga adanya pengakuan terhadap pengelolaan hutan rakyat lestari, fasilitasi terwujudnya bangun hutan rakyat (dalam hal ini fasilitasi akses pasar, modal, teknologi, dan penelitian dan pengembangan), mengurangi disinsentif peredaran kayu rakyat . disinilah sesungguhnya peran masyarakat sangat nyata. karena masyarakat benar-benar bisa sebagai subyek atau pelaku yang terlibat secara aktif dalam mengelola hutan rakyat dari perencananaan, pelaksanaan sampai pada monitoring dan evaluasi. adanya sertifikasi hutan rakyat ini pula negara harusnya juga serius melakukan intervensi dalam pasar, artinya negara harus memberikan proteksi atau perlindungan bagi pasar hutan rakyat yang sudah memasuki pasar global. dalam konteks inilah, lei (lembaga ekolabel indonesia) berusaha memfasilitasi hal tersebut. lei telah mengembangkan sistem sertifikasi pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat lestari (phbml), pengelolaan hutan tanaman lestari (phtl) dan sistem sertifikasi lacak balak. konsep yang dirumuskan oleh lei coba direspon oleh pkhr (pusat kajian hutan rakyat ) ugm , arupa (aliansi relawan untuk penyelamatan alam ) dan yayasan shorea dengan menggagas insiasi rancang bangun unit manajemen hutan rakyat lestari (rb-umhrl) pada tahun 2004. instrumen ini merupakan salah satu upaya intervensi bagi penyelamatan hutan rakyat dari penurunan kualitas dan kuantitas di wilayah gunung kidul, yogyakarta. konsep hutan rakyat bagi masyarakat gunung kidul biasa disebut dengan istilah “wono” (data base arupa , 2006). gagasan rbumhrl merupakan upaya nyata untuk membangun kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 68 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ suatu pilot project unit manajemen hutan rakyat melalui penataan kawasan dan penyiapan kelembagaan atau organisasi tata laksana hutan yang profesional untuk mendapatkan manfaat secara lestari. berbagai tahapan dalam rb-umhrl ada dua hal penting yang mulai tergambarkan, yaitu satuan kelola sebagai basis unit manajemen lestari dan suistanaible forest management (sfm –aspek ekologi, aspek produksi dan aspek sosial). salah satu alat (tools) yang digunakan untuk mengembangkan unit manajemen hutan rakyat agar bisa memberikan kelestarian produksi, ekologi, dan ekonomi adalah sistem sertifikasi ekolabel. dalam konteks kehutanan, sertifikasi ekolabel dapat dijadikan sebagai salah satu alat (tools) yang berpotensi untuk mendorong tercapainya keseimbangan antara kelestarian sumberdaya alam hutan dengan kebutuhan ekonomi dan perdagangan. melalui sertifikasi ekolabel, akan tersedia informasi mengenai keberlanjutan pengelolaan hutan tempat kayu dihasilkan sehingga konsumen dapat memilih produk kayu dan non kayu yang ramah lingkungan dan berasal dari hutan yang dikelola secara berkelanjutan. melalui sertifikasi ekolabel, unit manajemen hutan rakyat akan mendapatkan pengakuan dari berbagai pihak, terutama pasar. adanya pengakuan ini diharapkan; pertama, pengetahuan tentang pengelolaan hutan oleh masyarakat ini akan menjadi referensi bagi pengelolaaan hutan di indonesia, kedua, dengan pengelolaan yang memenuhi kaidah sfm akan terbuka pasar yang menghargai sehingga ada premium price bagi petani, dan ketiga, terbukanya pintu komunikasi dan rekognisi bagi petani dari pemangku/pemerintah (data base arupa , 2006). jadi, sebenarnya selain bentuk insentif yang secara langsung diterima masyarakat berupa premium price ada juga hal yang urgent yaitu masyarakat memperoleh recognisi dari pihak lain dan pengetahuan dalam pengelolaan hutan. adanya sertifikasi hutan tersebut menuntut adanya kelembagaan lokal yang kuat. kelembagaan lokal menjadi tool atau media yang urgent dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat. keberadaan kelembagaan lokal dalam hal ini diharapkan bisa menjadi social capital bagi masyarakat di gunung kidul . representasi dari kelembagaan lokal dalam hutan rakyat di gunung kidul adalah seperti adanya paguyupan kelompok tani sekar pijer di desa giri sekar kecamatan panggang, paguyuban pengelola hutan rakyat ngudi lestari di desa dengok, kecamatan playen,paguyuban kelompok tani kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 69 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hutan rakyat margo mulyo di dusun kedunggkeris,pringsurat kecamatan nglipar dan koperasi wana manunggal mandiri kabupaten gunung kidul. kerangka teoritik membicarakan penguatan kelembagaan lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat tidak bisa dilepaskan dari pengertian kelembagaan secara teoritik. kata “kelembagaan” merupakan padanan dari kata inggris “institution”, atau lebih tepatnya “social institution . menurut rahardjo (1999; 157) secara ringkas lembaga sosial (social institution) dapat diartikan sebagai kompleks norma atau kebiasaan-kebiasaan untuk mempertahankan nilainilai yang dipandang sangat penting dalam kultur dan struktur. dalam suatu lembaga, setiap orang yang termasuk di dalamnya pasti memiliki status dan peran tertentu. status merupakan ref leksi dari struktur sedangka peran merupakan ref leksi dari kultur. istilah kelembagaan memberi tekanan kepada lima hal berikut: pertama, kelembagaan berkenaan dengan sesuatu yang permanen. ia menjadi permanen, karena dipandang rasional dan disadari kebutuhannya dalam kehidupan. kedua, berkaitan dengan hal-hal yang abstrak yang menentukan perilaku. sesuatu yang abstrak tersebut merupakan suatu kompleks beberapa hal yang sesungguhnya terdiri dari beberapa bentuk yang tidak selevel. hal yang abstrak ini kira-kira sama dengan apa yang disebut cooley dengan public mind, atau ‘wujud ideal kebudayaan’ secara garis besar, hal yang dimaksud terdiri dari nilai, norma, hukum, peraturan-peraturan, pengetahuan, ideide, belief, dan moral. ketiga, berkaitan dengan perilaku, atau seperangkat mores (tata kelakuan), atau cara bertindak yang mantap yang berjalan di masyarakat (establish way of behaving). perilaku yang terpola merupakan kunci keteraturan hidup. keempat, kelembagaan juga menekankan kepada pola perilaku yang disetujui dan memiliki sanksi. kelima, kelembagaan merupakan cara-cara yang standar untuk memecahkan masalah. tekanannya adalah pada kemampuannya untuk memecahkan masalah. dari kelima tekanan pengertian di atas terlihat bahwa kelembagaan memiliki perhatian utama kepada perilaku yang berpola dan berpusat pada sekitar tujuan-tujuan, nilai atau kebutuhan sosial utama (syahyuti, 2009) jadi dalam hal ini keberadaan lembaga merupakan fenomena yang kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 70 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penting dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat. hal ini karena selain mengingat fungsinya yang urgent yaitu untuk menjaga dan mempertahankan nilainilai yang tinggi dalam masyarakat juga terkjait dengan pencapaian berbagai macam kebutuhan manusia. dalam kajian sosiologi dikenal dua grand theories yang umum dikenal adalah teori struktural fungsional dan teori konflik. menurut kelompok fungsionalis, masyarakat adalah ibarat tubuh manusia, dimana sekecil apapun tiap sel dalam tubuh tersebut, memiliki fungsinya sendiri. hal ini ibarat individu dan juga kelembagaan dalam masyarakat. tiap bagian menjalankan perannya dan saling menyumbangkannya demi kebaikan bagi semua. dalam konteks itu, maka kelembagaan sebagai komponen utama dalam masyarakat, berjalan dalam keteraturan untuk melakukan yang terbaik bagi masyarakat. kelembagaan menjadi kontrol sosial atau alat untuk menjaga keteraturan sosial dan juga menjadi alat untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuan masyarakat. oleh karena itu, kelembagaan juga bertugas untuk menyiapkan individu-individu untuk menjadi anggota masyarakat yang sesuai dengan tatanan yang sudah terbentuk. kelembagaan lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat di gunungkidul dapat menjadi alat kontrol sosial atau alat menjaga keteraturan sosial. sehingga keberadaan sebuah kelembagaan lokal yang kuat menjadi kunci utama dalam menjaga mencapai tujuan-tujuan kelembagaan. oleh karena itu dalam konteks ini diperlukan sebuah kepengurusan yang solid dan didukung oleh partisipasi aktif dari anggotanya. teori konf lik berprinsip bahwa masyarakat selalu dipenuhi oleh konflik antar kelas. menurut mereka, kelembagaan yang eksis dalam suatu masyarakat merupakan hasil dari keinginan pihak yang berkuasa untuk terus mendominasi kelas-kelas di bawahnya. kelembagaan adalah alat yang didirikan oleh kelas yang kaya dan berkuasa. kelembagaan dianggap memperlakukan kelas dengan diskriminatif, sehingga tak akan mampu menguntungkan semua orang. hanya alat untuk melanggangkan status quo. konflik adalah hal yang wajar. demikian juga ketika terjadi dalam kelembagaan lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat. konflik dalam hal ini terjadi antara lain disebabkan karena adanya ketidakpercayaan anggota terhadap pengurus paguyuban petani hutan rakyat. kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 71 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ metode penelitian jenis peneltian ini adalah peneltian ekploratif yang mengkaji secara mendalam kapasitas organisasi lokal dalam melakukan sertifikasi hutan di kapupaten gunungkidul. teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah studi pustaka dan observasi lapangan kepada pihak yang terkait lembaga yang melakukan sertifikasi hutan. teknik analisis data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskripsi analsis dengan mempelajari data sekunder dan dianalisis dengan hail observasi lapangan untuk diperoleh kesimpulan . hasil dan analisis 1. kelembagaan lokal sebagai social capital masyarakat dalam proses pembangunan, sudah saatnya mengakomodir kepentingan-kepentiungan yang ada di tingkat lokal. termasuk dalam hal ini adalah adanya kelembagaan lokal. kelembagaan lokal adalah lembaga yang yang dibentuk oleh masyarakat. dalam konteks ini yang dibahas adalah kelembagaan lokal dalam hutan rakyat di daerah gunungkidul seperti paguyupan kelompok tani sekar pijer di desa giri sekar kecamatan panggang, paguyuban pengelola hutan rakyat ngudi lestari di desa dengok, kecamatan playen, paguyuban kelompok tani hutan rakyat margo mulyo di dusun kedungkeris, pringsurat kecamatan nglipar dan koperasi wana manunggal mandiri kabupaten gunung kidul. keberadan kelembagaan lokal yang ada diharapkan bisa menjadi social capital bagi masyarakat sehingga mendorong proses pembangunan yang terjadi di dalamnya. pemaknaan social capital secara ringkas dikatakan oleh bourdie (dalam arie setianingrum, 2005) menyebutkan bahwa : “social capital dalam konteks ini mengacu pada institusi, relasi (hubungan) dan norma-norma yang membentuk kualitas dan kuantitas interaksi sosial suatu masyarakat. social capital mempengaruhi tingkat kohesi sosial yang menentukan hal-ahal apa saja yang dapat mendukung perkembangan atau kebertahanan ekonomi (economic capital) suatu masyarakat. jadi, social capital di sini “bukan” diasumsikan sebagai suatu “perhitungan” dari keuntungan apa yang diperoleh dalam institusi (lembaga) sosial, melainkan “semacam pengikat” yang menyatukan masyarakat, misalnya: bentuk-bentuk kepercayaan (trust) dan solidaritas sosial.” kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 72 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sementara itu coleman (dalam francis fukuyama,2002) mendefinisikan “social capital (modal sosial) sebagai serangkaian nilai atau norma-norma informal yang dimiliki bersama di antara para anggota suatu kelompok yang memungkinkan terjalinnya kerjasama di antara mereka .“ oleh karena itu, dalam konteks keberadaan social capital harusnya dihargai dan tidak hanya dipandang sebagai economic capital. kesalahan cara pandang inilah yang selama ini dilakukan oleh rejim yang pernah berkuasa di indonesia. karena pandangannya sangat kapitalis liberal ini maka segala sesuatu, terutama yang bersifat lokal (termasuk institusi lokal) hanya dimaknai sebagai economic capital. dengan cara pandang ini maka rakyat desa dan institusi lokal dianggap tidak berharga dan kemudian diabaikan bahkan dipinggirkan. 2. sertifikasi hutan rakyat sebagai penetrasi pasar global dalam perdagangan internasional saat ini semakin merebak adanya gerakan green consumer yaitu gerakan yang dilengkapi dengan perangkat atau lembaga perdagangan yang disebut eco labelling (sunyoto usman, 2004; 93). dalam perkembangannya eco labelling dicurigai apakah ini meruapkan standarisasi ataukah hanya menjadi strategi negara maju untuk membatasi ekspor negara sedang berkembang. dalam pengelolaan hutan rakyat, dalam rangka meningkatkan akses pasar atas produk-produk hutan dan mendorong implementasi pengelolaan hutan lestari membutuhkan dukungan sertifikasi. sertifikasi hutan di sini didefinisikan sebagai prosedur verifikasi yang ditetapkan dan dikenal yang menghasilkan sertifikat mengenai kualitas pengelolaan hutan dengan hubungannya dengan satu set kriteria dan indikator. pelaksanaannya dilakukan oleh pihak ketiga yang independen (info lei, 2002) kebutuhan sertifikasi sebagai pendorong pengelolaan hutan secara lestari merupakan hal yang tidak dapat ditunda lagi. hal ini disebabkan karena beberapa faktor seperti : adanya keprihatinan dari berbagai pihak atas laju deforestasi yang semakin meningkat, kebutuhan kayu dunia yang semakin meningkat dan tuntutan ekspor kayu ramah lingkungan bagi kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 73 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pasar internasional terutama eropa dan amerika utara. relevansi dengan pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat (phbm) sebagai domain sertifikasi tidak harus dipandang sebagai sisi peluang pasar yang ada bagi produk-produk yang berasal dari phbm atau dilihat dari potensi kerusakan ekologis yang ditimbulkannya, yang menempatkan sertifikasi dalam posisi defensif untuk menjaga penurunan derajat kelestarian fungsi hutan. memang pasca adanya deforestasi, pasar lebih melihat pada produk-produk hutan rakyat yang sudah tersertifikasi. ini artinya memang satu sisi tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa sertifikasi juga menjadi tuntutan atau penetrasi pasar atas model pengelolaan hutan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat. namun demikian, adanya sertifikasi hutan bisa mendorong model pengelolaan hutan yang bisa diterima secara luas dan lebih memberdayakan masyarakat itu sendiri dalam mengelola hutan. dalam hal ini berarti berperan sebagai suatu mekanisme intensif langsung atas inisiatif-inisiatif masyarakat dalam mengelola hutan. 3. pasar global versus pasar lokal (tradisonal) pasar global identik dengan globalisasi .globalisasi adalah proses kebudayaan yang ditandai dengan adanya kecenderungan wilayah-wilayah di dunia baik secara geografis maupun fisik menjadi seragam dalam format sosial, budaya, ekonomi dan politik. dalam kehidupan sosial proses global telah menciptakan egalitarianisme, di bidang budaya telah menciptakan internalisasi budaya, di bidang ekonomi telah menciptakan dependensi dalam proses produksi dan pemasaran sementara di bidang politik menciptakan liberalisasi (heru nugroho, 2001; 3). nugroho (2001;4) mengatakan bahwa hal yang paling terlihat dalam era global adalah meningkatnya integrasi ekonomi antar negara-negara di dunia baik antar negara maju, berkembang dan kedua. globalisasi ditandai dengan adanya ekspansi pasar yang dalam konkretnya bisa dilihat dalam penyelenggaraan pasar-pasar regional seperti afta, nafta, apec dan sebagainya. ini merupakan ekspansi hubungan dagang serta formasi wilayah pasar terpadu. lebih lanjut nugroho (2001;4) menjelaskan bahwa proses perluasan pasar di seluruh wilayah penjuru dunia merupakan sebuah rekayasa sosial dengan skala luas yang belum pernah terbayangkan sebelumnya dengan menggunakan berbagai instrumen seperti ilmu kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 74 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengetahuan, teknologi, institusi sosial , politik dan kebudayaan. globalisasi dalam hal ini bisa dipahami sebagai hegemoni ekonomi negara-negara maju atau kaya dengan kepanjangan tangan negara-negara satelit di seluruh dunia. menurut wahono (2001;21). untuk mendukung kebenarannya, secara politis globalisasi didukung oleh pasar bebas yang mana modal atau kapital, tenaga kerja dan komoditas bergerak tanpa kendalam fiskal antara satu negara ke negara lain. bila kita melihat dinamika produksi dan pemasaran hutan rakyat di gunungkidul dapat ditemukan fakta bahwa sebelum ada sertifikasi hutan rakyat, masyarakat atau petani hutan rakyat dalam pemasaran produkproduk hutannya dilakukan secara sangat tradisonal. hal ini nampak, ketika masyarakat merasa butuh uang, maka mereka akan segera menebang kayu-kayu dari hutan., terutama jati. mereka melakukan penebangan berdasarkan kebutuhan bukan berdasarkan pada tebang pilih sebagai investasi jangka panjang. memang ketika masyarakat misal melakukan penebangan 1 pohon, mereka akan menanam 10 pohon jati. di sini masyarakat satu sisi sudah memikirkan jaminan keamanan (security assurance) bagi investasi mereka. dalam melakukan pemasaran produk-produk kayu itu bisanya mereka langsung menawarkan kepada pembeli atau leawat perantara. namun, ketika ada gagasan sertifikasi, hutan rakyat yang sudah tersertifikasi, masyarakat sekarang sudah tidak bisa melakukan tebang hutan berdasarkan kebutuhan mereka. penebangan kayu dilakukan berdasarkan pada permintaan pasar. ini artinya, masyarakat sekarang mau tidak mau harus bersiap berhadapan pasar global dan meninggalkan pasar tradisonal. hal ini karena masyarakat petani hutan rakyat sudah terikat dalam aturan main atau mekanisme internal dalam kelembagaan lokal sertifikasi hutan rakyat. dalam hal ini wadah yang menjadi media untuk bertinteraksi dengan pasar global adalah koperasi wana manunggal mandiri kabupaten gunungkidul relevansi dalam konteks pasar global, koperasi ini melakukan barganing position (posisi tawar) dengan para buyers (pembeli) di seluruh dunia, baik pasar eropa, amerika dan sebagainya. ini artinya koperasi berusaha untuk melawan hegemoni pasar global. dalam perlawanan kepada pasar global ini, harusnya didukung dengan adanya intervensi dari negara yang serius kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 75 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam memfasilitasi keberadaan lembaga lokal seperti koperasi ini. 4. strategi penguatan kelembagaan lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat dalam rangka meningkatkan posisi tawar kelembagaan lokal hutan rakyat terhadap pasar global menunut adanya kelembagaan lokal yang kuat. penguatan kelembagaan lokal dalam hal ini bisa dilakukan dengan melalui beberapa strategi seperti : pertama , revitalisasi kelembagaan lokal. revitalisasi kelembagaan lokal di sini dimaksudkan bahwa kelembagaan lokal yang sudah ada, seperti adanya paguyuban kelompok tani hutan rakyat perlu diperkuat lagi dengan cara meneguhkan kembali aturan main (rule of game) di internal lembaga tersebut. peneguhan kembali mengenai aturan ini sebagai upaya agar anggota dalam kelembagaan petani hutan rakyat ini mempunyai loyalitas dan komitment yang tinggi terhadap lembaga sehingga lembaga bisa tetap ada dan bermanfaat bagi pemenuhan kebutuhan anggotanya. dalam revitalisasi kelembagaan ini perlu juga adanya peningkatan kapasitas bagi pengurus terutama dalam meningkatkan skill mereka dalam memenej kelembagaan tersebut. adapun bentuk peningkatan kapasitas tersebut seperti adanya pelatihan managerial, pelatihan kepemimpinan. kedua, pengembangan aset, aksesbilitas dan kapasitas. upaya ini dilakukan dengan cara memperbaiki sarana dan prasarana kelembagaan, membangun jaringan kemitraan strategis, pelatihan organisasi dan managerial serta kaderisasi. ketiga, peningkatan kapasitas teknis petani hutan rakyat. upaya ini dilakukan dengan melalui beberapa kegiatan seperti pelatihan pemetaan partisipatif, pelatihan inventarisasi hutan rakyat, pelatihan agroforestry dan silvikultur. keempat, fasilitasi asistensi dan promosi. upaya fasilitasi, asistensi dan promosi dilakukan secara intensif oleh ngo pendamping. adapun bentuk fasilitasi, asistensi dan promosi seperti adanya studi banding sertifikasi hutan rakyat ke daerah lain serta usaha mempromosikan profil kelembagaan kelompok tani hutan rakyat ke berbagai stakeholder dan masyarakat secara luas penutup dari apa yang telah dipaparkan di atas dapat diambil sebuah kesimpulan kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 76 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bahwa penguatan kelembagaan lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan rakyat menjadi sebuah entry point penting dalam mendorong transformasi sosial di masyarakat. dengan adanya kelembagaan yang kuat, maka petani hutan rakyat akan mempunyai posisi tawar yang tinggi terhadap adanya intervensi pasar. meski demikian di sini tidak dipungkiri bahwa peran serta negara dalam intervensi kepada pasar juga menjadi faktor yang penting. karena bagaimanapun peran negara di sini diperlukan agar melakukan intervensi terhadap pasar. negara harus memberikan proteksi kepada para petani hutan rakyat. catatan akhir 1 karangkitri adalah gerakan swadaya oleh keluarga petani di desa-desa jawa untuk menanam pohon-pohon konservasi dan ekonomi juga dilakukan sejak awal 1950-an seperti di gunungkidul, wonogiri, kediri, purworejo, boyolali, sukabumi dan garut. 2 tebang butuh adalah budaya yang ada di masyarakat gunung kidul terkait dengan kepemilikan hutan rakyat yang dimilikinya. sebelum ada deforestasi hutan negara yang sangat drastis , biasanya masyarakat melakukan pemanenan kayu jati di hutan rakyat berdasarkan pada tingkat kebutuhan yang ada. misal untuk biaya pendidikan sekolah anak, untuk hajatan dan sebagainya. daftar pustaka ahmad erani yustika. 2003. negara vs kaum miskin,yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. a safitri, myrna. 2000. desa, institusi lokal dan pengelolaan hutan: refleksi kebijakan dan praktik,), jakarta. lembaga studi dan advokasi masyarakat (elsam) awang, san afri. 2006. sosiologi pengetahuan deforestasi: kostruksi sosial dan perlawanan. yogyakarta. debut press awang, san afri. 2006. “peran para pihak dalam melestarikan hutan rakyat (spesial kasus gunungkidul)”. makalah dalam lokakarya gunung kidul. wonosari, 14 februari awang, san afri. 2001. gurat hutan rakyat di kapur selatan. debut press. yogyakarta kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 77 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ buku i. “dokumen pengajuan sertifikasi pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat lestari (phbml) unit management hutan rakyat desa giri sekar, desa dengok, desa kedung keriskabupaten gunungkidul”. dokumen ini menjadi bagian penting dalam pengajuan sertifikasi oleh koperasi wana manunggal lestari kabupaten gunung kidul yang diajukan pada pt tuv international indonesia, jakarta, sepetember 2006 data base arupa, 2006 fukuyama, francis. 2002. trust, kebajikan sosial dan penciptaan kemakmuran. yogyakarta. penerbit qolam. johnson, paul. 1986. sociological theory. diterjemahkan oleh robert mz lawang, jakarta. pt gramedia. laporan kelompok kerja hutan rakyat lestari kabupaten gunungkidul, periode januari – april 2006 lei. 2002. “pilot project sistem sertifikasi pengelolaan hutan berbasis masyarakat lestari dan pengelolaan hutan tanaman lestari” mathew b miles & am huberman. 1992. analisa data kualitatif. jakarta,penerbit ui mitchell, bruce dkk , 2000. pengelolaan sumber daya dan info lingkungan,yogyakarta gadjah mada university press moleong, lexy. 1993. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung. rosdakarya. nasution, s. 1992. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung. remaja rosdakarya nugroho, heru. 2001. negara, pasar dan keadilan sosial. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar rahardjo. 1999. pengantar sosiologi pedesaan dan pertanian. yogyakarta. gadjah mada university press,. ritzer, george. 1992. sosiologi ilmu pengetahuan berparadigma ganda. jakarta. rajawali pers. sepsiaji, dhonowan dan fuadi, firman. 2004. hkm meretas jalan. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. setianigrum, arie. 2005. “social capital”. bahan kuliah sosiologi komparatif sardjono, mustofa agung. 2004. mosaik sosiologis kehutanan. yogyakarta. debut press. suharjito, didik. 2000, hutan rakyat di jawa : perannya dalam kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 78 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perekonomian desa,bogor, p3km, fakultas kehutanan ipb. suprapto,edi. 2001. “partisipasi lembaga lokal dalam upaya pemanfaatan dan konservasi sumber daya hutan (kasus di desa temulus, randublatung, blora, jawa tengah)”. skripsi fakultas kehutanan ugm, yogyakarta, tidak diterbitkan. susilo,rachmad k dwi,2008,sosiologi lingkungan,jakarta, rajawali pers suwondo,kutut. 2004. “institusi-institusi lokal dan pembangunan”. bahan kuliah kapita selekta sosiologi untuk kelas program pasca sarjana sosiologi fisipol ugm, tahun akademik 2003/2004. syahyuti. 2009. “tinjauan sosiologis terhadap konsep kelembagaan dan upaya membangun rumusan yang lebih operasional. www.yahoo.com, diakses tanggal 1 maret 2009 uphoff,norman,1986,local institutionsl development; an analytical sourcebook with cases, kumarian pres usman,sunyoto, 2004,di antara harapan dan kenyataan, yogyakarta,cired taridala,yusran dan sarlan adijaya, 2002. pranata hutan rakyat yogyakarta. wahono,francis,2001.pangan,kearifan lokal dan keanekaragaman hayati, yogyakarta. cindelaras http://news.id.msn.com/elections/okezone/article.aspx?cpdiakses tanggal 1 maret 2009 kapasistas organisasi lokal dalam sertifikasi hutan di kabupaten gunungkidul / sulistyaningsih / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0004 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals 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cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 politics typically revolves around personalities rather than programs or proposals, and serve usually as means of patronage (quimpo, 2005). patronage politics has always been viewed as a negative practice and it has become a defining characteristic of the philippine political landscape. patronage includes clientelism, wherein politicians prioritize their supporters in terms of governmental assistances. the political elite solicits the support of the relatively powerful who draw authority and strength from the powerless voters for assistance. in return, these voters are rewarded with the fruits of the influence and whatever else that was agreed upon (kawanaka, 2012). it is then a form of inequality and it can be a network to political dynasty, which is another prohibited practice. it has always been seen as a rapport to corruption, red tape, and other illegal practices such as nepotism or fixing (chen & williams 2007). patronage politics or personality politics also involves the act of selecting or appointing persons to certain positions disregarding qualifications of applicants or appointees as it largely is preferential on the official. that is, relationships, personal or familial, become the bases of decision-making. wilkin (2011) succinctly captured this when he claimed that it is an indicator of bad governance. patronage thus hinders the efficient management of political and economical resources of the state (undp: human development report, 2005). hence, clientage is often studied as disadvantageous in governance and demoprince aian g. villanueva graduate student, the department of political science, de la salle university, 2401 taft avenue, manila, the philippines e-mail: nuevazz@yahoo.com jessa nicole p. salazar civil aeronautics board, cab bldg., old mia road, pasay city, the philippines e-mail: icko.1209@gmail.com patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines recieved 20 february 2015; accepted 22 july 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 abstract patronage politics has become a defining characteristic of the philippine political landscape. clientelism, a form of patronage, is often studied as disadvantageous in governance and democratic consolidation. while the patron-client framework remains the most influential among schools of thought that explain philippine politics, transformations in a clientelist exchange are evident given changes in political, cultural and economic settings. using this frame of new clientelism, we look at and revisit the structure of patronage in the provision of housing welfare in the philippines, focusing now on the roles of three important actors— the nongovernmental organization, the state through the local government and the recipients or beneficiaries— in an urban setting, thus deviating from the traditional conception of patronage and clientelist politics. this relationship of clientelist exchange is presented in our accomplice-principal-accessory (apa) model of clientelism, with the local government unit of parañaque city as accomplice, the gawad kalinga (gk) as the principal agent, and the recipients or beneficiaries as accessories in the provision of housing welfare. keywords: housing welfare, local government, new clientelism, nongovernmental organization, patronclient relations patronage politics introduction one of the weakest institutions of the philippines is its political system as it is dominated by leading political families. ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 171 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 cratic consolidation. as such, as scholars of philippine politics aver, there is an urgency to strengthen the country’s political system to eliminate patronage (magno, 1992; rocamora, 2002; teehankee, 2009; quimpo, 2011; rivera, 2011). while it is true that scholarship on patron-client ties dates back more than several decades, the patron-client framework remains the most influential among schools of thought that explain philippine politics (kerkvliet, 1995). however, transformations in a clientelist exchange are evident given changes in political, cultural and economic settings (hopkin, 2001; park, 2008; reid, 2008; tomsa and ufen, 2012) and it is under this purview that we look at and revisit the structure of patronage in the provision of housing welfare in the philippines, focusing now on the roles of three important actors— the nongovernmental organization, the state through the local government and the recipients or beneficiaries— in an urban setting, thus deviating from the traditional conception of patronage and clientelist politics. aside from this, we intend to contribute to the existing debate on urban politics fulfilling what johnston (1979) posed as a challenge to urbanizing nations: how well patron-client organizations govern their cities is critical, as it will outline the urban future of much of humanity. the article is organized as follows. the first section reviews briefly the extant literature and theoretical considerations on patronage and clientelism. the methods used in the study then follows. the presentation of how the clientelist exchange transpires in the housing welfare is next. the final part concludes through a presentation of our accomplice-principal-accessory (apa) model of clientage. theoretical framework kaufman (1974), synthesizing the works of lande (1971), scott (1972) and powell (1974) pointed out that patron-client relations are a special type of dyadic exchange between actors of unequal power and status and is based on the principle of reciprocity. he further characterized the relationship as particularistic and private and are anchored only loosely in public law or community norms (kaufman, 1974). the presence of this clientelist exchange between actors (patrons, brokers and clients) organized into pyramidal networks is in general agreement with more recent work on the extant literature on patronage. auyero, lapegna and poma (2009), for example, looked at clientelism as the distribution or promise of resources by political officeholders or political candidates in exchange for political support. specifically, and consistent with this, kitschelt and wilkinson (2007) emphasized that political clientelism is a form of transaction that involves the direct exchange of a citizen’s vote in return for direct payments or continuing access to employment, goods and services. this relationship, park (2008) argued, develops neither by force nor by contract. thus, voluntary engagement characterizes these exchanges of benefits. clearly, as trantidis (2013) put, clientelism emerges from two interrelated political processes, which are competition for office and competition for access to resources distributed by political power. the above definitions of clientelism fall under what is referred to as “old clientelism” or “clientelism of the notables” which is characteristic of traditional rural societies. in contrast, “new” forms of clientelism involve that where an organized political party that uses state resources to win the client’s vote takes up the role of the notable. patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 172 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ furthermore, this clientelism is a less unequal and personalized and more openly materialistic than that of the old (hopkin, 2001). this change in clientele networks may well be reflective of what park (2008) believed is a function of the changes of social configuration reflecting political and socioeconomic development. kitschelt (2000) argued in his study of linkages between citizens and politicians that clientelist and programmatic linkage mechanisms must be considered as equivalents as they have the capacity to organize and institutionalize relations of democratic accountability and responsiveness. he further pointed out that clientelist democracy has proved durable and has entrenched itself for long periods in a variety of polities. similarly, tomsa and ufen (2012) contended that in southeast asia, in the philippines particularly, clientelism is resilient and highly adaptable to a range of political, economic and cultural settings and instead of disappearing, it has transformed into a more complex pattern of exchange. apart from this, it is critical to emphasize that reid’s (2008) statement, that the civil society, specifically nongovernmental organizations, is by itself a sphere where clientelism and semiclientelism predominate given that wellintentioned ngo personnel who previously had a critical stance towards clientelism would later on ultimately become absorbed by these relationships, is also an important evidence of the transformation in clientelist politics. as he argued, as more overt forms of co-optation and authoritarianism are reduced, more subtle methods of neoclientelism emerge. given these changes, how then do we characterize clientelism that exists among non-governmental organizations, the state through the local government, and the voting public? what type of relations are produced and eventually recur in these arrangements? how, if at all, does a non-governmental organization encourage patronage? how does the state through the local government participate in this kind of exchange? these questions are left unresolved in the study of clientelism and these guide us in understanding “new” clientelism in housing welfare in a highly urbanized philippine city. clientelist politics and governance clientelism is seen as a bond of reliance and control based on power differences and inequality. the connection involves two servicesinstrumental (e.g. economical and political) and sociational or expressive (e.g. loyalty and solidarity). the former is provided by the top (patron) through a broker while the latter is directly given by the bottom (client/s) (auyero, lapegna & page roma, 2009). caprara, et al (2006) provided this in their study arguing that voters tend to decide based on personal preferences. according to them, modern politics had become more personalized, and political choice was affected by two aspects of personalitytraits and personal values. the reason behind these changes was the declining distinctiveness, diversity and extremity in the parties. most of the platforms or goals presented by the parties were similar, so voters end up voting candidates or parties with favorable attitude towards them as voters. this was somehow a form of subjectivity or bias because instead of voting for the skilled one, you opt for the closest one to you. it was a mild form of nepotism or favoritism. the study concluded the supremacy of values over traits. for people, particularly voters, it was more important for leaders to patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 173 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ have broad goals to which people attribute as general guiding principles. people put much importance on integrity. adding to that, people wanted a leader that they can trust, so this led to the practice of political patronage or patronage politics. people chose according to friendship, family ties or favoritism. the link between governance, clientelism and democracy has been prominent in the extant literature. for instance, chen and williams (2007) examined the connection between political support and red tape. according to them, red tape connoted wasteful and inefficient processes, excessive bureaucracy, and inflexible organizational structures and professional practices. the study showed that political support in terms of trust, confidence and provision of administrative autonomy provided conditions conducive to development and maintenance of developmental culture that promotes learning, adaptation and innovation (bozeman and kingsley, 1998). hence, political support diminished red tape. however, political support should not be too excessive to the point that it would become political patronage because that could lead to another conflictcorruption in form of nepotism and favoritism. similarly, in the study of bangladesh’s transition to democracy, kochanek (2000) argued that a combination of weak structures, patrimonial politics, personalized political parties, patron-client relationships and the absence of political consensus have resulted in a partial democracy characterized by pervasive corruption, absence of transparency and lack of public accountability. in south india, markussen (2010) posited that while political parties can be vehicles for economic and social development, they can also serve as rent seeking instruments. he continued that the allocation of public resources according to criteria of political affiliation does not correspond well with traditional standards of democracy and good governance. as in asia, this link is also evident in eastern europe and africa. in russia, for example, patronage may have been re-orientated but they have not disappeared. as hosking (2000) identified, during the privatization process, personal connections were more important than ever. present-day russian state and political economy are marked by elements of patronage and clientelism. moreover, in uganda, reforms from the imf and world bank were meant to curtail patronage opportunities but the wide discretion given to the governing elites in the implementation has led to the contrary: donor reforms initiated under structural adjustment have not resulted to a smaller state or in fewer public resources as initially set (mwenda and tangri, 2005). similarly, in nigeria, the clientelistic chain serves as the channel through which development projects are implemented and thus rural underdevelopment persists in spite of a continual flow of development work, services and goods (omobowale and olutayo, 2010). in latin america, it is argued that inequality is built into the patron-client relationship and it is key to understanding social and political relationships as in clientship and citizenship and thus the crisis of democracy (taylor, 2004). this is arguably the case as well of argentina where symptoms of a heavily clientelistic political culture is present given that low-income argentines are in danger of being turned into political clients (brusco, nazareno and stokes, 2004) instead of active citizens. patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 174 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ patronage and philippine politics the philippines is also a paradigmatic case of clientelist politics. scholars who emphasize on the clientelist nature of philippine politics, specifically of elections and parties, aver that the culture of patronage has sustained the strong hold of patrons over clients over time; and this precluded parties from differentiating themselves around political platforms. teehankee (2009), for example, noted that as personality-based organizations largely organized around dominant local political clans and warlords, these parties are anchored on clientelistic relations leaving them devoid of platform and ideology. magno (1992) also claimed that the political parties that developed in the philippines were mere institutional exemplifications of the patron’s vast networks of clients and their alliances at all levels of governance. this could perhaps be what rivera (2011) pictured as the scenario where “[congressional representatives and provincial governorships] positions serve as the nexus between national and local power by facilitating patronage flows and rent-seeking activities”. on a similar note, rocamora (2002) pointed out that these elites’ interests were institutionalized in political parties and enabled the clanand factionbased party system to remain impermeable of class based politics. scholars have described how these ties work in the philippines and other paradigmatic cases. consistent with the definition of kaufmann (1974), sidel (1997) noted that patron-client ties are highly personalized, multifunctional, and affectladen. he further opined that social relations and electoral politics in the philippines are characterized by the centrality of patron-client relations. however, he pointed out the presence of force, specifically violence, which is the reverse of reciprocal relations assumed by the patron-client framework, thus offering bossism and warlordism as state-centered explanations of philippine politics. on a similar note, quimpo (2005) emphasized that the patron-client framework is a prominent interpretation of philippine politics. however, offering an alternative interpretation of philippine politics though his contested democracy that combines the frameworks of elite democracy and democracy from below, he argued that the philippine political landscape is characterized by a contestation between a patrimonial elite who has a minimalist view of democracy and subordinate classes and communities that cry for a more participatory and egalitarian democracy. lande (2002) observed that while philippine politics has changed since the early post-war years, in the rural areas, personalism and clientelism remain an important element of the country’s electoral politics. moreover, kasuya (2005) also posited that it is a widely accepted notion in the scholarship in philippine politics that the political landscape of the country is centered more on the exchange of patronage and favors among politicians, and between politicians and voters than on partisan ties and/or the policy interests of voters. the more recent body of literature on patronage stresses the possible functional aspects of a patron-client exchange in the philippines and the changes that go with it. tadem (1998) for instance contended that patronage politics has been one of the reasons for the failure of government-initiated cooperatives in the country. moreover, gonzalez (2007) reiterated the influence of patronage in the philippine political economy when he argued that clientelism is at the origin of path-dependence in patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 175 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ budget restructuring in the country. supporting these functions of clientelism, the world bank suggested to limit the scope of patronage in public employment to reform the philippine bureaucracy, giving way to a merit-based recruitment system in the civil service. eaton (2003) also maintained this when he claimed that over the course of the decades, in the philippines, elite-dominated parties mastered the politics of clientelism and as such, non-governmental organizations are constrained to influence the substance of the policy process. in electoral politics, teehankee (2002) opined that clientelism and nepotism have reinforced the elitist nature of philippine elections and democracy. hedman (2010) succinctly captured this when she claimed that the possibilities and the promise of further democratization in the philippines have continued to struggle against the familiar politics of clientelism, among many other obstacles. by and large, in the philippines as in elsewhere, clientelism entails patterns of service provision and resource distribution that overprivilege some groups to the exclusion of others (reid, 2008). research methods this research is a qualitative-descriptive one aimed to show the relationship between patronage politics in housing programs and the urban poor in parañaque city. using in-depth interviews at crosssectional timeframes with 15 individuals consisting of gawad kalinga (gk) block leaders, gk officials and lgu officials who were selected through purposive sampling technique, first-hand information regarding the perspectives of these individuals on patronage politics in housing were gathered. because of the nature of the research, the names of the respondents were mindedly withheld. questions such as, “honestly, do you have any connection with the gk or probably, any politician?” to determine the existence of patronage and “do you think patronage politics is wrong?” to verify the points of view of the recipients on clientage were asked to the respondents. upon accumulating the data needed, after reading and rereading of the interview transcripts, commonalities and variations of the respondents’ answers were initially identified. through coding and open coding, themes and categories were established, from which discussion of answers to the research questions on hand followed. result and analysis the existence of the patronage politics in our society is well established, yet illusive because often it is seen as a detrimental factor in the political system. based on the interviews and on the very essence of patron-client framework, all three entities commit patronage and serve as patrons and clients, depending on the circumstances. however, even though all the bodies involved act as patrons and clients at different situations, the three themes that emerged the most are: the local government of parañaque is an accomplice, the gawad kalinga is a principal agent, and the recipients are accessories of patronage politics. on local government of parañaque as an accomplice of patronage politics an accomplice is the one that may assist or encourage the principal agent with the intent to have the act committed, the same as the chief actor. an accomplice may or may not be present when the act is actually committed. the local government of parañaque is only an accomplice of patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 176 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ clientelism because it has the same intentions with the principal agent (gk) and full awareness of the plans or activities but has a minimal participation in the process. it is not a consistent actor because it only interferes when it wants. as one respondent from the lgu has said, the mayor only makes appearances during ribbon cuttings and the gk villages’ events; hence, the people think gk is one of his platforms. the lgu will not engage in the association unless it is ascertained of benefits in exchange for its services. this actuation by the local government upholds the “new clientelism” leonard has included in his 2010 study of patronage. “new clientelism” is a form of clientage that gives emphasis on reciprocity. unlike the traditional clientelism wherein the patrons use their influence solely to manipulate the clients, this “new clientelism” suggests that patrons practice patronage to gain something else for themselves, not just political trust. this “new clientelism” also states that patronage has a farther local and global reach. it is more widespread. this is observed in the multi-sectoral quality of the link among lgu, gk and the recipients. a respondent stated: -“gawad kalinga is a private sector, so our usual involvement here in umado (now urban poor assistance office/ upao) with them is only the land or area through cmp or expropriation and the list of the recipients. we also issue the required permits like electrification permit.” as seen in this response, there is an intertwining connection between the private sector and public sector, further uplifting the “new clientilism”. moreover, we can observe here that the lgu serves as patron to both gk and the recipients. for the gk, the lgu behaves as its patron when it approves the programs, issues the necessary permits, provides the list of possible recipients and supplies the land areas to be utilized. it can acquire lands or lots for the projects in two ways, cmp and expropriation. the community mortgage program (cmp) is a mortgage financing program of the national home mortgage finance corporation (nhmfc) which assists legally organized associations of underprivileged and homeless citizens to purchase and develop a tract of land under the concept of community ownership. the primary objective of the program is to assist residents of blighted areas to own the lots they occupy, or where they choose to relocate to and eventually improve their neighborhood and homes to the extent of their affordability. in this program, the local government of parañaque purchases the land areas and later on, the recipients will pay for it monthly. meanwhile, the expropriation is applicable when the government finds a private unused land that can be utilized to build villages but the owner does not want to sell the lot. the lgu will then issue an ordinance that will require the owner to sell it. aside from that, the local government can also sponsor concrete materials if it wishes to as one lgu staff has mentioned. the lgu, through its staffs, also helps in the planning of the foundation of the villages. a respondent said: “we do the planning. we organize the area and ensure the community involvement of each individual. we provide technical assistance. we do the math of land allotment.” this scenario is actually a contradiction to the argument of antonio gramsci that the civil socipatronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 177 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ety, being private and apart from the government, has the capacity to eliminate corruption in the political arena. he gives importance on the role of ngo’s in controlling corruption and says that if ngo’s can be strengthened and its efforts at monitoring the state encouraged, this would contribute to the eventual elimination of corruption. but as shown in this event, the ngo’s actually depend on the government. the whole concept of being private is not applied in our system nowadays. on the other hand, the lgu acts as the patron to the recipients when it prioritizes its supporters in the provision of services, particularly by including them in the recipients’ list even when they do not qualify and giving some of these followers allowances. one of the participants has even stated that he has been shocked by the presence of unknown faces in their community. one respondent said: “i get paid php1,500 as my allowance. but that also changes depending on whether i was able to do my task appropriately.” the respondent that has mentioned this is an outright supporter of the mayor, so he is provided with cash for his service. on the other hand, another block leader has said that he has not received any allowance though he is a legitimate block leader because he is not a supporter of the regime prior to the establishment of their village. we can visualize here the patron-client relationship vividly. the lgu has also prioritized its supporters by handing them fully awarded housings, while the recipients who have less political connection are under the use of proc only. they are given 25 years to settle in the village and when that term expires, they have to leave the village. this is an evidence of leonard’s (2010) argument that people who have less or no political connections are the ones who are less or not at all represented in the society; hence, they receive fewer benefits than those with political links. one respondent said: “yes, we do own this house. it is awarded to us.” one respondent mentioned: “we will soon have the land and housing title after we finish paying the government.” one participant stated: “we are not aware that we could pay the government monthly, so we can own our houses. the gk or the city hall did not tell us.” these three responses are from three participants who are from different villages. the first 2 respondents are from marcelo and salas, villages with political affiliation to the mayor. the last respondent lives in aya’s, a gk village presumed to be private. as shown here, patronage really does play an important role in the provision governmental assistance and the lgu of parañaque adheres to that. it is highly responsive to its clients and passive to the rest. since a patron-client relationship is a mutual one, the lguaside from providingalso gains in its association with gawad kalinga and the recipients. upon approving the gawad kalinga agendas, the local government’s duties are lessened. according to r.a. 7279, the lgu has to uplift the conditions of the underprivileged and homeless citizens in urban areas and in resettlement areas by making patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 178 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ available to them decent housing at affordable cost, basic services, and employment opportunities. gawad kalinga does it for the local government. this is manifested in the following statements. an lgu official said: the local government gains in the relationship because it is able to fulfill its obligation in accordance with r.a. 7279.” another lgu officer-in-charge (oic) stated: “of course, the projects of gk are in favor of the local government because the mmda has issued a memo requiring us to relocate settlers in mission areas and through gk, that’s easier to accomplish.” furthermore, the good image of gawad kalinga as a free housing benefactor that promotes brotherly and sisterly love among the filipinos is gradually reflected on the lgu. the recipients then, unaware of the complete process, believe that it is through the lgu that they are able to acquire the housings; hence, they give their political trust to the current regime before, during and after elections. some answers that sustain this claim are: one recipient said: “they [lgu] pretend gawad kalinga is their project and people see them as good because of that.” a respondent said: “we campaign for him and support him during elections.” another one said: “the ones living there are mayor’s supporters. they even campaign for him during elections. they offer other people money in exchange for votes.” a local government staff stated: “bernabe used the gawad kalinga as a campaign material to earn the patronage of the constituents. he made it appear that gawad kalinga was initiative or was his platform.” on “kalinga politics” and the gawad kalinga as a principal agent of patronage politics a principal is the chief actor or perpetrator of an act, the one who plans everything. the gawad kalinga is the principal agent in this relationship. it is the one who has pioneered the establishment of the links among multiple sectors, both private and public. with gk’s template of land for the landless, homes for the homeless and food for the hungry, gk works hand in hand with local chief executives to provide for the basic needs of the constituents. gawad kalinga encourages the local government units to be fathers and mothers to the poor constituents and to bring services and development to those who need it most through “kalinga politics.” moreover, gk encourages the participation of private sectors through csr. gk sees csr as a stimulus for economic growth and nation-building. as can be seen in the following replies and specifically the local government officer’s response, the gawad kalinga actually serves as a patron, even without the lgu’s intervention. in fact, according to some recipients and to some city hall employees, there is a private gk village without the approval of the lgu; hence, this shows that the gk is rightfully the principal agent of clientilism. a block leader stated: “gawad kalinga convinces sponsors to support us and they take care of matters regarding that.” patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 179 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ another respondent said: “we have nothing to say against gawad kalinga. they are the best to us! they help us a lot.” a recipient mentioned: “we feel secured here. we are not afraid anymore [of diseases or dying]. we have doctors from st. luke’s.” a local government officer: “we have nothing to do with that case [unqualified recipients]. those recipients have inside connections with gawad kalinga.” the gk operates as a patron to the recipients by sufficing them with their basic needs for survival and extending that help all throughout the existence of the community. it provides sponsors, health services, conducive living environment, and job opportunities to the people. some of its sponsors are shell, philips, hsbc, nestle and unilever from europe and other american companies such as procter & gamble, colgate, microsoft, ibm and convergys. the gk is always there for the people and it even sets one gk official per village to ensure the distribution of the goods and services given by the sponsors. in addition to that, gk can also include individuals in the recipients’ list when they wish to. this is a clearer evidence of patronage because gk actually has no right to select the recipients. additionally, the gk serves as a patron to the lgu by carrying out its task in accordance with the hlurb as what has been discussed above. apart from that, one respondent has uttered that it helps the local government save revenues. instead of spending the revenues to relocate the urban poor, the lgu can spend the money on other programs for the betterment of the citizens and the city because the gawad kalinga already does that housing and resettlement obligation. instantaneously, gawad kalinga is a client of the naïve recipients and of the local government. the gawad kalinga needs the people to entice local and global sponsors to invest in their projects. as one participant has stated: “without the people, gk is as good as dead. they need the urban poor to attract sponsors. if they have no one to help, no one will fund them. let’s face it. most of the gk heads are businessmen. they are profit-oriented.” another respondent said: “i have heard of that issue. gawad kalinga has the direct link to the sponsors, so when it distributes the good and services, especially financial aids, to the community, it has already taken some portions.” this statement shows that the gk also gains extra profit through the people, so it is a client of the people. it achieves financial sustainability because of the recipients. it has enough funds to continue its projects because of the urban poor. the gawad kalinga also requires the assistance of the local government through “kalinga politics” to operate. without the approval of the local government, particularly of the mayor, on the “kalinga politics”, gawad kalinga should not actually be able to perform its functions. there are just some cases that slip through it. the local government also provides the specific relocation sites that the gawad kalinga can develop and the initial file of recipients that the gawad kalinga can work with. as one respondent from lgu mentioned: patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 180 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “yes, gawad kalinga needs some permits from us before they can operate anywhere here in parañaque.” on the recipients as accessories of patronage politics an accessory is one contributing to or aiding in the commission of an action. it is a participant, as by command, advice, instigation, or concealment; either before or after the fact or commission. the recipients are the accessories of clientilism because they are the actors in the framework. but they do not share the same intent as the principal and accomplice. they are just left with no choice. while the lgu and gk are the thinkers, the recipients are the doers. they build the houses through bayanihan, campaign for the lgu and, innocently, inveigle the sponsors. of course, it is evident that the recipients are the clients in this patron-client set-up. but underneath that, they are being exploited by the two bodies (lgu and gk); hence, unconsciously, they are participating as the patrons in clientilism. the local government utilizes them to win electoral posts or to maintain the positions they are occupying at the moment. because of patronage, the previous regime has managed to stay for three consecutive terms. one of the respondents has even said that he has nothing terrible to say about the prior regime and he is depressed by the loss of its descendant. the gawad kalinga, on the other hand, uses them to take profits from sponsors. one respondent has claimed that gk has been taking its share on the goods and services doled out by the sponsors. moreover, another respondent has supported this claim by saying that before the aids are distributed to the villagers, the assigned gk official and the block leaders have readily acquired some for themselves privately. this is supported by the reply of one lgu officer: “of course, no one will sponsor gk without the people.” since most of the recipients are naïve and most of them do not know about the gawad kalinga’s scheme, only few of them openly admitted that they are knowledgeable of it and that there is really an exploitation. a block leader has timidly confessed that during meetings with the gk officials for allocation of the sponsored services and good, they take their share. but he claims that they take only a minimal portion, just enough for them. as clients, all the essentials of the recipients are provided by the gawad kalinga and the local government. they are sufficed economically, socially and culturally by both entities. they do not need to ask for anything. the two bodies (lgu and gk) use their authority, social status and other personal resource to give these recipients assistance. one respondent told me that their village has international sponsors from canada and singapore through the efforts of gk. this is further obvious in the other answers of the recipients. one participant said: “we don’t need to ask anymore. they readily provide for us.” one recipient stated: “we have doctors and dentists coming over here. sponsors bring us food. all that’s missing is a job for our kids’ allowances and schooling.” patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 181 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ another one said: “i sometimes have my allowance as the block leader. i am first in the receiving of the benefits from the sponsors. i get assistance for my wife’s medical condition.” philippine politics revolves around interpersonal relationshipsespecially familial and patron-client onesand factions composed of personal alliances (kerkvliet, 1995). nonetheless, patterns of clientage are different from what they were forty years ago. first, patronage relations today have a worldwide reach, through international trade, bilateral donor governments or international ngos. second, the means that power political clientage today are less monopolistic and less adequate to the task of purchasing peasant political loyalty. thus the chains of patronage are less tight than they were historically. third, the greater diversity of patrons operating today are much more likely to create spaces in which interests can eventually be aggregated into autonomous associations with independent political significance at the national level. ngos play an important role in opening up this political space although at the moment, they most often act like a new type of patron (leonard, 2010). parañaque city is not an exemption. as shown in this study, clientelism is endemic in its system and it involves both the public and private sectorthe lgu of parañaque, gawad kalinga, and the recipients. the reach of the networks is internationalized as well. there are participations from europe, canada, indonesia, singapore and america. we have also observed that the principle of reciprocity rules in the framework; that is to say that the benefits are “private” or “club” goods, not public. they are directed to individuals or small communities, not to the general interests of a class of people. for a concrete example, we have studied 3 gawad kalinga villages: marcelo green, salas and aya’s. all three villages consist mostly of the urban poor population but the first 2 villages are fully awarded, while the last one, aya’s, is provided contractually to the settlers. the recipients have to leave after 25 years without any question. what’s the reason for this difference? the first two gk communities are composed of several supporters of the lgu (mayor), while aya’s is not. this is the application of “new clientelism” (leonard, 2010). the idea of “new clientage” suggests that ngo’s are used by the government to induce patronage or sometimes, the ngo’s serve as the patron without intervention from external forces. this research shows that the ngo’s exploit the government to gain benefits for themselves like how the gawad kalinga initiates partnerships with local chief executives to establish villages that would attract local and foreign guarantors. ngo’s are actually the principal agent of clientage, with the lgu as an intervening factor and the recipients as clients. the concept of “new clientage” also states that the patronage chains are less tight now, because there are various sectors that can provide resources to the people. however, as shown in the study, the clients are still clingy to their patrons, and they give out their absolute trust to them. they are overly dependent to their benefactors; hence, they will not abandon the convenience and comfort of patronage. the figure below illustrates a more concrete process of clientelism in the housing programs of the government of parañaque and gawad kalinga. patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 182 journal of government and politics vol.6 no. 2 august2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure 1. systematic analysis of patronage in housing program of parañaque city, philippines as observed, all units are intertwined with the gk as the center and the pioneer of connections. the lgu, by being a patron to gk when accepting its project proposals and assisting in the foundation of the villages, also becomes a patron to the recipients through the illegitimate inclusion of them in the housing programs and the provision of allowances for services to some of them. but the lgu also exhibits the behavior of being a client of the gk and the recipients in the relationship. the gk serves as its patron by doing its task under the r.a. 7279 and reflecting on it the good image of the ngo, so people (including the recipients) will have political trust on it and it will achieve government stability and bureaucratic competence. the beneficiaries, on the other hand, behave as a patron to the lgu by giving it their full support and campaigning for the mayor before and during elections through word of mouth and money-play. in addition to that, the recipients obviously play the role of the clients in this political alliance. the lgu and the gk suffice them with their basic needs for survival and give them the opportunity to develop, so they can be independent in the future. lastly, the gk, as the center of these links, also definitely gains in the partnerships. it actually has established the framework for the benefits it can obtain from the partakers, so it participates as a client of the lgu and the recipients. it needs the lgu’s approval to operate and it requires the presence of the recipients to entice municipal and international benefactors. when it has benefactors, the money keeps coming in and its continuity or existence and sustenance are guaranteed. this is the accomplice-principal-accessory (apa) model of patronage politics, wherein the lgu acts as the accomplice, the gk as the principal agent and the recipients as the accessories. the principal is the chief actor and proponent, while the accomplice is a supporter of the idea of which it may be directly or indirectly involved and the accessory is the working hand of the principal and accomplice that does not necessarily share the same intent but 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(2011). can bad governance be good for development? survival, 53(1), 61-76. doi:10.1080/00396338.2011.555601 patronage politics and clientelism in housing welfare: the case of gawad kalinga (gk) villages in parañaque city, the philippines /prince aian g. villanueva, jessa nicole p. salazar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0013 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0047.662-696 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 662 received 4 october 2016 revised 15 october 2016 accepted 27 october 2016 transcending the institutionalist interpretivist binary: realizing critical realist theory of governance as metagovernance1 theerapat ungsuchaval2 phd candidate at school of social policy, sociology, and social research, university of kent, england. e-mail: t.ungsuchaval@gmail.com. abstrak governance merupakan sebuah konsep populer yang sering diperdebatkan. secara umum konsep governance mengacu pada perubahan arti pemerintahan dan tata kelola sektor publik yang bergeser dari hirarki vertikal menjadi horisontal sehingga memunculkan model baru dalam mengatur masyarakat dan kelembagaan termasuk tradisi dan proses implementasi kekuasaan. hal tersebut menyebabkan banyak ahli berbeda dalam memahami governance baik secara ontologi maupun epistemologi. dua cabang penelitian tentang authoritative governance yaitu institusional dan interpretatif. asumsi dalam pendekatan insti tutionalist adalah governance dipahami melalui perilaku organisasi sedangkan pendekatan interpretatif lebih mengutamakan interpretasi terhadap perilaku individu. namun demikian kedua pendekatan seringkali diulas scara binari tanpa unsur-unsurkritis.olehkarena ituartikel inimembahas epistemologi untuk “keluar dari perspektif binari institusionalis-interpretivis” dengan mengidentifikasi pandangan-pandangan kritis realis yang dapat memberikan kontribusi perspektif baru. pendekatan alternatif tersbut adalah metagovernance. metagovernance memberikan alternatif untuk memahami governance kontemporer yang membahas hubungan kekuasaan. model governance interaktif ini berusaha membawa kembali sentralitas negara dalam analisa governance yang kemudian menempatkan pemerintah dan governance dalam hirarki tertentu. lebih dari sekedar membahas dampak perubahan governance , metagovernance memberikan konteks dan batasan-batasan governance itu sendiri. artikel ini tidak memberikan argumen bahwa ada cara terbaik mempelajari governance. tetapi. keluar dari perspektif binari antara pendekatan institutsionalis dan interpretivis dapat memberikan perspektif baru tentang governance dan bagaimana kita memikirkannya (kembali). kata kunci: pemeirntahan, metagovernance, kelembagaan, interpretasi, realisme kritik. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0047.662-696 mailto:t.ungsuchaval@gmail.com mailto:t.ungsuchaval@gmail.com abstract governance is essentially a popular contested concept and its definition is variously ap plied. commonly agreed, it refers to a change in the meaning of government, the way of doing public business which has shifted from vertical, hierarchical to more horizontal, synonymous with network. hence, it has arisen as a new mode by which society is gov erned and denotes the institutions, traditions and processes which define how power is operated. given that, different governance scholars do have different ontological and epistemological positions. two authoritative governance research strands have been noted: formal and institutional, and interpretive. the institutionalist approach assumes the ca pacity to understand governance through the behavior of institutions and organizations while the interpretative approach argues for the interpretations of individuals instead. however, this paper contends that both of them are commonly represented in binary and lack critical elements. this article thus tries to discuss the epistemological route to ‘tran scend the institutionalist-interpretivist binary’ by specifying critical realist insights, which can contribute a relatively new perspective to governance research as the concept by nature is non-intradisciplinary and, in reality, holding a mixture of various modes and levels of governance. the alternative approach is the analytic of metagovernance. metagovernance shows us an alternate waywecanreadcontemporary governance which is, in particular, interested in power relations and interactive modes of governance, at tempting to bring the centrality of the state back in the analysis of governance and then to call for the recognition of government and governance in the shadow of hierarchy. it sensitizes us the context and limits of governance rather than simply talking about the implications of the shift to governance with and through networks. the article does not suggest that there is one best/right way to study governance. transcending the binary between institutionalist approach, on the one hand, and interpretivist approach, on the other hand, can offer a new perspective of governance and how we (re)think about it. keyword: governance, metagovernance, institutionalism, interpretivism, critical realism introduction the idea of governance, which has become increasingly men tioned and applied starting from the 1980s, “seeks to explain a whole series of realignments and offers a range of explanatory tools” (newman, 2001, p.22) about changing state and society and the meaning of government, pointing to something that is broader and beyond government. governance is essentially a popular contested concept in which its definition is “as varied as the issues and levels of analysis to which the concept is applied” (krahmann, 2003, p.323). popularly cited, governance refers to a change in the meaning of government, the way of doing public business which has shifted from vertical, hierarchical to more horizontal, synonymous with network. hence, it has arisen as a “new method by which society is governed” (rhodes, 1996, p.652) and denotes the institutions, traditions and processes which define how power is operated. however, journal of government & politics 663 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 664 the state in modern governance is, to put it in skelcher’s term (2000), a ‘congested state’, full of fragmented and plural forms of governance, not just networks. this article recognizes the diversity of governance theories and aims to specify main approaches to study contemporary gov ernance: institutionalist and interpretivist accounts of governance. different understandings of governance do not only reflect dif ferent readings or interpretations of the situation but also indi cate the different ontological and epistemological positions of the analysis. unfortunately, these two authoritative approaches are represented in binary and problematic in many senses. the article therefore deals with this issue and tries discussing an ap proach to transcend the institutionalist-interpretivist epistemo logical binary to the study of governance by suggesting an alter native account using critical realist insights which, consequently, points to the analytic ofmetagovernance. two worlds of governance theory: institu tionalism and interpretivism the conceptual vagueness and contestedness of the concept of governance, surprisingly, lead the way for interpretative flex ibility of how to study governance (schneider, 2002) and make governance be always attractive as it is compatible with a wide range of theories and approaches; “it can be shaped to conform to the intellectual preferences of the individual author and therefore to some extent obfuscates meaning at the same time that it perhaps en hances understanding” (peters, 2011a, p.63). to some extent, the utility of the governance ideas lay on which of several extant ap proaches of governance is adopted; questions and understand ing towards governance reflect the perspective (peters, 2000). particularly, what makes one governance research differs from another is an epistemological standpoint of a particular gover nance theory. the governance research universe, consequently, consists of different research strands (see levi-faur, 2012; bevir, 2011b). nevertheless, as bevir and krupicka (2011) observe, two contrasted types of recent authoritative governance theory can be noted: the formal and institutional theory and the interpre tive theory. formal and institutionalist account of gov ernance some scholars mention that to make sense of the broader idea of governance (and networks), institutionalism would be an attractive starting point (kjær, 2011; baker & stoker, 2015). the early governance literature has drew upon institutional theory and behavioralist analysis (marsh & rhodes, 1992; rhodes, 1997; kjær, 2004; chhotray & stoker, 2009; peters, 2011b; baker & stoker, 2013) which views governance as driven by links between actors and agency in networks. even now, much of dominant governance insights comes from the new institutionalism3 which is interested in explaining how networked relationships between government and societal actors affect the policy precess (bevir, 2003; rothstein, 2014) and investigating the formal and infor mal rules of the game in a polity (feeny, 1993; march & olsen, 1995; hyden, court, & mease, 2004). unsurprisingly, gover nance is popularly used to study multiagency partnerships, self governing networks, the blurring of responsibilities between the public and private sectors (stoker, 1998). common institutional analyses tend to explain ‘governance’ by positing it in contrast to ‘government’; governance refers to a more pluralistic pattern, process and the act of governing while government refers to institution or the governing body itself (see osborne & gaebler, 1992; bevir, 2010). the thesis of the shift from government to governance is repeatedly portrayed by many institutionalist writings (see rhodes, 1996, 1997; smith, 1998; richards & smith, 2002). now, two key approaches should be mentioned: society-ori ented approach and state-oriented approach. for example, some who took the first approach tended to look at the dynamics of interactions among the actors in the network (kickert, klijn, & journal of government & politics 665 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 666 koppenjan, 1999; rhodes, 1996; 1997; salamon, 2000, 2002) whereas the others who accept a more state-oriented approach were more focused on state steering and the role of the govern ment as powerful actors in governance arrangement (scharpf, 1994; painter & pierre, 2005; peters & pierre, 2004). the institutional theory, for the most part, has symbiotic re lationship with the society-oriented approach so-called ‘network governance’ or the ‘anglo-governance’ school where rhodes is counted as a prominent scholar (bevir, 2003, 2012; marinetto, 2003). governance, in this respect, notably refers to networks defined as a distinctive coordinating mechanism on the contrary of hierarchies and markets; and the state is no longer the alpha and omega of governance arrangement. the apparent of networks indicates a basic alteration to the institutional configuration of government and society. consequently, systemic account of gov ernance is needed to be clear on how institutions are compre hended (baker & stoker, 2015). kjær (2011) summarizes that dominant uses of the concept show common consideration with institutions and institutional change. as such, institutionalist ap proaches are well-established in governance research. typically, institutionalists argue that “governance begins with structures and processes rather than the individuals within them” (pe ters, 2011a, p.69). governance denotes the institutions, tradi tions and processes which define how power is operated. the institutional concept emphasizes the multilayered structural con text of rule-governed understandings (lynn, heinrich, & hill, 2001). governance in the eye of institutional theory is concerned with significance of institution and its nature, ability, and struc tural configurations to affect framework and capacity of the po litical system to govern effectively and shape the identities, insti tutions, and actions of civil society and outcomes (march & olsen, 1995; peters, 2000). if governance is about engaging with various actors, the role of the institution in shaping opportuni ties for the engagement then matters. peters (2011c) claims that institutionalism principally interprets governance choices by po sitioning facilitators or constraints on individuals within institu tions, wither normatively or structurally. he summarizes that “[p]erhaps the principal manner in which institutions influence gover nance is that institutions represent the interaction of structures and pro cesses for governing” (peters, 2011c, p.81). epistemologically, majority of the underlying assumption towards institutionalist version of governance reflects a positivist orientation. bevir (2005) points out that positivist assumptions influence forms of institutionalism in two major ways; firstly, they make institutionalists believing that explanation of individual behavior can be done with allegedly objective social facts about people; and secondly, they lead institutionalists to see individual actions by uncovering laws. besides, bevir (2005, 2010) criticizes the ‘top-down’ conception of institution in institutionalism as the lingering positivism which keen to explain everything with reference to observable, measurable phenomena.4 institutions are seen in reified form that build rules and norms to govern and explain actions. typically, positivist institutionalists are likely to make a com prehensive account of governance through defining governance by reference to one or more of its essential elements, notably networks seen as sets of fixed structure which can be managed through different instruments and techniques, the position shar ing with majority ideas of public management. these essential elements are general which characterize all cases of governance (bevir & rhodes, 2007). it also favors structural power over agency which will be discussed later. institutionalist accounts tend to make the analysis positivist, though many institutionalists are likely to see themselves not as positivist but eclectic in their epis temology. however, some institutionalists admit that institutional theory is not, and cannot be a perfect theory of governance as institu tions consist of values and ideas which influence institutions (and vice versa) about governing as well (peters, 2011c). develop journal of government & politics 667 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 668 ing theory of governance thus demands developing means of combining individual level behavior with structures and institu tions (peters, 2011a). this call for more emphasis on agency and interpretive elements to study governance.5 interpretivist account of governance6 situating in governance theory, interpretive approach essen tially rejects the lingering positivism of most other approaches to governance especially mainstream institutionalism. however, it shares a line with the institutionalist approach by accepting that the world of governance is characterized by a shift from govern ment to governance. government is not and should not be the main point of discussion of governance research. what is differ ence is that the interpretive approach develops an anti-founda tional consideration for how networks construct meanings and practices. interpretivist approach addresses that social explanations, as a matter of course, entail recovering and situating beliefs in the context of the wider webs of meaning where they are a part of. typically, it lead to a more ‘decentered theory of governance’ (bevir, 2003, 2013; bevir & rhodes, 2007) which seeks to install agency and contingency into the idea ofgovernance. first of all, interpretivists hold that studying governance should not begin with institutions themselves, but the practices that maintain them; “interpretivism is different because it recognizes that political life takes place through language and that meaning is subjective, varying with the context of communication and the agency of the interpreter” (turnbull, 2011, p.253). bevir and rhodes (2006a) claim that the decentered approach to governance essentially changes the way governance is seen as it asks us to look at the social construction of networks through the way in which indi viduals give meanings. in other words, decentering governance is to investigate how individuals build, maintain, and modify their social lives, institutions, and policies. institutional norms in this view do not direct individuals’ actions; instead, it is the beliefs which individuals adopt against traditions and in response to dilemmas that determine the actions. hence, a decetered account of governance epitomizes “a shift of typos from institutions to mean ing in action” (bevir & rhodes, 2006a, p.99). strongly criticizing the innate logic of institutions of institu tionalism, the interpretive approach denies the structural power and the construction of typologies and reified concepts assumed to be able to be applied in a wide range of setting (bevir & krupicka, 2011). institutions and networks are not a fixed pat tern but ‘the contingent product of the circulation of rationali ties’ created by situated agents, intentionally and unintention ally (bevir, 2010, p.266). having no essence, institutions are ‘con tingent, changeable, and contestable practices’ (bevir & krupicka, 2011, p.452); they are not autonomous in themselves and are at best contingent and constructed by practices (turnbull, 2011, p.257). therefore, institutions are not, and cannot be the unit of analysis of governance.7 instead, exploring the webs of beliefs of the actors against the background of traditions adapted by di lemmas is a better way to study governance. consequently, governance consists of “contingent practices that emerge from the competing actions and beliefs of different people re sponding to various dilemmas against the background of conflicting tra ditions” (bevir, 2011a, p.5). the approach is based on an anti foundational theory of the state which allow the appearance of a ‘stateless state’ (bevir & rhodes, 2011, 2015). this approach regu larly questions the concept of a set of management tools for gov ernance and rejects an idea and use of ‘model’; instead, ‘narra tive’ is advocated (bevir, 2003; bevir & rhodes, 2008). any en deavor to steer and manage networks is considered here as point less; governance has to be a ‘bottom-up’ construction. the social construction of patterns of rule through the ability of individu als to create (or co-create) meanings in action is the key (bevir & rhodes, 2015). although the interpretive approach seemingly is a counter weight to positivist analysis, it has not proceeded uncontestedly. journal of government & politics 669 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 670 there are many responses and critiques towards the approach. some of them constructively inquire about whether the inter pretative turn abandons the value of the earlier insights from institutionalist traditions and influence of deep, not directly observable, structural influences on policy and action and whether the emphasis on meaning offers an deficient understand ing of power relations (mcanulla, 2007; marsh, 2008; smith, 2008; glynos & howarth, 2008; peters, 2011b; baker & stoker, 2013). it fails to consider the persistence of hierarchy and struc turally derived constraints on action in government (baker & stoker, 2013). as bell and hindmoor (2009) remind us, govern ment is, in fact, influential not because its well storytelling abil ity but its capability to retain state power and authority over re sources and territory. james (2009) concludes that the decentered theory is just a ‘rhetorical device’ for articulating “greater reflec tion about the tools of political analysis,” but “it offers little when com pared to the insights of mainstream approaches” (p.342).8 marsh (2011) especially questions the way bevir and rhodes use interpretivism and their call for “new, better, more interesting, more fruitful ways of speaking” about governance (bevir & rhodes, 2003b, p.60) despite what they said that “there is no such thing as governance, but only different constructions of the several traditions” (bevir & rhodes, 2003b, p.59). marsh (2011) argues that it is never clear that the network governance is a description of how uk government operate and/or narrative about how it functions. besides, bevir and rhodes themselves are seemingly contradicted about how they see governance as they speak of narrative but see the network governance as a more definite description. their interpretivist accounts are prone to ‘epistemological slippage’ (davies, 2011, p.76) and risking of being reductionist (peters, 2011b).9 what should be particularly emphasized here is the problem with binary worldview of bevir and rhodes (see bevir & rhodes, 2003a; bevir, 2005) as they see ones who are not an interpretivist as a positivist or modern empiricist, reflecting their narrow ver sion of interpretivism (mcanulla, 2007; marsh, 2008, 2011; smith, 2008). this implies an ‘either-or’ worldview following these, this article concurs that there is no simple an ‘either-or’ worldview between positivist institutionalism and interpretivism; many alternatives can be raised in relation to the study of governance. both approaches seem to take meta-theo retical issues limitedly; especially, they privilege one side of the dualism regarding structure and agency, rather than addressing them as a duality (marsh, 2008; see also marsh, 2010; hay, 2002). this article argues for a critical realism as an alternative account towards governance. meta-theoretical reflections: structure and agency versions of governance raise questions about structure and agency in governing. in general, institutional explanations are inclined to base decisively on structural explanations (peters, 2011a; see also hooghe & marks, 2003; duit & galaz, 2008). for example, they suppose that the nature of the networks can determine the patterns of interactions (see klijn & koppenjan, 2004). however, peters (2011a) reminds us that “the actual deci sions made are made by individuals, whether as single actors or through interactions” (p.69). some theories are obviously relied on agen tial explanations. the debate over structure-agency relations is continual and “reasonably simple to state, but not that easy to resolve” (howarth, 2013, p.116). this article does not intend to solve the problem but propose an alternative way to study both structure and agency. wendt and shapiro (1997) note that the ontological differences between those who are more structure-centered and more agency centered lead a conclusion about where to look for and what counts as the significant causal mechanism in the first place. for the methodological convenience, the duality of structures and agency is “a reflection of an intellectual division of labour, a method ological ‘bracketing’ of one set of concerns in order to concentrate on journal of government & politics 671 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 672 another” (lópez & scott, 2000, p.5). structure refers to context and the setting within which so cial, political and economic events emerge and obtain meaning. it is also about the ordered nature of relations and entities. those who explain social phenomena or outcomes exclusively with ref erence to structural or contextual factors are considered a ‘struc turalist’. in contrast, agency is action which is a political conduct (hay, 2002). it refers to the capacity of an actor to act consciously and realize one intentions. here, an actor assumably has au tonomy and choice to perform. being set up as such, structure and agency is commonly seen as oppositional; nonetheless, it is not always necessarily the case. those who exclusively believe in the ability of actors to act without contextual or structural fac tors are considered an ‘intentionalist’ or ‘voluntarist’. hay (2002) points out the structuralist tendencies of the new institutionalism which emphasizes “the mediating and constraining role of the institutional settings within which […] outcomes were to be realized” (p.105). institutionalists put a lot of emphasis into mecha nism of institutional constraint. in contrast, interpretivists usu ally argue that structures do not exist independently of agents. for bevir and rhodes (2003a, 2006a, 2006b, 2006c), structures, if any, play little role and do not have independent causal role; institutions are needed to be decentered. however, it does not mean that social contexts are not allowed to have influence and constraining effects; in fact, interpretivists deny reified practices or traditions as structures (bevir & rhodes, 2006b, p.18). being narrated, institutions do not exist independently ofideas. ultimately, institutionalist and interpretivist debates is about what and how to privilege in the study of governance, structure or agency. both of the accounts, to some extent, recognize both structure and agency but with different priority. traditionally, voluntarists see social processes as being reducible to the seem ingly unconstrained actions and wills of individuals; they privi lege agency over structure. structuralists, in contrast, produce much of their strength by countering the voluntarist; they pre sume structural determinism with passive agency, if any. both approaches are an ‘either-or’ approach which, using sayer’s term (2010), can be called a kind of ‘intellectualist fallacy’. although one may be interested in social structure, it does not imply any priority for ‘structure’ over ‘agency’; the assumed incompatibil ity of them is overstated and the suggestion that one has to de cide between these two ideas is misguided (lópez & scott, 2000, p.5). this article says that structures and agencies are operation ally interdependent, albeit ontologically separated. structures cannot operate on theirs own; they need individuals to operate them (sayer, 2010). institutions have independent casual power. there can be no action without structure (and vice versa) (ar cher, 1995). this idea points to critical realism which will be considered next. transcendingthebinary: towardscriticalrealist account ofgovernance even though rod rhodes, a prominent thinker of the idea of governance, remarkably converted his epistemological stand point from behavioralism to interpretivism in collaboration with mark bevir (see rhodes, 2007, 2011; wanna & weller, 2011), rhodes’s and bevir’s oeuvres and the extant literature on gover nance in general appear to overlook critical realism (marsh, 2008; mcanulla, 2006a, 2006b; fawcett & daugbjerg, 2012; cf. bevir & rhodes, 2006c). critical realists do not follow anti-foundational theory of the state held by interpretivists. instead, they are more interested in the role of the state in redesigning how modes of governing, e.g. hierarchies, markets, and networks, intricately operate indepen dently and dependently. not only that, they emphasize the ways the state modifies the strategic terrain to favor certain hybrid combinations of the three differing governing modes over and above others (whitehead, 2007; bell & hindmoor, 2009; fawcett & daugbjerg, 2012). although bevir and rhodes (2006b, 2015) seem to doubt journal of government & politics 673 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 674 that critical realists are structuralists, institutionalists and em piricists, critical realists indeed are ontologically and epistemo logically different from those labels despite some of critical real ist analyses possibly showing a trace of institutional analysis.10 critical realism has a ‘realist’ ontology but it is not a naïve real ism which positivism assumes11 (sayer, 2000; cruickshank, 2003; delanty, 2005; gorski, 2013). realism suggests that knowledge of realities do exist independently of our representations of it. critical realists believe that how we see the world is theory-de pendent; variables are always conceptual interpretations. it is philosophically post-positivist; its epistemology holds that “there is a real material world but that our knowledge of it is often socially conditioned and subject to challenge and reinterpretation” (della porta & keating, 2008, p.24; see also jessop, 2005). this make critical realism, in a certain degree, close to interpretivism in the episte mological aspect (marsh, hall & fawcett, 2014; sayer, 2000, 2010). importantly, critical realism tries to integrate three method ologies (delanty, 2005). firstly, it essentially defends the possi bility of causal explanation as causal efficacy confirms the social reality (see collier, 1994; sayer, 2000, 2010). this causal law is not universal deterministic, but contingent and emergent. at the same time, it recognizes the interpretive notion of social real ity as being communicatively constructed, without generating interpretivist solution.12 finally, it involves a critical dimension. by ‘critical’, critical realism treats structure and agency as duality and contains normative and political value (cruickshank, 2003). to begin with, critical realists avoid the explanatory weight on only structures or individuals resulting in determinism to explain individuals’ social relations. then, structure and agency should be linked through the idea of emergent properties, i.e., seeing social structures as emergent properties created by the actions of individuals in the past, not as an independent exist ence apart from the activity of individuals13 (see hay, 2002). such structures have causal power in their own right, albeit unobserv able. meanings do not occur independently of individual sub jects; instead, they are shared and inscribed in institutions and processes which affect, but definitely do not determine, individu als (mcanulla, 2006a, 2006b; marsh, hall, & fawcett, 2014). both aforementioned institutionalists and interpretivists, according to mcanulla (2007), share one common feature; they fail to recognize and/or lack an adequate study of social struc tures on which critical realists are actively focused. in particular, critical realists would argue that institutions are structures, norms, and practices shaping and be shaped by the ideas within the in stitutions about policy and organizations. structures provide the context within which agents operate and, as such, facilitate or constrain (but not determine) actions. agents, nonetheless, do interpret the structure and their interpretation is influenced by their prior values, experiences and practices. in effect, the agents alter the structure. the ‘new’ structure accordingly shapes the context within which agents operate and the actions and out comes can also change, or add to, the agents’ values, experience or practices. the relationship between institutions and ideas or structure and agency is thus dialectical, interactive and iterative (hay, 2002; mcanulla, 2006a, 2006b; marsh, 2008, 2010; see also furlong & marsh, 2010). in this sense, ones “need neither a ‘top–down’ or ‘bottom–up’ conception of institutions, rather we require investigations of institutional change/continuity that examine the in teraction of structure and agency” (mcanulla, 2007, p.321). in conclusion, critical realism treats structure and agency as a ‘duality’, rather than dualism, in which they have their own causal power and their distinctions are both a matter of onto logical and analytical (see hay, 2002). critical realists then recog nize the important of ideas, narratives and discourse towards outcomes and phenomena while assert that institutions and material relations do play a part as well. the differences between the institutionalist, interpretivist, and critical realist approaches are summarized in the table below. journal of government & politics 675 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 table 1. different emphases between institutionalist, interpretivist, and critical realist approaches to the study of governance institutionalist governance interpretivist governance critical realist governance epistemology positivist orientation idealist orientation critical realist orientation state theory (new) institutionalist approach anti-foundational approach strategic-relational approach; asymmetric power model governance theory network governance; anglo-governance school decentered governance metagovernance approach to governance theory stateand society oriented approach society-oriented approach mostly state-oriented approach; state and society as continuum unit of analysis structures; processes individuals; beliefs; traditions; dilemmas relations; modes of governing/governance network management network can be managed/steered network cannot be managed/steered network can be steered/collibrated through ‘hand on’ and ‘hand off’ approaches institution reified structure; top-down contingent; bottom-up construction dialectical; interactive; iterative meta theoretical tendency relationship with government structure over agency (dualism) shift from government to governance agency over structure (dualism) shift from government to governance structure-agency as duality government coexists with governance in the shadow of hierarchy key thinkers (early) r.a.w. rhodes; g.b. peters; j. pierre; m. bevir; (late) r.a.w. rhodes b. jessop; d. marsh; p. fawcett; j. kooiman a. kjaer in addition, critical realist research should facilitate the move 676 from facts to values by developing a normative critique against the status quo (cruickshank, 2003, p.3). a critical realist would be interested in how to produce a theory-dependently empirical explanation carrying normative value of the explanation. for instance, critical realist account of governance aims to discover that, among different modes of governing, there is always a domi nant, but not absolute, one. this dominant one affects but not determine the governance arrangement. importantly, modes of governing are not fixed but always changed even though there might be path-dependency of them. critical realism pays par ticular attention to power relations of elements in a particular phenomenon. sayer (2010) contends that “one of the distinctive features of criti cal realism is that it combines two models that have often been imag ined to be not merely different but incompatible” (p.ix). in order to study governance, the critical realist position does not only give its distinct analytical elements but also allows one to use analyti cal elements from both institutionalist and interpretivist views. although scholars of both camps similarly claim that their ap proaches are the best means of undertaking governance research (see peters, 2011b; bevir & krupicka, 2011), to sensibly study a mixture of various modes and levels of governance in reality where institution and individuals are equally considered should be se riously taken to account. in other words, to study governance by understanding structure-agency as a duality, not a dualism, can contribute a new perspective to governance research, which is the analytic ofmetagovernance. analytic of metagovernance metagovernance and its powerful explanatory strength is es sentially underpinned by and sympathetic towards critical realist epistemology. some point out an association between critical realism and metagovernance (jessop, 2004, 2005, 2007; marsh, 2011; fawcett & daugbjerg, 2012; davies, 2013; bevir & rhodes, 2015). metagovernance provides a helpful approach to research ing governance; “it recognize[s] governmental capacity and the con straining role played by institutions and structures whilst allowing for the agency of networked actors” (baker & stoker, 2015, p.38-39). in other words, it provides the potential for simultaneous recogniz ing the continued power of the state and the reflexivity of net worked players. besides, employing critical realism, one may argue that gov ernance is stratified; strata or orders of governance can be found in metagovernance literature. and as critical realists seek an emerging order, it can be argued that the idea of metagovernance is treated as an emerging order, a third-order governance (kooiman, 2003). the third-order governance emphasizes that journal of government & politics 677 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 678 norms and principles for governing as a whole are the object of governance. it goes beyond the first-order of governing which keen on dealing with problem solving and opportunity creation, in other words, the day-to-day activities of governing, and the second-order in which the design, maintenance and care for the institutions in which first order governing take place are the analy sis (kooiman, 2003; cf. jessop, 2016a).14 these are obviously cor responded with the critical realist insight. governance of governance metagovernance is a recent development in governance stud ies which has become an attention to academic community in the last decade; and the literature of metagovernance is varied (see baker & stoker, 2012, 2013; bell & hindmoor, 2009; jessop, 2004, 2011; klijn & edelenbos, 2006; kooiman & jentoft, 2009; meuleman, 2008; sørensen, 2006; sørensen & torfing, 2008; torfing et al., 2012). agreeably defined as the ‘governance of governance’, jessop (2004) refers to metagovernance as: “the organization of the conditions for governance and involves the judicious mixing of market, hierarchy, and networks to achieve the best possible outcomes from the viewpoint of those engaged in metagovernance. in this sense it also means the organization of the conditions of governance in terms of their structurally inscribed stra tegic selectivity, that is, in terms of their asymmetrical privileging of some outcomes over others” (p.70; see also jessop, 2011). the term ‘meta’ conveys meaning of something over and beyond (see kooiman, 2003; meuleman, 2008). for jessop (1997b), the concept of metagovernance goes ‘beyond and above’ the governance concept. it is supervenient on that of governance (jessop, 2016b, 2011b). metagovernance is positioned above the three main modes of governing—hierarchies, markets, and net works—thereby, a multi-perspective, ‘helicopter view’ approach (meuleman, 2008, p.68). the first ‘governance’ term in the ‘governance of governance’ conveys a more etymological meaning. it is the ‘governance’ that has been used since ancient greek.15 the latter ‘governance’ term can be interpreted in two main ways. the first interpreta tion is ‘self-organizing networks’ as appear in governance by net works. the second interpretation is closely related to a broader definition of governance as complex, distinct, but operationally related, modes of governing, steering. in this sense, metagovernance therefore means the governance (steering, gov erning) of governance (mode(s) of governing, steering). baker and stoker (2015) suggest two underlying assumptions of metagovernance. the first assumption is that, correlated with the disaggregation of the state has brought about the rise of rela tively stable pattern of devolved institutions which are semi-au tonomous, but are ultimately subjected to government author ity. it links to the second assumption which is metagovernance suggests the hierarchical moment, i.e., government is still power ful and capable of steering, coordinating and shaping norms and values in some circumstances. advocates of metagovernance would understand that, traditionally, government was the sole actor responsible for governance; then, the state has utilized non governmental agencies and the instruments of ‘new governance’ (see salamon, 2000, 2002; jordan, wurzel, & zito, 2005), ex panding a range of governing tool to include non-hierarchical ones. even so, these new instruments are considered to operate in the ‘shadow of hierarchy’ and to be endorsed by the plausibil ity of using authority (peters & pierre, 2006). commonly, metagovernance refers to how the state re-con ceptualizes its role in response to the changing context of gover nance. for example, bevir (2013) understands metagovernance as “an umbrella concept that describes the role of the state and its char acteristic policy instruments in the new world of network governance” (p.56). however, this is partially true; critical realists would ar gue for a better perspective. to be truthful, although the term is new, the very idea of metagovernace is not limited to the ‘world of network governance’. journal of government & politics 679 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 680 the concept of steering, which is one of the theoretical back ground of metagovernance, has existed long before the new gov ernance arise (see jessop, 2011). what new governance did is increasing and intensifying the complexity of the situation. metagovernance, for critical realists, does originally not emerge as a theory of new governance. jessop, the forefront of the con cept and a critical realist, is heavily interested in state power and influenced by antonio gramsci and micheal foucault (see jessop, 2007, 2016b). unsurprisingly, metagovernance, arguably, implies some traces of the notion of foucauldian governmentability and gramscian hegemony. jessop’s state theory and other ideas represent an effort to combine gramsci and foucault. strategic-relational approach to the state is a good example of this case (see jessop, 2005, 2007; jessop, ji, & kytir, 2014; cf. hay, 2002). it allows us to scrutinize “the interrelations among different kinds of selectivity in social relations: structural, discursive, technological (in the foucauldian sense of tech niques of governance), and agential” (sum, 2015, p.39; see also biebricher, 2013). another trace showing that jessop is trying to develop and integrate gramscian and foucault is how he sees metagovernance in modern state. jessop (2016a) writes aphorism that is “‘the state in its inclusive sense’ can be defined as ‘government + governance in the shadow of hierarchy’” (p.176; see also jessop, 2004). gramsci also sees the state in its inclusive sense which contains ‘political society + civil society’. additionally, by analogy, foucault’s notion of statecraft can be regarded as relied on tac tics of ‘government + governmentality in the shadow of hierar chy’ such that governing is ‘conceptualized both within and out side government’ (sum, 2015, p.37-38). in this sense, metagovernance involves the state’s capability and mentality to steer networks by designing the context where they operate to secure the compatibility of outcomes and broader interests of the state. the idea is seemingly close to the ‘governmentality’ which views government as ‘conduct of con duct’ (dean, 2010). metagovernance is the ‘governance of gover nance’ or ‘regulation of self-regulation’ within which networks function (sørensen, 2006, p.98). the focus of a state-centric approach to meta-governance shifts to governance arrangements and their management by the state; it is more about the state and less about networks per se (fawcett & daugbjerg, 2012, p.198).16 focusing more on the state is not equal with eliminating other modes of governing. it instead says that governments play a more relative role by overseeing the vari ous modes of governance through a process of metagovernance. metagovernance does not consider that the state is hollowed out or marginalized, with the triumph of networks. in contrast, metagovernance “highlights a revitalized role for the state in providing the context for the design of self-organization, ensuring the relative coher ency of diverse aims and objectives, and setting the parameters within which governance transactions take place” (flinders & matthews, 2007, p.196). hierarchy and control persist and function even in self-organizing networks. network governance is mixed and works within the shadow of hierarchy. critical realist account of metagovernance is highly concerned with re-stating the role of the state in governance arrangement and contests a version of governance by networks. given above, although the state may have become less hierar chical, it does not necessarily “exclude a continuing and central po litical role for national states” in creating the rules and context within which governance takes place (jessop, 2004, p.66). state and hi erarchies are well and alive even in the new governance. the state might be less hierarchical in terms of organization, yet hier archies still play an important role in terms of coordination.17 self-regulating networks are, in fact, function in the ‘shadow of hierarchy’ where “the state threatens—explicitly or implicitly—to im pose binding rules or laws on private actors in order to change their cost–benefit calculations in favor of a voluntary agreement closer to the common good rather than to particularistic selfinterests” (börzel & risse, 2010, p.116). journal of government & politics 681 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 682 governance + government in the shadow of hierarchy there are various versions to comprehend metagovernance (see jessop, 2004; sørensen, 2006; sørensen & torfing, 2008; meuleman, 2008; davies, 2013; baker & stoker, 2015). sørensen and torfing (2008) systemically identify four approaches of metagovernance: interdependence, governability, integration, and governmentality. besides, metagovernance can be examined from the macro-level of the whole governance system (jessop, 2003, 2011, 2016a; kooiman, 2003; kooiman & jentoft, 2009) and from the more microor meso-level which focused on how net works are steered and, if it can be steered, they are done so by who (sørensen, 2006; sørensen & torfing, 2008). the former chiefly emphasizes how the national governance system rearranges and interacts which better involve normative aspects. in contrast, the latter tends to see metagovernance as ‘network management tools and techniques’ for steering networks by ‘hands off’ ap proach which is implemented at a distance such as design and framing contexts and conditions and ‘hands on’ approach which is more interventionist and done by a network manager within the network such as management and participation. although the latter seems to be a more technical matter, it can allow a more normative interpretation and analysis of power as well. additionally, some classify the perspective in terms of a more state-centric metagovernance in against of a more society-centric metagovernance while the others treat it as a balance approach between state-centered and society-centered perspectives.18 dif ferent people adopted different theoretical approaches which leads to difference definition of metagovernance which subsequently points to different ways of deploying the concept. among the differences of metagovernance approaches, it is important to note that they share understanding of metagovernance which is con cerning about the external management of governance arrange ment. however, to decide what is the dominant account of gov ernance, between state-centric or society-centric, has quite futile as, in reality, governance does not exist without government. critical realists would cheer for an approach that looks at state centric and society-centric metagovernance as a continuum, rather than a dualism, which will open up more opportunity for analy sis (see fawcett & daugbjerg, 2012; daugbjerg & fawcett, 2015).v as a critical realist account, metagovernance first positions ‘government’ and ‘governance’ as a duality, not a dualism (marsh, 2011). this essentially means that there is not necessarily to be ‘governance, rather than government’ or ‘governance, without government’. an unidirectional shift from government to gover nance suggested by aforementioned authoritative governance theories is rather simplistic and lack of analytical value. for criti cal realists, both government and governance are operationally, dialectically, interactively, and iteratively coexist in different ways across different policy areas and polities over different times. this journal of government & politics 683 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 684 implies the persistence role of the state in all processes of govern ing. essentially, jessop (2016b, p.16) lists numerous ways that gov ernments establish the ground rules for governance. how gov ernment and governance coexist could be understood as a series of state transformation trends and counter-trends (see jessop, 1997a, 2008). what is emphasized here is the trend referred as ‘a destatization of politics’ in which “governments have always relied on other agencies to aid them in realizing state objectives or projecting state power beyond the formal state apparatus” (jessop, 1997a, 305). this correlates with the government-to-governance thesis. it sig nifies an increase of ‘partnerships’ between governmental, para governmental, and non-governmental actors. in other words, this trend, in contemporary debate, means that the state is being re placed by non-hierarchical forms of governing and policy mak ing and implementation such as networks and public-private partnerships. consequently, whether with intention or not, the state is driven to think about metagovernance issues, particu larly the establishment and management of self-organizing net works and inter-organizational partnerships either at a distance or within networks (see sørensen, 2006; sørensen & torfing, 2008; jessop, 2011). increased role for the state in metagovernance by casting a shadow of hierarchy over governance arrangement and by adjusting the relatively mixed modes of governing is thus a counter-trend for government-to-governance thesis and this represent a way in which the state continues playing a role in a national territory. this reminds us that the trend towards more governance should not equate to a decline of the state role. in stead, the state retains its centrality, to some extent, in gover nance arrangement to ensure a certain degree of effective out comes. moreover, rather than referred as network management, metagovernance in a critical realist perspective conveys a broader concern. network management views governance as a response to networks by governments whereas metagovernance does not allow for an option to networks (baker & stoker, 2015). metagovernance is focused on the collibration of different modes of governing occurred in the shadow of hierarchy. the term ‘collibration’ in practice means attempts to adjust the relative weight and targets of market, hierarchy, and network in the total coordination of relations of complex interdependence (jessop, 2004; see also dunsire, 1993a, 1993b, 1996; meuleman, 2008; jessop, 2011). actually, an idea that governance arrangement consists of a mixed mode of governing is not new. what is new that metagovernance offers is a theorized consideration towards the compatibility or incompatibility of the relative mixed mode of governing within a specific governance arrangement. apart from the sophisticated duality of government and gov ernance, this approach makes itself distinct from traditional state centric governance as it does not privilege merely hierarchy as the dominant modes of governing. metagovernance pays atten tion to the struggle and power relationship between differing modes of governing and how they negotiate with each other. the underlying assumptions are the diversity, dynamics and complexi ties of the societies to be governed and to govern themselves. for jessop (2004), “studies of governance treat it as a general phenomenon concerned with issues of strategic coordination rather than as a state specific matter” (p.52). metagovernance is contradicted with most of the early studies of governance which were focused more on certain practices or regimes oriented to certain objects of gover nance. analytic of metagovernance views governance as a mecha nism and strategies or structures and practices of coordination marked by complex, reciprocal interdependence among actors which occurs in all social fields (jessop, 2004, 2011). metagover nance consequently refers to the coordination of such governance. every interactions and modes in metagovernance perspective have causal power and they are ‘equal’ as fundamental units of analy sis and theory development in terms of ‘and-and’, not of ‘either or’ (kooiman, 2003, p.8). journal of government & politics 685 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 686 conclusion a researcher’s ontological and epistemological position is reflected in what is studied, how it is studied and the status of the findings given by the researcher. it is ‘a skin, not a sweater’ (furlong & marsh, 2010). given that, different governance schol ars do have different ontological and epistemological positions (see appendix). this article suggests the epistemological route to the realiza tion of metagovernance based on an attempt to transcend the institutionalist-interpretivist binary and its meta-theoretical issues. the argument in this article is developed over two significant parts. first, this article argues that the institutionalist and interpretivist approach to study of governance lack a sufficient attention to power, structure-agency, elements of governance ar rangement, and the persistent centrality of the state. institution alist approach mostly underpinned by positivism tends to equals governance with networks and particular institutional features is problematic and led to the narrow definition and analytic of governance. the interpretivist approach to governance is limited in analysis as well. now, it is common to see the limits of gover nance theory. governance, actually, must do with much more than networks, institutions, or narratives. although it is appeal to employ institutional perspective as a starting point to study governance, there has to criticize and bring social interaction as analysis and ultimately develop it to metago vernance. the article argues that a critical realist approach can provide an alternative analytic to the study of governance which is metagovernance. it allows ones to take a position that is nei ther institutionalist nor interpretivist and suggests an operational co-existence of different governance modes. in other words, it allows ones to do not necessarily abide into one epistemology position—thereby, being eclectic perspective. second, metagovernance is not only an alternative attempt ing to ‘transcend’ the ‘institutionalist-interpritivist binary’ but also shows us an alternate way we can read contemporary gover nance which is, in particular, interested in power relations and interactive modes of governance, attempting to bring the cen trality of the state back in the analysis of governance and then to call for the recognition of mixed modes of governing in the shadow of hierarchy. metagovernance emphasizes government and governance as duality, namely interactive, interactive, and dialectical. it sensitizes us the context and limits of governance rather than simply talking about the implications of the shift to governance with and through networks. it is an analytic of gover nance that does not only imply a persisted role of hierarchy and the state in steering and regulating self-organizing networks, but also questions the argument that the social structure of the state has been being replaced by networks. it brings the re-inscription of hierarchy in governance literature. the article does not sug gest that there is one best/right way to study governance. in fact, metagovernance can be both an alternative and a complemen tary depended on situations. transcending the binary between institutionalist, on the one hand, and interpretivist, on the other hand, can offer a new perspective of governance and how we (re)think about it. endnotes 1 this paper is revised from the paper presented at the 2016 iconpo vi international conference, asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa), bangkok, thailand, au gust 10-11, 2016. 2 the author is a phd candidate at school of social policy, sociology, and social re search, university of kent, england. he also holds ma in civil society, ngo, and nonprofit studies at the university of kent, and b.pol.sci. at the thammasat univer sity, thailand. e-mail: t.ungsuchaval@gmail.com. 3 there are ‘old’ institutionalism and ‘new’ institutionalism. the old institutionalism fell out of favor and has been replaced by the new one. in the context of contempo rary governance and in this work, new institutionalism is commonly referred to. new institutionalism “is not a single animal but rather is a genus with a number of specific species within it” (peters, 2012, p.2). three major understandings are normally men tioned as a version of the new institutionalism: rational choice, historical, and socio logical. each offers a distinct comprehension about what institutions are and how they influence actions (see schmidt, 2006; peters, 2011c, 2012; lowndes & roberts, 2013; baker & stoker, 2015). some might add a more ‘constructive’ or ‘discursive’ institutionalism as the fourth version which privileges more agency (see hay, 2006, 2011a, 2011b; schmidt, 2006, 2011). 4 in response to critiques made by interpretivists (which will be discussed later), peters journal of government & politics 687 mailto:t.ungsuchaval@gmail.com vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 688 (2011b) notes that “the absence of support for the interpretivist approach does not imply an absence of interest in ideas or ideational explanations in governance. most contemporary models of institutions […] rely heavily on ideas and norms” (p.468). 5 actually, contemporary institutional theory has, in fact, become more diverse and not retain itself with its behaviorist-positivist background. new development of insti tutionalist approach is focusing more on informal and contingent; some of them do go beyond formal theory to emphasize the role of ideas, norms, practices (see schmidt, 2006, 2011; hay, 2006, 2011a, 2011b; greenwood et al., 2008; peters, 2012; lowndes & roberts, 2013; scott, 2014). there are many types of institutional analysis which employs post-positivist or interpretivist epistemology; historical institutionalism, sociological institutionalism and, particularly, constructivist or discursive institutional ism are good examples. they also have reconsidered the actors’ position vis-a-vis institutions and come up with the idea that institutions exist as actors live through and by them (bevir, rhodes, & weller, 2003; hyden, 2008; leftwich, 2010; kjær, 2011). 6 the article recognizes that there are diversity and disagreement in interpretive theory (see bevir & rhodes, 2002; parsons, 2010). however, here, the works of bevir and rhodes are mainly focused given their work are unique, influential and have directly and actively engaged in governance literature. therefore, by interpretivist account of governance, this article means the interpretivist (in a strict sense) of bevir and rhodes versions. 7 to be fair, this approach allows institutional effects, to some extent. but outcomes or behaviors will be mostly depended on the capability of individuals to create, interpret meanings and negotiate or resist such institutional effects. institutions therefore exist but understood as traditions, modified by dilemmas, not as the same for institution alists. for turnbull (2011), bevir neither negate the existence of institutions nor the influence and important of them but rather raises questions about their place in the study of governance; what he does is identifying a dominant kind of ‘methodological institutionalism’ in governance studies and criticizes it. bevir and rhodes (2003a) admit themselves that some material constraints do have impact such as economic influences. however, some can argue that the idea of ‘situated agency’ is clearly influenced by the ‘traditions’ which almost practically work as an institution, a structural constraint/facilitator (see marsh, 2011). 8 arguably, the interpretivist account of governance has much prescriptive and norma tive value, rather than analytical one. the interpretivist account as ‘a very practical concern’ (bevir, 2011a) suggests us to listen to the stories and dialogue, advocates a bottom-up approach to governance. in doing so, it ultimately proposes the ways to improve or create better governance which emphasizes people and everyday lives. 9 a good governance lens ought to equip us to not only describe and interpret beliefs and practices but also to comprehend how various governance strategies have impli cations for policy outcomes; reading meanings and beliefs will only tell us “what take place at lower and more horizontal organizational levels” (kjær, 2011, p.109). a better governance lens should allow us to see governance as it, in fact, consists of complex interactions between vertical and horizontal processes. 10 for example, given claiming himself as a critical realist, marsh (2008) and his col leagues (see marsh, richards & smith, 2002, 2003) actively apply the idea of path dependency as a facilitating and constraining force, not a deterministic one (see also marsh, 2011). path-dependency is commonly know as a key concept in ‘historical institutionalism’ to explain an ‘inertial tendency’ for institutions or policies to exhibit patterns (see pierson & skocpol, 2002; powell & dimaggio, 1991; p. pierson, 2000a, 2000b; c. pierson, 2004; peters, 2012). nevertheless, later marsh with others devel oped the notion of ‘path-dependency’ with critical realist position and clarified that ‘path-dependency’ does not equate ‘path-determinancy’. additionally, there are three path-dependencies: institutional, discursive, and political-economic. they arerelated and frequently mutually reinforcing. in this sense, historical institutionalism can fit with critical realism (see marsh, hall, & fawcett, 2014). 11 unlike positivists, critical realists believe that there are things that can be observed and things that cannot be observed (but needed to be posited as well). there are deep structures that cannot be observed and even if we find a way to do so, it might offer a false picture of the phenomena or structures and their effects. in the view of the initiator of the critical realism, roy bhaskar (2008), reality is stratified and emergent. in other words, reality should be seen as morphologically emergent. social worlds cannot be reduced to mere observable objects, facts or ideas that people have about. the social world is an emergent reality which has its own particular powers and properties. 12 this reflects considerable methodological implications. critical realism suggests that there is a real world ‘out there’, yet outcomes are shaped by the way in which the world is socially constructed. it also brings about a turn to methodological pluralism as it argue for a mixture of methods and the linkage of theory and method, breaking from positivism and a more restrictive ethnography (cruickshank, 2003). hence, it would allow us to utilize both qualitative and quantitative data (furlong & marsh, 2010). 13 it can be assumed that critical realism believes that social structures pre-exist individu als and are a necessary condition of individuals’ actions; nevertheless, such social forms do not exist apart from agents’ conceptions of what they are doing, thereby— being discursive as well as material (jessop, 2005). 14 moreover, in metagovernance itself, it is classified into two forms depended on how governance in defined. the two forms are regarded as first-order metagovernance and second-order metagovernance (see meuleman, 2011). 15 the term ‘governance’ is not new. it could etymologically be traced back to the greek word ‘kybernân’ or ‘kubernetes’ used by plato with regard to the art of steering, governing, piloting; in other words, it is concerned with how to create a system of rule (kjær, 2004; cepiku, 2013; torfing, et al., 2012). the greek term then engen dered the latin ‘gubernare’ which connotes the same meaning. however, ‘gover nance’ is one of many words that is derived from the word ‘govern’; the others are, for example, ‘government’, ‘governor’, and‘governability’. 16 metagovernance should not only be considered in a state centric-approach. non governmental actors and institutions beyond the center can perform metagoverning as well. according to sorensen (2006), “metagovernance is exercised not only by state actors but also by various networks of public and private actors and a whole range of supranational, regional, andlocallevelsintheformalpoliticalsystem” (p.102; see also sørensen & torfing, 2008; in ’t veld et al., 2011). the separation between state-centric and society-centric governance is an important reason why the litera ture in metagovernance is quite various (stark, 2015). in short, state-centric metagovernance is a condition in which state actors execute metagovernance with a relatively dominant role, mostly, by influencing the strategic context within networks; whereas a more society-centric or governance-centric one is a condition in which non-state actors enjoy a relatively dominant role for steering networks (jessop, 2004; daugbjerg & fawcett, 2015). however, state-centric metagovernance is arguably a dominant approach. advocates of state-centric metagovernance argue that the state relatively play a crucial role and non-state actors have little incentive to metagovern (see bell & hindmoor, 2009). 17 this point says that hierarchies-as-organization is different from hierarchies-as-coordi nation. scharpf (1993) distinguishes between hierarchical organization and hierar journal of government & politics 689 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 690 chical coordination, and reminds us that even hierarchical organizations has been increasingly relied on non-hierarchical forms of coordination as well. 18 for torfing et al. 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(1997). the misunderstood promise of realist social theory. in k. monroe (ed.), contemporary empirical political theory (pp.166-187). berkeley, ca: university of california press. whitehead, m. (2007). the architecture of partnerships: urban communities in the shadow of hierarchy. policy and politics, 35(1), 3-23. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1468-2451.00106/abstract http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1468-2451.00106/abstract layout desember 2008 introduction kung (2001) contended that “democratic administration” make up the result of bureaucracy and democracy reconciliation as of two become a force promises. while these two concepts (bureaucracy and democracy) before the two contradicts and difficulty’s to be adjusted (albrow 1989, bethan 1990, blau and meyer 2000) and when be complused both of them give rise the conflict (denhardt and denhardt, 2006). this conflict can be detected in the ground instill forwith that etzioni and halevy (2011:144147) propose a proposition: “democracy as a dilemma bureaucratic” and bureaucracy as the dilemma of democracy”. democracy proposition as dilemma bureaucratic can interpret in this research that on one side of the required bureaucracy to implement the principles of transparency, but on the other side of bureaucracy are also required to maintain or protect the public information that is exempt or classify. transparency and accesibility will insistence on democratic countries such as indonesia have come to the enactment of law no. 14 of 2008 on public information (hereinafter referred to as the law no.14/2008 about public information disclosure). this law upholds the principle “every public information is accessible and can be suscipteble by any user of public information, unless exempt public information is strict and limited. each public information must be obtained each claimants quickly, timely, low cost, and simple way. exempt public information i putu yoga bumi pradana faculty of social and politics science, universitas nusa cendana email: yoga_coolboy27@yahoo.com reconciliation model of transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 abstract this study aims to present a reconciliation model of bureaucratic principles (secretion) and democracy (transparency) through the mapping of public information about managing a local government budget which is accessible to the public and which ones are excluded (secret) based on bureaucracy and public perceptions. this study uses a mixed method with sequential exploratory design and data collection research procedures using surveys, depth interviews, and documents. the validation data use source of triangulation techniques. the subjects of this study was divided into 2 (two) information assembling that is government bureaucracy and public kupang determined by purposive. the results of this research showed that kupang goverment bureaucracy has 22 types of information perception (33,85%) in category information which is open and 42 types of information (64,62%) in category information that are closed while the public perceives 29 types of information (44,62%) in category information which is open and 26 types of information (40%) in the category of information that are closed. therefore, to achieve the main of reconciliation to end of conflict between bureaucracy and public, later on the amount of information is open budget of management that are 32 types of information (49,2%) and the amount of information that is enclosed which includes 33 types of information (50,8 %) of the 65 types of management budget information by regulation no. 13 of 2006 on local financial management. keywords: bureaucracy, secretion, transparency, management of local government budget ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 137 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 confidential to protect the consideration of greater interest”. in law no.14 / 2008 on the public information disclosure particularly in article 9 (c) regarding the disclosure of financial statements mentioned that the real information of financial statements is one of four public information required (without being asked) was announced to the public on a regular basis. but ironically, based on the results of prestudy is conducted by the authors establish that the kupang government tend to conceal documents management of the local government budget from public. the evidence through interviews with the head of finance secretariat of the kupang city (june 27, 2014) which explains that “ local government budgets are confidential documents that area, therefore not all areas of financial information may be published”. if you need information about the financial area must submit a written request addressed to the mayor and / or the regional secretary. after the approval of our new mayor can serve”. the existence reasons that require a direct recommendation letter from the mayor for data and budget information is accessible to the public as the author indicated the presence of a strong cultural hierarchy in kupang city government bureaucracy where most of the leaders work unit area waiting for disposition/command from the top-level bureaucratic leaders (mayor or local secretary) for control of the publicity budget management documents are in the leadership of the bureaucracy. ironically, when the same letter submitted to the mayor and the secretary of the author only contains disposition area “consciously” till the data can not be given to the author. the results of this reseacrh showed similarities with sayrani researchers, et al (2010) when doing research access public information test on sectors in the scope of ntt province by submitting a letter of public information, including information about local government budgets and local government budgets accountability report on each regional work unit. the appeal letter was not addressed by the relevant regional work unit. this conditions mentioned above illustrates that at least the government was reluctant to be responsible and open to the public in the use of public inaugurate. thus are the results of dwiyanto, et al (2003) is still verified that “information about local government budget in many constituency and cities are dominated by the executive and legislators. society is very difficult and must follow the procedures that are difficult if want to obtain the data use of the local government both in regional house of representatives office and in the district office/town office”. the principle conflict of democracy and bureaucracy are represented by the values of transparency and secretion as upon description, need to find a solution. otherwise both of them will be potentially conflict. one solution is a clear need to map out where the budget information that is classified as public information that must be periodically published by the bureaucracy and which are exempt information that does not need to be published. local governments and the public need to know clearly demarcated indeterminately periodical government has an obligation to publish on a regular basis and the public can obtain their rights, especially in terms of freedom of access to information and local government budgets. the need to produce a model of transparency and value reconciliation secretion in local government budget management through mapping transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 138 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ public information about the local government budgets which are classified as accessible to the public and the public are excluded information (confidential) is a very important thing to remember with the bureaucracy and democracy reconciliation will bear “democratic state administration”. administration of a democratic state is when there is a responsibility and sensitivity officials in understanding and responding to the needs of the public and easily obtain information (finer and hyneman in albrow, 1989: 111). at least there are several reasons underlying the importance of the implementation in reconciliation secretion value (bureaucracy) and transparency (democracy) in this study, namely: first, based on the preliminary findings known that kupang government does not have opennes governing law in the field of public information, but the new draft draft regulation kupang mayor number (no) year 2013 on guidelines for the management of information and documentation (ppid) in kupang city governments. however, when analyzed in the draft regulation turns negative for the implementation process if it gets approved by the mayor of kupang. as for some of these weaknesses is that there is doubt that is owned by the city of kupang in classifying management of local government budget information which is open (transparent) and which is closed (secret). this can be seen in the preamble subsection of the information that is open, especially at point c is “information on financial statements, such as realization of budget reports, reports of local income, financial accountability reports and others”. at the word “others” has the potential to multiple interpretations and multipersepsi that ultimately may lead to disputes between the public and government information, especially with regard to management of local goverment budget information. potential occurs due to multiple interpretations and multipleperception standards and policy objectives are vague, it will happen multiple interpretations and easily lead the conflict between the agent implementations (van metter and van horn, 1975). second, at the national level, the laws in the field of public disclosure is not detail describing the types of information which the budget management that can be accessed by the public (transparent) and which are not accessible to the public (confidential). the ambiguity in classifying this information will certainly lead to dispute the information on the level of policy implementation. more detail can be seen in the table below: there are differences regarding the type of management of local government budget information/finance which is transparency between commission regulation information no. 01 year 2010, law no.14 / 2008 on the kip, and draft regulation mayor in 2013 and the lack of the amount of local governmnet budget management information/budget is categorized as a type of information that will be open when compared to the overall number of budget management information that are 65 kinds of information according to regulation no. 13 year 2006 on regional financial management. obviously this will cause multiperception and inconsistencies in the application of legislation in the field of public disclosure, particularly regarding information disclosure both at the level of local government budget management of the central government and local government. therefore, it is based on the identification of problems in the description above background, the study aims to present a model of reconciliation transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 139 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bureaucratic principles (secretion/esoteric/secrets) and democracy (transparency) through mapping public information about local government management of the budget which are relatively inaccessible by the public and the public are excluded information (confidential) based on bureaucracy and public perception. theoritical framework 1. secretion in bureaucracy bureaucracy at the beginning of its development as a closed organization. this is not surprising since the beginning of principles designed by weber’s bureaucracy more emphasis on accountability aspects of hierarchy and professional manner so that the flow of information held only internal bureaucracy (for the bureaucrats themselves rather than to the public as the party being served). this was pointed out by friedrich that “officials working in all areas of government services more esoteric (more confidential, only known and understood by certain people-red).” this happens because the bureaucracy works for the good of the publication understanding on their (professional) to what the public needs, not on what the public wants (denhardt and denhardt, 2007: 122-123). bureaucracy is exteremely concerned with the efficiency value, centralized, hierarchical (nondisclosure state), formality, and internal accountability/responsibility. therefore, the bureaucracy has the esoteric or secret principle of confidentiality in each activity (denhardt and denhardt, 2006). julia black in meijer (2012: 6) define secretion/confidentiality as an opacity to measure policy measures, where it is difficult to find who brought the decision, who they are, and who benefits and who loses. the principle secretion/clasified in bureaucracy stems from the emergence of the principle of reporting proposed by gulick and urwick in his paper on the science of administration that podscorb (planning, organizing, directing, staffing, coordinating, reporting and budgeting) which known in the study of public administration as a paradigm of the principles of administration (1927-1937) (thoha, 2008: 18-34). reporting principle is a form of internal accountability of bureaucrats to managerial superiors. the principle of reporting is understood as internal reporting hierarchy is why the bureaucracy is more likely to be closed and keep every activity of the external environment so that the appearance of secretion or esoteric terms that evolved as a “state secrecy1” in the study of modern public administration. secretion occurs in the bureaucracy body as a result of the emphasis that is more focused on the aspects of accountability and reporting hierarchy (internal) in the body actually designed by weber’s bureaucracy so that the bureaucracy is able to be a rational and effective organization in achieving this aims. this is visible from the principle of centralized requires the flow of information, reporting and accountability internally among the professionals (bureaucrats) in the hierarchy of the officials who have the knowledge and competence level higher (internal) and not to the public as the party served and non-professional (gerth and mills, 1958 : 337). hence, at this point, then the bureaucracy had been born into a closed organization and esoteric. 2. transparency in democracy simply dahl (1985) defines democracy as government by people. in terms of a modern and also transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 140 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ popular then given meaning of democracy as “government of, by, and for people” (sparingga and kleden, 2006). abraham lincoln said that government of people, by people, for people (arfani, 1996: 181). democracy stands on the assumption that in a sovereign country is the people. theoretically, democratic justification based on the theory of the social contract (social contract du ou principes du droit politique) form a state organization for the benefit of all the people (res publica) (rousseau, 1712-1778). from a legal standpoint, the agreement embodied in the constitution as the supreme law of the gain authority of constituent power, ie the people themselves. transparency is basically promoted by democratic principles. because the essence of democracy calls for openness/transparency in the bureaucracy so that people can watch and participate in every activity of the bureaucracy so that in the end the principle of transparency developed into one of the principles or pillars of democracy for the realization of social control. transparency and social control needed to improve the weakness of institutional mechanisms to ensure truth and justice. participation in democracy understand john dewey expressed in varma (2007), in which he said a democratic society depends on the social consensus which is based on freedom, equality, and political participation. participation is vital for policy choices, then at this point we can implicitly know that one of the prerequisites of effective realization of community participation are (1) ensuring the fulfillment of people’s basic rights to information, (2) the existence of political will from the government or bureaucracy to transparent for any activities that do, especially in terms of financial governance and local government. in boundary with this, dahl (1985: 9-10) in view of pluralist democracy added to ensure communities get all their rights in a democratic state, then the state is obliged to give to the community to have a civil liberties (civil liberties), both in terms of the opinion, information, participate or supervise the government (bureaucracy) as a representation of the state. therefore, in a democracy, the government must fulfill and guarantee civil liberties (civil liberties), which is owned by the community through the formulation and enforcement of rules including mandatory government transparent and accountable for any activity to the public. because actually it is the public who will bear the impact of any action taken by the bureaucracy through the formulation and implementation of policy. therefore, actually the government through the state bureaucracy as an agent aimed at the welfare of the people is required to be transparent to the public for any activity that is done through the mechanism of the provision of public information easily, quickly and cheaply. without this, the citizens’ rights to information will not be achieved. in this way the real value of transparency is part of democracy. without transparency, it is the goal of democracy can not be realized, namely the sovereignty of the people. 3. reconciliation democracy (transparency) and bureaucracy (secretion) bureaucracy is one form of organization in its early development grouped into groups of classical theory with the characteristics that stand out as a closed, hierarchical, rational, and mechanical efficiency (robbins, 1995) is difficult to accept the things from the outside, including the values of transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 141 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ democracy. while on the other hand the development of democratic theory introduced direct democracy, representative democracy/representative, elitist democracy, participatory democracy, (varma,2007; budiardjo, 2009), deliberative democracy (hubermas in hardiman, 2009). theories of democracy is the principle of popular participation positioning directly or indirectly in the formulation of public policy. this means that the bureaucracy in a democracy are required to accept and apply the principles of democracy as well. the presence of democratic principles in the bureaucracy is clearly contrary to the principles in the bureaucracy. therefore closed and mechanical characteristics making it difficult to accept the changes that occur in the surrounding environment makes beniis (in robbins, 1995) states “bureaucratic death” because of its own characteristics. however, we can not ignore the fact that the bureaucracy are everywhere (robbins 1995). even moloney (2007) explains that the bureaucracy today as yesterday, and remains the dominant form of government organizations in many countries. bureaucracy is very concerned with the efficiency, centralized, hierarchical (keeping the secret state), formality, secretion/confidentiality and internal accountability/responsibility has a characteristic that is incompatible with democracy very concerned with the value of participation, decentralization (spread of power), non-hierarchical, external accountability and transparency. hence then, basic bureaucracy does not have transparency principle, but it has the opposite principle, namely: the principle of esoteric or secret (dendhardt and dendhardt, 2006). being that then gerth and mills (1958) states in order that bureaucracy can pose a threat to democracy modern caused by the existence of bureaucratic secrecy, namely the fact that most of the areas of bureaucratic activity is closed to public observation. transparency is promoted by democratic principles. while secretion (confidentiality) is a principle that was carried bureaucracy. reconcile the values of democracy and bureaucracy potentially conflict. but it is a fact that is hard to avoid the bureaucracy in a democracy like it or not, had to accept democratic values. at the practical level, a reality in which the bureaucracy that always upholds the value of source: djaha (2012:2) information : pendulum a : equilibrium point between the secretion and transparency pendulum b : transparency values dominate bureaucratic activity pendulum c : value secretion activity dominates bureaucracy figure 1. the conflict value of esoteric / secretion and transparency transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 142 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ secretion (confidentiality) in any activity or known by the term “state secrets (secretion/esoteric)” specialized in the management of state and local finances suffered a severe collision with the wishes of the public calls for “transparency” in the management of state and local finances. conflict of democracy and transparency as bureaucracy-esoteric and shift the pendulum on a line from the side of democracy to bureaucracy or otherwise as shown in the figure 1. the conflict between bureaucracy and democracy originated begin from the theoretical debate about the accountability of the bureaucracy that occurred between carl friedrich and herbert finer in the year 1940-1941. in this context the haryamoko guy peters (2011: 109) equate accountability and transparency. friedrich explained “the officials working in all areas of government services more esoteric (more confidential, only known and understood by certain people-red). the proposition put forward by friderich (1940) is based on the argument that the key to responsibility responsible bureaucracy is professionalism. the administrators are professionals and have special knowledge and technical skills that are not owned by citizens in general. because of their responsibilities based on professional knowledge and norms of behavior, the administrator should be responsible to fellow professionals to meet the standards mutually agreed-standard (denhardt and denhardt, 2007: 122-123). thus friedrich emphasis focused on the flow of openness/transparency of information intended only internally (the professional bureaucrats). on the other hand finer (1941) argued otherwise by submitting the proposition that external control is the best and the only means to ensure accountability. one of the requirements of external control implementation is the openness or transparency of information externally. finer view that officials formulate policies and implement policies wishes/needs of the public, should notify the (transparent) or account for what it does to the public. conflicts between friedrich and finer can be modeled in the following matrix form: the clasically debate theory between finer and friedrich was the starting point conflict between the principle of confidentiality (esoteric) with the principle of transparency in the bureaucracy. the principle of confidentiality is represented as bureaucratic characteristics that tend to be closed, and the principle of transparency is represented as a characteristic of democracy are always demanding transparency of bureaucracy. but the pressure on the transparency level of bureaucracy should have boundaries that can be clearly identified so that the public and the bureaucracy know and realize it either. otherwise both will potentially conflict, in which the bureaucracy will try to expand their secretions, while trying to sue public bureaucracy to be more open (transparent). the conflict between the bureaucracy and the public can be modeled in figure 3 below: figure 3. conflict value bureaucracy (secretion) and democratic values (transparency) besides the conflict between the public and the bureaucracy, it is necessary to look for a solution transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 143 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ which is to find a point or points peaceful reconciliation between the two. peaceful point in question is the point where the two are receiving and not cause further friction resulting in inconvenience in governance. this is important, given the clash between these two values actually had a negative effect or a positive effect both for the bureaucracy and the democratic system adopted a country. alongside esteem to public pressure and stakeholders who tend do not recognize boundaries or excessive been pushed finel and lord (1999) argued about the positive and negative effects of source : this model is a combined visualization of the opinion friedrich (1940), finer (1941), finel and lord (1999), oliver (2004). information : pendulum a: equilibrium point between the bureaucracy and democracy. pendulum b : democratic values dominate bureaucratic activity. pendulum c : value is dominated bureaucracy bureaucratic activity. proposition figure 4. model reconciliation value bureaucracy (esoteric) and democracy (transparency) transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 144 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ transparency. transparency positive effect because it can defuse a crisis or conflict, while the negative effects of transparency which is causing instability in governance. positive or negative effect, of course, with regard to what is proposed by oliver (2004), namely the increasingly fierce debate about which information should be published and which information should not be published. the debate is expected to produce a draw point where the negative effects can be minimized. model unify the bureaucracy (secretion) and democracy (transparency), particularly on the issue of budget management of public disclosure is directed to a mapping model of the information through the study of the perception of the area which include confidential information and open based on the perception of the bureaucrats/ administrators and the public (ngos, mass media, academics, community) and the reasons that follow. mapping information is based on a perception of things that are truly important to be implemented. given today, of any information you want to access the public budget, the bureaucracy is only able to meet most of the information. and even not infrequently bureaucracy unable to fulfill the request. one reason is the difference in perception between the bureaucracy and the public for which information is classified as secret and classified information which may be published as well as open and accessible to anyone at any time. for more details, you will be creating a model of reconciliation bureaucracy (secretion) and democracy (transparency) in this article are as follows (see table). thus the mapping of the classified information confidential and open in order to achieve reconciliation point bureaucracy and democracy is one of the important aspects that need to be done which can bring positive effects to the bureaucracy in a democracy. with the reconciliation of bureaucratic and democratic values, the bureaucracy as a public institution can implement its obligation to publish information and budget documents to the public through public information disclosure mechanism but still be able to maintain the confidentiality of the area where the budget documents are not able to test the consequences of the information published by the public. research method the method used in this study is a mixed methods design with sequential exploratory study is to collect and analyze the qualitative data through interviews then collect and analyze quantitative data is through surveys (creswell, 2013). in this study, quantitative data is is used to explain the qualitative data. the approach in this study using a deductive approach, the instrumental case study is a case study is used to examine a particular case that presented a perspective on an issue or theory (miles and huberman, 2009). this research regarding the case of bureaucratic transparency in the management of government budget kupang by focusing on public information about the budget that must be published and is excluded. all the focus of the research that has been described above will be used to locate the point of reconciliation bureaucracy and democracy are represented by the values of transparency and secretion, particularly with regard to budget management information which is required to be published to the public and which are confidential (exempt/secretion). quantitative methods used in this study to transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 145 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ survey the opinions of the informants regarding the type of budget management information which is open (publicly accessible) and which is closed (not accessible to the public) through a questionnaire instrument, then continue with interviews to determine reasons, the reason underlying the informants bureaucracy kupang city government and institutions examiner choose the type of such as information. informants in this study were divided into 2 (two) clusters, namely (1) informants from government bureaucrats kupang city consists of the regional secretary, assistant i, ii assistant, assistant iii, chief regional work unit, regional work unit secretary, treasurer and head of subdivision regional work unit expenditure finance regional work unit as financial officials at the department of revenue administration, department of health, education, youth and sports, the office of communications and information technology, department of mines and energy, the department of transportation, department of population and civil registration, planning and regional development agency, research and development agency and the secretariat of kupang city council. (2) the informant from the public comes from the ngo workshop appek ntt, academics (lecturers and students), mass media east express and the ombudsman representative ntt. informants determination technique is determined purposely selected with consideration and specific purposes. intended destination was the informant who has authority with regard to the budget document in terms of accountability, transparency and accessibility. another informant is public (stakeholders) with an interest in accountability, transparency and accessibility of the budget. means of data collection in this study using survey techniques, documentation and interviews with open-ended nature of the interview. interview techniques used are in-depth interview. analysis using qualitative data through the process of finding and systematically collate all the data obtained from the field based on the results of interviews, field notes and study documents. all data collected through the document, archive footage and interviews were analyzed through three stages: (1) reduction data, (2) the presentation of the data, and (3) the stage of decisionmaking and verification of data. results and analysis this section will explain about the mapping of the budget management information according to the perception of government bureaucracy public about kupang and local government budget management information types which are relatively open (transparent) and which are classified as closed (secret). map of transparency and secretion of local government budget management information based on four (4) sections stages budget management which is a cycle of financial management according to minister regulation no. 13 year 2006 on local financial management guidelines. the fourth part of the area of financial management cycle, namely: 1) the process of budget preparation; 2) implementation and administration shopping; 3) accounting and reporting; 4) changes in the local gorvernment budget. 1. against bureaucracy perceptions of information and document of local government management budgets the results showed that of the 65 types of information management of the budget, the transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 146 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ government bureaucracy kupang perceive 22 types of information, or by 33.85% in the category of information which is open means accessible to the public and 42 types of information, or by 64.62% included in the categories of information that are closed means not accessible to the public as well as the first type of information that fall within the type of information that is less open means that the type of information that can be accessed by the public after the approval or recommendation of regional work unit leaders but not be published. more detail can be seen in table 3 below: from the aloft description, it still appears that the government bureaucracy in kupang still tend to be closed and keep all the activities of the management of revenue and expenditure budget of hers from public scrutiny. then surely we can know that the bureaucracy is still very dominating bureaucratic activity compared with democratic values. for more details perception kupang city government bureaucracy will be visualized in the image below 4:16 this: sumber : data primer, 2014 figure 4.16. map transparency and secretion 65 types of information management budgets based on perception kupang city government bureaucracy the perception held by the informant kupang city government bureaucracy that not all documents budget management area is accessible to the public is motivated by five (5) basic reasons that led to the budget documents sealed from the public , namely: first, document management and expenditure budget the domestic affairs sector departments so that enough is known internally only, or in other words a confidential state documents, as well as civil servants oath to protect and safeguard state secrets; second, because the document management of the regional budget is a confidential document states that the document can only be given if there is a recommendation or disposition of the head region or area secretary; third, the existence of policies that financing is not in the budget heading contained in the supreme advisory council, the regional work units so that the funds taken from other budget items and of course this has resulted in liability for proof of expenditure of these funds is just a flower wreaths formality like purchase, service members of the regional representatives council, august 17 celebration, birthday celebration, agencies and so on; fourth, the financial administration system culture that developed long ago in the bureaucracy shows that the document management and expenditure budget can be known only internal bureaucracy includes head of the regional work, the secretary of the skpd, head of finance and treasurer subpart and audit institutions; fifth , lack of clarity in the budget information classification legal instruments in the field of public information disclosure both at the national level as well as at the regional level. overall the reasons lay forward by the bureaucracy departed from the presence of a false understanding of the meaning of transparency as something that is vague meaning that not all things are document management and expenditure budget transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 147 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ can be opened to the public as the result of interviews with the head of finance secretariat of the city of kupang (june, 27th 2014), assistant i (interview, june 27th 2014), assistant ii (interview, june, 26th 2014), assistant iii (interview, june 24, 2014), the secretary of the regional representatives council (interview, may 19, 2014), acting secretary bappeda kupang (interview, july 11th 2014), head of the department of revenue (interview, july, 11th 2014), head of communications and information technology (interview, may, 20th 2014), head of the department of mines and energy (interview, may 13th 2014), chief department of health (interview, may, 21th 2014), and head of research and development kupang (interview, may, 22th 2014). statement submitted by the secretary of the region, assistant i, ii, and iii regional secretary of the city of kupang, the head of the local work and head of finance ironically, reviews these are the main actors officials bureaucracy have access and authority over the use of budgets in the bureaucracy. indeed this does not surprise because it will cause the bureaucracy kupang tend to work in secrecy space dim. the views are not much different also addressed by several heads of regional work units were found budget transparency is understood as the management of information disclosure budget and expenditure that can be monitored by the public, but the degree of transparency of document management and expenditure budget is merely a summary/overview general and not detailed . understanding like this shows the fear and reluctance of the bureaucracy to publish the information contained in the document management of the regional budget as a whole, complete and detailed due if the documents and the information is misused by the parties that publish public will bear the risk of publicity action does (possible careers and positions are at stake). thus through the mapping of the above it can be seen why during this bureaucracy kupang city government has not been willing or difficult to open / transparent on information management and expenditure budget hers to the public because most of kupang city government bureaucracy still perceive the information management of the regional budget classified in the information that is covered in the amount of 64.62% or amounted to 42 information management and estimation budget revenue and expenditure according to regulation no. 13 year 2006 on regional financial management as document rka (budget plan), dpa (budget implementation document) , and lra (budget realization report). 2. public perception to information and document management revenue and expenditure budget the results showed that of the 65 types of information management and expenditure budget, the public perceives the 29 types of information, or by 44.62% in the category of information which is open means accessible to the public and 26 types of information, or by 40% in the category information that is closed means not accessible to the public as well as 10 types of information, or by 15.38% were categorized in the types of information that are less open means that the type of information that can be accessed by the public after the approval or recommendation of the leadership of the regional work units but shall not be publicity. the public bureaucracy attempted demands for transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 148 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ more open, where it is visible from a public perception that wants all types of document management of the local budget can be accessed by the public and not complicated. then surely at this point, the public seeks to democratic values can be institutionalized in kupang city government bureaucracy that can be more open access to information management the annual budget to the public. for more details, the perception of the government bureaucracy would be kupang 4:20 visualized in the image below: source : primary data, 2014 figure 4.16. map transparency and secretion 65 types of information budget and expenditure based on kupang city government bureaucracy perception the perception held by the public that some document management and expenditure budget shall be open to the public such as the work plan and budget unit of local/regional financial management officer, supreme advisory council unit of local/regional financial management officer, and report on the realization budget work unit area/regional finance officer business backed by 4 (four) basic reasons that led to the budget documents sealed from the public, namely: first, the document management estimation revenue and expenditure as local regulations regional budget, work plan and budget unit regional work/acting manager regional finance and the supreme advisory council unit of work areas/regional finance officer business includes budgetary policies bureaucracy, so worth a large public. second, document management and expenditure budget as budget realization report regional work units and regional financial management officer shall be published so that the public can know the extent of the government's performance in the management of the regional budget and participate in supervising the use and management of the budget so as to minimize the misuse of funds by certain elements. third, document management and expenditure budget at different stages of the regional budget as the plan of local estimation revenue and expenditure, local government draft budget-government regional, and local regulations regional budget and budget and local regulations regional shopping-government is a public document because the formulation has passed musrenbang mechanism followed by the community and afterwards discussed in the house of representatives that the mechanism built regions indicate that the budget document is a public document. fourth, document management and expenditure budget as the work plan and budget audited local government is open because it is a financial document which has been audited and accounted for in the house of representatives to be published. therefore, based on the results of the mapping can be concluded that the public informants perceive all documents containing information management budget public high-value areas reviews such as the design of local regulations and expenditure budget, the draft local regulations budget and expenditure, revenue and local shopping area regulations, local-government regulations regional budget, the work plan and budget unit of work areas/regional financial transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 149 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ management officer, supreme advisory council unit of the local work/commitment officer, reports the regional finance officer budget realization of business and government areas of financial statements that have been audited belong to the type of information that is open. this is a positive signal that the public wants access to information management and expenditure budget can be opened by the bureaucracy so that the public can also contribute to monitor and supervise the performance of the bureaucracy in managing budget notabene area is public money because it comes from taxes and levies the area. 3. reconciliation bureaucracy (secretion) and democracy (transparency) source: primary data, 2014 infromation: "open: type of information management of the budget that must be publicized through the media, electronic media, tv, radio, online media or website on a regular basis and can be accessed by the public (community, ngos, academics, and so on) "closed: type of information management of the budget that can not be publicized through the media / electronic and online media and is not accessible to the public (citizens, ngos, academics, and so on) figure 4.30. reconciliation point value bureaucracy (esoteric) and democracy (transparency) top 65 types of information management budget and expenditure transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 150 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ this section presented a point of reconciliation/ balance (mapping) between the principles of transparency and secretion 65 type of information management of the budget, as described in the section above. mapping point is really important reconciliation to resolve conflict of values between the values of democracy (transparency) and the value of the bureaucracy (secretion) which can have negative effects as well as positive effects for both the bureaucracy and the democratic system adopted a country as proposed by finer and lord (1999). for more details, the authors present the reconciliation table maps secretion transparency and budget management information on the 4 (four) stages of budget management below. (see figure 4.16). therefore, based on the table 4.46peta reconciliation transparency and secretion 65 type of information management revenue and expenditure budget above it can be seen that to reach the point of reconciliation or peace points to end the conflict between the bureaucracy and the public, then the amount of information management and expenditure budget nature open that are 32 types of information, or by 49.2% and the amount of information that is enclosed which includes 33 types of information, or 50.8% of the 65 types of information management and expenditure budget by regulation no. 13 of 2006 on regional financial management. this reconciliation point is the point where the bureaucracy and the public are able to accept and not to cause further friction with the result that can bring a positive effect because it can defuse a crisis or conflict as proposed by finel and lord (1999). for more details, point reconciliation transparency and secretion of 65 kinds of information management and expenditure budget will be the author visualized at 4:30 in the image below. (see figure 4.30). therefore, based on the framework to unify the bureaucracy (esoteric) and democracy (transparency) information management of the local government budget above can know that point reconciliation/balance transparency (democratic values) and secretion (value bureaucracy) information management of the local government budget as a point where mutual acceptance and not cause further friction resulting in inconvenience in governance can only be achieved if the type of information the local government budget management that are open are 32 or 49.2%, and the type of information management of the local government budget that are closed are 33 types information management of the local government budget, or 50.8%, consisting of: 1) all kinds of information management of the budget at this stage of the process of drafting the local government budget is open; 2) all kinds of information management at the local government budget implementation phases and administration expenditures are covered except the supreme advisory council, the regional work units and the supreme advisory council regional financial management officer; 3) all kinds of information management at the local government budget accounting and reporting stages are open except letter expenditure accountability unit of local and regional government financial statements discussion document; 4) all types of information management of gross domestic product in the stages of change in the local government budget is open. the positive effects arising from the presence of reconciliation transparency and secretion as inditransparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 151 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cated by finel and lord (1999) is 1) the public's right to information management of the local government budget can remain assured; 2) people can also supervise and participate by providing feedback, suggestions and criticisms on the activity of the local government budget management through the use of information management of the local government budget that is published periodically by the government through mass media and online media; 3) with several publish this type of information management of the local government budget as rka skpd / ppkd, dpa skpd / ppkd, lra skpds / ppkd and lkpd which has been audited by the degree of transparency is quite open, then the government will be able to implement the mandate of law number 14 year 2008 on public information transparency and peoples' rights to information management of the local government budget while doing the control or supervision over the management of information the local government budget to be accessed by the public in order to prevent misuse of such information so that it can interfere with the performance and cause instability of governance on skpd/district/municipal government concerned. conclusion the occurrence of a conflict between the bureaucracy and the public with respect to the type of budget management information has sparked conflict and tension. on one side of the bureaucracy tend to be closed for any activity, in particular regarding the budget management activities with the main jargon "state secrets" while demanding public bureaucracy tends to be more open / transparent governance on each activity budget. this is evident from the fact that the government bureaucracy kupang perceive 22 types of information (33.85%) fall into the category of information which is open and 42 types of information (64.62%) fall into the category of information that are closed while the public perceives the 29 species information (44.62%) fall into the category of information which is open and 26 types of information (40%) fall into the category of information that are closed. therefore, to reach the point of reconciliation to end the conflict between the bureaucracy and the public, then the amount of information that is open budget management that are 32 types of information (49.2%) and the amount of information that is enclosed which includes 33 types of information (50.8 %) of the 65 types of information management budget by regulation no. 13 of 2006 on regional financial management. with the reconciliation between the values of transparency and secretion of bureaucracy in the management of the budget, it is practically bureaucracy can know for certain rights and obligations in providing public information regarding the management of the budget. while on the other side of the public can also find out the rights and obligations in accessing public information about the financial management area (budget). bureaucracy and public understanding about the rights and obligations can guarantee the stability of governance and local development. bureaucracy is no longer survive in the name of "keeping secrets countries/regions" in providing public information, and the public was no longer require excessive bureaucracy to make a protest/demonstration anarchic causing development outcomes that there is actually ransacked by the masses. this is because transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 152 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ as said by ralph nader in moller (1998) that information is the currency of democracy (information is the currency of democracy) is that democracy can not work if there is no open information flow as the economy can not run if there is no the money). endnotes 1 see article 1, paragraph 1 and 2 of draft act on state secrets, in which the state secrets defined as information, material, and / or activity are formally defined and needs to be kept secret to be protected through confidentiality mechanism, which, if known to unauthorized parties can membahyakan sovereignty, integrity, safety of the republic of indonesia and / or may result in the undermining of state administration, national resources, and / or public order, which is regulated by or under this act. 2 the reason is obtained based on the results of in-depth interviews were conducted to study informants include (1) the regional secretary, assistant i, ii assistant, assistant iii, chief financial officer at the regional secretariat of kupang, (2) head of the regional work, the secretary of work unit area, treasurer expenditure regional work units and finance kasubbag regional work units in department of revenue, department of health, education, youth and sports, the office of communications and information technology, department of transportation, department of population and civil registration, planning and regional development agency, research and development agency and the secretariat of the regional representatives council kupang. 3 this statement is a conclusion made by the authors based on the results of in-depth interviews with informants research is the regional secretary, head of finance, assistant i, ii assistant regional secretary of kupang, the secretary of parliament, acting secretary of bappeda kupang, the secretary of the department of ppo, head of the department of revenue, chief department of revenue department, head of communications and information technology, head of department of transportation, head of the department of population and civil registration, and head of research and development of kupang. 4 the reason is obtained based on the results of in-depth interviews were conducted to study informants include (1) the regional secretary, assistant i, ii assistant, assistant iii, chief financial officer at the regional secretariat of kupang, (2) head skpd, skpd secretary, treasurer and expenditure skpds financial kasubbag skpds the department of revenue, department of health, education, youth and sports, the office of communications and information technology, department of transportation, department of population and civil registration, planning and regional development agency, agency for research and development and the parliament secretariat kupang. reference adang djaha, ajis salim, 2012. transparansi birokrasi, jurnal administrasi publik volume 11 no. 1 oktober 2012, issn 1412-825x, kupang. albrow, martin. 1989. birokrasi, tiara wacana, yogyakarta. arfani, riza noer. 1996. demokrasi indonesia kontemporer. pt. raja grafindo persada. transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 153 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 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secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 154 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 the policy implementation process: a conceptual framework dalam administration and society 6. london: sage. moller, gary m. 1998. toward a reconciliation of the bureaucratic and democratic ethos, published by: sage, http:// www.sagepublications.com. oliver, richard, w. 2004. what is transparency. united states of america: the mcgraw-hill companies, inc. peraturan komisi informasi pusat nomor 01 tahun 2010 tentang standar layanan informasi publik. peraturan menteri dalam negeri nomor 13 tahun 2006 tentang pedoman pengelolaan keuangan daerah. robbins, stephen, p. 1995. teori organisasi: struktur, desain, dan aplikasi, edisi 3, penerbit arcan, jakarta. sparingga, daniel dan ignas kleden, 2006. konsepsi demokrasi, seri modul simpul demokrasi, komunitas indonesia untuk demokrasi, modul 005. cetakan perdana, diterbitkan oleh komunitas indonesia untuk demokrasi, jakarta. sayrani lorens, et al. 2010. uji akses keterbukaan informasi publik berdasarkan uu no. 14 tahun 2008 tentang keterbukaan informasi publik, bengkel appek, kupang. thoha, miftah. 2008. ilmu administrasi publik kontemporer. kencana prenada media group. jakarta. undang-undang nomor 14 tahun 2008 tentang keterbukaan informasi publik. varma, sp. 2007. teori politik modern, pt. raja grafindo persada, jakarta. transparency value and bureaucracy secretion in management of local government budget / i putu yoga bumi pradana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0011 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, 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iligan city journal of government & politics 405 odessa may d. escalona, anna patricia t. canono, diana rose a. demiar, miko neco b. omondang mindanao state university, iligan institute of technology, phillipine abstract the study of identification within the organizational setting has highlighted various factors that may contribute significant changes, either positively or negatively, to the commitment and perception of fairness of employees. as workers, their jobs and relationship with their organization are also influenced by how they perceive people around them in terms of attitude and background. in con-nection, this study explored on the homophily and organizational identification towards the organizational commitment and organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city. the respondents are male (n = 35) and female (n = 35) office workers coming from selected companies and institutions located in iligan city. based on the results and findings, there is a significant relationship between homophily and organizational identification; and organizational identification and organizational commitment among male office workers while there is a significant relationship between organizational identification and organizational justice among female office workers. finally, there is a significant interaction between invested self-concept to organizational commitment of male office workers in iligan city while there are significant interactions be-tween background homophily to organizational justice; management connec-tion to organizational justice; and coworker connection to organizational justice of female office workers in iligan city. keywords: homophily, organizational identification, organizational justice, or-ganizational commitment received 8 june 2016 revised 29 june 2016 accepted 17 july 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0036 abstrak studi identifikasi dalam pengaturan organisasi menyoroti berbagai faktor yang https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0036 406 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 dapat memberikan perubahan signifikan, baik positif maupun negatif, atas komitmen dan persepsi keadilan terhadap karyawan. pekerjaan dan hubungan antar pegawai dengan organisasi dipengaruhi oleh pandangan pegawai terhadap orang-orang di sekitar mereka dalam hal sikap dan latar belakang. penelitian ini mengeksplorasi hubungan homophily dan identifikasi organisasi terhadap komitmen dan keadilan organisasi di kalangan pekerja kantor laki-laki dan perempuan di iligan city. responden yang terdiri dari laki-laki (n = 35) dan perempuan (n = 35)berasal dari perusahaan maupun lembaga yang dipilih dan terletak di iligan city. berdasarkan hasil dan temuan menunjukkan adanya hubungan yang signifikan antara homophily dan identifikasi organisasi; identifikasi organisasi dan komitmen organisasi di antara pekerja laki-laki; dan identifikasi organisasi dan keadilan organisasi di antara pekerja perempuan. kemudian, ada interaksi yang signifikan antara konsep diri terhadap komitmen organisasi pekerja laki-laki dan ada interaksi yang signifikan antara latar belakang homophily terhadap keadilan organisasi; koneksi manajemen terhadap keadilan organisasi; dan koneksi rekan kerja terhadap keadilan organisasi pekerja kantor perempuan di iligan city. kata kunci: homophily, identifikasi organisasi, keadilan organisasi, komitmen organisasi introduction workplace dynamics comprises interactions between employees in the organization. it contains sea of ideas, affection, and actions of diverse employees that make up the oneness of an organization. each, though having various distinctions, should perform according to their functions contributing to the success of the organizations they are working for. each must strive to overcome what they personally want to reach the common goals that the organization is designed to. however, as people tend to struggle for excellence, there are still times that organizations experience disharmony from different arousing causes. in many economic, political and social situations, people with similar backgrounds or preferences attract. in workplaces, managers tend to hire subordinates from the same college or business school (egorov & polborn, 2010). this pattern is usually referred to as ‘homophily’. currarini and redondo’s study (as cited in golub & jackson, 2011) states that the presence of homophily has important implications on how agents’ characteristics impinge on social behavior. homophily limits the attitudes they form, and the interactions they experience (cook, mcpherson, & smith-lovin, 2001). it somehow affects an employee’s perception in the organization he’s working to knowing there is this mental boundary. organizational identification 407 journal of government & politics is the perception of oneness with or belongingness to an organization (mael & ashforth, 1992). turner, hogg, oakes, reicher, and wetherell (as cited in boros, 2008) states that for over two decades now, the most prominent theory in the study of organizational identification has been the social identity theory (sit) and according to sit’s core assumptions, organizational identification is a form of social identification, whereby a person comes to view himor herself as a member of a particular social entity – the organization. in addition, according to barney and stewart (as cited in witting, 2006), organizational identity – which may lead to organizational identification – may predict employees’ views on the objective of the organization. cheney (as cited in witting, 2006) indicated also that organizational identification can be associated to variety of work attitudes, behaviors, and outcomes which support the organization, including decision making processes. mcgregor (as cited in witting, 2006) also added that organizational identification is linked to produce a positive effect on commitment to organizational goals – which includes the mission, vision, goals, and objectives. as barney and stuart, and patchen (as cited in witting, 2006) contended, when an employee has a strong identification with the organization, he or she will make decisions that are consistent with the organizational objectives. altogether, homophily and organizational identification, bounded with social identity theory, can have positive performance-related outcomes with regards to the goals and objectives of the organization. the alteration of different views on perception on homophily and organizational identification in the workplace eventually affects further personal perceptions such as organizational commitment and organizational justice. porter; koch and steers; and angle and perry (as cited in schultz, n.d.) stated that organizational commitment has an important place in the study of organizational behavior. this is in part due to the vast number of works that have found relationships between organizational com408 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 mitment and attitudes and behaviors in the workplace. organizational justice refers to the extent to which employees perceive workplace procedure, interactions and outcomes to be fair in nature (baldwin, 2006). however, aside from the relationship from the four highlighted variables (homophily; organizational identification; organizational commitment; organizational justice), this study also considers sex as a controlling variable. according to teter (2010), in his study on gender homophily, both genders are affected by a homosocial norm that sways them towards associating with their own gender. burke & stryker (as cited in jones and volpe, 2010), in their current research in organizational identification, said that organizational identification is anchored in social identity theory whereby individuals classify themselves and others into various social categories such as gender. this means that sex has something to do with homophily and organizational identification. aydin, sarier, and uysal (2011) also found out in their study that the effect of gender on the organizational commitment is on the favor of males meaning there is an implication on sex in this variable. and lastly, flood and ramamoorthy (2004) reported that several studies (e.g. hampton, oyster, pena, rodgers and tillman, 2000; schneer and reitman, 1994) have shown that women earn less than men and hence reasonable to assume that justice perceptions or the fairness of the outcome might be lower for women than men. with all these literature, sex is used as a controlling variable. sex, a dichotomous variable, was decided as a control because of the differing importance that men and women place on relationship with others (brown & gilligan, 1992) and may or may not be found significant during this study’s result. the study of behaviors within organizational setting has highlighted critical variables that are supportive or detrimental to the performance of workforce (suma and lesha, 2013). in connection, this study aims to explore on the homophily and organizational identification towards the organizational commitment and 409 journal of government & politics organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city. according to baldwin (2006), these perceptions can influence attitudes and behavior for good or ill, in turn, having a positive or negative impact on employees’ performance and the organization’s success. generally, this study aims to explore on the homophily and organizational identification towards the organizational commitment and organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city. specifically, the researchers sought to answer the following questions: 1. what is the level of homophily among male and female office workers in iligan city in terms of: a. attitude homophily; and b. background homophily? 2. what is the level of organizational identification among male and female office workers in iligan city in terms of: a. management connection; b. invested self-concept; c. integrated goals and values; and d. coworker connection? 3. what is the level of organizational commitment among male and female office workers in iligan city? 4. what is the level of organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city in terms of: a. interpersonal justice; and b. informational justice? 5. is there a significant difference between male and female office workers in terms of the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice? 6. is there a significant relationship among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers in iligan city? 410 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 7. is there a significant interaction among the levels of homophily and organizational identification towards their organizational commitment and organizational justice of male and female office workers in iligan city? hypotheses in this study, the researchers formulated hypotheses as a guide in order to gain a direction in achieving the aims of this study. the following hypotheses are mainly based on the variables involved in the study and were tested at 0.05 level of significance. h 0 1: there is no significant difference between male and female office workers in terms of the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice. h 0 2: there is no significant relationship among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers in iligan city. h 0 3: there is no significant interaction among the levels of homophily and organizational identification towards their organizational commitment and organizational justice of male and female office workers in iligan city. significance of the study a workplace is a setting embodied with employees’ diverse ideas and actions all paving its way to a common goal – success. along with this mission is the workplace’s being dynamic because of the different perception among employees. this intrinsic factor influences much on a workforce. the researchers decided to explore on the homophily and organizational identification towards the organizational commitment and organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city because of its significance in the field of industrial and organizational psychology. its importance covers resolving conflicting viewpoints and improving current practices. this study would be 411 journal of government & politics beneficial to the following: to the office workers, this study would illuminate their minds on the cases that may possibly affect their profession not just during the present but for the near future as well. this aims to influence office workers’ way of interaction on their co-workers in no biased way. to the hr personnel, this study serves as a quencher for thirst of knowledge regarding the employees’ unheard voices, enlightening them not to be passive when immediate action is needed to be done. to the supervisors and managers, this study could be a channel for them to be more responsive in handling situations arousing causes of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment and organizational justice. they must learn to lead without bias and prejudice so as not to destroy mental boundaries among their employees. to the students, this would give them the knowledge on how relations among employees and their relationship with their organization are influenced by the present practices and processes of their respective organizations. to the general public, to be completely intolerant in the working environment, this study would give them awareness on the workplace situations so as to be able to react and respond in a formal and well-mannered way. theoretical framework the following theories and concepts were used to explain the relationship of the different variables of the study: homophily homophily theory mcpherson, smith-lovin, & cook (as cited in carmon, miller, raile & roers, 2010) in their study said homophily theory posits that contact between similar people occurs more frequently than contact between dissimilar people. lazarsfeld and merton (as cited in carmon et al., 2010) observed that individuals with 412 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 similar characteristics were more likely to be friends, thus improving their communication and creating a more trusting environment and stronger personal relationships. also, prisbell and andersen (as cited in carmon et al., 2010) indicated that when individuals perceive homophily in a relationship, they are likely to develop positive feelings because of apparent confirmation of their beliefs, values, or interests – an idea that relates closely to identification. informational theory of homophily egorov and polborn (2010) provided an informational theory of homophily that is based on the notion that, if agents share a certain background knowledge, interpreting communication is easier for them, in the sense that it allows them to get more informative signals about their communication partner’s type. in social interaction, it is often very important to learn more about the person one is interacting with, be it for the purpose of hiring, collaboration, or establishing trust. when people share little in common, communicating will make each of them learn much about the issues the other is interested in, not about the person. when people share much in common, they will learn little about the subject the other is interested in, but a lot about each other (egorov & polborn, 2010). in relation to informational-based theory to the workplace setting, workers are more likely to be hired by employers with the same background in equilibrium (egorov & polborn, 2010). economic model of friendship currarini, jackson, and pin (2008) developed a model of friendship formation that sheds light on segregation patterns observed in social and economic networks. in summary, the model suggests that if agent’s preferences over friendships are insensitive to type, so that agents only care about total number of friends and not on the composition of types, then all agents form the same number of friendships under any matching pro413 journal of government & politics cess such that all agents meet the same expected number of friends per unit of search. larger groups form a greater fraction of their friendships with people of their same type and they form significantly more friendships per capita. the developers of this model referred to this observation as relative homophily. organizational identification social identity theory (sit)social identity theory (sit)social identity theory (sit)social identity theory (sit)social identity theory (sit) turner, hogg, oakes, reicher, and wetherell (as cited in boros, 2008) said that for over two decades now, the most prominent theory in the study of organizational identification has been the social identity theory (sit). according to sit’s core assumptions, organizational identification is a form of social identification, whereby a person comes to view himor herself as a member of a particular social entity – the organization. this happens through cognitive processes of categorization, where one forms self-categories of organizational membership. these are based on one’s similarities with others in the organization, as well as on the dissimilarities with individuals from different organizations (turner, 1985; turner, et al., 1987). identification theoryidentification theoryidentification theoryidentification theoryidentification theory according to patchen’s identification theory (as cited in witting, 2006), organizational identification includes three components: (1) feelings of solidarity with the organization; (2) attitudinal and behavioral support for the organization; and (3) perception of shared characteristics with other organizational members. albert, ashforth, and dutton, ashforth and mael, hall and schneider, lee, and reilly and chatman (as cited in witting, 2006) indicated that organizational identification influences the satisfaction and behavior of employees as well as the effectiveness of the organization. 414 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 functionalist perspective on organizational identifi-functionalist perspective on organizational identifi-functionalist perspective on organizational identifi-functionalist perspective on organizational identifi-functionalist perspective on organizational identificationcationcationcationcation according to oliver and ross (as cited in jayasinghe et al., 2013), many authors take a functionalist perspective to assert that a strong organizational identity can improve employees’ organizational effectiveness and performance, and act as a framing mechanism for decision-making. because of the significance of organizational identification, it is considered how it can influence the knowledge, attitude, and behavior with regards to the organization’s objectives (witting, 2006). organizational commitment mowday, steers, and porter’s theory of commitmentmowday, steers, and porter’s theory of commitmentmowday, steers, and porter’s theory of commitmentmowday, steers, and porter’s theory of commitmentmowday, steers, and porter’s theory of commitment suma and lesha (2013) defined organizational commitment here as the relative strength of an individual’s identification with and involvement in a particular organization. it can be characterized by at least three related factors: (1) a strong belief in and acceptance of the organization’s goals and values; (2) a willingness to exert considerable effort on behalf of the organization; and (3) a strong desire to maintain membership in the organization (suma & lesha, 2013). when defined in this fashion, commitment represents something beyond mere passive loyalty to an organization. it involves an active relationship with the organization such that individuals are willing to give something of themselves in order to contribute to the organization’s well-being. hence, to an observer, commitment could be inferred not only from the expressions of an individual’s beliefs and opinions but also from his or her actions. it is important to note here that this definition does not preclude the possibility (or even probability) that individuals will also be committed to other aspects of their environment, such as one’s family or union or political party. it simply asserts that regardless of these other possible commitments, the organizationally committed individual will tend to exhibit the three types of behavior identified in the above definition (mowday, steers, & porter, 1979). 415 journal of government & politics three-component model of organizational commitment meyer and allen (as cited in suma & lesha, 2013) proposed a three-component model of organizational commitment. the model suggested that organizational commitment is the sum total of three components – the affective, continuance, and normative component. the affective component refers to the emotional attachment and involvement of the employee to the organization. the continuance component refers to employees’ commitment based on the costs that they associate with leaving the organization. lastly, the normative component refers to the feelings of obligation of the employee to stay with the organization. to sum it up: the affective commitment takes place when employee wants to stay; continuance commitment takes place when the employee needs to stay; and normative commitment takes place when the employee feels s/he ought to stay in the organization. meyer, allen, and smith’s three types of commitment according to meyer, allen, & smith (as cited in schultz, n.d.), there are three types of commitment. these commitments are psychological state that either describes the employees’ relationship with the organization or has the implications to affect whether employees will continue with the organization. it can be characterized by three factors: (1) a strong belief in and acceptance of organization’s goals and values; (2) a willingness to exert considerable effort on the behalf of the organization; and (3) a strong desire to maintain membership in the organization. much of the interest about organizational commitment is the belief that highly organizationally committed employers are theorized to engage in more citizenship activities, display higher job performance etc. and other similar desirable behaviors (suma & lesha, 2013, p. 44). organizational justice organizational justice theoryorganizational justice theoryorganizational justice theoryorganizational justice theoryorganizational justice theory organizational justice theory examines individuals’ percep416 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 tions of fairness in their employment relationship (colquitt, greenberg, & zapata-phelan, 2005). the topic of organizational justice has become one of the most popular and most researched areas in the fields of organization and management. in management and organization research, the terms “justice” and “fairness” are often used interchangeably, such as when referring to “organizational justice” and “organizational fairness” perceptions. models of personal gain and group valuemodels of personal gain and group valuemodels of personal gain and group valuemodels of personal gain and group valuemodels of personal gain and group value lind and tyler (as cited in motlagh, et al., 2012) in their study about the importance of justice found two models of personal gain and group value. according to the personal gain model, the importance of justice is explained on the basis of maximizing the individual’s income. this means that individuals value actions because they believe they will gain favorable results. in the group value model, justice is important because through understanding behavior of supervisors, employees recognize the dignity of membership and group identity. equity theoryequity theoryequity theoryequity theoryequity theory according to adam’s equity theory (as cited in atalay & ozler, 2013), which is primarily concerned with distributive justice, an individual calculates his or her perceived input-outcome ratio and then compares this ratio with that of a referent other. unequal input-outcome ratios between the individual and the referent other (i.e. the presence of inequity) leads to a feeling of unfairness experienced by both parties. greenberg added (as cited in atalay & ozler, 2013) that motivated by this feeling of discomfort, both parties would rectify the unjust situation by reacting behaviorally such as altering job performance or psychologically such as altering perception of outcomes. in this study, the researchers aim to explore on the homophily and organizational identification towards organizational commitment and organizational justice among male and female office workers in iligan city. this was done by assessing the homophily 417 journal of government & politics and organizational identification among male and female office workers across their organizational commitment and organizational justice. the domains of homophily among male and female office workers are categorized into two: attitude homophily and background homophily. the domains of organizational identification among male and female office workers are categorized into four: management connection, invested self-concept, integrated goals and values, and coworker connection. in identifying the relationship of homophily and organizational identification to organizational commitment, the researchers will evaluate the respondents’ level of organizational commitment. in identifying the relationship of homophily and organizational identification to organizational justice, the researchers will evaluate the respondents’ interpersonal justice and informational justice. in addition, the researchers will also examine the significant difference and interaction of homophily and organizational identification towards their organizational commitment and organizational justice. to summarize all of these, please refer to figure 1.0 which is presented at figure 1. definition of terms the following are terms used in this study as conceptually and operationally defined by the researchers. homophily it is the desire to interact with people who are “similar” to themselves (egorov & polborn, 2010). in this study, it is the attitude homophily and background homophily of the employees. attitude homophily. this is, in effect, the same thing as attitude agreement, as people use the terms interchangeably, where it is understood that the agreement they are discussing is between friends (goel, mason & watts, 2010). background homophily. this is the likable interaction of people with the same cultural, economic, social class (goel, mason & watts, 2010). 418 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 organizational identification it is a self-definitional process through which individuals relationally link themselves to the organization, coming to understand and influence the organizational logic through discourse, inducing the integration of organizational and personal goals and values (parker & haridakis, 2008). in this study, it is the management connection, invested self-concept, integrated goals and values, and coworker connection of the employees. management connection. this reflects infrequent criticism of the company, agreement with upper management’s ideas, feeling respected and not ignored by the organization, and getting good advice from one’s boss (parker & haridakis, 2008). invested self-concept. this reflects the feeling that it would be difficult to leave the organization, one would experience a sense of loss if one left the company or it was taken over by another organization, feelings about oneself are influenced by the organization’s image, feeling defensive when others criticize the organization, and a sense of personal failure if the organization failed (parker & haridakis, 2008). integrated goals and values. this ref lects sharing the organization’s goals and values, acting upon messages from organizational leaders, having pride in the organization’s product/ service, and feeling that one influences things at work (parker & haridakis, 2008). coworker connection. this reflects similarity with co-workers (parker & haridakis, 2008). organizational commitment it is characterized by a strong belief in and acceptance of the organization’s goals and values, a willingness to exert considerable effort on behalf of the organization, and a strong desire to maintain membership in the organization (mowday et al., 1979). in this study, it is the strength of one’s identification in his/her organization. 419 journal of government & politics organizational justice it is essentially the perception of fairness and the reaction to those perceptions in the organizational context (hofmeyr, 2011). in this study, it is the interpersonal justice and informational justice of the employees. interpersonal justice. this reflects the degree to which people are treated with politeness, dignity, and respect by authorities and third parties involved in executing procedures or determining outcomes (hofmeyr, 2011). informational justice. this refers to the manner in which information is communicated and the explanation given (hofmeyr, 2011). figure 1.0. schematic diagram 420 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 scope and limitations this study focused on office workers coming from selected companies and institutions located in iligan city aging 20 to 63 years old. respondents were categorized in terms of their gender. for the male office workers, 2 of them are from filipinas eslon mfg. corp.; 2 from granexport manufacturing corporation; 1 from holcim philippines inc.; 6 from msu-iit; 3 from mabuhay vinyl corporation; 5 from national grid corporation of the philippines; 7 from national power corporation; and 9 from serviamus foundation, inc. for the female office workers, 2 of them are from granexport manufacturing corporation; 9 from msu-iit; 6 from mabuhay vinyl corporation; 7 from national power corporation; 10 from serviamus foundation, inc.; and 1 from wizmaster, corp. this study is applied only to those employees who are working in an office environment and performing clerical or administrative work. however, this study is only limited to the gender identified by the office workers in iligan city which are male and female. also, this study does not recognize the sexual preferences of the office workers. furthermore, this study does not categorize the office workers in terms of the organization they are working for. findings the current study explores on the homophily and organizational identification towards organizational commitment and organizational justice of male and female office workers in iligan city. a total of 70 respondents were included out of 136 office workers surveyed for this study, 35 of which are male office workers and 35 are female office workers. the researchers used four scales in order to gather the data from the male and female office workers. these scales are the homophily scale, organizational identification questionnaire, organizational commitment questionnaire, and organizational justice measure. all the data gathered were then calculated and analyzed through the statistical package for the social sciences (spss). to analyze the data of 421 journal of government & politics the variables, descriptive statistics was used to determine the frequency, percentage, and mean of each variable; to test the significant difference between the data gathered from male and female office workers, t-test was used; to test the significant relationship of each variable for both the male and female office workers, pearson correlation was used; and to test the significant interaction among the variables and its domains for both the male and female office workers, regression analysis was used. 1. homophily results showed that male and female office workers in iligan city have the neutral desire to interact with people who are similar to themselves. for male office workers, they have neutral levels of homophily in terms of their attitude and background. for female office workers, they also have neutral levels of homophily in terms of attitude and background. 2. organizational identification results showed that male and female office workers in iligan city can highly relate themselves to their organization making their personal goals and values integrated to the organization’s goals and values. for male office workers, they have high levels of organizational identification in terms of management connection, invested self-concept, integrated goals and values, and coworker connection. for male office workers, they have high levels of organizational identification in terms of management connection, invested self-concept, integrated goals and values, and coworker connection. for female office workers, they also have high levels of organizational identification in terms of management connection, invested self-concept, integrated goals and values, and coworker connection. 3. organizational commitment results showed that male and female office workers in iligan city have slightly strong acceptance of their organization’s goals and values and the willingness to exert effort in order to maintain membership in their organization. for male office work422 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 ers, they have slightly high level of organizational commitment. for female office workers, they also have slightly high level of organizational commitment. 4. organizational justice results showed that male and female office workers in iligan city have high perceived fairness in their organization. for male office workers, they have high levels of organizational justice in terms of interpersonal and informational justice. for female office workers, they also have high levels of organizational justice in terms of interpersonal and informational justice. 5. significant difference between male and female office workers in terms of their levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice there is no significant difference between male and female office workers in iligan city in terms of all the variables. 6. significant relationship among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers there is a significant relationship between the levels of homophily and organizational identification; and the levels of organizational identification and organizational commitment of male office workers while there is a significant relationship between the levels of organizational identification and organizational justice of female office workers in iligan city. 7. significant interaction among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers there is a significant interaction between the invested selfconcept to organizational commitment of male office workers in iligan city. furthermore, there is a significant interaction between background homophily to organizational justice; management connection to organizational justice; and coworker con423 journal of government & politics nection to organizational justice of female office workers in iligan city. conclusions based on the findings gathered in this study, the following are its conclusions/implications: 1. homophily since both male and female office workers in iligan city have the neutral desire to interact with people who are similar to themselves, this implies that in terms of attitude homophily, they fairly think and behave alike, share the same values, and have similar thoughts and ideas as well as similar treatment of other people. in terms of background homophily, they fairly belong to similar social class, economic situation and geographic region as well as they have fairly similar background, civil status, and life as a child. 2. organizational identification since both male and female office workers in iligan city can highly relate themselves to their organization making their personal goals and values integrated to the organization’s goals and values, this implies that in terms of management connection, they as colleagues rarely criticize management. in addition, they believe that the upper management has a similar idea with them about their organization. they do not think their ideas are ignored, they feel respected by their organization, and they get good advice from their boss. in terms of invested self-concept, they would experience a sense of loss if they left their organization as well as if another company took over their organization, they would feel like they also failed if the organization failed, and it would be hard for them to leave their organization even for a better job. in addition, how they feel about themselves is influenced by the organization’s image and they feel defensive when others criticize their organization. in terms of integrated goals and values, they share the organization’s goals as well as values, act upon messages from the organization’s leaders, have a lot of pride in the 424 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 organization’s product/service, and feel like they influence things at work. in terms of coworker connection, they help each other make sense of what’s happening at work and they are a lot like the people they work with. 3. organizational commitment since both male and female office workers in iligan city have slightly strong acceptance of their organization’s goals and values and the willingness to exert effort in order to maintain membership in their organization, this implies that they are willing to exert effort beyond normally expected for their organization’s success, they talk up their organization to their friends as a great one to work for, they are loyal to their organization, they would accept almost any job assignment in order to keep working for their organization, they find that their values are similar to the organization’s values, they are proud to tell others that they are part of their organization, they are inspired by the organization in the way of job performance, they are glad of their choice of organization to work for at the time they joined, they think there’s much to be gained by sticking with their organization, they agree with the organization’s policies on important matters relating to its employees, they care about the fate of their organization, they think their organization is the best to work for, and they do not see working in their organization as a mistake. 4. organizational justice since both male and female office workers in iligan city have high perceived fairness in their organization, it implies that they have high interpersonal justice which implies they are treated in a polite manner, with dignity, with respect, and they hardly get improper remarks and comments from their supervisor. in terms of informational justice, they had candid communications with their supervisor, they get thorough explanation about procedures, they get reasonable explanations regarding procedures, they com425 journal of government & politics municated details in a timely manner with their supervisor, and thinks that their supervisor tailor’s his or her communications to the employees’ specific needs. 5. significant difference between male and female office workers in terms of their level of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice in terms of difference, there is no significant difference between male and female office workers in iligan city in terms of all the variables which implies that both groups have almost the same level of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and the organizational justice. 6. significant relationship among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers in terms of relationship, there is a significant relationship between homophily and organizational identification of male office workers which implies that the higher the levels of homophily, the higher their organizational identification is. also, there is a significant relationship between organizational identification and organizational commitment of male office workers which implies that the higher the organizational identification, the higher their organizational commitment is. furthermore, there is a significant relationship between organizational identification and organizational justice of female office workers which implies that the higher the organizational identification, the higher their organizational justice is. 7. significant interaction among the levels of homophily, organizational identification, organizational commitment, and organizational justice of male and female office workers in terms of interaction, there is a significant interaction between invested self-concept to organizational commitment of male 426 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 office workers which implies that their feelings about themselves as influenced by their organization’s image has contributed to their commitment to their organization. furthermore, there is a significant interaction between background homophily to organizational justice of female office workers which implies that the presence of their interaction with people of the same cultural, economic, and social class contributes to their perceptions of fairness to their organization. also, there is a significant interaction between management connection to organizational justice of female office workers which implies that their infrequent criticism of the company, agreement with upper management’s ideas, feeling respected and not ignored by the organization, and getting good advice from one’s boss contributes to their perceptions of fairness to their organization. lastly, there is a significant interaction between coworker connection and organizational justice of female office workers which implies that their similarity with co-workers contributes to their perceptions of fairness to their organization. recommendations from the conclusions/implications drawn, the following are the recommendations of the study. the recommendations are categorized into two: a) recommendations relative to the findings of the study, b) recommendations for the future researchers. a. relative to the findings 1. homophily a. office workers shall try to adjust and interact with their coworkers regardless of their differences to strengthen the workforce. b. the hr personnel shall look into arousing conflicts within their organization that may be rooted from lack of interaction among employees because of their differences and take actions for it. c. the supervisors and managers shall be supportive to any 427 journal of government & politics interventions that the hr department will do for the betterment of interaction and bonding among employees. d. the students shall learn from the realities of working life and be able to adjust to it for their future endeavors. e. the general public shall be aware of the negative effects of employees not interacting with their coworkers because of their differences and be able to respond to it in a wellmannered way. 2. organizational identification a. office workers shall put into actions how they are strongly identified with their organization to improve professional life and contribute to organization’s success. b. the hr personnel shall look into how employees can understand more the organizational logic and influence it through discourse. c. the supervisors and managers shall give their subordinates the chance of sharing their ideas that could benefit the organization so as to empower the employees. d. the students shall start becoming identified to any organizations they presently belong to so as to make them equipped with the abilities to relationally link to their future chosen organizations. e. the general public shall be attentive to issues regarding how an employee relationally link themselves to the organizations and how their membership is at risk when the employers do not give them chances to influence the organization for its benefit. 3. organizational commitment a. office workers shall be introduced and informed thoroughly regarding the goals and objectives of their organization so as to give direction to their every decisions and actions which could affect their work and the organization as well. b. the hr personnel shall continue creating interventions to empower employees’ commitment to their organization 428 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 such as trainings and quarterly orientations about the vmgos of the organization. c. the supervisors and managers shall consider giving refresher tasks for the employees regarding the goals and objectives of the organization so as to build up employee commitment and loyalty to the organization. d. the students shall be able to know the importance of being committed to their present organizations which could affect their membership so as to be able to be equipped with the knowledge that they could apply to their present and future organizations. e. the general public shall be aware of the possibilities of becoming involved in an organization and how they could benefit from and contribute to their respective organizations. 4. organizational justice a. office workers shall seek help and guidance in terms of advice and direction if faced with injustices in the organization for them to be able to address it or if not, to alleviate the effects of it in their working environment. b. the hr personnel shall monitor potential scenarios that could inflict issues about injustices inside the organization so as to avoid conflicting employee-employer relationship. c. the supervisors and managers shall be clear in giving tasks and explaining procedures to their subordinates in a wellmannered way so as to avoid employees’ feeling of unfairness. d. the students shall be aware of the real scenarios in the workplace setting regarding the arousing injustices in organizations so as to be good models to their future organizations as members or leaders with appropriate management. e. the general public shall be attentive of the issues regarding employees complaints about injustices in their organizations so as to have a faster dissemination of information 429 journal of government & politics to the authorities who could help the mistreated employees. b. for the future researchers 1. future research must increase the 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(1982). employee-organizational linkages: the psychology of commitment, absenteeism, and turnover. new york: academic press. mowday, r. t., steers, r. m., & porter, l. w. (1979. the measurement of organizational commitment.journal of vocational behavior, 14, 224-247. myers, d. g. (2010).social psychology.avenue of the americas, new york, ny 10020: mcgraw-hill companies, inc., 1221. o’reilly, c. a., & chatman, j. (1986). organizational commitment and psychological attachment: the effects of compliance, identification, and internalization on prosocial behavior. journal of applied psychology, 71, 492–4.099. parker, r. e. &haridakis, p. (2008). development of an organizational identification scale: integrating cognitive and communicative conceptualizations. journal of communication studies, 1(3-4), 105-126. patchen, martin. (1970). participation, achievement, and involvement on the job. new jersey: prenticehall. schultz (n.d.).organizational commitment.1-14. þendoðdu, a. a., kocabacak, a., &güven s. (2013). the relationship between practices and organizational commitment: a field study. procedia – social and behavioral sciences, 99, 818-827. suma, s. &lesha, j. (2013). job satisfaction and organizational commitment: the case of shkodra municipality. european scientific journal, 9, 41-51. witting, m. (2006). relations between organizational identity, identification, and organizational objectives: an empirical study in municipalities. 1-19. mcpherson, j. m., smith-lovin, l., & cook, j. m. 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editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 184 supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade* http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 tulus warsito lecturer of international relationdepartment,at faculty of social science and politics universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract as a supranational organization the european union (eu) seems to compete the un’s reputations. uno has more members since its scope is worldly, but un does not issue its own currency while eu has euro. the euro is the second largest reserve currency as well as the second most traded currency in the world after the united states dollar. the currency is also used in a further many european countries and consequently used daily by some 332 million europeans. additionally, over 175 million people worldwide including 150 million people in africa use currencies which are pegged to the euro. no other transnational organization has such a specific currency. although not as a unified military conventional power, eu has such a “battlegroups” initiative, each of which is planned to be able to deploy quickly about 1500 personnel. eu forces have been deployed on peacekeeping missions from africa to the former yugoslavia and the middle east. eu military operations are supported by a number of bodies, including the european defense agency, european union satellite centre and the european union military staff. in an eu consisting of 27 members, substantial security and defense cooperation is increasingly relying on great power cooperation.despite those organizational strengths, only 27 of 57 european states are members of eu. and only 17 of 27 eu state members are using euro is their official currency. one prominent eu member like british stay tough with their own pound-sterling.this paper is set to learn more about: why as a europe continent based organization, eu state members are still less than half of european states? and why only 17 eu state members are using euro as their official currency? 185 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstrak sebagai organisasi supranasional uni eropa (ue) nampaknya menyaingi reputasi pbb. organisasi perserikatan bangsa – bangsa memiliki lebih banyak anggota sejak jangkauannya mendunia, tetapi pbb tidak mengeluarkan mata uang sendiri sementara uni eropa memiliki euro. euro merupakan mata uang cadangan kedua terbesar yang juga merrupakan mata uang dagang terbesar kedua di dunia setelah dolar amerika serikat. mata uang tersebut juga digunakan lagi dalam banyak negara – negara eropa dan sebagai akibatnya digunakan sehari – hari oleh 332 juta orang eropa.selain itu, lebih dari 175 juta orang di seluruh dunia – termasuk 150 juta orang di afrika – menggunakan mata uang yang ditetapkan atas euro. tidak ada organisasi transnasioanl lain yang memiliki mata uang spesifik. meskipun tidak sebagaipersatuan kekuatan militer konvensional, ue memiliki semacam inisiatif “kelompok perjuangan”, yang masing – masing direncanakan dapat menyebarkan secara cepat sebanyak 1500 personil. kekuatan ue telah diluncurkan dalam misi perdamaian mulai dari afrika sampai bekas yugoslavia dan timur tengah. operasi militer ue didukung oleh beberapa badan, termasuk perwakilan pertahanan eropa, pusat satelit uni eropa, dan staf militer uni eropa. dalam ue terdiri dari 27 anggota, pengamanan yang kuat, dan kerjasama pertahanan yang meningkat disandarkan pada kerjasama dengan kekuatan yang luar biasa. meskipun organisasi – organisasi tersebut kuat, hanya 27 dari 57 negara – negara eropa yang menjadi anggota uni eropa. dan hanya 17 dari 27 negara anggota yang menggunakan euro sebagai mata uang resmi mereka. salah satu negara anggota ue yang terkenal seperti inggris tetap menggunakan mata uang pound-sterling. tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mempelajari lebih tentang: mengapa sebagai organisasi berbasis benua eropa,negara anggota ue hanya kurang dari setengah negara – negara eropa seluruhnya? dan kenapa hanya 17 negara anggota yang menggunakan euro sebagai mata uang resmi mereka? kata kunci: uni eropa, supranasional, kedaulatan introduction it is a human’s nature that any human grouping needs an order, needs a pattern of governance, and needs power to regulate the system of the community. the order does not fall down from the sky but rather be constructed by people. some people to construct a sort of grouping by separating bigger group into smaller ones, like what has happened in yugoslavia and soviet union in the beginning of 1990s. one big yugoslavia was divided into six smaller new states grouping, while soviet union was split up to 15 smaller new states. those fragmented patterns of grouping have been complementary completed by the opposite pattern, which is grouping by unifying, grouping through union, grouping through integration. almost in the same decade after the fragmentation of yugoslavia and soviet union, both were in europe, european union(eu) was built as a supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 186 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ new big governance institution which conduct 27 states of about 57 european sovereign states. eu is new type of organization that acts as a supra-national body. a huge organization that conveys a complex dreams of european society. theoritical framework a supranational organization a supranational union is a type of multi-national confederation or federation where negotiated power is delegated to an authority by governments of member states. kimmo (2004: 21-26) said that the concept of supranational union is sometimes used to describe the european union, as a new type of political entity. the eu is the only entity which provides for international popular elections, going beyond the level of political integration normally afforded by international treaty. the term “supranational” is sometimes used in a loose, undefined sense in other contexts, sometimes as a substitute for international, transnational or global. another method of decision-making in international organizations is inter-governmentalism, in which state governments play a more prominent role. according the term of supra-nation, a supranational union seems to imitate the conduct the exclusive competence of nation-state system, which are: to issue a particular currency, to build military force, and to assemble international embassies. also have to define the character of nation-state in having a particular type of government, particular people, and particular territory. thus, a supranational organization should be built on the question of sovereign as what a nation-state has done. result and analysis a. the european union (eu) the eu is an economic and political union or confederation of 27 member states which are located primarily in europe. the eu traces its origins from the european coal and steel community (ecsc) and the european economic community (eec), formed by six countries in 1958. in the intervening years the eu has grown in size by the accession of new member states, and in power by the addition of policy areas to its remit. supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 187 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the maastricht treaty established the european union under its current name in 1993.1 the latest amendment to the constitutional basis of the eu, the treaty of lisbon, came into force in 2009. the eu operates through a system of supranational independent institutions and intergovernmental negotiated decisions by the member states.2 important institutions of the eu include the european commission, the council of the european union, the european council, the court of justice of the european union, and the european central bank. the european parliament is elected every five years by eu citizens. the eu has developed a single market through a standardized system of laws which apply in all member states. within the schengen area (which includes eu and non-eu states) passport controls have been abolished.3 based on treaty on the functioning of the european union (articles 157,ex article 141), eu policies aim to ensure the free movement of people, goods, services, and capital, enact legislation in justice and home affairs, and maintain common policies on trade[article 2 (7) of the treaty of amsterdam], agriculture4 fisheries and regional development [article 3(1)(g) of the treaty of rome], a monetary union, the euro zone, was established in 1999 and is currently composed of 17 member states. through the common foreign and security policy the eu has developed a limited role in external relations and defense. permanent diplomatic missions have been established around the world and the eu is represented at the united nations, the wto, the g8 and the g-20. with a combined population of over 500 million inhabitants,5 or 7.3% of the world population, the eu generated a nominal gdp of 16,242 billion us dollars in 2010, which represents an estimated 20% of global gdp when measured in terms of purchasing power parity (imf,2011). after world war ii, moves towards european integration were seen by many as an escape from the extreme forms of nationalism which had devastated the continent. one such attempt to unite europeans was the european coal and steel community, which was declared to be “a first step in the federation of europe”, starting with the aim of eliminating the possibility of further wars between its member states by means of pooling the national heavy industries (declaration of 9 may 1950). the founding members of the community were belgium, france, italy, luxembourg, supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 188 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the netherlands, and west germany. the originators and supporters of the community include jean monnet, robert schuman, paul henri spaak, and alcide de gasperi. in 1957, the six countries signed the treaties of rome, which extended the earlier cooperation within the european coal and steel community (ecsc) and created the european economic community, (eec) establishing a customs union and the european atomic energy community (euratom) for cooperation in developing nuclear energy. european commission said that the treaty came into force in 1958. the eec and euratom were created separately from ecsc, although they shared the same courts and the common assembly. the executives of the new communities were called commissions, as opposed to the “high authority”. the eec was headed by walter hallstein(hallstein commission) and euratom was headed by louis armand (armand commission) and then etienne hirsch. a european atomic energy community explained euratom would integrate sectors in nuclear energy while the eec would develop a customs union between members. throughout the 1960s tensions began to show with france seeking to limit supranational power. however, in 1965 an agreement was reached and hence in 1967 the merger treaty was signed in brussels. it came into force on 1 july 1967 and created a single set of institutions for the three communities, which were collectively referred to as the european communities (ec), although commonly just as the european community (“merging the executives”, european navigator). rey presided the first merged commission (rey commission) (“discover the former presidents: the rey commission”, europe web portal). in 1973 the communities enlarged to include denmark (including greenland, which later left the community in 1985), ireland, and the united kingdom (“the first enlargement”, european navigator). norway had negotiated to join at the same time but norwegian voters rejected membership in a referendum and so norway remained outside. in 1979, the first direct, democratic elections to the european parliament were held (“the new european parliament”, european navigator). greece joined in 1981, portugal and spain in 1986 (“negotiations for enlargement”, european navigator). in 1985, the schengen agreement supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 189 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ led the way toward the creation of open borders without passport controls between most member states and some non-member states (bbc news, 2001). in 1986, the european f lag began to be used by the communityy (“history of the flag”, europe web portal), and the single european act was signed. in 1990, after the fall of the iron curtain, the former east germany became part of the community as part of a newly united germany (“1980–1989 the changing face of europe – the fall of the berlin wall”, europe wbe portal). with enlargement towards european formerly communist countries as well as cyprus and malta on the agenda, the copenhagen criteria for candidate members to join the european union were agreed. the introduction of the euro in 2002 replaced several national currencies. craig (2007,15) explained the european union was formally established when the maastricht treaty came into force on 1 november 1993, and in 1995 austria, finland and sweden joined the newly established eu. in 2002, euro notes and coins replaced national currencies in 12 of the member states. since then, the euro zone has increased to encompass 17 countries. in 2004, the eu saw its biggest enlargement to date when cyprus, the czech republic, estonia, hungary, latvia, lithuania, malta, poland, slovakia and slovenia joined the union (“a decade of further expansion”, europe web portal). on 1 january 2007, romania and bulgaria became the eu’s newest members. in the same year slovenia adopted the euro (“a decade of further expansion”, europe web portal), followed in 2008 by cyprus and malta, by slovakia in 2009 and by estonia in 2011. in june 2009, the elections were held leading to a renewal of barroso’s commission presidency, and in july 2009 iceland formally applied for eu membership. on 1 december 2009, the lisbon treaty entered into force and reformed many aspects of the eu. in particular it changed the legal structure of the european union, merging the eu three pillars system into a single legal entity provisioned with legal personality, and it created a permanent president of the european council, the first of which is herman van rompuy, and a strengthened high representative, catherine ashton. on 9 december 2011, croatia signed the eu accession treaty (“croatia supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 190 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ signs eu accession treaty”. associated press ). the eu accession referendum was held in croatia on 22 january 2012, with the majority voting for croatia’s accession to the european union making it the 28th member state as of july 2013. the european union is composed of 27 sovereign member states: austria, belgium, bulgaria, cyprus, the czech republic, denmark, estonia, finland, france, germany, greece, hungary, ireland, italy, latvia, lithuania, luxembourg, malta, the netherlands, poland, portugal, romania, slovakia, slovenia, spain, sweden, and the united kingdom (“european countries”,europa web portal). the union’s membership has grown from the original six founding states—belgium, france, (then-west) germany, italy, luxembourg and the netherlands—to the present day 27 by successive enlargements as countries acceded to the treaties and by doing so, pooled their sovereignty in exchange for representation in the institutions (“eu institutions and other bodies”. europa web portal). to join the eu a country must meet the copenhagen criteria, defined at the 1993 copenhagen european council. these require a stable democracy that respects human rights and the rule of law; a functioning market economy capable of competition within the eu; and the acceptance of the obligations of membership, including eu law. evaluation of a country’s fulfillment of the criteria is the responsibility of the european council. no member state has ever left the union, although greenland (an autonomous province of denmark) withdrew in 1985. based on aarticle 50 of the consolidated treaty on european union, the lisbon treaty now provides a clause dealing with how a member leaves the eu. croatia is an acceding country and will become the 28th member of the eu on 1 july 2013 after a voter referendum approved eu membership on 22 jan 2012. there are four candidate countries: iceland, macedonia (petersen and serwer, 2010), montenegro and turkey. albania, bosnia and herzegovina and serbia are officially recognized as potential candidates.[50]kosovo is also listed as a potential candidate but the european commission does not list it as an independent country because not all member states recognize it as an independent country separate from serbia (“enlargement newsletter”, europe web portal). supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 191 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ four countries forming the efta (that are not eu members) have partly committed to the eu’s economy and regulations: iceland (a candidate country for eu membership), liechtenstein and norway, which are a part of the single market through the european economic area, and switzerland, which has similar ties through bilateral treaties (“the eu’s relations with switzerland”, europe web portal). the relationships of the european microstates, andorra, monaco, san marino and the vatican include the use of the euro and other areas of cooperation (“use of the euro in the world,the euro outside the euro area, europe web portal). b. parliament the european parliament building in strasbourg, france. the european parliament (ep) forms one half of the eu’s legislature (the other half is the council of the european union, see below). the 736 (soon to be 751) members of the european parliament (meps) are directly elected by eu citizens every five years on the basis of proportional representation to the share of votes collected by each political party. although meps are elected on a national basis, they sit according to political groups rather than their nationality. fairvote.org explained that each country has a set number of seats and is divided into sub-national constituencies where this does not affect the proportional nature of the voting system.6 the parliament and the council of the european union pass legislation jointly in nearly all areas under the ordinary legislative procedure. this also applies to the eu budget. finally, the commission is accountable to parliament, requiring its approval to take office, having to report back to it and subject to motions of censure from it. the president of the european parliament carries out the role of speaker in parliament and represents it externally. the ep president and vice presidents are elected by meps every two and a half years (“institutions: the european parliament”, europe web portal). c. council the council of the european union (also called the “council”7 and sometimes referred to as the “council of ministers”) (“institutional afsupranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 192 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fairs: council of the european union”, europa web portal), forms the other half of the eu’s legislature. it consists of a government minister from each member state and meets in different compositions depending on the policy area being addressed. notwithstanding its different configurations, it is considered to be one single body. in addition to its legislative functions, the council also exercises executive functions in relations to the common foreign and security policy. d.military the european union does not have one unified military. wilkinson said the predecessors of the european union were not devised as a strong military alliance because nato was largely seen as appropriate and sufficient for defense purposes.8 21 eu members are members of nato (“nato member countries”, nato.int.com). while the remaining member states follow policies of neutrality (“the eu ‘neutrals,’ the cfsp and defense policy”, aei.pitt.edu). based on the presentation of the program of the finnish presidency (2006) the compatibility of their neutrality with eu membership is questioned (including by the prime minister of finland) and with mutual solidarity in the event of disasters, terrorist attacks and armed aggression covered by teu article 42 (7) and tfeu article 222 of the eu treaties; the western european union, a military alliance with a mutual defense clause, was disbanded in 2010 as its role had been transferred to the eu (statement of the presidency of the permanent council of the weu,2006). the sipri military expenditure database explained that according to the stockholm international peace research institute (sipri), france spent more than $44 billion on defense in 2010, placing it third in the world after the us and china, while the united kingdom spent almost •39 billion, the fourth largest. field (2000) explained that together, france and the united kingdom account for 45 per cent of europe’s defense budget, 50 per cent of its military capacity and 70 per cent of all spending in military research and development.9 in 2000, the united kingdom, france, spain, and germany accounted for 97% of the total military research budget of the then 15 eu member states.10 following the kosovo war in 1999, the european council agreed supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 193 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ that “the union must have the capacity for autonomous action, backed by credible military forces, the means to decide to use them, and the readiness to do so, in order to respond to international crises without prejudice to actions by nato”. to that end, a number of efforts were made to increase the eu’s military capability, notably the helsinki headline goal process. after much discussion, the most concrete result was the eu battle group’s initiative, each of which is planned to be able to deploy quickly about 1500 personnel (“military capabilities”, europe web portal). eu forces have been deployed on peacekeeping missions from africa to the former yugoslavia and the middle east (“eu security and defense operations”, europe web portal). eu military operations are supported by a number of bodies, including the european defense agency, european union satellite centre and the european union military staff. in an eu consisting of 27 members, substantial security and defense cooperation is increasingly relying on power cooperation (“the russo-georgian war and beyond: towards a european great power concert”, danish institute of international studies). e. euro the euro is the sole currency of 17 eu member states: austria, belgium, cyprus, estonia, finland, france, germany, greece, ireland, italy, luxembourg, malta, the netherlands, portugal, slovakia, slovenia, and spain. these countries comprise the “euro zone”, some 326 million people in total. with all but two of the remaining eu members obliged to join, together with future members of the eu, the enlargement of the euro zone is set to continue further. outside the eu, the euro is also the sole currency of montenegro and kosovo and several european micro states (andorra, monaco, san marino and the vatican city) as well as in three overseas territories of eu states that are not themselves part of the eu (mayotte, saint pierre and miquelon and akrotiri and dhekelia). together this direct usage of the euro outside the eu affects over 3 million people. it is also gaining increasing international usage as a trading currency, supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 194 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in cuba (bbc news,1998), north korea and syria (bbc news, 2006). there are also various currencies pegged to the euro (see below). in 2009 zimbabwe abandoned its currency and used major currencies instead, including the euro and the united states dollar (allafrica.com,2009). f. eu international embassies the european union will open its own embassies under a plan critics fear represents a “power grab” by brussels officials pushing for a federal super state. the secret plan represents the first time that full eu embassies have been discussed seriously. the “embassies of the union” would be controlled by a new eu diplomatic service created by the lisbon treaty. the daily telegraph has seen a high-level brussels document discussing plans for a “european external action service” (eeas) which was proposed under the new eu treaty, currently being ratified in westminster. working papers circulating in brussels suggest that more than 160 eu offices around the world, including in member states, would become embassies. the new service would rival established diplomatic services. britain, with one of the world’s largest, maintains 139 embassies and high commissions in capital cities. equally controversial is a proposal for eu ambassadors who would be accountable to the european parliament. “parliament should aim for proper hearings of special representatives and ambassadorial nominees in the tradition of the us congress for nominations of a clearly political nature,” says the document. plans for the new foreign service have raised highly sensitive political issues by giving trappings of statehood to the eu and by fusing, for the first time, national diplomats with existing “autocrats”. a vicious battle over who should control the diplomatic corps has broken out between national governments and the european commission. countries such as britain are alarmed that the eeas, which is expected to take on some consular activities, would be a stepping stone to a single “supranational” euro-diplomatic service. meanwhile, brussels officials fear that, if controlled by national governments, the new eeas would draw power from “community” bodies, such as the commission, to inter-governmental institutions such as the council of the eu, which represents member states. supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 195 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ any inter-governmentalism of policy areas under community competence has to be avoided. the eeas will have to be in a specific way administratively connected to the european commission. the eeas will number between 2,500 to 3,000 officials at its inception in january next year. it is then expected to grow to 7,000, or even up to 20,000, according to different estimates. britain, which loses its veto over the eeas after it is created by a european summit decision expected in october, is expected to contribute around 20 to 30 senior diplomats to the eu service. the uk opposes and will argue against naming eeas offices embassies. g.the cost of integration, the questions of sovereignty what eu, as an organization, has achieved is excellent. eu and un are almost similar in term of outstanding supranational organization. but eu has started the history since 1957; so far only 27 of 57 european states are decided to be member of eu. only around 502 million people out of 739 million european populations to be reckoned as member of the union. there is still more less 30 states in europe or approximately 237 million european citizen stayed out of the membership of the union. even not all among the members of the union are using euro as their official currency. only 17 out of 27 state members of eu declared euro as their official currency. sweden has ever used euro in 1994 but then stop adopting the euro in 2003. sweden decided to proudly using krona for their currency. british stay steady with their pound sterling. this means that the existence of eu is not supported with enough sovereign, even from within the membership of eu. h.the european sovereign debt crisis the european sovereign debt crisis is an ongoing financial crisis that has made it difficult or impossible for some countries in the euro area to re-finance their government debt without the assistance of third parties. from late 2009, fears of a sovereign debt crisis developed among investors as a result of the rising government debt levels around the world together with a wave of downgrading of government debt in some european states. concerns intensified in early 2010 and thereafter supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 196 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (matlock,2010), leading europe’s finance ministers on 9 may 2010 to approve a rescue package worth •750 billion aimed at ensuring financial stability across europe by creating the european financial stability facility (efsf) (bbc news,2010). in october 2011 and february 2012, the euro zone leaders agreed on more measures designed to prevent the collapse of member economies. this included an agreement whereby banks would accept a 53.5% write-off of greek debt owed to private creditors (sels, 2012), increasing the efsf to about •1 trillion, and requiring european banks to achieve 9% capitalization (bbc news,2011). to restore confidence in europe, eu leaders also agreed to create a common fiscal union including the commitment of each participating country to introduce a balanced budget amendment (helen, 2011; and london guardian, 2011). while sovereign debt has raised substantially in only a few euro zone countries, it has become a perceived problem for the area as a whole (der spiegel, 2011). nevertheless, the currency has remained stable (the wall street journal, 2011). as of mid-november 2011, the euro was even trading slightly higher against the bloc’s major trading partners than at the beginning of the crisis (reuters, 2011). the three countries most affected, greece, ireland and portugal, collectively account for six percent of the euro zone’s gross domestic product (gdp) (project syndicate,2011). i. monetary policy inflexibility since membership of the euro zone establishes able to money” in order to pay creditors and ease their risk of default. (such an option is not available to a state such as france.) by “printing money” a country’s currency is devalued relative to its (euro zone) trading partners, making its exports cheaper, in principle leading to an improving balance of trade, increased gdp and higher tax revenues in nominal terms (project syndicate,2011). in the reverse direction moreover, assets held in a currency which has devalued suffer losses on the part of those holding them. for example by the end of 2011, following a 25 percent fall in the rate of exchange and 5 percent rise in inflation, euro zone investors in sterling, locked in to euro exchanges rates, had suffered an approximate 30 persupranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 197 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cent cut in the repayment value of this debt (phillip, 2012). j. the case of krona sweden joined the union in 1995 and its accession treaty obliged it to join the euro. however, one of the requirements for euro zone membership is two years’ membership of erm ii, and sweden has chosen not to join this mechanism and as a consequence tie its exchange rate to the euro ±2.25%. while there is government support for membership, all parties have pledged not to join without a referendum in favor of doing soothe eu has accepted that sweden is staying outside the euro zone on its own decision. olli rehn, the eu commissioner for economic affairs has said that this is up to swedish people to decide. despite this, the euro can be used to pay for goods and services in some places in sweden. in 1995 sweden joined the eu and its accession treaty (“european union agreement details”, council of the european union) has been approved in sweden by referendum (52% in favor of the treaty). according to the treaty sweden is obliged to adopt the euro once it meets convergence criteria. a referendum held in september 2003 saw 56.1 percent vote against membership of the euro zone. as a consequence, sweden decided in 2003 not to adopt the euro for the time being. had they voted in favor, sweden would have adopted euro on 1 januar y 2006 (sveriges riksbank,2003). a majority of voters in stockholm county voted in favor of adopting the euro (54.7% “yes”, 43.2% “no”). in skånecounty the people voting “yes” (49.3%) outnumbered the people voting “no” (48.5%), although the invalid and blank votes resulted in no majority for either option. in all other polls in sweden, the majority voted no (electoral geography, 2003). k. passport without border the european union does not issue passports, but the passports issued by its 27 member states do share a common design (europa web portal). these include the burgundy colored cover, the use of the words supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 198 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “european union” in the country’s official language or languages on the cover, as well as common security features and biometrics.11 some eu member states also issue non-eu passports to certain people who have a nationality which does not render them citizens of the european union (e.g., british overseas territories citizens except those with a connection to gibraltar, british nationals (overseas), british overseas citizens, british protected persons and british subjects).12 the european union does issue european union laissez-passers to the members and certain civil servants of its institutions. l. euroscepticism euro skepticism is a general term used to describe criticism of the european union (eu), and opposition to the process of european integration, existing throughout the political spectrum. traditionally, the main source of euroscepticism has been the notion that integration weakens the nation state. other views occasionally seen as eurosceptic include perceptions of the eu being undemocratic or too bureaucratic (kopel; and hannan, 2007). a euro barometer survey of eu citizens in 2009 showed that support for membership of the eu was lowest in latvia, the united kingdom, and hungary (the daily telegraph, london). there can be considered to be two different types of eurosceptic thought, which differ in the extent to which adherents reject european integration and in their reasons for doing so. aleks szczerbiak and paul taggart described these as ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ euroscepticism. hard euroscepticism is the opposition to membership of, or the existence of, the european union as a matter of principle. the europe of freedom and democracy group in the european parliament, typified by such parties as the united kingdom independence party, is hard eurosceptic. in western european eu member countries, hard euroscepticism is currently a hallmark of many anti-establishment parties (harmsen et al,2005: 31–2). soft euroscepticism is support for the existence of, and membership of, a form of european union, but with opposition to specific eu policies, and opposition to a federal europe (szczerbiak et al, 2008: 8). the european conservatives and reformists group, typified by such parties as the supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 199 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ british conservative party, along with the european united left–nordic green left which is an alliance of left-wing parties in the european parliament, is soft eurosceptic. alternative names for ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ euroscpticism are respectively ‘withdrawalist’ and ‘reformist’ euroscepticism. some ‘hard’ eurosceptics such as ukip prefer to call themselves euro-realists rather than ‘sceptics’, and regard their position as pragmatic rather than “in principle”. also many on the left such as tony benn tend not to use the phrase to refer to themselves even though they share many of their criticisms of the european union and they may use phrases such as euro-critical or just call themselves democrats or socialists and their scepticism as part of their wider belief in democracy or socialism. conclusion nations and nationality come before nationalisms. mankind is still at the early stage of the formation of nation states, as the democratic principle of the french revolution the right of nations to self-determination works itself out in history. multinational states, federal or unitary, must respect the right to selfdetermination of the nations composing them, if they are to be stable and endure. the european union is fundamentally undemocratic and cannot be democratized. respect for state sovereignty is a fundamental democratic principle and the cornerstone of international law. the eu’s concept of “pooling sovereignty” is a propaganda cover for domination by others and the effective rule of the bigger eu states. democracy means rights of equality, which people agree to accord one another and which the state recognizes. globalization changes the environment of the nation state, but does not make it out of date. internationalism, not globalization, is the way to a human future. endnotes *) this paper was revised paper and previously presented at international conference on public organization (iconpo) , korea university, seoul korea on 11 may 2011. 1 it is effectively treated as one of the copenhagen criteria. it should be supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 200 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ noted that this is a political and not a legal requirement for membership 2 the european convention on human rights was previously only open to members of the council of europe (article 59.1 of the convention, and even now only states may become member of the council of europe (article 4 of the statute of the council of europe). 3 to do otherwise would require the drafting of legislation which would have to cope with the frequently divergent legal systems and administrative systems of all of the now 27 member states 4 council directive 2000/43/ec of 29 june 2000 implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin. council directive 2000/78/ec of 27 november 2000 establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation. 5 in order to meet the euro convergence criteria it is necessary first to join the european exchange rate mechanism, something sweden has declined to do. 6 meps must be elected on the basis of proportional representation, the threshold must not exceed 5%, and the electoral area may be subdivided in constituencies if this will not generally affect the proportional nature of the voting system. 7 the latin word consilium is occasionally used when a single identifier is required, as on the council web site 8 the eu states have never felt the need to make the organization into a powerful military alliance. they already have nato to undertake that task. 9 according to the stockholm international peace research institute (sipri), britain spent more than us$ 69 billion on defense last year, placing it third in the world after the united states and china, while france spent us$ 67.31 billion, the fourth largest. together, britain and france account for 45 per cent of europe’s defense budget, 50 per cent of its military capacity and 70 per cent of all spending in military research and development. 10 european civil research did not benefit from the decline in military research budgets pdf supranational governance in changing societies of european union in the last decade / tulus warsito / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0010 201 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 11 "council regulation (ec) no 2252/2004 on standards for security features and biometrics in passports and travel documents issued by member states”. 12 non-european look alike passports, uk passport office references allafrica.com, 2009, “zimbabwe: a critical review of sterp”, http:// allafrica.com/ stories/200904170690.html. retrieved 30 april 2009. arato, krisztina; kaniok, petr, euroscepticism and european integration. cpi/ psrc. associated press, “croatia signs eu accession treaty”, http://www.goo gle.com/ hosted news/ap/article/aleqm5giqv7ylb-byuvf jm2zm ru nyik3w? docid=c2caeea 189 fd4bcd8f7e1942b8a8166e. 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digital-based complain services at the honor board of election organizers of the republic of indonesia (dkpp ri) during pandemic muh hasbi azis agani 1*, nuryanti mustari 2, ahmad harakan 3 , nursaleh hartaman 4 affiliation: 1234 university of muhammadiyah makassar, department of gov er nment scie nce, faculty of social and political science correspondence: muh.hasbihajid@gmail.com how to citate: agani, m.h.a., mustari, n., harakan, a., & hartaman, n. (2022). responsibility of digital based complaints services at the honor board of election organizers of the republic of indonesia (dkpp ri) during pandemic. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(2). 188-221 article history: received: january 19, 2022 revised: february 3, 2022 accepted: march 25, 2022 abstract: enforcement of the code of ethics against violations of election administration (kpu and bawaslu) committed by the dkpp ri as an institution for enforcing the code of ethics for election organizers. data from the dkpp stated that from 2018 to 2021, 1,546 complaints came in through digital media, peaking in 2020 during the pandemic, then the service of complaints carried out by the dkpp ri, it is necessary to have service responsiveness in receiving reports/complaints from reporters, which makes dkpp ri an institution that integrity. this research uses a descriptive qualitative method with data analysis using nvivo 12 plus. by using six indicators of responsiveness of the results obtained. the achievement of digital based complaint services at the dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu republikindonesia (dkpp ri) during the pandemic uses six indicators: the ability to respond to the community, officers have provided good attitudes and com munication. w ith the speed of service, officers have shown alertness and sincerity in serving. accuracy of service, officers have been focused and serious in their work. service accuracy, officers have worked by the sop; timeliness of service, officers work by incoming reports; the ability to respond to complaints, officers can respond to complaints and provide the best solutions. keywords: responsiveness, complain, public service, dkpp, digitization abstrak: penegakan kode etik terhadap pelanggaran penyelenggara pemilu (kpu dan bawaslu) yang dilakukan oleh dkpp ri sebagai lembaga penegakan kode etik penyelenggara pemilu. data dari dkpp menyebutkan dari tahun 2018 sampai dengan tahun 2021 sebanyak 1.546 pengaduan masuk melalui media digital, memuncak pada tahun 2020 pada masa pandemi, maka pelayanan pengaduan yang dilakukan oleh dkpp ri perlu adanya respon pelayanan dalam menerima laporan/pengaduan. dari wartawan, yang menjadikan dkpp ri sebagai lembaga yang berintegritas. penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan analisis data menggunakan nvivo 12 plus. dengan menggunakan enam indikator daya tanggap diperoleh hasil. pencapaian layanan pengaduan berbasis digital di dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu republik indonesia (dkpp ri) pada masa pandemi menggunakan enam indikator yaitu kemampuan merespon masyarakat, petugas telah memberikan sikap dan komunikasi yang baik. dengan kecepatan pelayanan, petugas telah menunjukkan kewaspadaan dan kesungguhan dalam melayani. ketepatan pelayanan, petugas sudah fokus dan serius dalam bekerja. ketepatan pelayanan, petugas sudah bekerja sesuai sop; ketepatan waktu pelayanan, petugas bekerja berdasarkan laporan yang masuk; kemampuan menanggapi pengaduan, petugas dapat menanggapi pengaduan dan memberikan solusi terbaik. kata kunci: responsif, pengaduan, pelayanan publik, dkpp, digitalisasi https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0694-5000 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2413-7402 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7322-9872 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:muh.hasbihajid@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6707-136x jurnal studi pemerintahan introduction in general, the democratic system in the world is based on liberal democracy, which concentrates on policy-making proce dures that ensure that they are generally binding regardless of the form of society that has been determined. in contrast, the participatory model of democracy that involves the community in the decision-making process supports the values that exist in society. in the sense that it does not only emphasize procedures, but it is also oriented towards collective decision making. (hennen et al. 2020). indonesia itself adheres to the pancasila democratic system, which upholds the values of deliberation and consensus in decision making and is fundamental to safeguarding people’s political rights, including general elections (wardhani, ibrahim, and christia 2020). one form of a democratic system is the existence of general elections as public political participation, and it can be said that the legitimacy of a democratic government is when elections are held based on the principles of “direct, general, free, secret, hon est and fair” democracy, and can convince citizens that every vote is counted (lundmark, oscarsson, and weissenbilder 2020). the nature of elections always results in victory and defeat, and these results are greeted differently, especially on the losing side (albertson and guiler 2020). severalelections have been held uncompetitive due to illegal campaigning practices and manipulative electoral processes still being car ried out by those in power and political elites who take advan tage of power to regulate government and vital resources. (verver et al. 2019). in order to maintain the continuity of democratic general elections, there is a need for governance of election administra tion that is recognized by constitutional and public legitimacy, and an election management body is formed, namely kpu (elec tion organizing commission), which has the task of carrying out elections, bawaslu (election supervisory body) as a function of overseeing the election process. moreover, dkpp ri (honor ary council for election organizers of the republic of indone 189 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 190 sia) has a check and balance function in the performance of the kpu and bawaslu (warjiyati 2020). dkpp, bawaslu, and kpu have equal positions as election organizers as stated in article 22 e paragraph (5) of the 1945 constitution and the provisions issued by the constitutional court number 11/puu-viii/2020 concerning judicial review of law no. 22 of 2007 against the 1945 constitution. dkpp, bawaslu, and kpu were placed as independent institutions. dkpp is mandated in “law number 15 of 2011 concerning elec tion organizers” with authority as a code of ethics enforcement agency, namely to summon election administrators who are in dicated or suspected of violating the code of ethics to provide explanations and defenses further. summon the complainant and witnesses to be asked for information, including files/files and evidence. then impose sanctions on election organizers who are proven to have violated the code of ethics. the final and binding nature of the dkpp’s decision attacks psychologically at the kpu and bawaslu ranks because of the fear that arises over the sanctions given when violating the code of ethics and can lead to ongoing legal polemic problems (nurdin 2019). facts show that the actualization of regional elections that are carried out directly and based on democracy still raises many problems even though the government has made efforts to re place laws and regulations, the last of which is the issuance of law number 8 of 2015 concerning amendments to law num ber 1 of 2015 concerning stipulation government regulation instead of law number 1 of 2014 concerning the election of governors, regents, and mayors. however, there are still viola tions that are often carried out in the implementation of elec tions from the election organizers (erwinsyahbana 2018). sup ported by the evidence in dkpp data which states that from 2018 to 2021, 1,546 complaints were submitted to dkpp. more over, more detail can be seen in the following table: jurnal studi pemerintahan table 1. number of complaints of alleged violations of the election code of ethics no year number of complaints 1. 2018 333 2. 2019 506 3. 2020 415 4. 2021 292 total 1.546 source: dkpp ri 2021 based on the recapitulation data on the types of complaints recorded during 2018, complaints submitted directly to the dkpp ri are still the primary choice for justice seekers with a total of 183 complaints (55%) of complaints sent by post or via email, totaling 131 complaints (39 %). meanwhile, there were 19 com plaints through the forwarding channel by bawaslu/kpu to dkpp ri (6%) (dkpp ri 2018). based on the recapitulation data on the types of complaints recorded during the 2019 general election, complaints submit ted directly to the dkpp ri are still the primary choice for jus tice seekers, with a total of 294 complaints (58.1%), complaints sent by post or via mail. electronic (email complaint) as many as 189 complaints (37.3%). meanwhile, there were 23 complaints (4.5%) through the forwarding channel by bawaslu to dkpp ri (dkpp ri 2019). responding to the covid-19 pandemic globally, especially in indonesia, on march 23, 2020, dkpp ri made a policy of only accepting complaints or reports via email bag.pengaduan@dkpp ri.go.id on working days, namely monday-thursday. at 08.00 16.00 wib and friday at 08.00-16.30 wib. however, dkpp ri activated a particular telephone number for complaint consulta tion, namely 0812-9288-3330. based on the data on the reca pitulation of the types of complaints recorded during the 2020 general election, there was a significant increase in indirect com plaints or emails and letters, namely 319 complaints (76.9%). this figure is much higher than the complaints submitted di rectly to the dkpp ri, with only 96 complaints (23.1%) (dkpp 191 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 192 ri 2020). based on the recapitulation data on the types of complaints recorded during the 2021 general election, most complaints are submitted via email/post, followed by direct complaints at dkpp ri and forwarded to bawaslu/kpu. it is appropriate to be in formed that in order to provide services to justice seekers during the covid-19 pandemic, dkpp ri accepts complaints submitted online. to welcome technology 4.0, now dkpp ri is also devel oping an application system for complaints of alleged violations of the code of ethics which is expected to be later able to answer the challenges of enforcing the code of ethics during the pan demic, direct complaints 103 (35.4%), forwarding bawaslu/kpu 16 (5.4%), by mail (post/e-mail) 173 (59.2%), totaling 292 (dkpp ri 2021). as the data presented shows a digital transformation of pub lic services, dkpp ri can answer the challenges of industry 4.0 and the pandemic that has hit the world. in the current era, reporting directly or coming straight to the office has disadvan tages because it is limited by space and time; moreover, there is only one dkpp ri office in central jakarta, so it requires money and energy to submit reports for reporters/complainants who are outside the city of central jakarta. the emergence of a pandemic has impacted various sector lines, and the public service sector is affected. the efforts of the central government and local governments in reducing the spread of covid-19 have issued a series of policy strategies such as large scale social restrictions, which requires work to be done from home, of course, this hampers public services, but as a bureau cracy, it must continue to carry out its duties as a public service that can solve problems. solutions to the problems faced, for that the government optimizes the use of technology, informa tion, and communication to fulfill citizens’ rights. it also aligns with what dkpp has done while following the established proce dures (wati 2021). dkpp ri shows that as a judicial institution, the enforcement jurnal studi pemerintahan of the code of ethics for election organizers can still keep up with speedy technological advances. this is evidenced by the comput erization of the complaints information system of the election organizers code of ethics, and web-based can be one way out to assist and speed up and simplify the work process in the prepara tion of various kinds of reports related to data related to com plaints about the electoral code of ethics. this system can assist dkpp ri officials in obtaining accurate and fast reports (zulhalim and nurkhotimah 2019). during the pandemic to reduce the number of covid 19 trans missions, the ri dkpp ri temporarily eliminates face-to-face reporting and is replaced by receiving online complaints/reports via email and phone number so that it can help the government break the chain of transmission of the spread of the covid19 virus and related service processes. complaints/reports can still be implemented. effective and efficient public servants from the government must pay attention to feedback from the community on the ser vices they get and consider the previous government’s work per formance on the public service policies that have been set (verver et al., 2019). public services require responsiveness from state administrators to identify community needs. public services and politics are interconnected because the apparatus gives the community’s trust as representatives in administrative matters. (liao 2018). several previous studies relevant to the issues to be discussed, namely the role of dkpp ri in ethical supervision of election organizers, concluded that the role of dkpp in supervising the kpu ri has a preventive and repressive nature. the repressive nature is shown by punishing election management officials who violate the code of ethics. in line with other research, namely the institutional design of the honorary election organizing coun cil (dkpp) as an ethics court, it concludes that dkpp is present as an institution that maintains the integrity, credibility, and in dependence of the kpu and bawaslu in carrying out democratic 193 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 194 elections, with the authority it has as an institution that enforces violations of the code of ethics against election organizers, espe cially the nature of the dkpp’s decision which is binding and final. several previous studies relevant to the issues to be discussed, namely the role of dkpp ri in ethical supervision of election organizers, concluded that the role of dkpp in supervising the kpu ri has a preventive and repressive nature. the repressive nature is shown by punishing election management officials who violate the code of ethics. in line with other research, namely the institutional design of the honorary election organizing coun cil (dkpp) as an ethics court, it concludes that dkpp is present as an institution that maintains the integrity, credibility, and in dependence of the kpu and bawaslu in carrying out democratic elections, with the authority it has as an institution that enforces violations of the code of ethics against election organizers, espe cially the nature of the dkpp’s decision which is binding and final. research related to the problems that will be examined, namely questioning the responsiveness of public services in the man agement of upik case complaints in the city of yogyakarta “concludes that in the information and complaints service unit as a medium for which the public uses in providing input/infor mation or complaints, relating to the administration of govern ment and public services in the city of yogyakarta, in his find ings the service responsiveness of the follow-up process across sectors and levels of government is still low due to the existence of sectoral and regional egos departing from the preliminary description above which explains the role of dkpp ri as an en forcement agency for violations of the code of ethics against elec tion organizers and the lack of responsiveness of public services in the follow-up aspect. of course, the dkpp ri does not neces sarily make decisions unilaterally; it certainly has a systematic flow until the decision is read out by the chairman of the dkpp ri, especially in the first stage, namely the complaint stage. digi jurnal studi pemerintahan tal-based, especially during the covid 19 pandemic, does not al low face-to-face complaints/reports. so that the authors are in terested in researching the responsiveness of digital-based com plaint services at the election organizing honorary council (dkpp ri) during the pandemic period. literature review good governance good governance is everything that relates to or discusses the management of governance that is run well. including the func tional side of government can also be seen in government ad ministration. good governance is a term used by lawyers, legislators, and, more broadly, the general public. good governance is viewed differently by theologians, philosophers, social scientists, econo mists, and lawyers. in that concept, each discipline has its di mensions to contribute to, and when the different dimensions are brought together, they may create a comprehensive approach to good governance and bring significant benefits to societ y. (addink 2019). according to dwiyanto (2021), in the practice of good gover nance, there are essential values that must be fulfilled in realiz ing shared prosperity, such as efficiency, justice, and responsive ness. both economic, administrative, and political authorities are responsible for regulating the country’s social affairs. there fore, government power is used for the greatest prosperity of the people in good governance, avoiding misallocations and finan cial development, and early detection and prevention of corrup tion. governance is good if the resources and public interest can be managed effectively and efficiently. with the passage of sev eral public institutional mechanisms and reasonable procedures, the community’s interests get good protection (santosa 2010). it can be concluded from some of the opinions above that good governance is how the management of government admin istrators is carried out both in power and administration, which 195 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 196 involves several parties, namely government actors, the private sector, and the community, in order to create an effective, effi cient and clean government. according to (tun et al. 2021), good governance must apply five principles. namely, responsibility is defined as the principle of responsibility, and the government must carry out its responsibilities as a bureaucracy to the com munity and comply with laws and regulations that have an im pact on the emergence of public trust; accountability it means that the government can be responsible for its work performance and can meet the demands of the community, which in gover nance must be measurable and correct; fairness and equality (this principle prioritizes that government administrators should not take sides with anyone and must provide services with estab lished procedures; transparency to get a good assessment from the community so that all information related to governance can be provided so that governance can run well and; independence in order to maintain good governance, government independence is needed so that it does not get intervention from outside par ties. responsiveness responsiveness is how to manage government affairs from the main level to the regional level efficiently by indicating the responsiveness and responsiveness of government administrators in meeting community needs, adjusting to the competence of government administrators in responding quickly and precisely to the wishes of the community, and identifying how govern ment administrators able to answer the challenges that will come both in terms of the times, new problems to be faced, as well as the fulfillment of state apparatus resources in carrying out their duties (chukwuma 2019; dunn 2003; widodo 2007). respon siveness is defined as the ability of government administrators who are aware of the community’s needs, are sensitive to those concerning the fulfillment of citizens’ rights by setting up a ser jurnal studi pemerintahan vice priority strategic agenda and developing agreed work plans. in short, responsiveness describes the balance between the community’s needs and the government’s work program (dwiyanto 2021; sugandi 2011; tangkilisan 2005). hardiyansyah (2018:) explains that responsiveness is included in one of the dimensions of service quality, where responsive ness is translated into several indicators, including; responding to every customer/applicant who wants to get service. these in dicators include good attitude and communication from service providers; officers/apparatus provide fast service. this fast ser vice relates to the alertness and sincerity of service providers in answering questions and fulfilling customer requests; officers/ apparatus perform services appropriately, i.e., there are no er rors in serving, meaning that the services provided are following the wishes of the community so that no one feels disadvantaged for the services they receive; officers/apparatus perform services carefully. this means that service providers must always be fo cused and earnest in providing services to the community; offic ers/apparatus perform services promptly. the right time means that the implementation of services to the community can be completed within a predetermined time so that it can provide certainty of service to the community; officers respond to all customer complaints that every service provider must provide access to the public to be able to submit their complaints and find the best solution. as for the factors that support the birth of good governance by paying attention to the public service system, in realizing good public services, every apparatus that works as a service provider must work professionally to achieve optimal performance, make people feel satisfied with the services that have been provided, describe good government image. kasmir (2006) stated that the primary reference is the quality of human resources in public services because quality human resources can directly interact with the community. according to atep adya brata (2003), internal and external 197 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 198 qualities affect work responsiveness. internal factors are related to the interaction between agency employees in the systematic work carried out, supporting facilities, human resource capabili ties, adaptability to work, and motivation at work. at the same time, external factors are related to how the government’s deliv ery method is carried out so that what is given is clear and fol lows the established procedures. the conclusion from the description of the understanding that has been put forward is that the government has an essen tial role in providing information to the public to create har mony between the government and the community. there is a management pattern and internal and external factors to sup port quality services by working optimally. complaint concept complaints are all reports regarding violations committed by individuals, associations, agencies, or organizations, whether in volving criminal, civil, or code of ethics violations committed by the public, private parties, or state apparatus. (melani 2019). receipt of complaints / complaints reports or reports of alleged violations of the electoral organizer’s code of ethics to the dkpp is carried out in two ways, namely: 1) submitted di rectly to the officer receiving complaints or reports at the dkpp office; or; 2) through electronic media or non-electronic media addressed to dkpp. as for parties who can complain or report, as stipulated in article 458 paragraph (1) of law no. 7 of 2017 in conjunction with article 4 paragraph (2) of dkpp regulation number 3 of 2017 concerning guidelines for procedures for the code of eth ics for election organizers, are election organizers, election contestants, campaign teams, community or voters. in addi tion to the five elements above, complaints or reports can be submitted through a recommendation from the house of rep resentatives (dpr), submitted based on the dpr’s rules of pro cedure provisions. jurnal studi pemerintahan the parties who can be reported to or reported for alleged violations of the code of ethics for election organizers are kpu members, provincial kpu/aceh kpu members, regency/mu nicipal kpu members/regency/city kip members, overseas election committee members (ppln), members of the orga nizing group. overseas voting (kppsln), bawaslu members, provincial bawaslu members, regency/city bawaslu members, overseas panwaslu members. meanwhile, for election organiz ers at the ad hoc level, the reporting pattern is submitted directly to the regency/city kpu/kip or regency/city bawaslu. the election organizers at the ad hoc level, namely, members of the district election committee (ppk), members of the voting com mittee (pps), members of the voting organizing group (kpps). concerning complaints or reports against the sub-district panwaslu, kelurahan/village panwaslu, tps supervisors are sub mitted to regency/city bawaslu, as stipulated in pkpu 8 of 2019 and perbawaslu number 4 of 2019. based on article 5 of dkpp regulation number 3 of 2017 concerning guidelines for proceeding the code of ethics for election organizers, complaints are submitted to dkpp in writ ing in indonesian in 2 (two) copies accompanied by complaint documents in digital format. the complaint must contain at least, among other things: (1) the complete identity of the complain ant or reporting party; (2) the identity of the reported party. at least include full name, position, and office address. (3) a de scription of the alleged violation of the code of ethics. contains a clear description of the actions or attitudes of each defendant or reported party, which includes the time the act was commit ted, the place where the act was carried out, the act committed, and how the act was carried out. (4) requests to dkpp to exam ine and decide on alleged violations of the code of ethics. digitalization concept the demands of technological developments influence the policies of the government. to answer the demands of industrial 199 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 200 revolution 4.0, the government has begun to apply e-government in the government administration system to support the work performance of public services. digital democracy is an effort to implement democracy that is not limited by space and time and physically by utilizing technology, information, and communica tion. however, do not just leave the service that is still tradi tional (wahyudi 2018). digitization creates new habits in public services in meeting the community’s needs efficiently and effectively, compared to the previous procedure. optimization of public services can be done through innovation in the public sector to bring services closer to the community, more easily accessible, of higher qual ity, and cheaper (nugroho, sutrisno, dan yusuf 2020). digitalization in government is closely related to e-govern ment (electronic government). digitalization describes how the government optimizes technology, information, and communi cation in public services and creates interaction with the com munity without any space and time limitations in receiving in formation and providing services to realize effective and efficient services. (lumbanraja 2020). digitalization is a process in the government administration system that utilizes information, communication, and technol ogy (itc), a medium for the community and government to in teract as public services are carried out and reach various lines of public service. (nugraha 2018). research method the type of research used in this research is qualitative re search, which describes or describes something according to what it is. the qualitative method is a research procedure that pro duces descriptive data in written or spoken words from people or observable behavior—collecting data through observation, in terviews, and documentation. observations by observing the activities of the complaints service officer directly at dkpp with internships coupled with research, in-depth interviews were car jurnal studi pemerintahan ried out with the head of the complaints subdivision, the head of the verification complaints section i, the head of the verifi cation complaints section ii, and two complainants/reporters. the documents were obtained from the dkpp website, the 2021 dkpp lapkin book, previous research, journals, and the re quired data. the research period is for two months, from no vember to december 2021, at the secretariat of the honorary council for the general election of the republic of indonesia (dkpp ri). this study also uses data analysis with the help of nvivo 12 plus. thus, the key to getting data presentation in tables, graphs, diagrams, and models for qualitative writers us ing nvivo is to code the written data sources. result the results of the study relate to the responsiveness of digital based complaint services in the dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu republik indonesia (dkpp ri) using the hardiyansyah (2018) theory with 6 (six) indicators and processing data based on interviews. ability to respond to the community ability to respond to the community who want to get service, this indicator includes good attitude and communication from the service officer of the complaint department at dkpp ri, how the complaint service officer behaves to customers well so that complainants feel comfortable in providing reports and get ting service friendly. in the realm of communication (communi cation), the reporter and the officer can interact optimally, main taining the continuity of communication from the beginning of the complaint to the trial. in the ability to respond to the community, good attitude and communication become a reference in the success of offic ers in achieving the ability to respond to people who want to receive services, how the complaint service provides digital facili ties to the public so that it is easy to communicate and submit 201 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 202 reports related to violations of the code of ethics committed by election organizers and as officers should give a commendable attitude to the complainant. figure 1. ability to respond to the community by using crosstab query data analysis in nvivo 12 plus dis playing the processed values (total number, total value, and aver age) of a field in the table and grouping them into one group of facts registered to get the conclusion that good communication gets results 72.00% and good attitude with 27.00% results. this proves that there are achievements related to good communica tion to complainants digitally, and there is still a lack of good attitude in electronic-based services. it can be concluded that the achievement of the ability to respond to the community in a good attitude and communica tion towards the dkpp ri digital-based complaint service, in terms of communication, officers have provided email facilities, hp numbers, and wa making reporting easier to communicate with officers as well as responsive responses. the given was very good because the complainant did not get a significant obstacle from interaction with the officer. from the indicators of good attitude, the officer tries to maintain a good attitude so that the complainant feels comfortable, does not take sides with the back ground of the status of the complainant as well, and conveys the information needed regarding violations of the code of ethics, the interaction between complainants and officers in service is jurnal studi pemerintahan only limited to professional work, especially when complaints are made digitally so that the complainant does not get a genu ine attitude from the complaint service officer. speed of serving speed of serving this indicator relates to the alertness and sincerity of the service officer of the complaint department at dkpp ri in answering questions and fulfilling customer requests. alertness is an important indicator that affects the work perfor mance of digital-based complaint service officers so that the pro cess in service is time-efficient. sincerity in providing services also plays a role in officers’ performance to work well. answer ing the complainant’s questions should be done quickly so that the complainant will feel a sense of trust and comfort in receiv ing the service and the fulfillment of the request that the com plainant wants to make speed in providing services achievable. in the speed of serving, indicators of alertness, sincerity, an swering complainant’s questions, and meeting the complainant’s request are the benchmarks for achieving speed in serving. how do officers provide fast service so that customers are satisfied with the services obtained by showing high performance from officers. figure 2. speed of serving 203 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 204 data analysis using crosstab queries on the nvivo 12 plus application got the results of the sincerity of service staff 21.00%, meet the comp lainant’s request 26.00%, answering complainant’s questions 26.00%, and alert needs of service staff 26.00%. explaining that the success of achieving fast digital-based services has been very well fulfilled because the percentages ob tained are almost the same despite the insignificant difference in the value of sincerity in providing services. it can be concluded that the achievement of the service indi cator success quickly with benchmarks of alertness, sincerity, answering the complainant’s questions, and fulfilling the complainant’s request is outstanding from the evidence of re sults that explain fast service has been owned by the digital-based complaint service at dkpp ri by indicating the wishes of the reporter and the performance of the officers can go hand in hand. accuracy of serving of serving is that there are no errors in serving, meaning that the services provided by the service officer of the complaints department at the dkpp ri are following the community’s wishes so that no one feels disadvantaged for the services they receive. an indicator of serving accuracy is that the service is following the dkpp procedure and following the community’s wishes. the services provided must be following standard operating proce dures (sop) or standard operating procedures. officers position themselves following the authority and functions to fulfill com munity desires by following what is expected. jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 3. accuracy of serving data analysis using a crosstab query on the nvivo 12 plus application results following the dkpp procedure 65.00% and following the community’s wishes 34.00%. it can be said that the accuracy of serving is perfect because the value of the service indicator according to the dkpp procedure is higher than the service indicator according to the wishes of the community. ex plain that the services provided must be based on applicable stan dards and meet customer desires. it can be concluded that the achievement of success in the accuracy of serving indicators is outstanding because the com plaint service officer does not take sides with the reporting sta tus. however, the officer upholds work integrity by carrying out his duties following the applicable sop. carefulness of serving the carefulness of serving means that the service officer for the complaint department at the dkpp ri must continually fo cus and be serious in providing services to the community. to achieve the indicators of accuracy in serving using the bench marks focus on providing services and earnestness in providing service, explained that in work officers must focus so that ser vices can be provided optimally, and are serious. truly providing services and completing work means that work does not neglect the priority of work and must be completed. 205 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 206 figure 4. carefulness of serving data analysis using crosstab queries on the nvivo 12 plus application got results of focus on providing services 50.00%, and earnestness in providing service 50.00%. the data results explain that the two benchmarks have the same value, so the achievement of the accuracy indicator in the complaint service is outstanding because it can balance focus and sincerity in pro viding services to customers. it can be concluded that the achievement of success on indi cators of accuracy in service is outstanding because the perfor mance of complaint service officers at dkpp ri is illustrated by balancing focus and seriousness in work, which describes work professionalism and excellent and directed team coordination. timeliness of serving timeliness of serving, the right time means that the imple mentation of services by the service officer of the complaint de partment at the dkpp ri to the public can be completed within a predetermined time to provide certainty of service to the com munity. the benchmarks are certainty of service time and settle ment of complaints. certainty of service time, namely the ser vice provided, clarifies the reporter’s time. complaint settlement, namely the services provided, can be resolved and known be tween the officer and the reporter so that the public is satisfied with the services provided by the complaint service officer. jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 5. timeliness of serving data analysis using crosstab query on the nvivo 12 plus ap plication got the results of certainty of service time 51.00%, and settlement of complaints 48.00%. explaining that the indicator values do not differ significantly, so that the achievement of the indicators of timeliness of service is outstanding, although, on the other hand, timeliness has a higher value than the resolu tion of complaints. it can be concluded that the achievement of indicators of time liness of service with benchmarks of time certainty and settle ment of complaints can be said to be very good, the two indica tors are correlated with each other where the settlement of com plaints based on complete report files affects the certainty of the service time provided by complaint service officers at dkpp ri. ability to respond to complaints ability to respond to complaints that the service officer for the complaint department at dkpp ri must provide access to the public to submit their complaints and find the best solution. the benchmarks are provide solutions and provision of access to complaints. the provision of access to complaints affects the interaction between officers and complainants so that complaints and obstacles can be resolved. 207 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 208 figure 6. ability to respond to complaints data analysis using crosstab queries on the nvivo 12 plus application got results of provide solution 54%, and provision of access to complaints 45%. explaining that the value of pro viding solutions is higher than providing access, but the achieve ment of the indicators of success in responding to complainants’ complaints is outstanding because the complaint service officer is ready to face all the obstacles that will occur even though to access the interaction only do it by email, cellphone number, and wa and the limited working time as imposed by the officers continue to strive so that information can be conveyed to the reporter. it can be concluded that the achievement of the indicator of the ability to respond to complaints is outstanding because, with access to using email, cellphone numbers, and wa complain ants can submit complaints and complaints efficiently without having to come directly to the complaint service office so that officers can also provide solutions according to with what the complainant expects. supporting factors supporting factors are everything that can support the work performance of the complaint service officer at dkpp ri. the benchmarks used are facilities, infrastructure, and human re jurnal studi pemerintahan sources because in carrying out service work, there must be things that support the achievement of the objectives of the work. figure 7. supporting factors data analysis using a crosstab query on the nvivo 12 plus application got the results of facilities and infrastructure of 44.00%, and human resources of 55.00%. explain supporting factors regarding qualified human resources (hr) and facilities that are still following the needs to carry out the job well. it can be concluded that the supporting factors are very much needed in the work performance of the complaint service of ficer, especially digital-based services. the facilities in the service section have been beneficial in completing the work in the com plaint service section, and the hr in the complaints section has a capacity to follow the work at hand. so that services can be carried out smoothly. obstacle factors obstacle factors are everything that can hinder the work per formance of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri. the benchmarks used are facilities and infrastructure and human resources. facilities and infrastructure indicators can be a bottle neck when they are not functioning correctly. human resources can also be an obstacle when the work is not following the officer’s capabilities. the existence of inhibiting factors can be detrimen 209 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 210 tal to both parties, from the office and the reporter, because the complaint service can be disrupted due to the obstacles encoun tered. figure 8. obstacle factors data analysis using a crosstab query on the nvivo 12 plus application got 62.00% facilities and infrastructure results and 37.00% human resources. the value of facilities and infrastruc ture is high compared to human resources. barriers to facilities and infrastructure can affect the performance of complaint ser vice officers, while human resources can also become obstacles when their structural position is not following their field. it can be concluded that the inhibiting factors of the perfor mance of the complaint service officer are unpredictable net work connections and network connections owned by the com plainant who lives in remote areas and the absence of perma nent officers who receive reports by telephone. result the achievement of digital-based service responsiveness in dkpp ri uses six indicators, namely; ability to respond to soci ety; the speed of serving; service accuracy; accuracy of service; timeliness of service; and the ability to respond to complaints will be discussed as follows: jurnal studi pemerintahan ability to respond to the community respond to every customer/applicant who wants to get ser vice. this indicator includes a good attitude and communication from the service officer of the complaint section at dkpp ri. good attitude and communication are benchmarks in success fully responding to digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri. data obtained from good attitudes and communication re lated to digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri, there is the information needed by the reporter with the website, namely dkpp.go.id, email for complaint services, namely bag.pengaduan @dkpp.go.id, and the service no hp or wa, namely 082192883330. since the enactment of the psbb on march 23, 2020, complaints have been directly removed to an undetermined limit. these findings explain the success of the responsiveness of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri. the results of observations made by researchers found that it is true that digital-based services make complaint services more responsive in receiving reports because they can monitor incom ing complaints using existing facilities at the office or through personal devices so that responding to incoming complaints is easier. the researcher’s direct review explained the success of digital-based services at dkpp ri. based on the results of interviews with informants concluded that good communication and attitudes from digital-based com plaint service officers at dkpp ri, good communication have been carried out by officers to the maximum by providing elec tronic media to interact with the complainant, namely using email, phone numbers and providing information throughthe website. the excellent attitude of the complaint service of ficer because it is digital based so that the complainant cannot directly feel the officer’s attitude in providing services, but a good attitude has been shown by the officer because there are no com plaints about lousy treatment the complaint service officer. the results of this interview explain the achievement of digital-based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. 211 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 212 speed of serving this fast service is related to the alertness and sincerity of the complaint service officer at dkpp ri in answering questions and fulfilling customer requests. this indicator is the achievement of digital-based service responsiveness at dkpp ri, with benchmarks of alertness, sincerity, the ability of officers to answer questions and fulfill complainants’ requests. researchers’ direct observations found that officers in receiv ing reports had served quickly. the alertness, sincerity, ability of the officers to answer questions and fulfill the complainant’s re quests have been demonstrated in how the officers’ work. the findings show the work performance of officers who are proportionally owned as judicial institutions, which supports the achievement of digital-based service responsiveness in dkpp ri. the results of interviews conducted with informant’s con cluded that the officers’ alertness, sincerity, the ability of the officers to answer questions and fulfill the complainant’s request. officers realize that the importance of providing fast service to customers so that they do not get bad reviews from the public is also supported by the complainant’s statement that the complain ant feels the alertness of the complaint service officer in process ing the complainant’s complaint quickly. sincere delivery of ser vices is not optimal because the officer does not meet directly with the reporter, so sincere feelings are not conveyed in reality to the reporter. officers answer questions according to the por tion they have as a complaint service, and the fulfillment of elec tronic complaints requests is still processed according to the sops that have been determined. this indicates the achievement of digital-based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. accuracy of serving there are no errors in serving. the services provided by the service officer of the complaint section at the dkpp ri are fol lowing the community’s wishes so that no one feels disadvan taged for the services they get. this indicator can determine the jurnal studi pemerintahan dignity of the dkpp as a judicial institution providing services, and there should be no fatal mistakes. this indicator is the suc cessful responsiveness of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri with benchmarks for conformity to procedures from dkpp and conformity with community wishes. based on the data search, the laporan kinerja tahunan dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu (lapkin dkpp) can be seen in the following table: table 2. type of complaint no year type of complaint amount (%) 1. 2018 directly 183 (55%) indirectly 131 (39%) forwarding route by bawaslu/kpu 19 (6%) 2. 2019 directly 294 (58,1%) indirectly 189 (37,3%) forwarding route by bawaslu/kpu 23 (4,5%) 3. 2020 directly 96 (23,1%) indirectly 319 (76,9%)9 4. 2021 directly 103 (35.4%) indirectly 173 (59.2%) forwarding route by bawaslu/kpu 16 (5.4%) the results of the data above explain that based on the types of complaints indirectly or via electronic means, there was a spike in 2020 during the implementation of the psbb due to the covid 19 pandemic that hit the world, so this explains that punctuality in placing oneself with the challenges of industry 4.0 and re sponding to the pandemic is an added value. the responsive ness of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri were achieved. observations made by researchers by observing directly the work procedures carried out by the complaint service section found that everything done by the complaint service officer must follow the established procedures and follow coordination from above so that the work can be adequately completed correctly. the results of interviews conducted with informant’s concluded that officers uphold work integrity by carrying out their duties following the established sops. 213 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 214 figure 9. complaint flow providing services to complainants must be based on professional work, not aborting obligations only at work, but carried out according to sops applicable in dkpp ri. the officer does not take sides with any reporting party, whether based on the complainant’s status or the length of time the complaint has been submitted. this proves the achievement of digital-based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. carefulness of serving this means that the complaint service officer at the dkpp ri must continually focus and be serious in providing services to the community. this is an indicator of the success of digital based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri with a bench jurnal studi pemerintahan mark of focus on serving and being severe in providing service to commanders. the data obtained from the dkpp website related to the complaint flow scheme can be seen in the figure 9. the picture above explains that in processing the report, there are already established procedures, all appropriate procedures must be followed so that no errors will occur in the future. then in receiving reports, it is necessary to deepen the study on com plaints starting from administrative verification to material veri fication. so, this supports the achievement of digital-based com plaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. the results of interviews conducted with informant’s con cluded that focusing on work requires caution and careful atten tion in processing complaints and prioritizing coordinated team work. officers process complaints by studying reports involving all officers who have authority and are not time-oriented to avoid rushing in reviewing reports. this indicator proves the achieve ment of responsiveness of complaint services in dkpp ri. timeliness of serving the right time means that the implementation of services by the service officer of the complaint section at the dkpp ri to the community can be completed within the specified time to provide certainty of service to the community. this indicator of achieving digital-based services at dkpp ri with timeliness and complaint resolution benchmarks. based on data obtained through the regulation of the hon orary council of the general election organizers of the repub lic of indonesia number 1 of 2021 concerning guidelines for proceedings of the code of ethics for general election organiz ers article states that notification of administrative verification results is submitted to the reporter no later than five days after the report is administratively verified. no later than five days after the report is administratively verified, the complainant must complete or correct the complaint or report within a maximum of 7 days after receiving the administrative verification notifica 215 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 216 tion. in material verification, the complainant must complete the report no later than seven days after receiving the material verification notification. when the complainant cannot complete the report, the report becomes invalid and can be re-complained with a new complaint or report. the notification of the trial sched ule will be informed to the complainant no later than two days before the trial begins. the data explains that the integrity of work performance is shown in an orderly manner at a predeter mined time to achieve the success of digital-based complaint ser vice responsiveness at dkpp ri. observations made by researchers by observing services based on timeliness found almost no officers who arrived late. some even came before working hours to carry out their duties, work ing hours at dkpp are monday thursday at 08.15-15.30 wib with rest hours 12.00-12.30 wib, on friday at 08.30-15.30 wib with a break at 12.00-13.00 wib, indirectly illustrates that the complaint service officer does not waste time and does not pro crastinate in providing services, so this supports the achievement of responsiveness digital-based services at dkpp ri. the results of interviews conducted with informants con cluded that timeliness is still a concern of complaint service of ficers by seeking time efficiency, especially digital-based complaints that support fast interaction between officers and complainants, meaning that when the complaint has been completed, or there are obstacles encountered, it will be informed quickly. to the complainant. complaint settlement is not based on the speed of time but on the complaint’s files, whether they are complete and meet the requirements, and an in-depth report study. this indi cator has achieved the success of responsiveness of complaint services in dkpp ri. ability to respond to complaints the complaint service officer at dkpp ri must provide ac cess to the public to submit their complaints and find the best solution, and this is an indicator of the achievement of digital jurnal studi pemerintahan based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri with bench marks for providing solutions and providing access to complaints. observations made by researchers by observing how customer complaints are responded to and solutions are sought by officers have found that looking at qualified facilities, they can be used to complete work and provide solutions and information to of ficers. concerning the work performance of the officers, they can operate computers following work needs in the complaint service so that it makes it easier for officers to respond to each complainant’s complaint and provide information regarding the complaint. so, this supports the achievement of digital-based com plaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. based on the interviews with informants, the complaint of ficer will provide the best solution related to the problem in the report so that the reporter can be helped because he gets the information needed. the officer has provided a digital-based complaint with email and phone number to get information related to the complaint. although there is no direct in teraction, the reciprocal relationship remains professional work. this indicator achieves the success of digital-based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri. supporting factors and obstacle factors what supports the success of digital-based complaint service responsiveness at dkpp ri are adequate facilities to carry out work and human resources, especially complaint officers who work following their competencies. what hinders the success of the responsiveness of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri is the unpredictable network con nection, especially the complainants in remote areas with poor internet network connections. conclusion the achievement of digital-based complaint services at the dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu republik indonesia (dkpp 217 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 218 ri) during the pandemic uses six indicators, namely: 1. respond to every customer/applicant who wants to get ser vice. the good attitude and communication of the complaint service officer at dkpp ri have been excellent by providing media to connect services such as websites, email, and phone number and responding to the complainant’s complaints very well. 2. officers/apparatus perform services quickly. the alertness and sincerity of the complaint service officer at dkpp ri in an swering questions and fulfilling customer requests has been very good; this is reflected by responding quickly to incoming reports without delay and responding to the community’s wishes following the sops that have been set. 3. officers/apparatus perform services appropriately. minimiz ing errors in serving, meaning that the services provided by the complaint service officer at the dkpp ri are following the wishes of the community so that no one feels aggrieved for the services they get, illustrated by the work performance of the complaints officer who works following the sops set not based on the will personal. 4. officers/apparatus perform services carefully. in carrying out his duties as a service officer for the complaints department at dkpp ri, he has worked with focus and earnestness in providing services to the community, as illustrated in process ing reports with caution and prioritizing coordinated team work. 5. officers/apparatus perform services promptly. the officer does not refer to the speed of completion of the report but works according to the files sent, so when the file sent from the beginning of the report is complete and meets the require ments, the process of completing the report does not take much time, because the officer requires an in-depth study of the report so that it can be declared by the court. 6. all customer complaints are responded to by the officer. the complaint service officer at dkpp ri has provided access to jurnal studi pemerintahan digital media such as websites, email, and phone numberto the public to be able to submit their complaints, and the officers have provided the best solution to the complainant when there are problems or problems related to complaints carried out following sops. a responsive service must support and hinder factors that support the success of digital-based complaint service respon siveness at dkpp ri, namely adequate facilities to carry out work and human resources, especially complaint officers who work following their competencies. the success of the responsiveness of digital-based complaint services at dkpp ri is that the net work connection is unpredictable, especially the complainants in remote areas with poor internet network connections. used on the conclusions described above, the researcher pro vides input and suggestions regarding the responsiveness of digitalbased complaint services at the dewan kehormatan penyelenggara pemilu republik indonesia (dkpp ri) during the pandemic, namely: 1. responsive services require competent quality human re sources, so training in human resource development related to the use of technology is needed to keep up with technologi cal development demands. 2. the need for human resources that specifically handle com 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3(1):42–50. 221 206 208 214 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0057.113-137 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 113 received: january 11, 2018 revised: january 20, 2018 accepted: february 25, 2018 for cite this article please refer to: ali, s. a. (2018). the reproductive health of the philippines: percep tions in the south. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(1): 113-137. the reproductive health of the philippines: perceptions in the south sittie akima a. ali mindanao state university – iligan institute of technology, philippines email: sittieakima.ali@g.msuiit.edu.ph abstract this is a descriptive and correlational study that focuses on determining the level of awareness and attitudes of the respondents toward the reproductive health program of the philippines. it tried to test the hypotheses whether there is significant relation ship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile such as age, gender, education, annual income, work type, and number of children and their level of awareness and attitude towards the reproductive health program. the study found that majority of the respondents are aware and have positive attitude toward the repoductive health law which can be partly attributed to their place of employment which is an academic institution and where the reproductive health issue is expected to be subjected to thorough discussions. it is concluded that the respondents have favorable and positive reactions on the rh law, hence it is necessary for the government to pursue it with due respect to religion and cultural beliefs of the filipinos especially among the catholics. it is recommended that awareness drives and information dissemination on the positive effects of the rh bill should be continued, not only in schools but also in communities where most poor families live. keywords: reproductive health, attitude, beliefs, perception. abstrak penelitian ini merupakan studi deskriptif dan korelasional yang berfokuskan pada penen tuan tingkat kesadaran dan sikap responden terhadap program kesehatan reproduksi di filipina. penelitian ini mencoba untuk menguji hipotesis apakah yang mempunyai hubungan yang signifikan antara profil sosio-ekonomi responden seperti usia, jenis kelamin, pendidikan, pendapatan tahunan, jenis pekerjaan dan jumlah anak-anak dan tingkat kesadaran dan sikap mereka terhadap program kesehatan reproduksi. studi ini menemukan bahwa sebagian besar responden sadar dan memiliki sikap positif terhadap hukum kesehatan reproduksi yang sebagian dapat dikaitkan dengan tempat kerja mereka yang merupakan lembaga akademis dan dimana masalah kesehatan reproduksi diharapkan untuk menjadi subjek diskusi yang menyeluruh. kesempilan dari penelitian ini bahwa responden memiliki reaksi positif terhadap uu dengan kepedulian terhadap kepercayaan agama dan budaya bagi orang filipina terutama di kalangan umat katolik. saran yang muncul pada penelitian ini adalah agar adanya dorongan kesadaran dan penyebaran informasi tentang dampak positif dari ruu kesehatan reproduksi harus dilanjutkan, tidak hanya di sekolah tetapi juga di masyarakat yang sebagian merupakan keluarga miskin tertinggal. kata kunci: kesehatan reproduksi, sikap, keyakinan, persepsi. mailto:sittieakima.ali@g.msuiit.edu.ph introduction humanity is constantly confronted with deteriorating en vironment as global population continues to rise. such popu lation explosion had caused various problems specifically in developing countries. one of its results is poverty. facing this dilemma, people struggle to cope with life despite diminishing resources. in the philippines, a study published by the multinational fi nancial services firm, hongkong and shanghai banking corpo ration (hsbc) revealed that about 26% of filipinos live below the poverty line. despite this, the country could be the 16th larg est economy in the world by 2050 (remo, 2013). this could be good news only if the country’s leaders could well manage the country’s wealth, both human and natural resources. attempting to solve the problem, the government imple mented measures by passing two congressional bills that aimed to regulate population. these are house bill no. 4244 entitled “an act providing a comprehensive policy on responsible par enthood, reproductive health, and population and develop ment, and for other purposes” otherwise known as the rh bill sponsored by congressman edcel lagman, and senate bill no. 2378 entitled “an act providing for a national policy on repro ductive health and population and development” by senator miriam defensorsantiago (romero, 2011). after processing the two bills, a final version, the responsi ble parenthood and reproductive health act of 2012 (republic act no. 10354), otherwise known as the reproductive health law (rh law), was passed, with the primary goal of guarantee ing universal access to methods of contraception, fertility con trol, sexual education, and maternal care. the rh law would seek to promote family planning. to many, this is viewed as one of the missing pieces for faster eco nomic growth. however, others disagree and they viewed it as potentially adverse to the economy. even if the rh law’s provisions on maternal and child jurnal studi pemerintahan 114 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 115 health had gained nationwide agreement, the provision on the use of contraceptives is highly divisive and controversial. ex perts from all sectors declared either support or opposition to the rh law, often criticizing the government and each other in the process. other countries like egypt, iran and indonesia are more lib eral in terms of implementing reproductive health care; saudi arabia and majority of the arab countries, on the contrary, are not supportive of the program. in the philippines, with its democratic atmosphere, issues related to health care, family planning, and birth control are perceived through cultural and religious perspectives. the philippine constitution protects human rights. thus, the merits of the rh law had touched the sensitive issue of free choice in the number of children that may involve the use of artificial contraceptives that is either supported or opposed by sectors due to cultural and religious considerations. this paper seeks to gain more insights into factors besetting the rh law. the study was conducted among the employees of four cam puses of the mindanao state university system in order to de termine their perception towards the reproductive health law. knowing their perception is important in understanding why they support or oppose the implementation of the rh law. objective this study aims to determine the perception of some msu system employees on the rh law. it also looks specifically at whether there is a relationship between the socio-economic pro file of the respondents and their perceptions towards certain provisions of the reproductive health law. ho1: there is no significant association between the respon dents’ socio-economic profile and their perception on certain provisions of the rh law. framework of analysis religion is one of the complex factors responsible for world wide differences in human fertility that determines family size. catholicism was closely associated with high fertility, while prot estantism is the opposite (guevara, 2008). population scholars and experts cite three major perspectives in the study of popula tion growth or human fertility, namely: 1) particularized theol ogy hypothesis; 2) structural or social characteristics hypoth esis; and the 3) minority group status hypothesis. the first hypothesis argued that the effect of religion on fertility behavior was a function of a particular religion requir ing compliance from its followers; hence, religion was a major hindrance against successful implementation of family plan ning and reproductive health programs (persen, 1975). in con trast, the social characteristics hypothesis suggests that it is not religious affiliation per se but rather the socio-economic and demographic background of a particular group of people that determine their fertility behavior; thus illiterate married couples have the tendency to have more children than those who were rich and literate (ovsienko, 1967). finally, the minority group status hypothesis states that religion and minority conscious ness have independent influences on family planning behavior. membership in a minority group would promote high fertility behavior especially under the state of discrimination because they believe there is power and strength in number, which could be a cultural value (kennedy, 1973). it is observed that population programs are hampered by religious-cultural factors especially when a single population policy is implemented in the country. understanding varied en vironments and shaping policy to adapt to these would enable policy makers to influence personal decisions on the number of children to have in the family. couples with strong personal and religious convictions, but who happen to be advocates of family planning and birth control, preferred to use contracep tives and chose to have less children (guro, 2012). jurnal studi pemerintahan 116 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 117 on the issue of freedom of choice, austria (2004) com mented that the united nations had clearly mandated the observance of the human right of free choice in determining family size. this directive included 1) the family planning right which covered complete access to adequate information and ed ucation on family planning; and 2) free choice in determining family size (austria, 2004). furthermore, austria (2004) argued that the marginalized sector was restricted by religious doctrines, acceptable or not ac ceptable to them and that they were restrained legally from abor tive pregnancy, whether such option was allowable or not; and more importantly, they were controlled culturally, particularly women being subjected to subordinate role, relegating them to mere child-bearers and care-takers (austria, 2004). looking for a macro-explanation for such a situation in the philippines, austria (2004) said that such restrictions were at tributed to almost 500 years of spanish rule, canon law and laws of spanish origin which continued to dominate the filipino family. such laws had placed serious limitations on the realiza tion of women’s sexual and reproductive rights; had substituted church dogma for state policy revoking the reproductive health and family planning policies, hence rejecting all modern con traceptive methods as form of abortion, limiting government support for family planning, and restricting access to emergency contraception (austria, 2004). conceptual framework this study posits that the respondents’ attitudes and beliefs towards the rh law are affected or influenced by their socio economic characteristics. thus, the independent variables of this study are the respondents’ socioeconomic profile character istics such as age, gender, education, work type, annual income, and religion, which are seen to influence the status of their at titudes and beliefs on the rh law, as well as their perception on some of its aspects, as the dependent variables. this relationship of variables is illustrated in the schematic diagram shown below. independent variable dependent variable jurnal studi pemerintahan 118 figure. 1 schematic diagram of the interrelationships of the variables used in the study scope and limitation of the study this study examined how the rh law was perceived by both catholic and muslim msu employees based on their knowledge on the reproductive health issues in general, and the rh law, in particular. to determine deeper connectivity between and among at titudinal and behavioral variables related to reproductive health issues and the reproductive law, the study used participant ob servation and interviews. literature review age and population structure the social economic structure of any society is largely influ enced by its composition such that data on age structure pro vide the basis of various demographic analysis which lead to an approximation of the characteristics of the future population (thompson et. al., 1970). the study argued that the philippines has an unfavorable age composition due to a very young popula tion with more than one third below age 15 who are mostly de pendents, not yet working and soon entering the reproductive vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 119 age. this demographic pattern had an important bearing for the development planners of the country. on the other hand, a population with many old people is assumed to have higher death rates (salcedo, 1999). sex composition and population trends sex composition refers to the differences in the sex makeup of the population as determined by sex ratio which is calculated as the proportion of the males over females per one hundred populations (sanchez, 1991). sanchez says that the sex ratio di rectly affect the incidence of births, deaths, and migration as well as the social and economic conditions of a country such as the availability of workers in farming and industry, school attendance, extent of employment of women outside the home, status of women in the community and many other social con ditions. poverty and population growth more often than not, a high population growth thwarts a country’s attempts to economically grow, to create enough jobs, and to provide quality services. according to the population reference bureau (2013), the philippines’ population growth rate is 2.3% per year. salcedo (1999) argues that this rate would perpetuate poverty with poorer women having higher fertility rates, and poverty perpetuates high population growth. thus, in the philippines medium term national development plan (mtpdp) 2004-2010, it is underscored that the poverty target a reduction in population growth to an annual average of 1.93% for the period though details of a population policy has re mained unarticulated. contentions on income distribution as a factory to poverty vis-à-vis population growth rates have been put forward by many experts. espiritu (1995) contends that the degree of income in equality according to world standards has shown no improve ments over the last two decades such that the population of the poorer sectors has rapidly increased, making it impossible for the country to attain total income equality. income inequal ity arises from a variety of causes acceptable to filipinos which include occupational rank, education, age, sex, and family size. in the philippines, as in other developing countries, rapid population growth has been exerting tremendous pressures on the economy’s ability to adequately provide goods and services as well as to meet the demands of an increasing population (coale & hoover, 1958). furthermore, these authors argue that the rapid population growth has intervened with specific development concerns on the utilization of natural resources, education, employment, health and nutrition, as well as income equity, emphasizing on the following: 1. the growing population resulted to over exploitation of the country’s forest resources due to excessive logging opera tions; 2. the young age structure of the philippines population con tinues to exert pressures on the educational system; a large proportion of new entrants eventually drop-out of school due to in capabilities of large family to finance the educa tional needs of their children; millions of college age fili pinos are unable to enter school due to the limits in the carrying capabilities of schools particularly public ones; 3. rapid population growth and a sluggish economy resulted in an unemployment rate of 8.5% and an underemploy ment rate of 20.7% thus thousands of filipinos have been forced to seek overseas employment due to unavailability of jobs and low remuneration in the country. other authors like montes (1997) have recognized the tre mendous pressures exerted by the country’s expanding popu lation and the consequent urbanization and migration, to the housing sector. moreover, espiritu (1995) contends that the population of the poorer sector has been rapidly increasing, making it impossible to attain total economy equality. population and development jurnal studi pemerintahan 120 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 121 during the international conference on population and development (icpd) held in cairo in 1994, worldwide focus on reproductive health policies and programs was intensified. officials in many countries worked to adopt the recommenda tions in the icpd program of action and to shift their popula tion policies from an emphasis on achieving demographic tar gets for reduced population growth to a focus on improving the reproductive health of their population the program of action adopted at this conference stresses the importance of social and economic development and to in dividual and family well-being of achieving reproductive health for all. the united nations millennium development goals (mdgs) adopted by heads of government in 2000 embrace much of the icpd program of action in their emphasis on erad icating extreme poverty, achieving universal primary education, promoting gender equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, combating hiv/ aids, malaria, and other diseases, ensuring environmental sus tainability, and forging a global partnership for development. although reproductive health is not specifically named (the nar rower term “maternal health” is used instead), it is widely recog nized that ensuring universal access to reproductive health care, including family planning and sexual health, is essential for the achievement of all of the mdgs, and vice versa. (icpd, 1994) since the late 1960s, the international community has pro claimed a person’s right to family planning, that is the right to decide whether, when and how many times to have children, as well as to the means to exercise this human right. those means include access to reproductive health care, including contracep tives, information, supplies and services. according to 2010 united nations population fund report, philippines ranked as 12th most populous country in the world with an estimated population of 94 million compared to its 92 million last 2009. the report also said that the population may grow to 100 mil lion in the span of four years. people who encourage reproduc tive health law states that the law should be passed to control the escalating population of the country (cruz, 2011). related studies in relation to unmet women’s needs, derico (2009) revealed the status and problems of the maternal and health program im plementation in lanao del sur, philippines with implications to educational planning and health program intervention. more over, he disclosed that the major problems encountered by pro gram implementers were the following: 1) strong traditional and cultural health practices; 2) limited facilities, equipment and supplies; 3) lack of mothers’ education; and 4) no support from the government. however, the cultural beliefs and practices had reduced remarkably to produce positive response to adopt health care and family planning programs thus an intervention program was proposed to address the problems and issues raised by the respondents (derico, 2009). he also recommended that the necessary facilities, equipment, and supplies would be pro vided for the full implementation of the health care program. in a study conducted by nasroden guro (1990) in lanao del sur on the attitudes of muslims and christians towards the anti-family planning doctrines, it was found that younger muslims agreed to the implementation of the family planning doctrines than older muslims. moreover, the same study found that between the two groups, the low income christians were more amenable to the implementation of the family planning program than the muslims were. thus, it was suggested that an information-education-communication (iec) campaign be intensified by the government to promote and increase cogni zance of the family planning program, seeking the involvement of the imams or muslim religious leaders, hand in hand with the government officials to make possible wider information dissemination. the said study also found that islam was not against family planning. in connection with the islam’s non-opposition to family jurnal studi pemerintahan 122 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 123 planning, shiek jamaal al-din zarabozo stated in his study that in islam, modern methods are equally permissible, provided that they are safe and they prevent conception. sterilization of either the man or the woman is not permissible except when it is made absolutely necessary for medical reasons. thus, if doc tors determine that any pregnancy is likely to present a serious risk to the life of the mother, then sterilization may be approved. but each case must be considered separately on its own merits. a study made by derose in 2004, confined to the inter spousal level, it was found that discussion may cause wives to perceive their husbands as more accepting of family planning than they actually are. therefore, any anticipated reduction in unmet need for contraception through improvements in spou sal discussion may be overstated. policymakers need to bear this in mind when searching for efficient ways to reduce unmet need without potentially increasing the risk of spousal violence (derose, 2004). however, the study of julius bautista done in 2010, stated that the “life issues” of population growth and reproductive health in the philippines in the context of the rh law, spe cific attention is paid to the influence of the roman catholic church upon this process, through an analysis of the institution al pronouncements and edicts made by the catholic bishops conference of the philippines (cbcp). what can be observed even at this stage, however, is that there may well be discordance between church proclamations regarding faith-based sexual morality on the one hand, and popular opinion and actual practices under difficult economic and social circumstances on the other. in this respect, sustainable population control in the philippines continues to be an uphill battle, given the church’s persistent association of artificial contraception with a perni cious “culture of death”. the department of health (2003) said that ten to eleven maternal deaths daily could be reduced if the parents had access to basic healthcare and essential minerals like iron and calci um. studies showed that 44% of the pregnancies in the poor est quintile were unanticipated, and among the poorest women who would like to avoid pregnancy, at least 41% did not use any contraceptive method because of lack of information or access. “among the poorest families, 22% of married women of reproductive age expressed a desire to avoid pregnancies but were still not using any family planning method,” the use of contraception, which the world health organization has listed as essential medicines, would reduce the rate of abortions as it had done in other parts of the world, according to the guttm acher institute. in the philippines, some 230 women die for every 100,000 live births, compared with 110 in thailand, 62 in malaysia and 14 in singapore, according to united nations figures. the ma ternal mortality ratio in the philippines is listed as the millen nium development goal least likely to be achieved by 2015. the country has an adjusted maternal mortality ratio of 160 per 100,000 live births against a goal of 55-60 deaths per 100,000 live births. an asian development bank survey conducted in 2003 concluded that a high population growth rate thwarted the country’s attempt to grow the economy, to create enough jobs, and to provide quality services. the philippines’ population growth rate is 2.36% per year. at this rate, it would be difficult to accommodate all new entrants to the labor force even if eco nomic growth were accelerated. a rapidly growing population also made it difficult for the government to keep up with the delivery of what were already deficient public services in health, education, water supply and sanitation. the empirical records showed conclusively that larger families were more likely to be poor. only 19% of families with three family members were poor in 2000, while the poverty incidence among families with eight members was 55%. moreover, the same report contends that poverty and popu lation together formed a vicious cycle: poverty perpetuated high jurnal studi pemerintahan 124 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 125 population growth rates (poorer women had higher fertility rates), and high population growth rates perpetuated poverty which compared the philippines to thailand—the countries which were more or less on par in terms of population and gdp per capita in 1975—to discover that the philippines’ continued high population growth rate had been the most significant drag on economic growth. in the philippine mtpdp 2004–2010, “the poverty target assumed a reduction in population growth” to an annual average of 1.93% for the period, but details of a population policy remain unarticulated (adb report, 2003). in the philippines, the women’s most common reasons why they did not use contraception was unawareness of such health concerns, specifically regarding the contraceptive methods, in cluding a fear of side effects. forty-four percent (44%) reported these reasons in 2008, compared to 41% in 2003 (adb report, 2003). based on a subset of families with heads that were employed (villegas et al.), 78%-90% of heads of poor families across family size did not finish high school). research methods this is a descriptive and correlational study conducted through a survey. the setting is in four campuses of the min danao state university system in northern mindanao, namely: 1) mindanao state university – naawan in naawan, misamis oriental; 2) mindanao state university – iligan insitute of tech nology (msu-iit) in iligan city; 3) mindanao state university – maigo school of arts and trade (msat) in maigo, lanao del norte ; 4) mindanao state university – lanao norte agricul tural college in sultan naga dimaporo, lanao del norte. mindanao state university (msu) system has 11 collegiate campuses distributed in eight provinces, in four of the six re gions in mindanao. multi-stage sampling was employed in msu-iit. complete enumeration was used in the remaining three campuses: msu naawan, msumaigo and msu-lnac. the same question naires were distributed to all faculty and staff in these campuses; 203 questionnaires were retrieved the study used a structured questionnaire in gathering the primary data, as well as selective interviews of key informants. the questionnaire is divided into five (5) major parts: part i consists of the respondent’s personal profile; part ii deals with the respondents’ knowledge or awareness on the government reproductive health program and the reproductive health law; and part iii is concerned with the respondents’ perceptions or attitudes towards the reproductive health. findings table 1: socio demographic profile of the respondents jurnal studi pemerintahan 126 f % f % age number of children 22-29 69 22.8 0-1 109 36 30-37 58 19.1 2-3 84 27.7 38-45 32 10.6 4-5 40 13.2 46-53 45 14.9 6+ 18 5.9 54-61 57 18.8 total 251 82.8 64+ 12 4 missing system 52 17.2 total 273 90.1 missing system 30 9.9 educational attainment gender high school graduate 8 2.6 college graduate 79 26.1 male 127 41.9 wi th mas ter’s uni ts 81 26.7 female 170 56.1 mas ter’s degree holde 82 27.1 total 297 98 with doctoral units 12 4 missing system 6 2 doctoral degree h older 27 8.9 total 289 95.4 religious affiliation missing system 14 4.6 non-muslim 131 43.2 annual income muslim 61 20.1 total 192 63.4 680,000+ 23 7.6 missing system 111 36.6 580,000 – 679,000 6 2 480,000 – 579,000 16 5.3 work type 380,000 – 479,000 19 6.3 280,000 – 379,000 36 11.9 teaching 176 58.1 180,000 – 279,000 47 15.5 non-teachin 114 37.6 80, 000 – 179,000 41 13.5 total 290 95.7 80, 000 up 12 4 missing system 13 4.3 total 200 66 missing system 103 34 total 303 100 total 303 100 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 age table 1 shows that of the total 303 respondents, 22.8% be longed to both the 22-29 range, followed by the 30-37 age cat egory, comprising 19.1% of the respondents. a total of 18.8% 127 are in the 54-61 range. only 14.9% of the respondents belong to the 46-53 age category; 38-45 age range, 10.1%; 62 and above, 4%. gender majority of the respondents or 56.1% were females, while 41.9% were males. this may suggest the increasing ratio of fe males to males especially among muslims. six (6) respondents did not reveal their genders. religious affiliation majority or 63.42% of the respondent are non-muslims while only 20.1% were muslims. the remaining one hundred eleven (111) or 36.6% did not reveal their religious affiliation. number of children table 1 shows that 36% of the respondents had 0-1 chil dren, closely followed by 27.7% who had 2-3 children. fifty-two (17.2%) did not disclose the number of children they had. re spondents’ choosing only one child shows that they are practic ing family planning even without implementation of the rh law. educational attainment table 5 discloses that only 27.1% were masters’ degree hold ers while 26.7% had earned masterly units. furthermore, 26.1% were college graduates while 8.9% were doctoral degree holders. annual income table 5 shows that almost one-half or 34% of the total 303 respondents did not reveal their annual income. moreover, the findings showed that fifteen 15.5% had an annual income rang ing from p180, 000-279,000, followed by 13.5% with an annual income of p80, 000-179,000. there were eighteen (11.9%) who reported an annual income either ranging from p280, 000 379,000. 7.6% discloses that they earn p680, 000 or higher. type of work more than one-half of the total 303 respondents, or 58.1% were members of the faculty force (teaching personnel), while one hundred fourteen (114) or 37.6% were non-teaching per sonnel. two respondents did not reveal their nature of work. table 2. distribution of the responses on attitudes and beliefs on the reproductive health law jurnal studi pemerintahan 128 sta temen t indicators yes no no total response f % f % f % n 1.are you familiar with the government reproductive health program? 276 91.1 23 7.6 4 1.3 303 2. is the reproductive health program synonymous with family planning? 246 81.2 53 17.5 4 1.3 303 3. do you think that the philippines is facing the problem of overpopulation 266 87.8 37 12.2 0 0 303 4. do you believe that overpopulation is one of the major causes of poverty in the philippines? 227 74.9 75 24.8 1 0.3 303 5. do you believe that the government reproductive health program is designed to reduce high population growth by permitting married couples to use contraceptive methods? 253 83.5 44 14.5 6 2 303 6. do you believe that the use of contraceptive is against christianity and islam and other religious denomination? 161 53.1 137 45.2 5 1.7 303 7. do you believe that married couples should be given the right to choose freely how many children they want to have? 269 88.8 33 10.9 1 0.3 303 8. do you believe that for married couples, it is against their human rights if the government does not provide them access to all population control methods 172 56.8 121 39.9 10 3.3 303 9. do you believe that the ideal number of children for a filipino family is to have 2 children only? 122 40.3 179 59.1 2 0.6 303 10. do you believe that the respect for, protection and fulfillment of reproductive health rights will promote the rights and welfare of the filipino family? 237 78.2 61 20.1 5 1.7 303 11. do you think that providing medically -safe, affordable and effective reproductive health services and supplies are essential in promoting people’s right 258 85.1 40 13.2 5 1.7 303 12. do you think that the state should promote both natural and modern methods of family planning? 269 88.8 31 10.2 3 1 303 13. do you believe that gender equality and women empowerment are central elements in the government reproductive health program? 228 75.2 71 23.4 4 1.3 303 14. do you believe that a comprehensive reproductive health program answers the needs of the filipino people throughout their lives? 166 54.8 132 43.6 5 1.7 303 15. do you believe that religious leaders of catholic, islam and other religions are major hindrances in the formulation and implementation of the reproductive 158 52.1 139 45.9 6 2 303 overall mean vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 129 respondents’ attitudes and beliefs on reproductive health table 2 shows that many of the respondents were aware of the provisions of the government reproductive health law except on the issue on the number of children. more specifically, majority (91.1%) of the respondents claimed that they were “familiar with the government reproduc tive health program” while only twenty three (23) cited that they were not familiar with reproductive health law. this finding suggests that personnel of msu are aware of the reproductive health law because of their exposure to mass media, newspapers and television, and the fact that many of them are teachers who might have included the issue on reproductive health in class room discussions. it is also shown in table 2 that the most popular statements to the respondents was the ones which stated that “married cou ples should be given the right to choose freely how many chil dren they want to have”, and “the state should promote both natural and modern methods of family planning” with 88.8% claiming that they were aware of it. this may mean that the msu constituents really understood the reproductive health law and are aware that one of the purposes of the law was to strengthen the right of married couples in choosing how they would regulate the number of children they wanted to have. the same table also illustrates that majority of the respon dents, 81.2% took the reproductive health program as synony mous to family planning. on beliefs on overpopulation and to the rh law, the data in table 2 also show that majority of the respondents, 87.8% thought that the philippines was facing an overpopulation problem, and 227 or 74.9% believed that over population was one of the major causes of poverty in the coun try; and that the government reproductive health program was designed to reduce high population growth by permitting mar ried couples to use the contraceptive methods (253 or 83.5%). the possible reasons why a big majority of the respondents were well aware of these provisions was the nature of their work as employees of an academic institution. the reproductive health law is an academic issue that becomes a favorite topic of discus sions among students and faculty members including the ad ministrative staff. the findings in table 8 also illustrate the attitudes and be liefs of the respondents on the rh law and human rights. they believed (78.2%) that the respect for protection and fulfilment of the reproductive health rights will promote the rights and welfare of the filipino family. moreover, 258 or 85.1% of the respondents thought that providing medically safe, affordable and effective reproductive health services and supplies are es sential in promoting people’s rights; and that gender equality and women empowerment were central elements of the govern ment reproductive health program (75.2%). the high level of knowledge of the respondents on these provisions of the repro ductive health law could be significantly explained by the high educational attainment of the respondents and their affiliation with an academic institution. the reproductive health issue was expected to be one of the favorite topics of debates and discus sions not only inside the classrooms but also in offices. demo graphic studies also showed the very high correlation between knowledge of family planning and educational attainment. on religious myth, the respondents were almost equally divided though a slight majority expressed affirmative beliefs – 161 or 53.1% believed contraception is against christianity and islam and other religious denominations while 158 or 52.1% affirmatively believed that religious leaders of catholic, islam and other religion are major hindrances in the formulation and implementation of the reproductive health program. it is only on the ideal number of children that majority (59.7%) of the respondents agreed with it should be noted that what the gov ernment was pursuing in the past as the ideal number of chil dren was four. this is the reason why maternity leave benefits of married women are limited only to the fourth baby, and that tax dependents are limited only to four children. jurnal studi pemerintahan 130 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 131 table 3. distribution of responses as to perception on some concepts of the reproductive health law statements agree undecided disagree mean response remarks f % f % f % 1. the reproductive health bill was against the teachings of both the catholic and islam religions, hence, it must be opposed. 98 32.3 60 19.8 143 47.2 1.85 undecided 2. the reproductive health bill was designed for the general welfare of the filipinos especially the poor. 225 74.3 36 11.9 41 13.5 2.61 agree 3. the reproductive health law was not pro-life and pro god, hence, it immoral 83 27.4 60 19.8 158 52.1 1.75 undecided 4. the budgetary allocation for the implementation of the reproductive health program should be used instead of strengthening the maternal and child health care. 138 45.5 78 25.7 78 25.7 2.2 undecided 5. the right to life provided in the constitution was violated by the reproductive health law which encouraged limitation in the number of children of filipino married couples 96 31.7 63 20.8 138 45.5 1.86 undecided 6. reproductive health and sex education should be taught to the youth as early as the elementary level for the purpose of values formation related to sex and reproduction. 146 48.2 42 13.9 109 36 2.12 undecided 7. overpopulation was not the major cause of poverty in the philippines but rather the widespread corruption in the government. 201 66.3 52 17.2 45 14.9 2.52 agree 8. encouraging the poor to have fewer children would definitely improve their quality of life 238 78.5 30 9.9 31 10.2 2.69 agree 9. the state must provide married couples free access to all methods of family planning such as the distribution of condoms and pills 205 67.7 42 13.9 47 15.5 2.54 agree 10. the rh bill would only lead to promiscuity, the break up of families and decay of moral values. 59 19.5 85 28.1 149 49.2 1.69 undecided 11. the rh bill would reduce the rate of sexually transmitted diseases, e.g., aids, and will save the lives of mothers and children. 192 63.4 45 14.9 54 17.8 2.47 agree 12. the rh bill would improve and facilitate the deployment of medical personnel such as doctors, nurses and midwives 182 60.1 73 24.1 36 11.9 2.5 agree 13. the rh bill would increase the commission of immorality in the society because the youth, for instance, will know how to engage in sex without pregnancy 108 35.6 64 21.1 121 39.9 1.96 undecided 14. the rh bill would decrease maternal mortality especially those resulting from frequent pregnancies. 293 96.7 172 56.8 61 20.1 2.38 agree 15. the reproductive health should be opposed at all cost because it would result to zero population growth or childless filipino families 58 19.1 76 25.1 158 52.1 1.66 disagree 16. the rh law was against the divine law which taught that the purpose of marriage was to procreate without specific limitation on the number of children. 98 32.3 58 19.1 135 44.6 1.87 undecided overall mean 2.2651 respondents’ perceptions on some provisions of the repro ductive health law at this point, the study presents the findings on the atti tudes of the respondents on the reproductive health law. as shown in table 3, the over-all mean of 2.2651 for sixteen (16) statements was qualitatively interpreted as agree. this im plies that in general, the respondents agreed to many of the statements supportive of the reproductive health program of the government as provided under the reproductive health law. table 3 discloses that seven (7) out of sixteen (16) state ments were agreeable to the respondents: (1) the reproductive health law was designed for the general welfare of the filipinos especially the poor; (2) overpopulation was not the major cause of poverty in the philippines but rather the widespread corrup tion in the government; (3) encouraging the poor to have fewer children would definitely improve their quality of life; (4) the state must provide married couples free access to all methods of family planning such as the distribution of condoms and pills; (5) the rh law would reduce the rate of sexually trans mitted diseases, e.g., aids, and will save the lives of mothers and children; (6) the rh law would improve and facilitate the deployment of medical personnel such as doctors, nurses and midwives; (7) the rh law would decrease maternal mortality especially those resulting from frequent pregnancies. it should be noted that all the seven statements were sup portive of the reproductive health program of the government which could be interpreted that the respondents support the government reproductive health or family planning program es pecially the use of contraceptives. furthermore, the respondents disagreed that the rh law would only result to zero population growth or childless filipino families so it had to be opposed at all costs, with a 1.66 mean score. table 4. correlation between the respondents’ socio-economic variables a nd their level of awareness on the rh law variables correlated to perceptions on the jurnal studi pemerintahan 132 aspects of the rh law correlation coefficient p-value remarks religious affiliation .230 .000 significant age -.079 .192 not significant sex -.093 .110 not significant highest educational attainment -0.58 .326 not significant total family income -.098 .167 not significant number of children .003 .965 not significant work type .082 .165 not significant vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 133 this study also focused on determining the relationship be tween the respondents’ socio-economic profile and their level of awareness on certain provisions of the rh law. to validate the null hypothesis which states that no significant relationships exists between the respondents’ socio-economic characteristics and their level of awareness on the rh law, a test for significant association using correlation coefficient, was conducted among and between the variables, at 0.05 level of significance. as indicated in table 3, among the seven (7) socio-econom ic variables correlated with the respondents’ level of awareness, only religious affiliation had a positive significant relationship as the p-value of less than .001 indicated. the rest of the socio economic variables were greater than 0.05 level of significance; thus, there is no relationship of significance. these findings im plied that regardless of age, sex, educational attainment, work type, number of children, and annual income, many of the re spondents were aware of the reproductive health law. there is enough statistical evidence to conclude that there is a need to accept the null hypothesis except in the case of reli gious affiliation. the findings there suggests that nonmuslim respondents were more aware of some aspects of the rh law. hence, the null hypothesis which states that “there is no sig nificant relationship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile and their level of knowledge” was accepted for the vari ables age, sex, educational attainment, work type, number of children, and annual income, but rejected for the variable reli gious affiliation . table 5. correlation between the respondents’ socio-economic variables and their perceptions on certain provisions of the rh law variables correlated to perceptions on the aspects of the rh law correlation coefficient p-value remarks religious affiliation .255 .000 significant age -.063 .299 not significant sex .057 .324 not significant highest educational attainment -0.197 .001 significant total family income -.244 .001 significant number of children .075 .233 not significant work type .263 .000 significant this portion of the study presents the findings on the rela tionship between the respondents’ socio-economic profile and their perceptions on the reproductive health law. as shown in table 11, religion, educational attainment, family income and work type have a significant relationship with the respondents’ perceptions on the rh law. in other words, non-muslim teacher respondents with lesser educational attainment and lesser family income had more positive perceptions on the rh law than muslim non-teaching respondents with low educational attainment and higher family income .on the other hand, age, gender and number of chil dren have no significant relationship with the respondents’ per ceptions on the rh law. the above-mentioned findings suggest that the respon dents’ age, gender and number of children did not significantly influence their perceptions on the rh law. finally, the null hypothesis was not rejected for the vari ables, age, gender and number of children, but rejected for the variables: religion, educational attainment, family income, and work type. in summary, the respondents were distributed in age cat egories from 22-29 years old to 62-64 years old; mostly females, 170 or 56.1%; non-muslims, 201 or 66.3%; with lesser number of children; mostly master’s degree holders, with masters units, and college graduates; and were doing both teaching and non teaching jobs. the respondents had positive attitudes and beliefs on the rh law and its effects to overpopulation in the country in cluding human rights implications. however, the respondents seemed to veer towards the belief that the use of contraceptive is against religion and that religious leaders may hinder the imple mentation of the rh program. generally, the respondents were neutral or undecided re garding certain aspects of the rh law as evidenced by an over all weighted mean score of 2.2651 as table 9 shows. they had jurnal studi pemerintahan 134 vol. 9 no. 1 february 2018 135 a positive perception on the rh law and the rh programs as designed for the general welfare of poor filipinos and on having fewer children by poor families as a way to improve their qual ity of life. moreover, this positive perception on the rh law is reinforced by the findings that they disagreed that rh law should be opposed at all cost as it would result to zero popula tion growth or childless families. on the results of tests in significant relationship tested at 0.05level of significance, only the religious affiliation was found to have a significant influence on attitude and beliefs towards the rh law. the findings imply that generally, the personnel of the msu system do have positive attitudes and beliefs on the reproduc tive health law and its effects relative to overpopulation, as well as its provisions sustaining human rights and gender equality. however, the findings showed that many of these individuals thought that use of contraceptives is against religion and that religious leaders are major hindrances in the implementation of the rh law certainly imply difficulties ahead for the rh law; if an academic community could have these kind of beliefs, ex pectedly, people in the barangays and municipalities may even be more negative. the findings imply that the msu system personnel look at the rh law positively when it comes to its effects on morality and its effects on the general welfare of the filipinos as well as in encouraging the poor to have fewer children. the findings fur ther imply neutrality in the part of the msu system employees on many aspects of the rh law. moreover, it may be deduced that the msu system employees with lesser educational attain ment with lesser income tend to perceive the rh law more positively. conclusion it is recommended that awareness drives and information dissemination on the positive effects of the rh law should be continued, not only in schools but also in communities, espe cially among the grassroots, in barangays where most poor fami lies live. as academic institutions, msu campuses could institu tionalize awareness campaigns on the reproductive program as extension work, thereby link aging with local government units for a better outcome. moreover, the government, through the department of health and the commission on population, should gradually implement the program with due respect to the religious and cultural beliefs of the target population, and the principle of freedom of choice on the part of the married couples. aware ness drives and information dissemination on population growth and poverty must be increased. the government should also strengthen all agencies di rectly or indirectly involved in the implementation of the re productive health law, and should be vigilant in monitoring its implementation especially the components of the law that the religious sector especially the catholic church have found ques tionable. references austria, c. s. 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(february 01, 2011) . house panel approves rh bill, the philippine star, poverty in the philippines.asian development bank. https://goo.gl/uhwtvg tan, k. (april 25, 2011). iglesia ni cristo, other religious groups favour rh bill. gma news. u.e. ovsienko. the influence of social and economic factors on demographic characteristics” in world population conference, new york: united nations, 1967. salcedo, r., wasserman, k., young, h. a., grimm, m. c., howard, o. z., anver, m. r., ... & oppenheim, j. j. (1999). vascular endothelial growth factor and basic fibroblast growth factor induce expression of cxcr4 on human endothelial cells: in vivo neovascularization induced by stromal-derived factor-1α. the american journal of pathology, 154(4), 1125-1135. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0002944010653655 social weather station report (2008). sws survey on reproductive health (2010-2011). www.likhaan.org senate economic planning office policy brief, promoting reproductive health: a unified strategy to achieve the mdgs (july, 2009), p. 3. sonfield, a., alrich, c., gold, r. b. (2008). public funding for family planning, sterilization and abortion services, fy 1980–2006 (pdf). occasional report 38. new york: guttmacher institute zarabozo, s. j. (july 19, 2004). is family planning allowed in islam? reports and proceedings http://www.jstor.org/stable/2094333?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents http://www.msuiit.edu.ph/ http://www.msuiit.edu.ph/about/index.php. http://www.msuiit.edu.ph/about/index.php. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/pmc1179384/ https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/abs/10.2105/ajph.2005.068056 https://goo.gl/uhwtvg https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0002944010653655 http://www.likhaan.org/ layout desember 2008 from farming are generally taken by men. due to these, this research emphasise that philanthropic offering in ghana should be looked at dispassionately bearing in mind the socio-culturally diverse nature of the country itself as well as key environmental factors that hugely contribute to poverty. keyword: philanthropy, poverty reduction, green revolution, rural development, ghana introduction one fundamental vehicle for addressing the concerns of hunger and poverty is through philanthropic given as individual capitalists have become increasingly involved in philanthropy, setting up charitable foundations targeted at helping to reduce social problems such as poverty, disease and food security (morvaridi, 2012). philanthropy refers to the voluntary use of private resources or assets for the benefit of specific public causes (andreoni, 2006). philanthropy happens to be one of those vehicles that many believe could be used to solve the problems of hunger and inequality (andreoni, 2006). the optimist and pluralist say philanthropic activities concerning poverty alleviation in the world today is enough to predict its brighter future.this study has been undertaken to better understand the significant contributions philanthropy towards the improving conditions of smallholder farmers, investigate the relationship that exists between the two and why they are doing what they have sought to do. the research is designed to uncover the needs and drivers of both philanthropy and smallholder farmers in relation to their interaction and the fulfilment of the philanthropic contract they have entered sumaila i. asuru email:sissakaa@student.bradford.ac.uk the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 abstract this study seeks to explore the significant contributions of the new philanthropy towards improving the conditions of smallholder farmers in sub-saharan african, smallholder farmers’ understanding of philanthropy and to investigate the relationship that exists between philanthropy and smallholder farmers. the research is designed to uncover the needs and drivers of both philanthropy and smallholder farmers in relation to their interaction and the fulfilment of the philanthropic contract they have entered into. the main objective of the thesis is to consider the potential of philanthropy to rural transformation for poverty reduction. it focus is the involvement of the bill and melinda gates foundation in rural development and poverty reduction in ghana. since 2006 the bill and melinda gates foundation (gates foundation) has dedicated $1.7 billion to assisting smallholder farmers. the bulk of this investment has been delivered through programmes associated with the alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra), which is also supported by the rockefeller foundation(thompson, 2012). this study observed an inherent discrepancies and organisational miscalculations that have adverse influence on the effective collaboration and implementation of philanthropic support to the selected farmers. untimely release of farming inputs as well as exceedingly unfavourable conditions for the attractions of loans makes it difficult for smooth farming. this exercise also established that both men and women intercrop their farms to ensure household food security and income. household decisions on which medium of farming to pursue and on use of the income ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 19 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 into. the main objective of the thesis is to consider the potential of philanthropy to rural transformation for poverty reduction. it focus is the involvement of the bill and melinda gates foundation in rural development and poverty reduction in ghana. since 2006 the bill and melinda gates foundation (gates foundation) has dedicated $1.7 billion to assisting smallholder farmers. research methods this research is engaged in effort to detail a ‘thick’ understanding of philanthropy as perceived by smallholder farmers in ghana receiving philanthropic support from alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) and as such, is qualitative in epistemological position, design and implementation. within a qualitative framework numerous research methodologies are available to the researcher (denzin and lincoln, 2003). therefore, the most suitable qualitative methodologies chosen for an exploratory study such this were semistructured interviews and focus group discussions. this is because qualitative study tries to understand social phenomena through a holistic representation of the object of study in a natural specific context as in the case of this study (bryant and charmaz, 2007). qualitative techniques such as semi-structured informal and focus group interviews elicited adequate information from donors who are mainly philanthropic organisations and the recipients’ smallholder farmers from the two chosen communities (berg, 2004). therefore, these organisations and farmers were not randomly selected. the analysis of the data was done through thematic analysis in which the data was coded through nvivo into specific themes and categories. result and analysis the data are focused on two communities: cheshe and dungu; both in the tamale metropolis of the northern region. whereas participants of cheshe were beneficiaries of support from philanthropists, those from dungu were not beneficiaries of any philanthropic organisation. in all, 35 farmers were interviewed. eighteen (18) of them were form cheshe where beneficiaries of philanthropists were and seventeen (17) were non beneficiaries from dungu. also, four (4) focus group discussions were held, six (6) agra officials and six (9) partner non-governmental organisations (ngos) who contributed to the work of the philanthropic organisations in fighting rural poverty in the area were also interviewed. 1. demographic characteristics of respondents of the 35 respondents, males were dominant (21), with 14 females. this is a reflection of the fact that agriculture in (rural) ghana is male dominated and also that land is own mostly by males and so they have easy access to it for agricultural purposes. it is also a reflection of the patriarchal nature of ghanaian communities in general. figure 1 below shows the age distribution of respondents from the two communities. the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 20 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ what is interesting is that 33 the respondents were married, including two 20 year olds who should have been in school at those ages. there was 1 single person in all the 35 respondents. early marriages are seen as the bane of the three northern regions in ghana and are partly blamed for the high poverty levels in the area. marrying early mostly implies not attending school and hence the inability to acquire valuable life skills to enable them earns a better living. there are also very high incidence of polygamy (marrying more than one wife), large family sizes and large household numbers in both communities (see figure 2 and 3 below). this is an indication of high dependency burden among families and partly explains the high incidence of poverty and low level of education among people in the communities, since high dependency contributes to the vicious cycle of poverty. there were many farmers in the higher age brackets (> 50 years) who probably would have been planning their retirement if they were in the civil/public sectors. their age therefore means they are less productive and contribute minimally towards increased yields that could eradicate poverty. of the 35 respondents, 31(~89%) said they have never had any formal education, with 4 educated, of which only 1 had tertiary level education (higher national diploma (hnd)), and 3 basic school leavers. this is intriguing given that the two communities are part of the tamale metropolis which is quite urbanised compared to other parts of the region and so should a higher number of educational facilities which could have attracted them to school. but looking at the ages of the farmers, it is quite understandable in the sense that education was not considered so important at the time most of them were younger. a. economic activities the main economic activities in cheshe and dungu reflect the predominant economic activities in the northern region. the main economic activities in the two areas are farming activities, mainly the cultivation of crops and rearing of small ruminants. every household was involved in one form or another of agricultural activities. however, the crops grown varied from household to household and between the two communities. crops grown included maize, groundnuts, soya beans, millet and cassava in a few homes. they also reared ruminants such as goats, sheep and domestic fowls. aside farming, there were other economic activities that bothered on agricultural value the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 21 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ addition such as shea butter processing, groundnut cake making, groundnut oil extraction and petty trading. b. characterization of smallholders in cheshe and dungu the method of farming among all households was mixed farming. mixed farming is one in which crop production is combined with the rearing of livestock. the livestock enterprises are complementary to crop production; so as to provide a balance and productive system of farming. in the two communities, even though both crops and animals are kept, crop production was more important than the rearing of animals, as captured in most their responses of what farming means to them: “it is about one taking a hoe and goes to farm to weed and raise yam mounds and ridges, sow the setts, weed in it………..” “farming means growing of crops and we do it for only feeding. we understand farming to mean cultivation of crops” the crop production aspect dominates responses and this reflects their understanding of what agriculture is. the cropping type used was mixed cropping because the entire farmers list more than one crop as the ones being cultivated. mixed cropping, also known as inter-cropping or cocultivation, involves planting two or more of plants simultaneously in the same field. in general, the theory is that planting multiple crops at once will allow the crops to work together. more than half all respondents kept more than one farm and planted different crops on them. 2. non-agricultural economic activities in spite of the ubiquity of crop cultivation and animal rearing, other economic activities were engaged in by some households. in particular, women were involved in value addition to agricultural products (see figure 4). in terms of jobs, there was no one in formal sector employment, except two military barracks labourers. this is attributable to the apparent lack of formal education among the respondents. some respondents engaged in butchering (selling meat) and petty trading. it is also worth noting that some of these activities are related because raw materials for one are obtained from the production of another. for instance groundnut cake makers are likely to be extractors of groundnut oil because the oil comes in an attempt to obtain the groundnut cake. 3. main occupations in the communities farmers in the two communities view agriculture as the growing of crops mainly for domestic consumption. this was common among both beneficiaries of agra support and non-beneficiaries. respondents were what their occupations were. in cheshe for instance, 10 responded that they the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 22 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ were mainly into farming only (i.e. crop cultivation only) and 6 people, mainly females were involved in farming plus one or more other activity such as shea butter extraction, dawadawa processing, groundnut cake making/oil extraction (value addition) or animal rearing (see figure 5 below). households probably combine activities because of low output or to cover for the long dry season when farming is not possible in the area. also, all the farmers kept more than one farm. for instance of the 18 respondents in cheshe, 8 had two farms, 8 had three farms and 2 had four farms, there was no one with just one farm. different crops were planted on the different farms. the acreage of the farms ranged between 2 and 5. 4. sources of income even though some had farming as their main economic activity, it was not the main source of income for them. for instance, in cheshe, even though 10 people had farming (including rearing) as their main occupation, only 7 people had it as their source of income, probably because farming is mainly on peasant basis: farming mainly to feed the family. given the large size of households, it is entirely possible to farm just for feeding the family. on the other hand, 7 people in cheshe said their main income source was from both farming and petty trading whereas 4 people had theirs as value addition (small scale industries). in dungu, out of the 17 respondents, 15 were asked the same question: what is your main source of income? eleven (11) said farming (including rearing) was their main source of income, whereas one (1) person had her main sources of income from both farming and petty trading. three (3) women had their main source of income from value addition (figure 6 below is the total (33 respondents) of the source of income from the two study communities). this trend was common among all the four focus group discussants. the dominance of farming as the main source of income has a number of implications. raw farm produce sell at very low prices and by implication gives very little income to the farmer and such does little to improve the poverty situation of farmers. besides, there is a very long dry during which virtually nothing is done by the farmers. given that farmers do not have proper means of storage, they sell all their crops at harvest and have very little to depend during the long dry season. 5. respondents’ perceptions of poverty the views of respondents, both agra beneficiaries and ngo partners on poverty were as the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 23 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diverse as the number of people. this reflects the difficulty in measuring the various dimensions of poverty, even in international discourse on the subject (nolan and whelan 2010). the responses also reflect the numerous dimensions of poverty. according to the ghana living standards survey (fifth edition) (gss, 2007), 8 out of every 10 people are poor in the northern region, the third worse in the country. the responses of the people interviewed reflect this. the question asked was “in your understanding what is poverty? what cause poverty? this came with a follow up question for the respondent to elaborate their responses. the perception of poverty as the lack of money/ income was the dominant theme among respondents. most of the respondents see poverty as the lack of money to buy basic needs for daily use. they perceive poverty as having no money at all to buy food, pay school fees, visit the hospital and pay for basic utilities. others perceived poverty as not been able to do anything or a state of despondency and not being ‘counted’ in society because you do not have the means to do anything. in that case they are unable to solve problems that come their way and not have anything or anyone to rely on. the third perception of poverty was a combination of both themes. these people saw poverty as not having any money and as a result feeling unnoticed and incapable of meeting any needs of theirs, described by osberg and sharpe (2005) as social exclusion. these themes are classified in table 1. whichever way they perceive it, they all related to the central theme of poverty as shown in the illustration below (figure 7), and the challenges they face are the same: economic insecurity, difficulty in accessing housing, clothing, or fuel and light. officials of partner ngos working in the areas however expressed more nuanced opinions and table 1: themes of poverty as perceived by respondents the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 24 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ deeper understanding of the meaning of poverty. this is obvious because they are more knowledgeable in the area of poverty due to their education and the nature of their work. figure 8: relationship of the themes perception of poverty by respondents 6. philanthropy and rural development the oxford dictionary defines philanthropy as ‘love to mankind; practical benevolence towards men in general; the disposition or active effort to promote the happiness and wellbeing of one’s fellow-men’. this sounds more like random acts of kindness from one person to another. more practically though, philanthropy is the voluntary giving of money or other resources to the greater community for the public good or to disadvantaged groups, by individuals or groups (including community or religious groups), or the business sector. this is more institutionalised form of philanthropy where recognised and registered groups gather resources from the public and use for the greater good of those most in need, especially the vulnerable and deprived in rural areas. in recent years however, significant trends have led to changes in the traditional form of philanthropy (bernholz, 2000). for instance, funding agencies have increasingly focused their attention on outcomes, looking ever more carefully for positive social impact in the projects or organisations they fund. the achievement of identified goals and the positive social impact of philanthropic dollars has become the measurement of worth for many foundations. in addition, western governments have moved increasingly to a centre-right position and have retreated in recent years from social initiatives. this desire for a measurable social impact is to ensure that beneficiaries experience a significant change in their situation. the increasing pressures on the not-forprofit sector to attend to social needs that was once the responsibility of government is clearly an outcome of trends toward privatisation and ‘smaller government’. as a result of these pressures, the shape of philanthropy has begun to change, with increasing amounts of money being given through new forms of ‘social investment’. variously referred to as the ‘new philanthropy’, ‘venture philanthropy’, ‘social venturing’ and the like, these new forms of philanthropy involve the translation of principles of venture capital investment to the practices of foundation granting (letts, ryan & grossman 1997; mahlab 1998: 15). institutionalised philanthropy, as opposed to random acts of kindness, seeks to promote development in the developing countries. the term ‘development’, as used here, refers specifically to long-term funding and technical assistance to governments and communities to help build institutions, policy-making capacity, knowledge and human capital to address locally identified needs. the focus on capacity development and sustainability is particularly important in avoiding the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 25 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the possibility that funding from the philanthropic sector be seen to be merely a replacement for dwindling government dollars. if increased capacity—at the individual, family and community levels—is not a key outcome of investments by philanthropists in rural communities, there is no gain for anyone involved. therefore, the goal of most philanthropists is to empower people for rural development, keeping in mind that the term “rural development” can mean almost anything to funders. the fact that “rural” has no one single definition can be a persistent problem for those interested in funding or tracking funding to rural places. to complicate matters, commonly used definitions of “rural” continue to evolve as urban and suburban areas grow, further blurring the lines between “rural” and “urban.” the challenges for rural development philanthropy would be to connect with big city community organisations to make the case for rural development needs, or better, to help philanthropists capitalize small city, small town, and nonmetropolitan community philanthropists as mechanisms for channelling the latent wealth (old wealth or new in-migrant wealth) of rural areas into philanthropic endeavours. the bulk of the major rural development grant makers, no matter what their commitment, are not based in rural areas. the creation of philanthropic institutions accessible by rural non-profits may be as important a strategy in leveraging increased rural development grant making as reaching out to and making a better case for rural development grants to the numerous organisations that have not discovered this critical issue. while there are substantial corporate philanthropic resources potentially available to rural areas, little seems to be targeted to rural development except, obviously, the philanthropy of foreign ngos and christian organisation, in the case of ghana for instance. unfortunately, rural dwellers in many parts of the world are not well organised by themselves to attract philanthropists or to even generate their own resources to develop themselves. there is therefore the need for capacity development to enable them develop, even if more philanthropic gestures cease to come. 7. small-holder farmers’ perceptions/ views of philanthropy and what accounts for their perceptions philanthropy is becoming increasingly common in ghana and they operate in numerous sectors to improve the lives of rural folks. they are mostly into the areas of agriculture, value addition, health and environmental conservation. their operations have become very common especially in areas where government support is not forthcoming. therefore, most rural communities have become familiar with the operations of such philanthropic organisations. however, the way they are perceived vary from person to person. perception of small-holder farmers was formed based on responses from agra beneficiaries, nonbeneficiaries of agra and focus group discussants. they were asked specific questions and follow-up questions to get their perceptions on philanthropy. most farmers had been working with agra for between 4 and 5 years and so had a good understanding of the work of the organisation as a philanthropic organisation. beneficiaries and focus group discussants were asked the question ‘what is your understanding of agra?’ they were then asked follow-up questions on what they think were the the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 26 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ benefits working with the organisation. nonbeneficiaries were asked the question ‘would you say that you would have been better off if you receive some support from agencies such as agra?’ by answering these questions, the respondents inevitably will reveal their views on philanthropic organisations. a cross-section of the respondents see philanthropic organisation as agencies of support. in this regard they see them as agencies that have the wherewithal to help them achieve their goals in the society. the question on beneficiaries’ understanding of agra follows one that asks about the support they receive from government for their work. most respondents felt government was not so supportive of their work. they therefore perceive agra as being more useful to them than government. one reason that could account for this view is the fact that ngos are more on the ground than government agencies, giving credence to the proponents of communitybased/bottom-up approach to rural development. for instance, one respondent explains her understanding of agra: “it is an organisation that deals with farming. they help our group to farm maize and soya beans…..” the following response by the chief of dungu express the feeling community people about government support as compared to philanthropists: “sometimes government will come out with a package for farmers and you those in charge will not let it reach us. you divert it from its right purpose” this an indication of the mistrust community people have for government officials, particularly corrupt officials who short change them for their personal gains. furthermore, respondents think that philanthropists help them increase their yields and improve their living standards. all the beneficiaries of agra support believed that they experienced increases in their yields due the support they received. what is not clear however, is whether these increases in yields has helped reduce poverty among inhabitants of cheshe, as this respondent says ‘we are able to produce more to reduce malnutrition and make some money to pay our children’s school fees’. philanthropist aim at ensuring that projects and programmes ultimately lift people out of poverty and provide them modest gains in their living conditions. for respondents from dungu (non-beneficiaries), they believed that their harvests would have improved of they had support from agra. even though they have not had any support from any organisation, the residents of dungu still perceive such organisations as the only way to increase their yields. all 17 respondents agreed they will need external support of they are to increase their yields. below are some responses by residents of dungu to the question: ‘would you say that you would have been better off if you receive some support from agencies such as agra?’ “yes, i will be very happy because i will increase production to improve my life. as we are conversing, i have farmed four acres and i do not have even one bag of fertilizer to apply onto the farm” “yes, if we receive any support, it will help us boost production. for example, if a support in the form of fertilizer is given, we would be able to cultivate more the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 27 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ areas and apply to get more yields” “any support will help us to produce more to feed and sell some to solve our problems. if the food is not there, things become hard because you are forced to use you small capital to farm and buy food to feed your family” their responses are either because they have seen others whose livelihoods have improved due some assistance from philanthropist as 51 year-old moses yidana from dungu expresses in his answer to the above question: ‘yes, because i have some organization called masara n’arziki at another village and it is good. they are helping them to farm maize and their production has increased. my friends are there and he said they are making so to me any help will be of good to me’ or due to poverty, they just feel that they have to be supported to improve their situation, which is one of their perception of poverty as noted earlier. from the responses, the feeling is that their yields would have been a lot better if they had some support in form of fertilizers and funds from philanthropists. following from the perception of poverty of as ‘lacking anything’, it also understandable that farmers think that they can do better with help from philanthropists. a further theme that can be inferred from the responses is the perception that philanthropists are more knowledgeable in farming activities and so has given more knowledge to help in their activities. respondents were of the view that the new methods that were shown them by the philanthropists were more valuable than what they already knew. in any case, philanthropists are experts in their areas of operation and so this perception of the farmers is not out of place at all. in the activities of most ngos, they seek to develop capacity of beneficiaries so that they can sustain and scale up their activities after completion of the project. one of the focus groups had this to say: “it has improved farming because harvest has increased and ways of sowing is better off. their coming has brought a lot of education to us because individuals are now serious with farming by applying their techniques”. this sort of response resonated among most of the respondents. the inadequate knowledge on improved farming methods as exhibited by the respondents could be due to the high illiteracy rate in the area. as popular as some these perceptions are, some of them are just stereotypes and outdated generalisations which in themselves hinder the effective functioning of philanthropic organisations in rural areas. some of these perceptions encourage rural dwellers to stand aloof when efforts are being made to develop their areas. this is because they are already of the notion that philanthropists have all the money and know-how to do everything for them whilst their role is to receive whatever is being brought. they also see philanthropists as having money to spend and so they are not eager to sustain project and programmes brought to them, they don’t feel responsible for the projects. perhaps this explains why in spite of all the philanthropy going on in rural ghana, very little impact of their work is being seen. the goals and objects of any project end when the project are completed, because rural dwellers’ perception do not allow for them to sustain the project, they just wait for another ngo to come with another project, a state of despondency. the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 28 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8. comparison of cheshe and dungu both communities were engaged in small-holder farming, mainly into maize, millet, groundnut, soya bean, pepper and small scale value addition activities such as shea butter processing, rice parboiling and groundnut oil extraction. however, in cheshe, farmers had more acreage of cultivated land and more number of farms than in dungu, obviously because the inhabitants of cheshe had support from agra and technical support from partner ngos of agra. in cheshe, some form of self-help community groups existed, mainly in the form of women’s group. the reason could be that philanthropic organisations prefer to work with groups. thus women in cheshe formed groups to take advantage of projects by agra. in dungu on the other hand, women worked individually on their own businesses. this a sign that philanthropic organisations are capable of mobilising community people for effective rural development to take place. grouping people ensure that information reaches people at the same time and ensures that new technology/innovation spreads rapidly and uniformly. in dungu, yields were comparatively lower than in cheshe looking at the responses of the farmers. this correlates with the fact that many cheshe residents had more than one farm compared to their colleagues in dungu. this could also be cause of the use of improved farming methods and the application of fertilizers and other chemicals as supplied by agra. furthermore, in terms of improvement in the quality of livelihoods, the inhabitants of cheshe were more positive about improvement in theirs than those of dungu. when asked of the improvement in his quality of life, dawudu alhassan, a resident of dungu responded “no improvement as what i gain is inadequate to meet all these” [referring to health, education and farming], compared to the response of 62 year old woman, lansah nagumsi in cheshe: “it has reduced malnutrition and increased income for us to educate our children”, when asked the same question. therefore, although both communities thought that they were poor, residents of cheshe were a lot better off than their colleagues in dungu. conclusion in conclusion, residents of cheshe reported that about 50 – 80% of cost of their farming activities were borne by the philanthropist and that resulted in significant improvements in yields and equally perceived improvement in their livelihoods. in dungu, respondents said they needed external support to help them increase their yields in improve their livelihoods. therefore, granted that projects are made sustainable in communities and allowed to continue even after completion of the project. there is the need for a dramatic change in some of the perceptions held by rural dwellers of philanthropists because those very perceptions hinder their own growth and development. the remained status-quo of philanthropic practices as widely practice around the globe, i’m afraid is mitigating canon either a panacea to solving poverty related issues. references al-hassan, r. and poulton, c. (2009) agriculture and social protection in ghana. available at: http:/ /opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/ the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 29 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ handle/123456789/2340/fac_working_pap er_009.pdf?sequence=1 (accessed: 17 april 2014). andreoni, j. (2006) philanthropy. handbook of the economics of giving. altruism and reciprocity, 2(4),pp. 1201-1269. anheier, h. k. and leat, d. (2006) creative philanthropy: toward a new philanthropy for the twenty-first century. taylor & francis. berg, b. l. (2004) qualitative research methods for the social sciences.vol. 5 pearson boston. bishop, m. and green, m. (2008) philanthrocapitalism: how the rich can save the world and why weshould let them. london: a. & c. black. bourdieu, p. (1998) practical reason: on the theory of action. standford: stanford university press. brainard, l. and lafleur, v. (2007) making poverty history. washingtondc: brookings institute. breeze, b. (2010) the coutts million pound donor report 2010. kent: university of kent brooks, s., leach, m., millstone, e. and lucas, h. (2009) silver bullets, grand challenges and the new philanthropy. available at: https:// www.ids.ac.uk/idspublication/silver-bulletsgrand-challenges-and-the-new-philanthropy (accessed: 27 april 2014). chimhowu, a. (2013) aid for agriculture and rural development: a changing landscape with new players and challenges. available at: http:// www.wider.unu.edu/stc/repec/pdfs/wp2013/ wp2013-014.pdf (accessed: 23 februar 2014) foundation, b. a. m. g. (2013) agricultural development overview. seatle, wa: bill and melinda gates foundation. available at: http:// www.gatesfoundation.org/what-we-do/globaldevelopment/agricultural-developmentseattle (accessed: 27 april 2014). harrow, j. and jung, t. (2011) philanthropy is dead; long live philanthropy? public management review, 13 (8), pp. 1047-1056. holt-giménez, e. (2008) out of agra: the green revolution returns to africa. development, 51 (4), pp. 464-471. institute, h. (2013) index of global philanthropy and remittances 2013 washington, d.c.: hudson institute. jenkins, g. w. (2010) who’s afraid of philanthrocapitalism. case w. res. l. rev., 61, 753. available at: http://law.case.edu/journals/ lawreview/documents/jenkins.final.pdf (accessed: 27 april 2014). lavizzari, l. and feenan, k. (2012) republic of ghana country programme evaluation. available at: https://webapps.ifad.org/members/ec/ 71/docs/ec-2012-71-w-p-3.pdf (accessed: 23 februar 2014) lindahl, w. e. and conley, a. t. (2002) literature review: philanthropic fundraising. nonprofit management and leadership, 13 (1), pp. 91-112. martey, e., wiredu, a. n., etwire, p. m., buah, s. s. j., fosu, m., bidzakin, j., ahiabor, b. d. k. and kusi, f. (2013) fertilizer adoption and use intensity among smallholder farmers in northern ghana: a case study of the agra soil health project. sustainable agriculture research, 3 (1), pp. 24. morvaridi, b. (2012) capitalist philanthropy and hegemonic partnerships. third world quarterly, 33(7), pp. 1191-1210. newland, k., terrazas, a. and munster, r. (2010) diaspora philanthropy: private giving and public policy. available at: www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/ diasporas-philanthropy.pdf (accessed: 23 februar the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 30 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 2014) ostrower, f. (1997) why the wealthy give: the culture of elite philanthropy. princeton university press. prahalad, c. k. (2004) the aravind eye care system: delivering the most precious gift. the fortune at the bottom of the pyramid: eradicating poverty through profits. philadelphia: wharton school publishing. salamon, l. m. (1992) america’s nonprofit sector, washington, dc: foundation center taylor, r. (2010) third sector research, new york: springer. bernholz, l. 2000. ‘foundations for the future: emerging trends in foundation philanthropy’, centre on philanthropy and public policy research report no. 1, centre on philanthropy and public policy research, university of los angeles, los angeles, ca ghana statistical service, ghana living standard survey reports (2007, pp. 9, 36 and 37). letts, c., ryan, w., and grossman, a. 1997. ‘virtuous capital: what foundations can learn from venture capitalists’, harvard business review, 75 (2): 36–43. mahlab, e. 1998. ‘philanthropy, public perception and communication’, philanthropy, 36 (winter): 14–15. nolan, b. and whelan, c. t. 2010: using nonmonetary deprivation indicators to analyse poverty and social exclusion: lessons from europe? journal of policy analysis and management 29(2), pp. 305-325. osberg, l. and sharpe, a. 2005: how should we measure the „economic aspects of well-being? review of income and wealth 51(2), pp. 311-336. links to websites cited: http://www.agriinfo.in/ default.aspx?page=maincat&superid=1 http://archaeology.about.com/od/ historyofagriculture/qt/mixed_cropping.htm denzin, n. k. and lincoln, y. s. (2003) strategies of qualitative inquiry. vol. 2 sage. bryant, a. and charmaz, k. (2007) the sage handbook of grounded theory. sage the new philanthropy, poverty reduction and rural development: a case study of alliance for a green revolution in africa (agra) in ghana / sumaila i. asuru http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0003 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, riza noer. ariani, m. asean b badan pengawas pemilu balikatan bangladesh banks, j. a. bautista, v. a. bawaslu bayanihan bourdieu, p. c cambodia caucus of development ngo networks cedaw celebes center for electoral reform central java central sulawesi che supiah cheshe codengo committee on the elimination of discrimination aga comprehensive land use plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu timor leste tran thi que typhoon u uganda unfrel university network for free elections utang na loob v venture philanthropy vietnam w west sumatra widarjono, a. world bank z zimbabwe zulkarnain a. hatta jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been 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assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout jgp mei 2016 the social media as a transformative agent in the electoral process david n. almarez, dm dnalmarez@yahoo.com.ph ajree d. malawani ajreedmalawani@gmail.com mindanao state university-iligan institute of technology abstract the growing use of social media in social interaction has changed the mode of political campaign in the philippines. it allowed a more aggressive citizen’s participation in politics in a more efficient and asynchronous mode. this research sought to determine the influences of social media in the presidential preferences of netizens during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in the philippines. it also looked into the pattern of the preferences of respondentsamong the five presidential candidates for the 2016 presidential election.this research used media ecology theory by marshall mcluhan and uses and gratification theory by herbert blumer as discursive approaches to understand the behaviour of social media users during the 2016 presidential campaign. descriptive and qualitative analyses were used. data gathering was through online questionnaire by using snowball sampling. a total of 289 respondents participated out of 1210 visitors of the link used by the researchers. the data gathering started on february 9, 2016, the start of the presidential campaign period and ended on march 27, 2016 or a total of 47 days. the timeline for data gathering was constrained by the time limit that was set for this study. the results show that social media has no strong influence in the preferences of respondents with only 44% of the respondents saying that their presidential preferences were influenced by social media. however, 75.6% of the respondents indicated that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign because it is an efficient media in communicating vital campaign information. the pattern of the preferences of respondents shows strong resemblance to some mock polls conducted by other groups in the philippines during the campaign period. it is recommended to continue exploring the relevance of social media as a political tool for effective communication in politics and governance. key words: social media, political campaign, communication, preference, politicalparticipation,transformation abstrak peningkatan penggunaan media sosial dalam politik di philipina telah menyejournal of government & politics 341 received 21 may 2016 revised 13 july 2016 accepted 17 august 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0033 mailto:dnalmarez@yahoo.com.ph mailto:ajreedmalawani@gmail.com mailto:ani@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0033 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 342 babkan partisipasi warga negara yang tinggi sebagaimana pada pemilihan presiden pada tahun 2016. dengan meneliti 289 responden ditemukan bahwa 76% responden menyatakan bahwa media sosial mempengaruhi perilaku memilih mereka pada pemilihan presiden. diperlukan penelitian longitudinal untuk melihat kecenderungan media sosial dan perilaku memilih selama periode tertentu. kata kunci: social media, political campaign, communication, preference, political participation, transformation introduction people nowadays are aware of the usage of social media specifically the facebook because it can be easily accessed. unlike any other form of social media, facebook is used by about 60.4% of the filipino people (dimacali, 2015). facebook is a system where people can stay connected with the people they want to (zuckerberg, 2010). for zuckerberg, the fast growth of facebook is because of the fact that what is most interesting to people is other people. for some filipinos, facebook is a major channel of communication that is versatile enough for their needs. facebook is a social media platform that helps people to share information that most of them in the past did not havethe power to do (zuckerberg, 2010). the people usually put so much data on facebook because of its advance privacy controls that ever existed on the internet (kirkpatrick, 2010). facebook’s various privacy controls are available through different categories. the user can adjust the privacy settings and limit profile access.the built-in audience selector allows users to specifically choose who can view their posts. kirkpatrick (2010) also added that this system created by zuckerberg is effectively designed for efficient flow ofinformation. social media is currently believed to play significant role in politics (rahmawati, 2014). according to rahmawati (2014), many studies have been conducted to determine the impact of social media on political fields but the impact of social media has yet to be studied in the philippine political environment. hence, this research focused on the use of social media in the political campaign during the 2016 presidential election in thephilippines. smith (2011) argued that social media have bloomed over the past few years. according to zuckerberg (2010), facebook is an engine and its users share a lot of information on a day-to-day basis. he indicated further that social media is something very useful; users are sharing more things than they were at the beginning. this means that social media users can have the option to look, research and understand what is going on with other users. social media is a new channel of communication among politicians for them to reach and communicate with the voting public. however, it is inevitable that problems with social media have emerged for politicians as well. according to rothman (2011), the issue of social media providing damaging material for opponents is one factor that shall not be overlooked. however, rahmawati (2014) indicated that the social media use forpolitical activities could be an implication of the possibility to utilize social media as a bridge between voting public and politicians. this was demonstrated during the 2016 presidential electionin the philippines where the supporters of mayor rodrigo duterte engaged facebook as their main campaign tool in lieu of the traditional and more expensive print, radio and television. as a campaign tool, it flourished as a consequence of the alleged insufficiency of campaign fund which beset the camp of mayor duterte who made as a campaign policy the refusal to accept campaign donations from big businesses. this is to avoid incurring debt of gratitude which may be exploited later by the donor in seeking reciprocal favor if a candidate wins. statement of the problem this research aims to make qualitative and quantitative analyses on the uses of social media in the 2016 presidential campaign through the followinginquiries: 1. what is the socio-economic profile of therespondents? 2. what is the action taken by the respondents on the images journal of government & politics 343 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 344 posted on facebook? 3. did the campaign materials posted in facebook influence the presidential preference of therespondents? 4. isthere asignificantassociation betweenthesocio –economic profile of the respondents and their presidential preference? conceptal framework the analytical model of this research is adapted from the book of ott, brian and robert mack, critical media studies cited by i, cristal at her blog, ecology analysis and media and from the student’s uses and gratification expectancy conceptual framework in relation to e-learning resources of mondi et al.(2007). figure 1. the analytical model showing the interrelationships of the variables used in this research the conceptual framework shows the relationship of the variables in this study. the social movement represents the facebook pages/accounts that posts images and/or campaign materials of the presidential candidates. the box facebook represents the medium of communication used by the participants to post campaign material. the moderating variables of this research are the respondent’s socio economic profile which is categorized by age, gender, civil status, highest educational attainment, employment status, religious affiliation,and fraternity affiliation. the independent variables of this research will be the 5 elements from the uses and gratification theory and 2 elements from media ecology theory. the elements are the cognitive, affective, personal integrative, social integrative, tension release, perception and feeling. the presidential preference of the respondents is the dependent variable. as a poll survey, the focus was on the independent variables: cognitive, affective, perception and feelings. these are easier to relate with their preferences. methodology this descriptive research looked into the use of social media in the 2016 presidential campaign in the philippines. the data gathering was made through facebook being the most popular free social networking website in the philippines that allowsusers to send private messages and upload images and videos (tech target, 2015). respondents were facebook friends who were requested to answer an online questionnaire and were asked to request their facebook friends to participate as well. a questionnaire was constructed for this purpose using an online polling survey service calledfacebook poll.the linkof the pollwas posted on the facebook timeline of the researchers and was sent to the respondents through facebook messenger. after the 47 days of data gathering, the facebook poll has recorded 1210 visitors and 289 of them participated on the poll. the data gathering started february 9, 2016 and ended march 27, 2016. the poll consists journal of government & politics 345 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 346 of 56 questions and an average duration of 13 minutes and 03 seconds was spent per respondent in answering. feedbacks from some participants and from friends who did not participate in the poll suggested that the length of the instrument was a constraint. aside from those who refrained from answering, some opted not to complete the poll. incomplete answers were not included. significance of the study the social media is an emerging tool in political campaign. its effectiveness may lead to the development of a computer-based strategy for politicalcampaign. this study could provide an input for political leaders in determining the effects of images and statements posted on facebook to the preferences of the voters. it could motivate future researchers to conduct further researches on the uses of social media in political campaign. the extensive use of social media during the 2016 presidential elections will certainly redefine the new contours of political campaigns, at least in the philippines. facebook, as a campaign tool is affordable and it conveys not only written information but also visual forms ofinformation. findings table i shows that if elections were held on the day the participants participated in this survey, 243 or about 84.08% will vote for presidential candidate rodrigo “rody” duterte. this result reflects what rappler news has disseminated that davao city mayor rodrigo duterte gained the solo lead in an abscbn broadcasting network survey on presidential aspirants which was released on tuesday, april 12, (rappler.com, 2016) barely three days from the start of the data gathering for this study. on april 11, 2016 gma presented the result of a survey conducted by the social weather stations (sws) showing that mayor duterte topped the first quarter of 2016 presidential preference poll with a score of 27%, while senator poe was only second at 23% (macas & legaspi, 2016). the big lead by duterte shown in table 1 which is disproportionate to his score in the sws survey indicates the growing domination of his supporters in the use of the social media in their political campaign which started to gain momentum as early as december 2015 table 1:answersto the question:“who among the 2016 presidential candidates will youvote for ifthe election were held today?” journal of government & politics 347 note: names of candidates were arranged alphabetically grouping by gender, davao mayor rodrigo duterte was preferred by 60.49% and 36.21% of the female and male participants respectively and 72.72% of the gayparticipants. by civil status, 72.66% of the participants are single and 25.26% are married. it follows that majority of the supporters of the candidates were single except for jejomar binay whose supporters were 50% married and 40% single. for those who have fraternity affiliation, 89.36% of those who belong in a certain fraternity preferred davao mayor duterte. despite of being a known member of the fraternity alpha phi omega (apo) which has a motto of “apo first”, vice president jejomar binay got only 33.33% support from the alpha phi omega members who participated while the other 66.67%supported mayor duterte. vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 table 2: answers based on gender, to the question: who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today? 348 table 2 shows that despite the feared image of duterte, heis preferred more by participants. duterte got 243. among these were a gay and 2 participants for each from lesbian, bisexual (woman and man), and 1 transgender participant. roxas got 1 gay participant and defensor-santiago had 1 participant from both gay and bisexual (man). despite the vigorous campaign against duterte by the gabriela, a party list of women with representative in congress, a great majority of women participants preferred duterte over the other candidates. table 3 shows the data on the presidential preferences of participants according to their civil status. table 3: answers based on civil status, to the question: “who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” table 3 shows that davao mayor duterte is preferred by majority of the single and married participants. table 4. answers based on highest educational attainment, to the question: “who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” table 5. answers based on employment status, to the question: “who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” journal of government & politics 349 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 350 despite some questions on the human rights record of mayor duterte, table 4 shows that he was still preferred by majority of participants in all levels of academic attainments. moreover, majority of the participants who have college education preferred duterte. the dominance of participants with college education indicates the popularity of the use of social media among better educated filipinos. table 5 shows that duterte also leads in his support in terms of the employment status of participants. he got large majority among government and private employees; he also got large majority among students and self-employed. moreover, he got majority of the unemployed and majority of filipinos working abroad. the data indicate that duterte is very popular among filipino workers and students. table 6. answers based on current geographic location, to the question: “who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” by current location of participants, duterte is not only the top preference of participants from the philippines but also by filipinos working abroad as shown in table 6. this information supports the result of the may 09, 2016 presidential election where duterte got 121,128votesamong those who votedthrough overseas absentee voting (oav);roxas, the administration candidate got only 17,360 votes; defensor-santiago got 17,278; poe got 9,333; and binay got 3,159 votes. the large majority support by filipinos working abroad to duterte is viewed as a protest against the way they were treated bythe government likein “laglag bala” (dropping bullets into the luggage of departing passengers) and pilferage of the goods they sent to their relatives in the philippines. despite their economic contribution through their dollar remittances which earned them the moniker, “bagong bayani” (new heroes) they feel that they were neglected by the government. table 7.answersbased on geographicorigin,tothe question:“who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” the above table shows the presidential preferences of participants based on the three main divisions of islands in the philippines with national capital region (ncr) which is located in luzon, taken separately. although mayor duterte is from mindanao, he is also preferred by majority of participants from luzon, visayas andncr. the popularity of davao mayor duterte did not escape the notice of charlie campbell (time, april 26, 2016) who comjournal of government & politics 351 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 352 mented that the mayor got into the verge of the philippines presidency through his loudmouth. the mayor ran a tumultuous campaign punctuated by comments that were promptly caught by the media and given negative commentaries. but his “trash” language as the media called it, seems to have endeared him more among his supporters as indicated in his ratings in subsequent surveys. table 8:answersbased on religious affiliation,to the question:“who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” based on the religious affiliation of participants, mayor duterte is preferred by majority. the presence of those who called themselves christians apart from other christian denominations is a manifestation of the usual confusion among some filipinos when it comes to identifying their religious affiliation. the “others” did not identify their religious affiliation. the preponderance of “islam” reflects the location of the researchers who are from iligan, thus many of their fb friends are muslims. table 9. answers based on fraternity affiliation, to the question: “who among the 2016 presidential candidates will you vote if the elections were held today?” table 10. answers to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” there are fewer fraternity members compared to those who are not members of any fraternity. of the 21 members of tau gamma phi who participated at this research, 19 preferred duterte, 1 for roxas, and 1 for defensor. four out of 6 participants from alpha phi omega preferred duterte while the other 2 were for binay. defensor-santiago got one participant from beta sigma lambda. however, duterte got 2 from beta sigma, 5 from beta sigma lambda, 6 from mu kappa phi and 1 participant each from megalith nu sigma phi, upsilon sigma, sigma upsilonupsilon lambda, beta upsian, knights of columbus, and epsilon sigma phi each. data show that duterte is preferred by members of fraternities among participants. the case of the journal of government & politics 353 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 354 alpha phi omega shows that the preferenceof some participants did not go along fraternitylines. table 10 shows that 160 or 55.36% of the participants answered that their presidential preferences were not influenced by the images posted on facebook while 129 or 44.64% of the participants answered that they were influenced. it should be noted that the images posted on facebook are either favorable or unfavorable to a presidential candidate. possibly, the preferences of participants are influenced only bythose that are favorable to their candidates. moreover, participants may already have their preferences before this study, thus they could no longer be swayed by images posted onfacebook. table 11. answers based on gender, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table 12. answers based on civil status, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table11shows that the preferences of majority of participants, both male and female were not influenced by the images posted on facebook. table 12 shows that the preferences of majority of both single and married participants were not influenced by the images posted on facebook. table 13. answers based on highest educational attainment, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” journal of government & politics 355 table 14. answers based on employment status, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table 13 shows that only those in high school and those with master’s degree where more participants were influenced by images posted on facebook. by employment status, table 14 shows that only the self-employed that posted majority for those who were influenced by images posted on facebook vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 356 table15. answers based on current geographic location, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table16.answersbased on geographic origin,tothe question:“didthe images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table 18. answers based on fraternity affiliation, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table 15 show that majority of those who are abroad were influenced by the mages posted on facebook. by geographic origin (table 16), only those from ncr where majority were influenced by images posted on facebook. it is in ncr where duterte got more than 2 million votes in the may 9, 2016 election, more than twice the second highest total votes taken by gracepoe. those who indicated their religion as “christian” posted majority for those who said that they were influenced by images posted on facebook (table 17).for the smaller groups of participants, the “evangelical” also posted majority for those with positive response. table 17. answers based on religious affiliation, to the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” of the 47participants who belong to fraternities, 72.34% (34) think that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign while the other 27.65% (13) think otherwise (table 18). table 19.answers to the question: “do you thinkthe social media isadetermining factor in the presidential campaign?” journal of government & politics 357 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 358 although 55.365% of the respondentssaid that images posted on facebook media did not influence their presidential preference (table 10), 76.47% of the respondents think that social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign process (table 19). the data in table 19 implies that the social media as a platform for political campaign has more usages other than for posting campaign images with limited captions and therefore cannot expound further on political issues. in addition to images sent to social media, text messages, videos and some links can also be shared. table 20. answers based on gender, to the question: “do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign?” table 21.answers based on civil status,to the question: “do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign?” as shown on the table above, majority participants, both male and female think that the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign. as a determining factor, the social media provides a sufficient campaign platform that brings to the voters the messages that a candidate would like to relay to them in selling his candidacy. large majority of single and married participants think that the social media determines the results of the election (table 21). all separated and a widow participants think of the same. table 22. answers based on highest educational attainment, to the question: “do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign?” journal of government & politics 359 table23.answers based on employmentstatus,to thequestion:“do youthink the social mediaisa determining factor in the presidential campaign?” vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 360 data show that majority of those who have at least a college education think that social media determine the outcome of the presidential campaign (table22). participants in all employment status think that the social media is a determinant in the selection of the president. the same is believed by majority of students and unemployed among participants (table 23). table 24. answers based on current geographic location, to the question: “do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign table 25.answers based on geographic origin,to the question:“do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign?” table 26. answers based on fraternity affiliation, to the question: “do you think the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign?” majority of participants deployed outside the philippines (81%) and those who are based in the philippines (75.9%) think that the social media determine who will win the presidential election (table 24). all of these are active users of the social media and some of them participated in campaigning for their preferredcandidates. by geographic origin, table 25 shows that 191 of the participants are from mindanao and 77.64% of them think that the social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign. likewise, majority of the participants from the visayas, luzon and national capital region (ncr) think of thesame. table 27. answers of participants to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” majority of participants with fraternity affiliation (72.34%) and those without fraternity affiliation (77.27%) think that the social media determines the result of the presidentialcampaign (table 26). tables 20-26 show that participants of this study categorized based on gender, civil status, highest educational attainment, employment status, geographic distribution, geographic origin, and fraternity affiliation, believe that social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign during the may 9, 2016 elections in thephilippines. journal of government & politics 361 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 362 table 27 shows that 78.89% of the participants thought that davao mayor duterte benefited more among other presidential candidates in the use of social media during the pre-election campaign. the figures at table 27 was validated by the report published at inquierer.net by yuji vincent gonzales stating that duterte and cayetano are the most talked-about bets on facebook. according to the report, mayor duterte accounted for more than half or 64% conversations about presidential candidate on facebook from november 20, 2015 to april 05, 2016. administration bet mar roxas got 47% followed by senator grace poe at 40%, vice president jejomar binay and senator miriam defensor-santiago got 27% and 19% respectively. on the same report, it was stated that 15.2 million people have engaged in election-related conversation within the given period, facebook generated 124million interactions on the same period (gonzales, 2016). table28:answers based on gender,to the question:“who do you think benefitsmore in the use of social media inthe pre– election campaign?” of the 228 respondents who think that duterte benefited more in the use of social media in pre-election campaign were 3 gays, 2 lesbians, 5 bisexuals, 1 transgender, 84 male, and 133 female. table 29. answers based on civil status, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” by civil status, it is shown in table 29 that majority of the participants think that duterte was benefited more than the other candidates by the use of social media during election campaign. table 30. answers based on highest educational attainment, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” journal of government & politics 363 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 364 by educational attainment, majority of the participants at all levels think that duterte was benefited more by the use of social media compared to other presidential candidates during the preelection campaign (table 30). table 31. answers based on employment status, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” table 32. answers based on current geographic location, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” by employment status, table 31 shows that majority of the participants including the students and unemployed concurred that duterte was benefited more by the use of social mediaduring the pre-election campaign. table 33. answers based on geographic origin, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” table 34. answers based on religious affiliation, to the question: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” journal of government & politics 365 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 366 by current geographic location, it is shown that majority of the participants from abroad and from the philippines think that duterte was the beneficiary of the use of social media during the pre-election campaign. likewise, in terms of geographic origin, majority of the participants from luzon, visayas, mindanao and ncr believed the same (table 33); the same pattern is also shown in terms of religious affiliation (table 34) and fraternity affiliation (table 35). table 35. answers based on fraternity affiliation: “who do you think benefits more in the use of social media in the pre – election campaign?” table 36. answers on the question: “did the images posted on facebook influence your presidential preference?” table 36 show that majority of the supporters of defensorsantiago and grace poe were influenced by the images posted on facebook.on the otherhand,noneofthe supporters ofroxas were influenced by the images poster on facebook. table 37. answers of participants on whether or not the social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign table 38. cross tabulation of the responses on question: did the images posted on facebook influenced your presidential preference?” and, “do you think the social media is a determining factor in presidential campaign?” journal of government & politics 367 the data in table 37 show that majority of the supporters of all presidential candidates believe that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign. table 38 shows that majority of the participants who believe that the images posted on facebook influenced their presidential preference also believed that the social media is adetermining factor in the presidentialcampaign. vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 368 table 39. cross tabulation of those who think that images posted on facebook influenced their presidential preference and those who think that there are candidates who benefited more in the use of social media in pre – election campaign table 40. cross tabulation of those who think that social media is a determining factor in the process of presidential campaign and who think that one benefited more than others in the use of social media inpre– electioncampaign table 41. cross tabulation of those who will vote for their candidates and who will do further actions by campaigning for their candidates, campaign against other candidates, and take no further actions. table 39 shows that only the supporters of defensor-santiago that posted majority for those who indicated that they were influenced by images posted on facebook and at the same time believe that their candidate benefited more in the use of social media. table 40 shows that majority of the supporters of all presidential candidates who believe that social media is a determining factor in the presidential campaign also think that their candidate was benefited more by itsuse. table 41 shows that majority of the supporters of binay, defensor and duterte will campaign for their respective presidential candidate in social media. on the other hand, majority of the supporters of poe and roxas will not campaign for their respective candidates. only from the supporters of duterte where participants will campaign against othercandidates. the data show that majority of the participants are active in the use of social media in campaigning for their candidates. moreover, campaigning against candidates was also conducted in the social media during the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections in thephilippines. conclusion majority of the participants (64%) admitted that they campaigned for their respective presidential candidate through the social media by posting photos, text messages and by sharing links. with the 76.47% respondents who think that social media is a determining factor in the campaign process, it implies that social media is becoming widely used as a new mediumfor political advertisement. this development is mostly welcomed by the younger generations while older generations are also optimistic to this more economical and efficient way of communication. while only 44.63% of the total respondents were influenced by images posted on facebook, this is only one of the many usages of the social media in the campaign process. aside journal of government & politics 369 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 370 from images and even text messages, the social media particularly the facebook which is the most popular medium in the philippines, can be used in interactive communication and in sharing information. popular personalities also appear in videos to campaign directly for theircandidates. the intensity of the use of the social media reflects the perceptions and the feelings of participants. the feeling of lousy treatment became the driving force to some ofws in voting for duterte. manyparticipants perceivedthat onlyduterte can usher in desired changes as shown by their multiple sharing of images containing the battle cry of the duterte campaign, “change is coming.” while there were sharing of some articles full of facts and figures intended to influence the analytical mind, most of the campaign materials posted and shared were brief and appealing mainly to the emotions. judging from the quantity and the content of materials shared, they are mainly designed to target on the affective level of voters. this is an effective strategy as validated by the finding that majority of the participants who admitted that they were influenced by the images posted on facebook also believe that the social media is a determining factor in the campaign. the perception that the social media benefited a candidate is shared by the supporters of all candidates who believe that the social media is a determining factor of the result of the campaign. however, there are advantages and disadvantages of the growing influence of the social media in political campaign. social media allows anyone to connect with other social media users to spread both real and hoax information to either destroy other presidential aspirants and/or to make their presidential preference looks better than the other aspirants. even images can be edited in order to change its message. this is alarming because of the tendency of some users to believe on whatever they see and read on the social media without taking effort of verifying the veracity of the information. consequently, this research recommends for further studies that includes social media protocols, regulations and ethical standards. references book lefebvre, rc (2000). in pn bloom & gt gundlach (eds.), handbook of marketing and society, newbury park, ca: sage publications. michaelsen, marcus (2011). new media vs. old politics: the internet, social media, and democratization in pakistan. 10874 berlin, germany: fesmdia asia rovai, alfred i, jason d. baker, and michael k. ponton (2013). social science research design and statistics (1 ed.) watertree press. journal boyd, d. m, ellison, n. b. (2007). social network sites: definition, history, and scholarship. journal of computer-mediated communication, 13(1), article 11. castells, manuel (2010). the rise of the network society wiley-blackwell. the information age: economy, society, and culture. kushin, matthew james and masahiro yamamoto (2010). “did social media really matter? college students’ use of online media and political decision making in the 2008 election”. mass communication and society academic search premier. ebsco.web. 13 april 2011. stumpel, mark (2011). the political power of social media; facebook: control and resistance. politics from a new perspective: council of foreign relations levinson, paul (2000). mcluhan and media ecology. proceedings of the media ecology association, volume 1, 2000. dissertation parikh, komal h. (2012). political fandom in the age of social media. university of london. sztrojiny, robert (2011). social media marketing: the relation of customer engagement and worl-of-mouth on fcebook. robert sztrojiny 2011 social media marketing. avans hogeschool, international business school. the netherlands. thesis arch, benjamin (2013). the current development and trends of social media marketing strategies for businesses. turkuuniversity of applied science. finland. armin, wolf (2010). young audiences, mass media, and political information. berlin school of creative leadership. germany. auvinen, ari-matti. social media – the new political power of political influence. centre for european studies.europe. birgisdóttir, lilja kristín (2014). the rising influence of social media in politics: how barack obama used social media as a successful campaign tool in the 2008 and 2012 elections. cogburn, derrick l & fatima k, espinoza-vasquez. 2011. “from networked nominee to networked nation: examining the impact of web 2.0 and social media on political participation and civic engagement in the 2008 obama campaign.” syracuse university. new york. frey, benedikt and stefan rudloff (2010) social media and the impact on marketing communication. luleå university of technology. mabry, emily fay (2010). engaging audiences: an analysis of social media usage in advertising. louisiana state university and agriculture and mechanical college. pugh, jessica lee (2010). a qualitative study of the facebook social network: the desire to influence, associate, and construct a representative and ideal identity. california journal of government & politics 371 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 372 state university. rahmawati, indriani (2014). social media, politics, and young adults. university of twete. the netherlands. smith, kristian nicole (2011). social media and political campaigns. university of tennessee. knoxville. veer, jokir ter (2013). the effect of social media during elections: impact of participation in social networking sites by voters on their decisions during the dutch parliamentary elections in 2012. universiteit leiden. the netherlands. emenyeonu, bernard nnamdi (“n.d”). media uses and gratifications: a review. university of nigeria online demers, jayson (2014). the top ten benefits of social media marketing. frobes. http:// www. forbes.com/sites/jaysondemers/2014/08/11/the-top-10-benefits-of-social-media-marketing/2/ gamboa, elisa (2015). use social media responsibly! http://www.artsandnotes.com/ index.php/eliseanotes/523-use-social-media-responsibly. kusinitz, sam (2014). 16 stats that proves social media isn’t just a fad. http:// blog.hubspot.com/marketing/social-media-roi-stats villanueva, michael josh (2011). think before you click! gma news. http:// www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/226420/scitech/think-before-you-click-gma-urgesresponsible-tweeting. rutledge, pamela 2013. “how obama won the social media battle in the 2012 presidential campaign.” the media psychology blog. postman, neil (1970). media ecology association. http://www.media-ecology.org/ media_ecology/index.html. zuckerberg, mark and david kirkpatrick (2010). the facebook effect. in an conversation with npr’s guy raz; july 21, 2010 http://www/ http://www.artsandnotes.com/ http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/story/226420/scitech/think-before-you-click-gma-urgeshttp://www.media-ecology.org/ the social media as 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 layout februari 2016 an analysis of local power structure of thailand: evolution and implications sataporn roengtam department of public administration, faculty of humanities and social sciences, khon kaen university, thailand. email: sataro@kku.ac.th abstract this study presents the results of the investigation about the current characteristics, composition and relationship of actors in the ‘power structure of thailand’. the concept on ‘power structure analysis’ by william dommhoff is used to construct the conceptual framework and data analysis. the findings are divided into three (3) issues. firstly, characteristics of the power structure and actors can be divided into three (3) groups, in which all of them have to work together systematically. secondly, in terms of composition, these groups can be positioned into three (3) rings of power structures: the inner, middle and outer rings. and thirdly, these groups play certain roles according to their relationship. the inner takes responsibility about creating and planning, the middle takes responsibility about command and control, and the outer take responsibility about actions. all of them will have to work together in order to create, use and maintain their power to continuously collect and protect their interests in the province. keywords: decentralization, local government, local power structure, monetary power complex introduction this chapter points out the characteristics of local power structure, how the characteristics affect the building up of power and wealth of the local power structure’s leaders and their crew, as well as how the characteristics continually strengthen their power and wealth. this study focused on a province in the northeastern region recieved 11 august 2015; accepted 02 november 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics as a case study. this case study is about the power structure of politician a, a former member of the provincial parliament who has been in the position constantly and played an important role in regional and national politics. he is considered a leading millionaire of the province, maintaining his wealth from his businesses throughout the province. presently, he is no longer a member of the parliament, but he and his family’s economic status has not been affected at all. in contrast, he continues to expand his business territory. the study adopted the concept of “power structure analysis” by william g. dommhoff (2009) and the concept of “monetary power complex” by h.j. krysmanski (2007). these concepts concluded that the networking of power structure includes the state population, relationships or connections, complemented by personal information, family background, educational institutions, and membership in organizations. these aspects were used to create the conceptual framework. this study applied qualitative methods of data collection including in-depth interview with the key informant group composed of: three local politicians; a former member of the provincial parliament; three provincial administrators; two local administrators; one ngo representative; one provincial news reporter; and, one citizen who was worked with the target person. there were twelve informants altogether. the data analysis was conducted using content analysis method. all collected data was grouped, analyzed, explained and presented following the objectives of this study. finally, all analyzed data was synthesized for making the formulas and model of local power structure. the key informant’s real names and last names are not divulged, but presented only as initials using thai symbols. the presentation is organized as follows: (1) the format of political network and new benefit groups, (2) the analysis of local power structure network, and (3) overall conclusion on local power structure, and proposed guidelines for prevention in order to decrease http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 3 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 power and wealth centralization in the local power structure. (1) the format of political network and new benefit group the new political network is not different, that is, it consists of a party and its leader who plays a role in selecting politicians, who benefits from the party in several ways including financial or political aspects or definite set-up votes. the party leader also decides in the appointment of ministers and selected persons to various political positions. each selected person for each position has his/her own network of 7 – 8 politicians and members of the provincial parliament1in the area as their supporting base. some may have more. each member of provincial parliament has their own form of networking. for instance, a coordinator in one service area of a member of provincial parliament may have 2 – 3 crew members. moreover, government officers in the province, district, and subdistrict, politicians, community leaders as well as communication organization networks act as support bases. in terms of its readiness in organizing the mentioned political network, participants in this network set-up could easily and legally take advantage from the annual government statement of expenditure allocated for various projects, especially infrastructure projects. the mechanism of this mutual benefit management network through various government projects could be divided into 3 parts. part 1 the party management mechanism: this is the cooperation between the party and its leaders who were appointed to political positions in the government. this mechanism had two main responsibilities: the party or its leaders select potential politicians or heads of significant groups of parliament members for appointment to political positions, for example, ministers. later, the potential politicians or heads of significant groups of parliament members would allocate the ministry’s budget to areas where groups of the members of parliament are in charge. within the groups, there are sub-heads, who are mainly leading candidates of the party in http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 4 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics each province, taking care of and managing the mutual benefits. this depended on how much of the budget each parliament member could obtain from their sub-heads. in this mechanism, however, there might be righteous parliament members who exclude themselves from political elements within the party but have strong political networks which can be directed to the potential politicians in order to make an agreement on the mutual benefit. they can also pull the wires to obtain the budget for their constituency. the benefit they would get from this mechanism was compensation each parliament member would receive from the budget they had kept out for the potential politicians. the sub-heads of the groups must keep out part of the compensation to send to the appointed politicians, and the appointed politicians would return part of it to the party in order to be a circulating fund for the party’s national political activities. part 2 mutual benefit management mechanism in electoral district: this mechanism is responsible for managing the mutual benefit in the electoral district of politicians in each province. each parliament member would manage the benefit within their own electoral district ranging from allocating projects to the areas, following-up the management of the projects with their areas’ coordinators, tracking down compensations from each project which received the direct budget or via provincial budget from contractors, which normally counted for 10 – 20%, enabling government officers in all levels to facilitate the smooth and legal implementation of projects, with the compensation mechanism of approximately 5 – 10% of the total budget to the authorizing government officers starting from the district level to the provincial level. this mechanism may also involve the transferring of government officers who could respond to their network in the areas, and promoting those government officers to significant positions in their offices. those who could not be included in their network are transferred elsewhere. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 5 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 this mechanism is used to create popularity for parliament members and the party. the parliament members take this opportunity to follow up the projects co-established with the government and the public in the area and to generate help to the public with various kinds of patronizing, which substantially create popularity for the parliament members and the party’s leader. part 3 the benefit-compromising mechanism in the area level: the important actors in this mechanism are the coordinators of the parliament members in each area and the politicians in the network. their main responsibility is to hire contractors, to coordinate and facilitate with all related sections, and to procure according to the government’s rules and regulations. the allocation of benefit is among the contractors who were directly hired and the contractors who took over the work in the area, the politicians, and the government officers in the area. the coordinators got the compensation of 5 – 10% of the total budget from doing such a task, while the administrators of local administration organizations would receive approximately 5% share. however, the benefit that occurred during this mechanism was not requested to be sent back to the parliament members in order to be systematically passed on to the party itself. the parliament members passed on the whole benefit to coordinators of the related government offices and administrators of communities as a motivation and loyalty creation for such a task in the future. on the one hand, this helped the party and the area’s parliament members as a tool to stabilize and strengthen their base in each area. this was because such a benefit could “win the hearts” of people in the network and create popularity for themselves and the party. these networks played an important role which worked closely with the public. they could actually influence how the public think. thus, the public, especially those in rural or suburban areas, were literally influenced by the networks. if the mechanism of this new political http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 6 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics network could fully seek benefit from the area level network, the party’s political activities would be smoothly operated and highly effective. figure 2 shows the connection of each mechanism mentioned above. theoretical review william g. domhoff (2009) proposes that local power structure is a set of property owners who see their futures as linked together because of a common desire to increase the value of their individual parcels. they come to believe that working together is to the benefit of each and every one of them. starting from the level of individual ownership, a “growth coalition” arises that develops a feeling among its members even if they differ on other kinds of political and social issues. a successful local elite is one that is able to attract the corporate plants and offices, the defense contracts, the federal and state agencies, and/or the educational and research establishments that lead http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 7 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 to an expanded work force. an expanded work force and its attendant purchasing power in turn lead to an expansion of commercial and financial activities. the hypothesis of local power structure leads to certain expectations about the relationship between power structures and local government. the idea that the heart of a local power structure is provided by those businesses concerned with local real estate values explains what had been considered a perplexing issue in what was once called the “community power literature:” dommhoff explains that the powerful tool of studying local power structure is ‘network analysis’ which traces out the people and organizations that make up the power structure, and then figures out how they connect to and influence government. content analysis is the term for the systematic study of the power structure’s ideologies, policies, and plans, which are learned about through the careful study of documents such as the texts for speeches, policy statements by organizations, and drafts of legislation. the methodological approach makes it possible to discover any concentration or configuration of power. it contains only one assumption: there is a power structure of some kind or another, no matter how weak or fragmented, in any large-scale society or social group. the method can discover that power is highly concentrated or more dispersed, depending on the degree of difference between rival networks on the power indicators. it can show that some groups or classes have power in one arena, some in another arena. it can reveal changes in a power structure over time by changes in the power indicators. in the united states it usually has led to corporate power structures at the national level, and landowner/developer/real estate power structures at the local level, but the results could be different for other countries and they are sometimes different for cities in the united states. the empirical study of power begins with a search for connechttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 8 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics tions among the people and organizations that are thought to constitute the powerful group or class. this procedure is called ‘membership network analysis.’ it starts with a study of people and all the organizations they belong to. or conversely, you could say the study starts with a list of organizations that includes all of their members. the information contained in the matrix is used to create both organizational and interpersonal networks. once the membership networks have been established, there are many other types of links that might be analyzed, such as kinship ties or flows of information between organizations. one of the most important of these other types of links concerns the size and direction of money flows in the network. in theory, money flows are another kind of relationship between people or institutions, but in practice it is a good idea to consider them separately because they are socially distinct in most people’s minds. and of course they are usually super important in understanding any modern-day power structure. h.j. krysmanski (2007) proposes that a network composed of groups and individuals solely defined by monetary wealth will be prone to various opposing interests, conflicts and contradictions. on the other hand, the present accumulation processes produce social and cultural integration effects of their own within those money elites. status and class privileges established within the old system are turning into mere instruments for the accumulation of money. corruption has become systemic. these accumulation activities have been on a scale that probably indicates a new stage of capitalism. an unprecedented mass of money capital set itself free from the commodity form. accumulation proceeded through financial deals as never before. and this was supported by the ‘scientification’ and ‘informatisation’ of all aspects of society. the following operations within the ‘monetary power complex’ can be distinguished by: a) privatization as that type of property http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 9 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 operation that in the final analysis establishes the money elite as a new sovereign; b) the established operations of valorisation (capital) and ‘accumulation by dispossession’ within the capitalist system; c) operations of value distribution; and, d) operations of informatisation which facilitate the operations of privatization, valorisation and distribution. privatization in all its forms stabilizes the ‘monetary power complex’. turning ‘everything’ into private property is, on one hand, based on age-old practices of greed fulfilment. on the other hand, the mechanisms of the knowledge and information society have increased the range and intensity of privatization practices to unheard-of levels. privatization has, in fact, reduced the extent of privacy for the masses, while enhancing the privacy of the few. very few people retain the privilege of self-determination, i.e. the privilege of privacy. those few individuals, by definition, are the superrich. in contrast, operations of distribution still require parliaments, governments, laws and the legal system. but this political sphere, through lobbyism and subventionism, is more and more falling prey to privatization, too. the contradictions between public and private forms of ownership increase and every attempt is made to resolve these contradictions in the interest of the ‘monetary power complex’. a tight net of influence peddling spans the economic and the political spheres, including systemic corruption. in that sense the superrich, constituting a class of their own, are ‘capable of everything’. all possibilities of the knowledge and information society are at their disposal and so, by means of the ‘monetary power complex’. krysmansky encircles the core structure and its actors. in this model, the ring closest to the core (the money elite) would be populated by the corporate and financial elites, the chief executive officers of the various industrial and business sectors. these groups function as the top specialists of capital valorisation, as explorers and http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 10 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics creators of opportunities for further accumulation. the next ring houses what might be called the specialists for the distribution of societal wealth. this is the turf of the political elite. in the eyes of the ‘monetary power complex’, all parliaments in all governments have just one function: that is distributing wealth from the ‘bottom’ to the ‘top’ without endangering the social consensus. finally, the vast outer ring is the home of technocrats and experts indispensable to the functioning of the ‘monetary power complex’. findings this study was investigated through one former national politician of the northeastern region (politician a), who turned his interest to local politics within the province. he took advantage of his relationship with another local politician, and set this local politician as his coordinator working with chief executives of other subdistrict administration organizations within his former base area. this was to be the base for each year’s annual budget balance which was allocated to him from other national-level politicians with whom he had close relationship. for instance, there was an annual 30 million baht allocated to several sub-district administration organizations in the network. each sub-district administration organization must propose to the chief executives, who were also heads of the networks, projects which emphasize on developing infrastructures. the heads would gather all proposals and process them through all governmental procedures. in this stage, some government officers in all levels facilitated the process. once the projects were all gathered, they would be sent to parliament members in the central parliament and be given allocation according to their requested budgets. mostly, the central parliament members set aside 10% from the annual budget as commission. the rest of the money would be passed down to the network of politician a, which will point out who would http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 11 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 be the contractor for the project. once politician a was informed of the approval of each project, including the contractors for them, he would inform the chief executives of sub-district administration organizations, or the heads of the networks, in order to pass this news to the sub-district administration organization which took possession of such projects. then they would rightly procure according to the government’s rules. during this stage, politician a and the heads of the networks would set aside 5 – 10% as commission from each project or according to prior agreement or negotiation by the chief executives of the area. in some cases, the project was simply operated without any high technology and complicated operation but gave high return (around 15 – 20%). the chief executives would play role in operating such a project themselves. if the contractors in the networks were the initiators of such a project from the beginning, they would take the job but need to pay the chief executives as usual. this process clearly shows the local power structure, and the ability to seek and collect wealth by politician a both during his duty and after his duty as the parliament member. this is the operation in a form of networking which included national-level politicians, provincial agents who had close relationship with the national-level politicians, the networking contractors, heads of the local politicians, and district and provincial government officers. under this network, there was a unity and there were several of such networks. it was very difficult for any sub-district administration organizations of any sections outside such networks to be adopted. for example, they would have no right to receive budget sent from national-level politicians no matter how good their proposed projects would be for communities. when they were not involved in such networks, these fruitful projects would be terminated. one informant stated that: “if the project is from the province of …which is not the one in the http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 12 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics network of one of the national-level politicians, every single project will be terminated for many reasons. on the other hand, projects from the province where the politician is in charge will be allocated full budget since he can completely control all the procure procedures or the government auction, or they call it in their hands.”2 another informant also mentioned the influence of such a network, in agreement with the previous one, as follows: “in fact, all communities are informed to have the right to propose their own projects in order to ask for budget. but if they are not in the network, the projects will be dropped out. they are impossible. “3 an important thing that maintains this network together was that the national-level politicians received benefit from all projects’ budgets. moreover, they could also create their votive bases from areas in the network. as for the heads of the networks and the local politicians within the networks, they would receive additional benefit from external budget which many national-level politicians allocate to them as a return. this was the main income that strongly supported their wealth. this amount of money was much more than the benefit from the local government organizations, where there was already plenty. moreover, the local politicians could take advantages from the projects as the demonstration for the next period of election campaign. due to the benefit arising from the budget administration of the local administration organizations as well as both national and regional level politics’ increasingly strong competition, the nationallevel politics tended to have more influence on results of local elections. the local politicians who received funds from higher-level politicians and the national-level politicians in the area all won the election. that is, any community administrators who agree to join the patronizing networks of the national-level politicians could win http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 13 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 any elections. on the contrary, those who did not agree to join the patronizing networks have very little chance of winning any elections. this is because the national-level politicians would interfere by nominating their people to be competitive candidates in the elections. moreover, they would set up a huge amount of funding in order to buy votes, hoping to win the election and have their people on board the authority of the local administration organization. previous elections showed how successful this strategy turned out, that is, almost 100 per cent of chief executives of sub-district administration organizations from several areas agreed to join the networks in which the national-level politicians had their influence. figure 3 demonstrates the relationship of the network of local influential people with the ways the networks seek benefit. figure 3: relationship of the network of local influential people with ways the networks seek benefit http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 14 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics discussion: the analysis of the local power structure network this part analyzes and points out the development of the power structure, people’s networks, and organizations under the networks, as well as relationship within the power structure networks. this is to show how the local power structure network works in order to help politician a and his networks in the power structure maintain the influential person in the province and help them use such structure create mutual economic benefit. this part of analysis demonstrates several levels of relationship in the form of three circles including the inner circle, the middle circle, and the outer circle. the inner circle shows the networks’ members that had very close relationship with politician a, for example, family, relatives, and friends. the middle circle shows the political networks and the provincial and national business networks. the outer circle shows the crew networks, acquaintances, and people in the province. these are shown in figure 4. figure 4: politician a’s local power structure adapted from h.j. krismanski, 2007 the researcher divided the analysis into 3 parts as follows: (1) the inner circle within the local power structure this circle mainly includes family business networks which conhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 15 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 nect with other businessmen. all these groups of people have different activities to support politician a as follows: the family business networks set up the networks of businessmen, politicians, and both provincial and national government officers who needed to be involved due to business. moreover, they have a fortune of benefit with several groups of people from both government section and private section. with these mentioned networks, they are able to access and request for support from all the people they are connected with on business matters or government matters4. they also take advantage of making merit by donating a lot of money in order to access and receive support from the religious side. they also take advantage of relationships they had built with other groups or organizations, for instance, civil boy scouts, rotary-lions, chamber of commerce, foundations, etc. from the existing tightened and deepened economic networks they had, they supported them financially and materially as a result of the patronizing relationship with “funds” as a significant factor. the provincial businessmen networks have a much tightened relationship with politician a’s family business networks since they deal with business and worked socially and continually together. this gathering of the provincial businessmen networks into the power structure resulted significantly in the power structure’s greater strength. (2) the middle circle within the local power structure when considering politician a’s power structure, it could be said that the structure was very sophisticated. that is, the structure depended on the decentralizing mechanism to local administration organizations in the province and personal relationships with national-level politicians, government officers, the provincial businessmen, as well as the politicians in the area as shown in the middle circle in figure 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 16 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics the national-level politicians: the relationships between politician a and leaders of national-level politicians resulted in pulling political and governmental strings to access the annual government statement of expenditure involving infrastructure development, and to set aside some of the budget, for example, the budget for road construction and other infrastructures, for their provinces. this actually benefited the public, and moreover, this was considered an advantage for them to create popularity among the public by taking credits for all constructions. politician a could take all credits in order to strongly build his voting bases among people in the province, especially in his electoral district. the teaching and academic government officers: besides seeking national-level political alliance into his networks, politician a also extended the networks in the regional level. one important factor enabling his provincial political success was his ability to persuade the teaching and academic officers to vote for him in his electoral district. he did it by becoming one of the provincial primary educational committee members, which held authority in appointing and hiring teaching and academic officers working in the province’s primary schools. therefore, his coordination with the network in persuading the teaching and academic officers into the networks was not very difficult. he started this by approaching leading teachers in the area first, and proposed all kinds of assistance, for instance, helping them with all errands, assisting them in appointing or transferring the teaching and academic officers as requests, and pushing for the teaching and academic officers’ promotions annually. the local politician networks: this type of network was built through the patronizing relationship securing political and economic benefit for both sides. that is, politician a totally supported the local politicians with finance and materials for election campaigns. once the local politicians won elections and were appointed to positions, they must pay back politician a for his prior assistance by being a http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 17 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 channel in which politician a can seek benefit. this was by being in the offices that receives the allocated budget for governmental construction and infrastructure projects and by coordinating with local and regional government officers and in facilitating the mentioned mission. (3) the outer circle in the local power structure people in the outer circle remotely supported the existence of authority and benefit of the local power structure, including monks, agriculturists, and general people. the main responsibility of this group of people was to be his voting base during elections. politician a must pay attention to convincing this group of people to cooperate with him. the development of the local power structure in the people’s side at the beginning, politician a rarely had his political base directly from people. his mass base was initially set up from his acquaintances. after that, he gradually tried to play his role in building up his own voting base among the people in the sub-district level. his ways to build the voting base could be divided into 3 ways, including building the voting base through local politicians, through teachers’ organizations, and through agriculturists’ groups. the establishment of people’s networks through politicians and communities’ leaders: it was shown that politician a used the local election system as a tool to build his mass base through supporting candidates in municipal level and sub-district administration organizations or heads of villages with funds and other resources for campaigning, for example, advertising trucks and flyers. this was with the hope that the local politicians winning the elections would be able to convince their people to be his base later, aside from being in his business networks. this was due to more closeness between the local politicians and the people, than he with them. having the local politicians under his power structure brought him closer to people in the area. therefore, he would have a better chance to http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 18 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics create the patronizing system with the people who rely on the local politicians or communities’ leaders, who will then be the media that would connect him to the area people’s needs. then, politician a would provide the local politicians or the communities’ leaders with resources as requested by the people. for example, in case of a people’s request for road repairs or road construction, he could manage to use the local politicians or communities leaders’ mechanism in pulling out central budget to the local administration organization. if it was a case of a people’s request for the same matter through the heads of villages, he might directly and immediately use his relatives’ companies or those of his networks to address the request immediately. this way, politician a could build up more of his people network to support him. the establishment of people’s network through teacher organizations: it is well-known that the teacher network organization is one very strong influence to people’s ways of life. thus, anyone being able to take the teachers into their side would be easily accepted and respected. as mentioned earlier, politician a and his brother had well put in place the teacher organization as their political base. they relied on their being alumni of a university and their degrees in education to have access to the teacher organization’s leaders. his brother was a member of the primary educational committee which held authority in appointing and hiring teaching and academic officers working in the province’s primary schools, and that was one strong factor persuading the teacher organization’s leaders and other teaching government officers to gladly agree to work with him. therefore, the teaching and academic government officer organization became one network being used to build the voting base among people in the area. especially during election time, the role of the teacher and academic government officer organization in connecting politicians and people was very significant. the establishment of people’s network through agriculturists’ organizahttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 19 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 tion: there was an attempt to build up a relationship with the rubber tree growers’ organization of a province by supporting the organization of cultivated baby rubber trees. to do so meant the pulling of the rubber tree grower organization into the business, and allowing them to use materials and equipment in production, for example, cultivated baby rubber trees, fertilizers, and pesticides. this was in exchange for an agreement that the growers would send the product in the form of rubber milk and other transformed products to his company. politician a support of the rubber tree grower organization in his province, which was expanding rapidly, was one strategy of drawing another group of people into the local power structure in economic and political perspectives. the benefits that he gets from this: his business could continually grow, and his political base was also expanded. in conclusion, for the local power structure to be completely working, the three circles’ performance altogether is needed. that is, the inner circle must bring resources and the public in the middle circle and the outer circle to synthesize with other existing capitals, and turn those into a drive or motivation for politician a to politically compete in order to seek and maintain his political power. meanwhile, politician a needed to keep all networks in the three circles as long as possible or to extend all the networks in the three circles as much as possible. this depended on his ability in putting the local power structure into good use for himself and his members in all the networks of the three circles. if this was not successful, his power structure may become relatively unstable. even though he had no longer been in any political positions, he maintained his relationship with some of the networks in the inner, middle, and outer circles. it could be said that he could continue his and his networks’ power, influence, and wealth. it is shown that through people’s acceptance and respect towards him, he remains as one influential political and business figure of the provhttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 20 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics ince despite his lack of chance to enter real political power for quite a period of time. the synthesis of this study reveals the power structure and procedures in using it to seek economic and political benefit of politician a, who was the leader of this local power structure, in a form of equation showing relationship between previously proposed variations as follows: the equation showing relationship between the variations enabling the local power structure the local power structure = (family business + social networks + business networks + local and regional government officer networks + local and national politician networks) – (public’s benefit + trend of national political parties) from the equation, it could be concluded that in the context of the studied province, anyone desiring to establish their own local power structure depended on the sum of their own and their family business capability, the extent of their social networks, business, local and regional government officer, and local and national politician networks. meanwhile, how sustainable such power structure could stand depended on how much it affected the public’s benefit and how strong the trend of the national political parties in the area is5. that is, if the power structure did not create any problems or adversely affect the area public’s ways of life, but smoothly built up mutual benefit relationship with the area people, it could firmly stand. on the other hand, if the power structure could not create such mutual relationship with the area people, or operated in a way that might drastically affect the public’s benefit, such power structure could possibly decline. another factor important to the existence of the local power structure is popularity towards the national political parties in the area. this would affect the leaders’ status as the influential or powerful figure in the society since the area people could turn their interest to political parties that better answered http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 21 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 their needs. this would make their status as the influential and powerful figure and political power unstable, and there are risks in the decline of the local power structure and being replaced with a new power structure supported by more popular political parties. conclusion in conclusion, the local power structure investigated in this study was called “money politics.” it arose from a combination of economic and political benefits of networks’ leaders and people in such networks including businessmen, politicians, government officers, and groups of people in the area. the study showed that any gatherings in such power structure are very tight as long as all parties in the networks or gatherings receive satisfactory benefits. this kind of gatherings resulted in centralizing power and wealth in the area, which were centralized in the group of the local power structure leaders, especially people in the inner and middle circles as mentioned earlier. the result of this circumstance was the extending inequality in economy in the area of study. meanwhile, power and other political spheres of people outside the networks were narrowed down. they could not get access to essential resources for their living unlike others in the networks. this also led to them being forced to enter any of the local power structures in order for them to have equal economic and political power and opportunities like others in the society. in the sample case of the rubber tree project, it was a rush in the extent of power and wealth centralization. if such circumstance occurred without any preventions or solutions, this might lead to several economic, social, and political problems in the area as happened in the national politics.6 therefore, in order to prevent and solve the power and wealth centralizing problem within the local power structure as mentioned, the researcher would like to propose a guideline of prevention and solution as follows7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 22 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics (1) a review of the power decentralization: there needs to be “the horizontal decentralization” from government offices to communities instead of the former “vertical decentralization.” this is because the former decentralization was one factor increasing the power and wealth centralization problem at present. there should be a new power allocation between locality, communities, and people by decreasing role of the local administration organizations which is a representative for all people and encouraging the people to take direct roles in local administration as much as possible8. (2) an encouragement of direct democracy along with representative democracy in the community: this is to encourage the people and communities to balance any decisions of the local administration organizations. the local administration organizations must consult, listen to, and seek facts with the people in the communities which will be affected by the local administration organizations’ operation. it depends on the principle that the balance of representative democracy must come from the power of direct democracy, that is, it is through people’s consultation, and negotiation between the people and communities and the local administration organizations9. (3) strengthening the community and people: there are two ways to strengthen the community and people. the first way is the allocation of budget directly to the people, which would fully empower them in making decisions on some aspects due to their actual needs or could make decisions on who would operate their projects without any monopoly of government offices. the second way is that the academic units in the area encourage the people’s strengthening. this is by motivating and supporting mutual knowledge management among people in the same community and cross communities in order to exchange knowledge. it would lead to the increase of experience in self-management http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 23 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 of the community and people as well as increasing their verifying and balancing ability with the area’s governmental system10. one reason the researcher proposed the abovementioned three suggestions is that the governmental system in the central, regional, and local levels is the one important factor supporting the local power structure. from the study, it can be show that this power structure relied on the power of the area’s and central governmental system in developing and steadily maintaining its status in the community. thus, this study would like to suggest the decrease of the governmental system’s power by encouraging the community and people to be strengthened and to be able to increase their selfmanagement. this could result in such a way that the local power structure could no longer rely on the governmental system’s power in seeking, or preventing economic benefit as usual. it is because most of the power that used to be with the governmental system would be transferred to the community, and the people would have power to make decisions and to directly manage their own locality as well as to have power to verify and balance the governmental system’s power in the area11. if the decentralization to the people and the self-management of the community as proposed would be successful, it would be the good prevention and solution to the problem of local power and wealth centralization, which results from the extent of the local power structure in the area. endnotes 1 this is also known as “mung” in thai, referring to a group of people sharing benefits and political power within the group. everyone in the group must work together in order to acquire both personal and group interests. it is a kind of informal group and there are no regulations. that means anyone who is willing can join the group. and every group always has its leader having power to collect benefits in the name of the group and share those to everyone in the group. so, the leader must be obeyed by the members of the group. if someone does something which is out of order and beyond the control of the leader, he/ she must leave the group or may compulsorily be expelled. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 24 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ journal of governement & politics 2 from interview 3 from interview 4 nielsen. richard p..(2003). corruption networks and implications for ethical corruption reform. journal of business ethics. january. 5 enderwick, peter. (2005). what’s bad about crony capitalism?. asian business & management. volume 4. number 2. 1. june. 6 see national reform council, the proposal of power structure reform, 3rd ed. bangkok: tqp co, ltd. 2011. p. 7 11 7 all three proposals were adapted from the proposal of power structure reform of the national reform council. referred to in footnote 13. p. 32 – 40. 8 bardhan, pranab. (2002). decentralization of governance and development. the journal of economic perspectives. vol. 16. no. 4. 9 matsusaka, john g. (20050. direct democracy works. the journal of economic perspectives. vol. 19. no. 2. 10 gaventa, john and camilo valderrama. (1999), participation, citizenship and local governance. background note prepared for workshop on strengthening participation in local governance. institute of development studies, june 2124. 11 bucek, jan and brian smith. (20000). new approaches to local democracy: direct democracy, participation and the ‘third sector’. environment and planning c: government and policy. volume 18. references bardhan, pranab. (2002). decentralization of governance and development. the journal of economic perspectives. vol. 16. no. 4. bucek, jan and brian smith. (20000). new approaches to local democracy: direct democracy, participation and the ‘third sector’. environment and planning c: government and policy. volume 18. enderwick, peter. (2005). what’s bad about crony capitalism? asian business & management. volume 4. number 2. 1. june. dommhoff, william, g.. who rules america. from http://www2.ucsc.edu/ whorulesamerica/ gaventa, john and camilo valderrama. (1999), participation, citizenship and local governance. background note prepared for workshop on strengthening participation in local governance. institute of development studies, june 21-24. krysmanski, h.j.. (3/2007). who will own the eu – the superrich or the people of europe?. policy paper of the rosa-luxemburg-stiftung. matsusaka, john g. (2005). direct democracy works. the journal of economic perspectives. vol. 19. no. 2. national reform council, (2011). the proposal of http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 25 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ vol. 7 no. 1 february 2016 power structure reform, 3rd ed. bangkok: tqp co, ltd. national reform council, the proposal of power structure reform, 3rd ed. bangkok: tqp co, ltd. 2011. nawaporn roengsakul. (2005). rethinking on patronage system. matichon newspaper. 16 march 2005. 28. vol.9867. nielsen. richard p..(2003). corruption networks and implications for ethical corruption reform. journal of business ethics. january. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0020 1-25 does democracy make you happy? multilevel analysis of self-rated happiness in indonesia sujarwoto department of public administration, universias brawijaya, malang, indonesia. email: sujarwoto@ub.ac.id abstract the linkage between democracy and citizen happiness in developing countries is rarely examined. this study examines the link between democracy and citizen happiness in indonesia, a new emerging democratic country in south east asia. data comes from the indonesian family life survey 2007 (n individual = 29.055; n household = 12.528; n district = 262) and the indonesian family survey east 2012 (n individual = 5.910; n household = 2.546; n district = 55). results from a three-level ordinary logit model show that democracy as measured by age of direct local democracy is not associated with citizen happiness. instead of age of direct local democracy, district community social capital and spending public services give benefit for citizen happiness. the results are robust against individual and district characteristics related to happiness. the results highlight the importance of promoting community social capital and improving district capacity in delivering public service to improve citizen happiness in indonesia. keywords: democracy, happiness, three-level ordinary logit model, indonesia introduction during the last two decades, citizen happiness has become an important development agenda in western countries, particularly rich countries across europe and north america (argyle 2001; oecd 2013). the economic crisis in europe and united states at the end of 2009 have realised that economic welfare or gdp is not the only ultimate goal of development. the government and lead○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ recieved 11 september 2015; accepted 07 september 2015 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0021 26-49 a a history of modern indonesia ai weiwei amporn tamronglak athumthani university aulus wirotomo autonomy b badan layanan umum bambang wahyu sudarmadji bangkokthonburi universit banten beijing occupy bekasi biswar-diener blacksburg manifesto perspective brian smith bulletin of indonesian economic studies c cambridge camilo valderrama canada censorship central java charoen pokphand group chiangmai university china chulalongkorn university colonel thanom kittikajorn d democracy department of cooperatives, industry, and trade developing countries diah ayu ardiyanti e economic studies edi suharto egypt electricity generating authority of thailand f fareastern university frederick w. taylor g gdp gemolong gfmis gllamms government financial management information system growth from knowledge h h.j. krysmanski higher education hong kong i ifls indah surya wardhani indonesia indonesian village potential census international monetary fund intra-class correlation itu j jakarta jakarta metropolitan region japan jasmine jin-wook choi jmr journal of business ethics journal of development economics journal of economic perspectives k kalipaten kartasasmita kasetsart university khon kaen university, king rama v krirk university l laohavichien lippo karawaci local government local power m macroeconomics mahasarakam university mahidol university malaysia massachusetts max weber, ministry of communication and information ministry of home affair monetary power complex multilevel mung n national election commitee national election committee national reform council nawaporn roengsakul new public management new york ngo nielsen. richard p north america north bangkok university, north-chiangmai university npm npo nurmandi o occupy wall street oecd office of the civil service p pathumthani university payakumbuh pince of songkla university pitsanulok university pkl podes proposal of power structure reform psas psychological bulletin public administration public sector development public sector restructuring act r rachbini rajabhat universities ramkhamhaeng university royal decree on good governance s sataporn roengtam self-rated happiness siam cement group square creative merchants sri lestari munajati srinakharinwirot university street vendors sukhothai thammathirat syamsir syarif makmur t tangerang thailand thammasat university tiananamen u ublic administration united states urban theories and urban life v van dijk van-klinken, g w wardoyo weibo west sumatra western countries who rules america william dommhoff william g. domhoff world bank z zainuddin muda z. monggilo zengcheng vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 250 received : february 20, 2018 revised : march 14, 2018 accepted : april 4, 2018 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0249. 250-268 innovation process in public service: studying innovation process in yogyakarta city licensing service clinic unit (klipper) for cite this article please refers to: pratama, m. r. (2018). innovation process in public service: studying innovation process in yogyakarta city licensing service clinic unit (klipper). jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(2), 250-268 m. rizki pratama universitas gadjah mada, indonesia email: rizkipratama90@gmail.com abstract to date on indonesia’s government performance, innovation agenda has encouraged public’shope as bureaucracy reformationhas been closerto policy failure. innovation becomesa trend to make public’s ends meet, mainly innovation which is introduced by local governments. as the most innovative local governments, yogyakarta city, has proceededmany thrive innovations from their local agencies such as yogyakarta city licensing service office. for long time, the office is recognized as good practice of public service provision in indonesia. at that case, it is assured through licensing service clinic unit (klipper) innovation which gainsconsiderableadvantages, both internal and external stakeholder. klipper is a licensing consultation program for investors who will make complex building construction permits. furthermore, klipper improves both license output and law-abidingperformances.this study exploresprocess behind innovation. it is prominent objective because scholars have argued innovation process as a blackbox and aconundrum. we applies innovation process theory which separates to the threefold linear stagesof the procesess (initiation, implementation and diffusion). this study used qualitative approach to interpret involved actor’s experiences in innovation process. finally, the study sums up that innovation is an evident work, it is not an accidental action because it can be traced back through to the dramatic steps, consequently it could be proposed as a framework to carry out innovative program forthe others local governments agencies. keywords: innovation, innovation process, public service innovation, licensing innova-tion abstrak berkaitan dengan kinerja pemerintah indonesia, agenda inovasi telah mengambil harapan publik ketika reformasi birokrasi lebih dekat pada kegagalan kebijakan. inovasi menjadi tren untuk mencukupi kebutuhan publik, terutama inovasi yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah. seperti pemerintah daerah paling inovatif, kota yogyakarta, telah menelurkan banyak inovasi bermanfaat dari dari dinas-dinas mereka seperti dinas perizinan kota yogyakarta. untuk waktu yang lama,itu diketahui sebagai dinas dengan good practice dalam provisi pelayanan publik di indonesia. pada kasus ini dapat dipas-tikan melalui inovasi unit klinik pelayanan perizinan (klipper) yang menggapai man http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0249 faat baik untuk stakeholder internal dan ekstenal. klipper adalah program pelayanan konsultasi untuk para investor yang akan membuat izin konstruksi bangunan. lebih jauh lagi, klipper meningkatkan kinerja keluaran izin dan juga kepatuhan hukum. studi ini mengeksplorasi proses yang terjadi di belakang inovasi. itu penting karena para peneliti berpendapat bahwa bahwa proses inovasi sebagai kotak hitam dan teka-teki. kami menerapkan teori proses inovasi yang memisahkannya dalam tiga tahapan linear (inisiasi, implementasi, dan difusi). studi ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif untuk menafsirkan pengalaman para aktor terlibat dalam proses inovasi. pada akhirnya, studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa inovasi adalah pekerjaan nyata, bukan sebuah tindakan kebetulan yang dapat dilacak melalu tahapan-tahapan dramatis, konsekuensinya itu dapat diajukan sebagai kerangka kerja untuk melakukan program inovatif bagi dinas-dinas pemerintah daerah lainnya. kata kunci: inovasi, proses inovasi, inovasi pelayanan publik, inovasiperizinan jurnal studi pemerintahan 251 introduction bureaucracy in indonesia have enticed many scholars to study due to their performance has not improved yet. numerousimprovement attempts implemented but the precendent results were not met (bappenas, 2013; brata, 2014; dwiyanto, 2008; widaningrum & park, 2011). even though those attempts to call bureaucratic reform has not produced significant impacts on the performance of public service, the government of indonesia has been trying to find the proper strategies. one of them is to encourage the both central and local government to innovate. it means to create and implement new public pro-grams. innovation conceptbecomes “buzzwords” in indonesian public sectors mainly in local governments. they puts in credence that the main purpose of the innovation is to improve public services quality (ashworth, boyne, & entwistle, 2010). later, there were many good practices mapping research provided by national and international research institutions to analyze local government innovations(jpip, 2013; unfgi, 2013; world bank, 2006). thosestudies prove that the growing concept of innovation is not vain attempts. at least, promoting innovation is a matters which could not be excluded from government duty as well as it works up public service quality. as the case, one of the local governments with many public vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 252 service innovations that work properly is yogyakarta city. in 2016, yogyakarta city had been appreciated with an innovation award from the national institute of public administration (lan-ri) for creating and implementing 120 innovations. additionally, yogyakarta city also received an opportunity to be a local innovation laboratory in order to be a learning-based model of innovation for others local governments in indonesia. another one good practice story,yogyakarta city has one local city office which has been a long experience of being good practice in public service provision. we could not agree more, that is yogyakarta city licensing service office. the office has a main function to be the one shop system in processing and legalizing regional licenses. several studies prove good practice perspectives in thatoffice (bkpm & kppod, 2009; setiadi, 2009; world bank & ifc, 2012). indonesian local govern-ments could recognize it if they want to study about a good local government office, they must take a benchmark of yog-yakarta licensing service city office. recently the office go-tother appreciation because of its innovation in the licensing services. the licensing service clinic unit (klipper) program had gotten top 99 public service innovation award 2015 by the state ministry for the empowerment of state apparatus and bureaucratic reformation. this study explores the process of the innovation in the klipper and what factors which could support and inhibit the process. there are several reasons why it is necessarily to ex-plore the case; firstly, the innovation is implemented by one of the best local office institutions in indonesia, therefore we must comprehend what matters they have done for implementing innovation. secondly, there is a fact that not many innovations are successful. recent studies demonstrate that transformin-gan idea into an actual innovation is characterized by an ex-tremely high failurerate of nearly 90% (chung & choi, 2016). thirdly,according to jawapos institute of pro otonomi (jpip, 2013), we held an evidence that the innovation canonly be sur vived in two or three years and then it dies. the licensing ser-vice clinic program was initiated in 2010 and until today it can sustain to be a fully part of the organizational service system. fourthly, there are not many licensing service program innovations in indonesia which get attention to be studied. university network for governance innovation (unfgi, 2013) found only 13 innovations in licensing services but only 12 of them are organizational innovations and only 1 has a more specific scope innovation as a program. therefore, the licensing service program in innovation is underexplored and understudied. theoritical review on this study we defines innovation more freely based on the scope of the innovation in the public sector that it does not always introduce newness (osborne & brown, 2005) but re-packaging of existing concepts (keys, 2008) or reconceptualizing existing resources (kim, 2010). introducing newness, repackag-ing and reconceptualization of public service is the keyword of this study. therefore we could not propose sophisciated grand-definition but it is the meaningfull one. we could call it as all seasons definitions. the process approach is the main approach of this study, based on classic work of wolfe (1994). this approach considers how and why innovations emerge, develop, grow, and (perhaps) terminate, are examined. in numerous innovation studies still ignore innovation process itself and also the scope of the study must be more specific (osborne & brown, 2005). another fact, many innovation studies focus on the quantitative measure-ment of the impact of the innovation on the public service performance especially which has been conducted by cardiff business school (ashworth et al., 2010). this study will provide a greater detail of the klipper innovation process. the other reason is that the innovation process is also suggested as a black box (jappinen, 2015). therefore we need further studies on the innovation process. jurnal studi pemerintahan 253 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 254 innovation process theory was firstly developed by rogers (1983) who classified it in initiation and implementation phases. after that many studies had classified innovation process in three phases; initiation, implementation and diffusion (daman-pour, 2014; hartley, 2015; hartley, sorensen, & torfing, 2013; osborne & brown, 2005; rasmussen & hall, 2016; wolfe, 1994). initiation is about an invention to create new knowledge (osborne & brown, 2005), finding and creating an idea that works, promoting and legitimizing ideas (jong & hartog, 2010). some factors can support or inhibit initiation such as internal and external factors (damanpour & schneider, 2006; osborne, 1998; osborne & brown, 2005). implementation is about to change an idea to a reality (wanna, hsu-ann, & yates, 2015). some factors can support or inhibit implementation such as internal and external factors (klein & knight, 2005; osborne & brown, 2005). diffusion is about to spread out the innovation outside the organization (osborne & brown, 2005). some factors can support or inhibit initiation such as internal and external factors (dewett, whittier, & williams, 2007; hartley, 2005). finally, this research uses the initiation, implementation and diffusion phase as the conceptual framework for the study as draws in figure 1. initiation implementation diffusion figure 1. innovation proces framework source: damanpour, 2014; hartley, 2015; hartley, sorensen, & torfing, 2013; osborne & brown, 2005; rasmussen & hall, 2016; wolfe, 1994 research method this study was conducted by using an inductive approach which the main goal is to interpret the experiences of involved actor. data collection was gathered from march to july 2016. the techniques of data collection was based on the types and sources of data needed in-depth interviews, and analysis of doc-ument. the informants were selected by using a purposive tech-nique (patton, 2009). researchersinterviewed 12 persons from the actors involv-ing in the process of the innovation program. they were offi-cials comprising of local office managers and staff and external stakeholders. wealso interviewed several members of innovation assessor team from the state ministry for the empowerment of state apparatus and bureaucratic reformation. in this study the data were analyzed by using three steps; data reduction, data display, and conclusion (miles & huberman, 1992). the validity of qualitative data is guaranteed with a technique of triangulation of data sources (patton, 2009). finally the research produced four types of data catego-ries based on interview coding. to use a code, initially we transcribed the interviews and we had approximately 300 page sheets of transcribed document. after had done that we constructed summary sentence from the reliable, valid, and important quote and cited that to construct concept. after we had found the most precise concept we used that as analysed concept in every single stages, phases or episodes. for further look we can see on table 1 as data analysis example. in location phase and episode (we also find that on table 2) we have two example quotes (q1 and q2). after find the quote we interpret that as summary sentence in q1 we call it as determining problem and become more general concept as agenda setting. finally we define more general concept after that as initiation in analysed concept. in q2 we call the choosen quote as forcing innovation awareness and become more general concept as the same agenda setting. finally we define more general concept after that as initiation in analysed concept. we did repeate the same process in the analysis depend on what condition the quote matches. this process will make data analysis more open and transparent. for methodology reason we could replicate jurnal studi pemerintahan 255 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 256 this method for other study and also critize this study for further developing study. table 1. data analysis sample location quote summary concept analyzed sentence concept phase and episode “that was all the problems, one of them is permit determining agenda initiation (table 2) simplification. there were huge complain from problem setting the client, many building designes were mistaken when the client submit their imb (building permits), and also others technical problems. we decided to simplify and speed up permit in 2009”q1 manager interview (27/04/2016) “i decided at that time we should go for innovative forcing innovation agenda initiation change as a symbol for us. we committed to change, awareness setting nevertheless there are huge obstacle in budgeting and human resources but we still do committed alteration“q2 head of office interview (11/05/2016) etc . . . . strategy (table 3) “i have to involve all members, so they can agree involving organistrategy initiation with me. the results is a cooperation with all mem zation members strategy bers but when they disagree with my, we are going to in initiation debate face to face.”q3 head of office interview (11/05/2016) “it looks like a inhuman creature (laughing) because using external strategy initiation it is impossible for checking the organization condisouces through strategy tion with myself so i decide to get assistance from ghost shopping the outsider. i ask my friend to submit their permits and report to me what happens after that, what is the real problem? how my members serve him? pretty well or not? there is a fraud potential? or cor ruption maybe? it was useful because i could know the reality, so i can provide the precise solution” q4 head of office interview (11/05/2016) etc . . . . informal strategy “i allowed clients mainly who have problem with innovator strategy informal (table 4) imb (building permit) directly complaining to me at observes daily strategy my room. i just ensure the standard both time and services by al cost, if we fail to reach the standard i will know soon lowing the service because they will complain to me directly.” q5 user to complain head of office interview (25/04/2016) directly to him to know the real problems “i discussed many times with one of tenure manager innovator creates strategy informal and also he becomes my trusted one. he becomes a good relation strategy my henchman because he helps me to influence to ship with some the all organization members. i believe him to help tenure managers me because i think he can do that. he has a loyalty for helping idea and a competency. our duet becomes a power house promotion to this organization“q6 head of office interview (27/06/2016) etc . . . . location quote summary concept analyzed sentence concept driving force and “as an examples, all these problems always com e poor finding on data driving inhibitor (table 5) from our internal data. the problems always performance availforce presented on evaluation and coordination meeting. ability that data helps us to make sure the real problem, ikm (satisfication index) data proves our quality is low and need to be improved as well.“ q7 manager interview ( 06/06/2016) “we have no intervention from the outsider like organizational organidriving the major or the other political institution because decision-making zational force we have our authority. we manage our office as without outsider authority one shop system it means that many licenses and intervention permits become our duty solely without any single interest from someone who want to hijack our change. “ q8 head of office interview (11/05/2016) “so i admitted the resistance that come from my negative comstaff reinhibitor organizational members. they forms a protest and munication from sistance sometimes bad communication to me, they always the staff complain that the innovation become organization burden and become useless change but i have to provoke them to do what i want. i am pleased with resistance because i can manage that.” q9 head of office interview (27/06/2016) “we have no formulation to measure our successful discrepancy evaluinhibitor result. the measurement before and after innovation between the deation is so different things, we cannot control because fault system and difficul klipper is depended to our client. we can only know innovation results ties that new system always be praised by client and we know all permits that came from the client so it can reject fraud potential but to compare result become and after the new system is difficult and different things.” q10 manager interview (18/04/2016) etc . . . . source: primary data, 2016 findings at this section we detailed data analysis on fourth data structure. at the first structure we analysed and discovered phase and episode of innovation process. the initiation process begins with formulating problem such as poor performance in legalizing the complex building license and staff problems which have an indication in license fraud. after knowing the problem the head of office who was appointed as a new leader and also he is as an innovator in late 2008 determines the agenda with his power and he also forces awareness of change with the in-novation agenda because of the greater presuress like the needs of change, huge public complain and budget deficiency, we call jurnal studi pemerintahan 257 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 258 those actions as agenda setting episode. then innovator explores for the new solution based on the default service system in the organization and formulatemodest conclusion which the consultation system must be changed by creating a consultation team includes the managers and staff. the consultation team is assesed to accomodatebetter consultation for two reasons; first, making the consultation more comprehensive because decision making involve all prevalent organization officals in one table, second, pressing fraud potency from the staff because officials would watch and could prohibit it, and it bringsmore trans-parent system. innovator names it “klinik pelayanan perizinan (klipper)” or licensing service clinic unit to mimic service in the health service providers. the new idea is a rational mode to implement without numerous inhibitors, we call those actions as idea conception episode. innovator also creates coalition with some tenure managers and persuade them to implement the new idea, we call those actions as idea promotion episode. moving from the initiation process, after the new idea is done with reasonable support, implementation start to ensure the idea would work and also transform the new idea to the real things, the office needs to test it as prototype in 2010, and the result of test is validated to be implemented, we call those ac-tions as prototype episode. the new idea as klipper becomes the new service system as a routine in 2011. in the same year, the office creates standard operating procedure (sop) and provides-more decent resources like budget and consultation room, we call those actions as institutionalization episode.in 2015 there is a small changes in klipper and there is a plan to develop klipper in a greater service scope not only in complex build-ing permits but also for all license services, we call those actions as development episode. after all, the office is also open to diffuse the innovation with group visit from the other organization and also provides resources as documented knowleged like brochure and leaflet, we call those actions as passive diffusion episode. in 2015, the office send the klipper proposal to participate in the national innovation competition at the event of the state ministry for the empowerment of state apparatus and bureaucratic reformation, we call that actions as active diffusion episode.all phases and episodes aresummarized in table 2. jurnal studi pemerintahan 259 table 2. phase and episode in klipper innovation process episode action initiation agenda setting formulating problem, determining agenda, & forcing innovation awareness idea conception exploring, formulating, &assesing new idea idea promotion coalition & persuasion implementation prototype validating new service model institutionalization routinization, making regulation & providing resources development modification& planning for development diffusion passive diffusion providing resources for replication active diffusion competition participation source: data analysis, 2016 at the second data structure, we analysed and discovered strategies in each phases. thosefindings provides several strategies which can be seen in table 3. in initiation phase, we find several strategies, such as innovator using regular meeting as primary media for communication initiation, involving all level of organization members in initiation, involving senior members as tatakrama strategy which means senior members have to be respected by involved them on change process rather than rejecting them like an organization burden, observation including direct complain to the head of office from the users, leading change with tuladha strategy which means leader as innovators being a real role model in change,using external sources through ghost shopping for exploring real problem, direct observation to the day to day existing service, comparing other organization service for exploring new idea, and investing trust to senior member for helping initiation. on the next phase, implementation phase consists of three main strategies like using team as main executor, enforcing reward and punishment, and involving organization members in implementation. the last phases is diffusion vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 260 that comprises two main strategies like involving organization members in diffusion, and providing informal communication ways in diffusion. table 3. strategy in klipper innovation process source: data analysis, 2016 phase strategy initiation using meeting as primary media for communication initiation involving organization members in initiation involving senior members as tata krama strategy observation including direct complain from the users leading change with tuladha strategy using external sources through ghost shopping for exploring real problem direct observation to the day to day existing service comparing other organization service for exploring new idea investing trust to senior member for helping initiation implementation using team as main executor enforcing reward and punishment involving organization members in implementation diffusion involving organization members in diffusion providing informal communication in diffusion third, on the parts of initiation strategy, we separated more depth strategy and discovered several informal strategy. at the initiation phase, innovator has to use the creativity, not based on either budgetnor regulation for innovating their resources, innovator is still ableto run the innovation without them. firstly, in the initiation the innovator deal with the problem. therefore innovator needs to understand the real problem.at this case innovator opens the room to allow users to complain directly to innovator to explore user’s experience in arranging the license. secondly, the innovator uses external sources with persons who is trusted to carry out ghost shopping for double uncovering the daily real-world problem in license service.it works well and it did prove the problem. thirdly, the innovator opens the mind about the problem-solving idea using the nearest solution that is the resources in the organization. seeing the weakness of the defauls service system is the sources of this case. fourthly, the innovator has to learn from the other organization to get numerous perspectives, more perspectives, more ideas like in this case the innovator learns from the health services providers. fifthly, promoting the idea is the most dramatic episode in the innovation as all members are ableto reject the very good idea because innovator never build coalition from the other members. at this case we learn that innovator builds coalition with the tenure manager to deal with information dissemination and help for pressing the staff. all informal strategies in initiation phase are summarized in table 4. jurnal studi pemerintahan 261 table 4. informal strategy in initiation phase phase informal strategy initiation innovator observes daily services by allowing the service user to complain directly to him to know the real problems innovator uses external sources to carry out ghost shopping to uncover real world problems innovator only thinks creatively to explore the weakness of default service in an organization to create new ideas innovator uses perspectives from the other organization services to create new ideas innovator creates a good relationship with some tenure managers for helping idea promotion source: data analysis, 2016 the fourth data structure, we analyzed and discovered the data to find driving forces and inhibitors in innovation process. in initiation phase organization must have good information and data about the organization routine which indicates the problem. at this case, information and data come from mul-tiple sources such as internal performance data which shown by user satisfication index (ikm) and complaining report docu-ment, innovators and managers have to be open with their plan to change existing service. other organization members have to know that in initial phase. the greater organization author-ity can help to trigger the innovation because the organization like license office is so-called with one shop system has inte-grated many licenses from the other offices. therefore, the li-cense office is ableto develop its own service. the organization with good design in human resources back up the innovator to change because it becomes the innovator’s human capital with vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 262 human competency like mentality and creativity. all change efforts have to get senior members support for decreasing rejec-tion in all level of organization, at this case senior members help innovators to communicate innovation agenda in daily work hour activities at office and chit chat conversation in the outside of office, or in the spare time. public organization at this case has a excellence with service because of support from executive leaders. the former city mayor take high commitment to build good public service bureaucracy. the former city mayor provides decent budget, infrastructure, and human resources. the innovator’s experience to being different is prevalent be-cause alongside with the experience innovatoris tend to repeat it which is learned in the past. the innovator needs the divi-sion which helps to initiate the innovation, based on this case the license office has one division which provides function like research and development (r&d) in the business sector. that division can support the innovation with its function. in the initiation only staff resistance becomes the real inhibitors but in this case staff resistance only shows up negative communication like rejection statement on meeting. in the implementation phase several driving forces emerge like r & d division support which helps in prototyping, evaluating and developing the innovation. managerial support is also important by providing budget after creating the regulation. the innovation will be durable if it has twofold in the benefit for helping the daily work in the organization and also benefit-ing the user. there are several inhibitors in the implementa-tion, like user’s problem in using license service pander which brings the cost higher and also gives back the revised license re-quirement documents late. in the innovation implementation, it is always difficult to measure the outcome because it is in outside of the system. the innovation still needs more time to develop the measurement system and budget inflexibility always becomes major inhibitors for the innovation in a public sector mainly for developing innovation. finally, the implementation is hampered for the lack of staff quantity and quality because it is difficult to make a bigger scope of innovation for developing if the organization lacks of minimal requirement of changes. diffusion in this case also puts support from the r & d division. they provide resources to diffuse the innovation. however, in the outside of organization support still lacks real support from existing executive leaders who show their lack of commitment, executive leaderes showing up non supportberhaviour during the national innovation competition like rejection to meet the assesor team from the state ministry for the empowerment of state apparatus and bureaucratic reformation. all factors are summarized in table 5 below. jurnal studi pemerintahan 263 table 5. driving forces and inhibitors in klipper innovation process phase driving forces inhibitors initiation information &data availability, communication opennes, staff resistance organizational authority, staff competency, senior m em bers support, executive leader commitment, paternalistic leadership, innovator experience, & division support implementation division support, managers commitment, internal & user’s problems, evaluation difficulty, external benefit perception lack of staff quantity& quality, &budget inflexibility diffusion division support lack of executive leader support source: data analysis, 2016 discussion we already opened innovation process in klipper inovation. it provides greater detail on innovation process particularly which applied in specific organization and program. greater detail in initiation, implementation and diffusion (hartley, 2015) is about episodes in each phase that are classi-fied in eight episodes with several actions.model in klipper innovation process follows linear model (osborne & brown, 2005). it means that innovation process in klipper remains unchanged from the earliest version to the latest for renewaling to the next greater level of innovation. it implicates that linear process is easy to be observed and replicated in other place and vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 264 situation. the framework of innovation process (initiation, implementation and diffusion) based on this study could propose to complement the design thinking in policy making process because it looks like the alike process from the problem to the test prototype (mintrom & luetjens, 2016). in the future we will have new profession from policy designer to public service innovation designer. we also found strategies that work on innovation processs. that strategy composition could serve suggestions to the innovators and managers how to use strategy properly so it couldbe more successful.strategies which carried out in innovation process show that innovation is driven and sourced by managers. such strategies spurs innovation process because they provide facilitation strategy (chung & choi, 2016) and involvement strategy (daft, 1978). both encourage motivation and decrease resistance potency of the members. theoretically, innovation which focused on organization internal source, calls as in-house innovation(hartley et al., 2013). it also means that innovation is developed by organizational internal members like manager but does not come from the street-level or operational members. that type also is known as top-down initiation where innovation happens exclusively from the top level of organization (borins, 2002).for another perspectives this kind of innovation still show up a flaw because does not fully collaborate with the other institution or real public. innovation must go beyond with collaborative innovation (hartley et al., 2013) and moving from firstorder innovation (government) to the second order inno-vation (governance) (torfing & triantafillou, 2016). informal strategy is also prevalent in service innovation because all strate-gies in organization should comprise formal strategies (regular meeting, budget, insider) and informal strategies (impromptu meeting, non-budget, outsider). both strategies are exploited for tacit knowlegde (storey & khan, 2016). the results also confirm that there are three type factors which make impact to the innovation process, they are: envi ronmental factors, organizational factors and group factors (crossan & apaydin, 2010). the three factors could drive and inhibit innovation process. that factors are consistent with the findings in klipper innovation with a supplement that is in-ternal factor which formed by cultural drive like paternalistic leadership culture (irawanto, ramsey, & tweed, 2013). it could drive change organization easier if change initiation is based by a leader or top management which is suitable to the value of bureaucracy in indonesia. conclusion this study provides an innovation process framework in public sector based on successful innovation case. this study proves that innovation is a time-based process which is not occurred by an accident, it helps fight against of innovation black-box and conudrum argument. innovation process is complex and detailed process, but we are still able to study about it in better way. the result deals to stamp a reasonable guidance to decrease innovation risk and threat for organization, manager and innovator in public sector as well. other conclusion adds that organization, manager and innovator must stand higher attention to critical phases in innovation process which can be seen in initiation and implementation phase. initiation phase must be a focus at the first stance because it is an initial moment where problem is set, idea is generated and organization member is convinced by innovator to carry out the innovation. if innova-tor fail to do so, innovation never takes place. in another phase, based on empirical finding at this study found that implementation phase get more inhibiting factor than other phase so that implementation phase must be managed properly in order to avoid innovation failure. practical recommendation in this study gives a suggestion to managers and innovators in public sector in order to make innovation can work properly with paying higher attention jurnal studi pemerintahan 265 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 266 each phases in innovation process. the phase becomes critical moment matching with the conclusion. another recommendation for next study: first, the next study should explore successful innovation case in higher scope such as organizational innovation or innovation management with more cases so that innovation process framework could becomes more comprehensive. second, the next study should expand study in different type of organization such as health service organization and educa-tional service organization. third, the next study with higher scope should find key factor which can 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(1994). organizational innovation: review, critique and suggested research directions. journal of management studies, (may). world bank. (2006). inovasi pelayanan pro-miskin: sembilan studi kasus di indonesia. jakarta: world bank. world bank, & ifc. (2012). doing business di indonesia 2012. washington dc: world bank. vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123141 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 331 affiliation: 1,2,3,4universitas muhammadiyah jakarta correspondence: abdul.rahman27316@gmail.com how to citate: rahman, a., dwi, w., zebua, a., & satispi, e. (2021). policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (3), 331-371 article history: received:2021-06-10 revision:2021-08-19 accepted:2021-08-19 policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia abdul rahman*1, winda dwi astuti zebua2, evi satispi3, andrean alan kusuma4 abstract: this study aims to analyze the policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia. the expected objective of this research is to improve quality of policy formulation in the universeof vocational education and to increasing the massive absorption of vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia. the framework of policy formulation with the model of political administrative program (pap) which consists of the elements: concrete objectives, evaluative elements, operational elements, political-administrative arrangements, and proceduralelements are used in this study. this research used a qualitative method with a phenomenological study. the results showed that the policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia is not fully optimal. there are some weaknesses that become critical notes such as: far gap between the projected proportion of job opportunities per year with the number of graduates in vocational education and training, lackof relevance of projections between strategic objective performance indicators (ikss) and program performance indicators (ikp) in the realm of courses and training, low projection target of i ncreasing program performance indicators (ikp) per year until 2024, synergy of stakeholders (including the world of work) in the vocational high schools development program is still lacking, and fragility of the substance of employment in law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2020. keywords: policy formulation; vocational education; labor market abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perumusan kebijakan dalam mengintegrasikan lulusan pendidikan kejuruan dengan pasar tenaga kerja di indonesia. tujuan yang diharapkan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk meningkatkan kualitas perumusan kebijakan di jagat pendidikan vokasi dan meningkatkan daya serap lulusan pendidikan vokasi secara masif dengan pasar kerja di indonesia. kerangka perumusan kebijakan dengan model program administrasi politik (pap) yang terdiri dari unsur: tujuan konkrit, unsur evaluatif, unsur operasional, tatanan politik-administrasi, dan unsur prosedural digunakan dalam penelitian ini. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan studi fenomenologis. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perumusan kebijakan dalam mengintegrasikan lulusan pendidikan kejuruan dengan pasar kerja di indonesia belum sepenuhnya optimal. terdapat beberapa kelemahan yang menjadi catatan kritis seperti: jauhnya kesenjangan antara proyeksi proporsi kesempatan kerja per tahun dengan jumlah lulusan pendidikan dan pelatihan vokasi, kurang relevannya proyeksi antara indikator kinerja sasaran strategis (ikss) dengan program indikator kinerja (ikp) dalam ranah kursus dan pelatihan, rendahnya proyeksi target peningkatan indikator kinerja program (ikp) per tahun hingga 2024, sinergi pemangku kepentingan (termasuk dunia kerja) dalam program pengembangan smk masih kekurangan, dan rapuhnya substansi ketenagakerjaan dalam undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 11 tahun 2020. kata kunci: perumusan kebijakan; pendidikan kejuruan; pasar tenaga kerja https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123141 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:abdul.rahman27316@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2150-2750 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8289-2086 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5326-4646 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0007-2728 jurnal studi pemerintahan introduction in essence, education plays a crucial role in buildingthe nation and improving the welfare of society. hence, each country strives to design its own educational mani festo to reach that aims. in the indonesia context, according to strategic study conducted by the ministry of national development planning (bappenas, 2019b), indonesia’s education development strategy until 2045 includes: increasing access and participation in education, equitable distribution of educational services, increasing the role ofthe community in education development, increasing teacher professionalism, changing learning approaches, improving school culture, improving reading culture, increasing foreign language mastery and preserving local languages, increasing educated workforce and entrepreneurship, increasing the field of sciencein colleges, colleges as centers of excellence, and increasing character education, increasing vocational education. however, this projection is still confronted by three main prob lems that are currently still pervading such as: first, the low com petitiveness of innovation and lack of human resource compe tence. based on a study by the world economic forum (wef) in 2019 in the framework of the global competitiveness re port, indonesia’s ranking is in the 50th position out of 141 coun tries worldwide. although that position is relatively good, indo nesia is still left behind other asean countries, such as thai land (40th), malaysia (27th), and singapore (1st). according 13 indicators measured, there were 2 indicators with the lowest scores: innovation capability (38 points) and human resources competence (64 points) (schwab, 2019). second, the low achieve ment of the human development index. according united nations research (nations, 2019), indonesia is only in 111th place out of 189 countries measured. indonesia’s position in various indicators is still relatively low, especially the indicator for the average length of schooling which is only 8 years. this condition is not so good, especially when compared with neighbor coun tries such as singapore (11.5 years), malaysia (10.2 years), and philippines (9.4 years). 332 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 333 third, low of per-worker labor productivity. the results of the asian productivity organization (apo) study in 2020 showed that the productivity of indonesian workers is low. per-worker labor productivity levels of indonesia only 19%. this achieve ment makes indonesia lagging behind neighboring countries suchas thailand (24%), sri lanka (25%), and malaysia (43%). also, from other countries such as: australia (76%), hong kong (91%),and the us (100%) (asian productivity organisation, 2020:46). the complexity of the problems is increasing along with the challenges of education services that are not yet optimal, espe cially in border areas (rahman, mawar, wahyuning dyas tuti, handayani, & sahrul, 2021) and employment for the indone sian population in the future. recent (mckinsey & company, 2019) empirical studies showed that about 16 % of work activi ties in the indonesian economy could be automated by 2030, under a midpoint automation adoption scenario. this percentage is equivalent to the loss of 23 million jobs in 2030. underthe less likely fastest scenario for automation adoption, that proportion could even rise to 33% (2019). according to these empirical data, the education system in indonesia must be progressively improved. one of the educa tional entities that must get the government’s attention is voca tional education. this is because the effectuation of vocational education is intended to bearing graduates who are ready to work, who have skills according to the needs of the working world. on the other hand, as (billet, 2014) stated, vocational education is a very significant and valuable dimensions. its purposes especially are directed to fulfill salient social and economic purposes. experience in india shows that vocational education in the middle school stage can increase the chances for graduates in getting higher income compared to general secondary education (agrawal & agrawal, 2017). in turkey, the development of voca tional education and training (vet) has a determinate impact in improving the quality of the labor supply (barabasch & petrick, 2012). in canada, co-investment and collaborative applied re search between college communities, polytechnics, and company partners able to produce intensify productivity, increase sales, and better new product development. jurnal studi pemerintahan meanwhile in australia, transformation of vocational education through the training reform agenda (tra) delivers labor to be more sensitive to industry needs and not fall down in stiff educational governance so that could produce the skills needed to reconstruct development of australia (jones, 2018). in indonesia, the policy regarding vocational education is explicitly stated in law no. 20 of 2003 concerning the national education system. article 15 of the law states “the type of edu cation includes general education, specificity, academic, profes sion, vocational, religious education and special education” (law number 20 of 2003 concerning the national education sys tem, 2003). at a more operational policy level, based on the regulation of the minister of education number 45 of 2019 concerning organization and work procedure of the ministry of education, culture, research and technology the director ate general of vocational education was formed which has the tasks for organizing the formulation and implementation of poli cies in the field of vocational education (culture, 2019). in this regulation, the scope of vocational education incl udes: vocational secondary schools, vocational higher education, and course and training institutions. graph 1. open unemployment rate (tpt) according to the highest enrolled education (%), 2018 2020 source: central statistics agency (bps) (2020) meanwhile, despite various products of vocational education policies have been made, the output of vocational implementa-tion has not yet met expectations. in fact, vocational education graduates are the highest contributor to the open unemploy ment rate (tpt) as measured by the central statistics agency (bps) (2020) as shown in the graph 1. 334 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 335 this figure factually shows that vocational education gradu ates (as reflected through vocational secondary schools/smk and diplomas) are the largest contributor to the open unemploy ment rate from all levels of education in indonesia in 2020 with a cumulative percentage of 15.25%. these data explicitly prove that vocational education graduates have not been optimally ab sorbed by the labor market. therefore, this research was conducted to analyze how policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia. this research is essential to im proving policy formulation in the universe of vocational educa tion, also for increasing the massive absorption of vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia. literature review policy formulation in the public policy cycle, formulation is one of the crucial stages. the policy formulation is carried out after the public prob lem has been admitted government attention need. (howlett & mukherjee, 2016) describes policy formulation as the policy making stage in which the various options available are consideredand then reduced to a number of sets that can be agreed upon byrelevant policy actors, especially in government, that can be usedto address policy issues. policy formulation also can be defined as development of policy alternatives to solve problems on thepublic agenda. policy formulation takes place in government bureaucracies, interest group offices, legislative committees, special commission meetings, and policy planning organizations,otherwise known as think tanks (dye, 2013). in line with that thesis, (dunn, 2017) also said that policy formulation was carried out when officials formulate policy alternatives to facing a problem. on the other hand, (knoepfel et al., 2011) articulates policy formulation terminology with the term “policy programming”. furthermore, policy programming was constructed into the jurnal studi pemerintahan framework known as the political administrative program (pap). pap represents the set of regulatory actions and norms deemed necessary by the parliament, government, and executing authori ties for the implementation of public policies (knoepfel et al., 2011). in this study, the main theory used as a tool for analysis is the political administrative program (pap) framework. the con sideration in choosing a pap is because the elements and the derivatives in its framework are more representative and contex tual in answering research questions. there are two main ele ments in the political administrative program (pap) framework: substantive elements and institutional elements, both elements have respective derivatives as shown in the figure below: figure 1. the elements of a political-administrative program source: knoepfel et al., (2011:154) the substantive elements are the core or internal layers which consist of: 1) concrete objectives; 2) evaluative elements, and 3) operational elements. meanwhile, the institutional elements are the external skin which consist of: 1) political-administrative ar rangements (financial means and other resources) and 2) proce dural elements. (knoepfel et al., 2011) stated that concrete objec tives define the status to be achieved by the adopted solution that would be considered as satisfactory. they describe the de 336 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 337 sired social status in a field of action once the public problem is resolved. concrete objectives also imply the definition of units of measure or indicators that refer to the effects of the programs in social reality (indicators of effectiveness). the policy makers should not be confused with the indicators that describe admin istrative measures or activities in themselves. according to this action logic, the aim of a policy is not to produce services/ad ministrative activities in themselves, but to change social reality in accordance with the explicit or implicit provisions. at the policy formulation stage, the policy evaluation process has even been implemented. it is because evaluation has a very broad scope, starting from identification of needs or planning, implementation, until the impact of policies or programs. evalu ation is a methodology for studying the depth and extent of the need for human services and whether the services are likely to be used, whether the services are sufficient to meet the identified unmet needs, and how far the services are offered as planned and actually help people who need by reasonable cost in the poli cies or programs (linfield & posavac, 2019). the evaluative ele ment relates to the type of data (previous policy results) that col lected so as to help facilitate the precise ascertainment of the extent to which the defined objectives have been fulfilled and with respect to the durations and techniques in a particular field (natural sciences, social sciences, statistics or economics) (knoepfel et al., 2011). (knoepfel et al., 2011) use the term ‘operational element’ here because it defines the means used to motivate those affected (par ticularly target groups) to comply with the policy provisions. this is the sine qua non condition for rendering a policy operational. without this indispensable element, even the most legitimate objectives will go unheeded. this ‘motivation’ can take a num ber of forms, the following 4 (four) are the main forms usually identified in this context: first, the regulatory mode is based on bans, obligations and the allocation of various rights that ma y be the object of sanctions in the case of failure to respect them. in jurnal studi pemerintahan this mode, the operational elements cover the general prohibi tion of an activity (for example, construction), the lifting of a ban by the granting of a permit or special authorization (for ex ample, authorization to use something, authorization to market something), and in the form of a general obligation (to wear a safety belt or safety helmet, for example) with a sanction (for example, fine) imposed in the case of non-compliance. second, the incentive mode is more direct than the regulatory mode. it works on the basis of financial payments aimed at influ encing the behavior of target groups by means of the ‘price sig nal’. the incentive may be of a negative (tax, incentive levy) or positive nature (tax relief, subsidy) with the intention of (re)distributive effects. third, the persuasive mode uses an infor mation strategy to convince target groups of the proposed objec tives. this type of public action often accompanies other forms of intervention. it may, however, become the main mode of ac tion, particularly in areas involving personal liberties that are strongly protected by constitutional rights. this is mainly the case with public health policies (for example, the fight against aids, prevention of tobacco use and illegal drug addiction) and efforts to combat racism. fourth, the last intervention mode in volves the direct supply of goods and services to the public. this is obvious in the case of many social benefits. on the other hand, as stated above there are two derivatives of institutional elements. first, political-administrative arrange ments (paa). these provisions of the paa refers to the choice of competent actors/authorities for the implementation of the policy and the administrative services/allocation of resources, in par ticular human resources (for example: number of posts, profes sional qualifications) and financial resources (technical equip ment, budget provided to cover ongoing expenses). second, pro cedural elements. the provision of public services generally ne cessitates the observance of minimal procedures, not only for the purpose of creating a consensus with regard to the basic data. therefore, procedural elements play an important role, the scope 338 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 339 of the procedural elements include, for example, the administra tive decision, public law contract, directives and other special instruments to ensure the transparency of the exchange of infor mation. more generally, the procedural elements of policies de termine the roles and relative power of policy actors in the con text of all implementation processes later. in this sense, they should be interpreted as institutional rules, either general or spe cific to public policy (for example, consumer protection policies, environment policies, labor policies) (knoepfel et al., 2011). vocational education apart from general education, vocational education is one of the main spectrums in the universe of education. principally, vocational education can take place at the level of higher educa tion, secondary education, post-school, courses and training as well as other education / training. vocational education is formu lated to develop the abilities of soft skills and (especially) hard skills for prepare human resources (work or entrepreneurship) to have values that can contribute significantly to increased productivity. a further projection is that the implementation of vocational education is expected to contribute progressively to increasing the nation’s competitiveness. the ilo (together with unesco) uses the terminology tvet (technical and vocational educa tion and training) to refer to those aspects of the educational process involving, in addition to general education, the study of technologies and related sciences, and the acquisition of practi cal skills, attitudes, understanding and knowledge relating to occupations in various sectors of economic and social life ( pilz, 2017). although it is often not the main choice, vocational educa tion is a significant and pithy project to develop the necessary capacities to meet the needs of society, help individuals identify and become competent in their chosen occupations, and main tain those competencies throughout a long working life, all of jurnal studi pemerintahan which depend on the process of thinking and acting (billett, 2016). dewey stated that vocational education has two key goals: help individuals to identify jobs that are suitable for them and de velop the capacity to do those jobs (david guile & unwin, 2019). nowadays vocational qualifications need to be expanded to face the challenges of the industrial revolution 4.0 (even 5.0)and the capabilities of the twenty-first century. industry needsvocational education that prioritizes individual development andsocial goals such as critical thinking, adaptability, creativity, and entrepreneurship as prerequisites for workforce relevance (hodge, atkins, & simons, 2016; billett, 2016; jones, 2018). meanwhile, rauner classified 8 components of work competence in the vo cational education ecosystem such as: creativity, clearness/pre sentation, functionality, sustainability, efficiency/effectiveness, orientation on business and work process, social responsibility, and environmental responsibility. vocational education and training is very important for the competitiveness of industries in leading manufacturing countries. in germany which has a prominent dual vet system by inte grates both work-based practice and school-based learning through the complete course of the study, the employers have a core role as they are committed to recruit students and provide them with the practical skills and education needed (niranjan, 2018). mean while in nordic countries like norway for example, vocational education (particularly vocational colleges) seen as sources of important and desirable knowledge and competence. the man date of vocational colleges in norway is to offer education pro grams that are needed in working life and are attractive for stu dents, close cooperation with local, regional and national indus try and businesses. as a result, the demand for labor graduated from vocational colleges is further emphasized in recent norwe gian industrial policy (lund & karlsen, 2020). 340 labor market a labor market is a group of jobs, between which workers can vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 341 switch with relative ease (for example, computer programmers, lawyers, or unskilled workers), located within a geographic area usually defined by the commuting distance of workers (naidu, posner, & weyl, 2018). concerns about the lack of competition in the labor market have reached policy debates. there is growing concern about increasing market concentration and its po tential effects on the economy, including increasing markups and decreasing share of the workforce (azar, marinescu, & steinbaum, 2020). the european union (28 countries) have initiated a new wave of workforce market reforms after 2008-2009 crisis to address a several of issues, including segmentation of labor market. this is particularly the case with reforms in labor protection, namely protection against dismissals and restrictions on contracts for certain periods of time; the generosity and coverage of unem ployment benefits; and the intensity of active labor market poli cies (eichhorst, marx, & wehner, 2017). meanwhile, in many anglophone countries, especially in australia and canada, im proving the relationship between post-secondary qualifications and employment depends more on the structure of the labor market than on the nature of qualifications: it is primarily a matter of demand for qualifications rather than supply (wheelahan & moodie, 2017). germany, canada, the united kingdom, austria is an among other countries who focusing on developing solid, innovative vocational education aspects to bolster their future labor strate gies (jones, 2018). in china case, since government promoted transition of the economic system from a planned economy to a market-oriented economy in 1978, china has experienced rapid economic development and huge economic growth. the chi nese government enforced gradualism labor market reform in which the government retains and controls the public sector (e.g. state-owned enterprises), and simultaneously promotes the pri vate sector (e.g. privately owned enterprises, foreign-owned en terprises, and the self-employed sector) (ma, 2018). jurnal studi pemerintahan nowadays, the covid-19 pandemic that has hit the world has had a huge impact on various lines of life. the oecd has called the impact of changes in pandemic conditions a “double hit”. in the oecd projection, besides causing the gdp of oecd coun tries to fall 9.3% in 2021, the double hit also significantly in creases unemployment in all oecd countries. according to the oecd, unemployment in oecd countries has fallen to its low est level in 50 years at 5.3% at the end of 2019, but has more than doubled at the end of june 2020 to nearly 11.4%. the in crease is well above the levels seen during the global financial crisis (oecd, 2020). this phenomenon is illustrated in the be low graph: graph 2. unemployment rate of the labor force in oecd countries source: oecd (2020) in the double hit scenario unemployment remains high, last ing even longer in oecd countries, increasing the risk of hys teresis as long-term unemployment takes root and the participa tion workforce falls. the oecd-wide unemployment rate is pro jected to be 8.9% by the end of 2021 under this scenario. em ployment is projected to decline significantly in most oecd countries with the largest declines in colombia, the united states and ireland (oecd, 2020). if the double hit scenario does not abate for the next 4 years, then there will be a bigger employment problem. this is because the oecd predicts that in 2025 there will be an escalation in the use of robots to support employment functions in various 342 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 343 lines of life. the cost of industrial robots continues to decline and the cost of labor is increasing, the cost savings of using tech nology to replace the workforce are starting to become signifi cant, even in developing countries. south korea, japan, and canada are the top 3 countries with the highest percentage of robot adoption in 2025 with a percentage of 33%, 25%, and 24% (oecd, 2019). state of the art of the research the table below describes previous studies on public policy topics. the description of the state of the art is also intended to compare and knowing the novel and unique of this research. table 1. state of the art of the research no. research title (author, year) theory/ concept research methods results 1 analyzing coalitions in china’s policy formulation: reforming the role of stateowned enterprises in china’s energy sector (efird, lester, & wise, 2016) the expected utility model and the senturion model analysis of plausible outcomes of the collective decision making processes (cdmps) china that may be engaged in over the role of its state owned enterprises in the upstream oil and gas sector. also, analysis used kapsarc toolkit for behavioral analysis (ktab) to construct a particular model of cdmps, based on the spatial model of politics (smp) regarding of private companies’ entry into energy markets in china, the research find that little reform is likely. the inertia of key actors holds back the potential for a significant opening of the energy sector. despite the erosion of cnpc’s political clout, there is little consensus for major reform to china’s market position. 2 the importance of public diplomacy in formulating a maritime policy for the indian ocean region (senaratne, 2016) public diplomacy concept content analysis method the use of public diplomacy is a beneficial tool in formulating a common maritime policy. it also argues that this tool is useful in influencing public and governments in cooperating towards formulating and implementing policies and strategies that are important for maritime safety and security in the indian ocean region. jurnal studi pemerintahan 344 no. research title (author, year) theory/ concept research methods results 3 is the participatory hierarchy of case study regarding (decisional) participation has formulation of policy strategies participation formulating austrian adaptation policies its benefits in formulating comprehensive policy worth the effort? the case of through stakeholder involvement section strategies but that it is most likely not able to overhaul climate change stakeholder well-documented adaptation in austria weaknesses, such as weak political commitment and (prutsch, steurer, & stickler, 2018) implementation failures. 4 electronic smarrt literature study from the adoption of electronic governance government resources such as: governance is yet to be platform: towards framework books, journals and achieved due to the low level overcoming the (simple, government websites of of literacy rate and government challenges of moral, 20 states were analysed inability to provide the non-inclusion of accountable, to ascertain whether necessary infrastructure. the citizens in public responsive, there are avenues for federal government of nigeria policy formulation responsible citizens to interact with should be produce a sound and and governments in policy and clear guideline on how to implementation in transparent formulation as a way of adopt electronic governance in nigeria government) promoting participatory policy formulation through an (gberevbie, ayo, iyoha, duruji, & governance increase in budgetary allocation towards abasilim, 2018) infrastructural development and mass education of citizens. 5 vocational skill quantitative research by a large section of the education and development nationally representative population in the age group training in india: a of vocational survey on employment 15–59 years does not have any labour market education and unemployment kind of formal training. among perspective (agrawal & and training (vet) the vet holders, a large share is accounted for by non-formal agrawal, 2017) trainees. quite a high proportion of formal trainees in the workforce remain unemployed reflecting under utilization of human resource. 6 socio-technical socioqualitative approach the 4th ir’s association with imaginary of the technical with literature review digitalization and artificial fourth industrial imaginary intelligence is ambivalent. revolution and its implications for concept meanwhile, technology and artificial intelligence are vocational education and entwined with social relations, being sites of class struggle. training: a literature review (avis, 2018) vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 345 no. research title (author, year) theory/ concept research methods results 7 the importance of vocational education institutions in manufacturing regions: adding content to a broad definition of regional innovation systems (lund & karlsen, 2020) 8 vocational education qualifications’ roles in pathways to work in liberal market economies (wheelahan & moodie, 2017) innovation systems framework vocationally oriented qualifications concept qualitative approach with descriptive methods case studies based on australia and canada experience at three levels of analysis: at the national level, meso level, and by whether qualifications are used as a signal in regulated occupations or as a screen in unregulated occupations. skilled workers and engineering technicians is the keys when implementing new manufacturing technologies. furthermore, the research explain how the vocational education institutions and regional innovation systems (riss) are co-evolving with emerging technologies in terms of changed knowledge demands in the industry, prompting new education programmes in vocational education institutions. improving links between postsecondary qualifications and occupations depends more on the structure of the labour market than on the nature of qualifications: it is mainly an issue of the demand for qualifications rather than their supply. source: processed by researchers (2021) although the topic is relatively same with the researchs be fore, which is regarding policy formulation and vocational edu cation, but from various contexts, this research is different from the eight studies above. for example, from the context of sub stance, there has been no research that has tried to analyze as pects of policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market. in addition, from the context of the research locus, no research with this substance has been conducted in indonesia. therefore, this research clearly has its own novelty. jurnal studi pemerintahan research method this research used a qualitative method with a phenomeno logical study. a qualitative approach was chosen to be able to further exploration and understanding the meaning of individu als or groups ascribe to a social or human problem (w. j. creswell & creswell, 2018). meanwhile, phenomenological studies de scribe the common meaning for several individuals of their lived experiences of a concept or a phenomenon to be a description of the universal essence (j. w. creswell & poth, 2018). in the context of this research, phenomenological studies are internal ized to getting a grasp of the very nature of policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor mar ket in indonesia. this research utilized primary data and secondary data. pri mary data obtained from in-depth interview and online observa tion. in-depth interviews conducted through the zoom meeting application and based on purposive technique. meanwhile, online observation conducted through the youtube application. the peoples who in charge of policy formulation in integrating voca tional education graduates with the labor market in indonesia were selected to be interviewed deeply and determined as sub jects in online observations such as: such as: minister of educa tion, culture, research and technology, deputy chairman of the indonesian chamber of commerce and industry for man power sector, director general of vocational education, and director of courses and training directorate general of voca tional education, ministry of education, culture, research and technology. on the other hand, secondary data obtained from desk study on the documents such as: national medium-term develop ment plan 2020-2024, strategic plan of the directorate general of vocational education 2020-2024, law of the republic of in donesia number 13 of 2003 concerning employment, law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2020 concerning job creation, regulation of the minister of education, culture, re 346 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 347 search, and technology, handbook of priority programs at the directorate general of vocational education, directorate annual report, report of the performance and budget evaluation, etc. data collection was carried out from november 2020 to march 2021. in addition, in order for the research to be more contex tual, research was limited by determining the focus of research which was determined based on indicators in substantive ele ments and institutional elements of public policy formulation, namely: 1) concrete objectives; 2) evaluative elements; 3) op erational elements; 4) political-administrative arrangements (fi nancial means and other resources); and 5) procedural elements (knoepfel et al., 2011). data were analyzed through three con current flows of activity: (1) data condensation, (2) data display, and (3) conclusion drawing / verification (miles, huberman, & saldana, 2014). result and discussion concrete objectives at the macro level, concrete objectives in policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia are reflected in the objectives, indicators, and targets of national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) 2020-2024 who designed by the national development planning agency (bappenas). in the rpjmn document, there are 9 objectives which projected throughout 2020-2024. the as pect of the relevance of education and manpower is included in the seventh objective, namely increasing labor productivity and creating employment opportunities. the indicators and target on these objectives are showed in table 2. the data in the table above clearly shows that the proportion of job opportunities per year is not equal with the number of graduates in vocational education and training in indonesia. as a baseline, in 2020 number of employment in the labor market is only in the range of 2.7 to 3 million people, while the number of graduates in vocational education and training reaches 3.82 jurnal studi pemerintahan million people, so that there is unemployment gap of 820 thou sand 1.12 million people. table 2 objectives, indicators, and, targets of national medium-term develop ment plan (rpjmn) 2020-2024 objectives indicators target in 2020 target in 2024 348 increasing labor productivity and creating provision of employment per year 2.7 3.0 million people 2.7 3.0 million people employment opportunities number of vocational education and training graduates 3.82 million people 5.96 million people gap 820 thousand – 2.96 3.26 million 1.12 million people people source: bappenas (2019)(data processed by researchers) in 2024 too, even with a bigger gap. this is because the pro jection number of employment in the labor market is still same in the range of 2.7 to 3 million people, while the number of graduates in vocational education and training has increased sig nificantly until 5.96 million people. this practically also creates a bigger gap, the number of unemployed graduates of vocational education and training in 2024 is projected to reach 2.96 3.26 million people. this reality is very worrying, especially in a pandemic like to day. an empirical studies using google trends data and the arimax model showed that during the covid-19 pandemic period (2020) in indonesia the open unemployment rate is ex pected to increase, with a range of 5.46% to 5.70% (rizky, fajar, prasetyo, & nonalisa, 2020). the national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) 2020-2024 is a development reference, both at the central gov ernment level and at local government level. at the central gov ernment level, ministries and agencies internalize the rpjmn through the ministry strategic plans or agency strategic plans. whereas at the local government level, provincial and district/ city government abstract the rpjmn into the medium-term local development plan (rpjmd). in the context of the directorate general of vocational edu vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 349 cation, ministry of education, culture, research and technol ogy, there are strategic plan of the ministry of education, cul ture, research and technology 2020-2024. in that strategic plan indicators, there are strategic objective performance indicators or commonly abbreviated as ikss and program performance indicators or commonly abbreviated as ikp. the ikss is a mea suring tool that indicates the success of achieving the strategic goals of ministries/agencies, while ikp is a measuring tool that indicates the success of achieving the results (outcomes) of a pro gram. at the operational level (micro), concrete objectives in policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia are reflected in the ikss and ikp of directorate general of vocational education, ministry of education, culture, research and technology below: table 3. performance indicators of the directorate general of vocational education 2021-2024 strategic objective program performance meatarget performance indicators (ikss) indicators (ikp) sure 2021 2022 2023 2024 percentage of percentage of vocational high % 66,5 67,7 68,8 70,0 vocational education school (smk) graduates who graduates who get get employment/entreprene employment/entrepreneurship urship within 1 year after graduation with a within 1 year after graduation with a minimum salary of 1x minimum salary of 1x regional minimum wage regional minimum (umr) (ikp 2.4.1) wage (umr) (ikss 2.4) percentage of higher % 54,1 56,1 58,0 60,0 education institutions providing vocational education graduates who get employment/entrepreneurship within 1 year after graduation with a minimum salary of 1,2x regional minimum wage (umr) (ikp 2.4.2) percentage of coursework and % 56,3 57,5 58,7 60,0 training graduates who get employment/entrepreneurship (ikp 2.4.3) source: culture (2021)(data processed by researchers) jurnal studi pemerintahan directorate general of vocational education, ministry of education, culture, research and technology includes the per centage of vocational education graduates who get employment/ entrepreneurship within 1 year after graduation with a minimum salary of 1x regional minimum wage (umr) as ikss. the ikss is broken down into 3 ikp which represent vocational education entities such as: vocational high school (smk), higher educa tion institutions providing vocational education, and course and training institute. based on table 3, it can be analyzed that among the three ikps there is one that is irrelevant, namely the ikp 2.4.3. ikp which represents the target of the course and training institute does not have a concrete minimum number. whereas in ikss it is clearly stated that the percentage of vocational education gradu ates who get employment / entrepreneurship within 1 year after graduation have been targeted getting minimum salary of 1x regional minimum wage (umr). in addition, the target set and the increase each year is still relatively low because the average increase is only in the range of 1% to 2%. the most critical note is in ikp 2.4.2, because when compared with similar targets at the directorate general of higher education, ministry of education, culture, research and technology the number differ greatly. if in directorate general of vocational education, ministry of education, culture, re search and technology (as shown on the table 3) the targe t since 2021 until 2024 is 54,1%, 56,1%, 58%, and 60%, in directorate general of higher education di the same period (2021-2024) is 80%, 81%, 82%, and 82% (ministry of education, culture, research, 2020). it can be summarized that concrete objectives at the macro level are less feasible. explicitly, it is clear that there is a large gap because in the national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) 2024 the projected number of provision of employ ment per year is much smaller than the number of vocational education and training graduates. this gap results in the high 350 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 351 potential for unemployment of vocational education graduates in the future. for this matter, when the government dares to set a big target for vocational education and training graduates, it should also be accompanied by a responsibility to provide (tar geting) large employment opportunities as well. meanwhile, at the micro level concrete objectives, there are two important aspects that deserve the attention of policymakers. first, the need for the course and training institute to have a concrete minimum number in the program performance indica tors (ikp). this is important because the course and training institute is one of the entities in the vocational education ecosys tem besides vocational high school (smk) and higher educa tion institutions providing vocational education. therefore, if vocational high schools (smk) and higher education institu tions providing vocational education have a concrete minimum number in the performance indicators (ikp) program, the course and training institute should also have it. second, the need for the directorate general of higher edu cation, ministry of education, culture, research and technol ogy to reformulate the target of program performance indicators 2.4.2 (percentage of higher education institutions providing vocational education graduates who get employment/entrepre neurship within 1 year after graduation with a minimum salary of 1.2x regional minimum wage). this is because when com pared to the directorate general of higher education, ministry of education, culture, research and technology, the gap is quitefar (20% to 28%). whereas, in terms of levels, both of them are equally at the higher education level, the basic difference is only in terms of nature, higher education is more academic, while vocational higher education is more practical. evaluative elements in the context of policy formulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia, evalua tive elements will be analyzed from the main policies of each jurnal studi pemerintahan educational entity at the directorate general of vocational edu cation ministry of education, culture, research, and technol ogy in 2020. as stated by the director general of vocational education that “in the entity of vocational high school, the main policy is the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe). the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) policy in 2020 aims to improve learning in the world of work, increase the competence of teachers and heads of vocational high schools, as well as their facilities and infrastructure. meanwhile, the priority areas in the smk coe include: machinery and con struction, creative economy, hospitality, care services, and for eign cooperation. the implementation of the smk coe was fol lowed by 491 vocational high schools from a total of 2043 vo cational high school registrants, either public and private voca tional high schools. in the vocational higher education entity, the main policies are the vocational higher education strengthening program (ppptv). ppptv aims to encourage the improvement of the quality of vocational higher education learning through revitaliz ing learning facilities, improving the quality of human resources, increasing partnerships with the world of work, and encourag ing the production of quality online modules. ppptv was at tended by 57 state universities and 113 vocational education organizing college study programs” (interview, 15 march 2021). on the other hand, for the course and training entity, the main policies are employment skills education (pkk) and en trepreneurial skills education (pkw). employment skills edu cation (pkk) is an education and training service program that is oriented towards developing work skills in accordance with industrial needs, given to students so that they have competence in certain skill areas as evidenced by a certificate of competence to work and be absorbed in the industrial world, the business world, and other world of work (education, 2021a). meanwhile, entrepreneurial skills education (pkw) is an 352 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 353 educational service through courses and training to provide knowledge, skills and foster entrepreneurial mental attitudes in managing self-potential and the environment that can be used as provisions for entrepreneurship and pioneering the establishment of independent businesses guided by business partners (educa tion, 2021b). in terms of recipient category (public and private schools), the number of recipients of vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) is quite fair. this is because the gap be tween private vocational high schools and state vocational high schools is not too far away. there are 270 state vocational high schools, while private vocational high schools are 221 schools. however, from perspective of quantity, the policy targets for the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) are still very minimal. this is because only 491 vocational high schools are designated as smk coe out of a total of 14.379 vo cational high schools, it is meaning that only 3,41% of voca tional high schools who have been smk coe throughout indo nesia. moreover, from the perspective of regional distribution, the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) policy is still uneven. this premise is evidenced in the data below: table 4. distribution of vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) in indonesia no. islands number of smk coe 1 java 2.27% 2 sumatra 0.50% 3 borneo 0.25% 4 west nusa tenggara, east nusa tenggara, and bali 0.20% 5 celebes 0.14% 6 papua and maluku 0.05% total 3.41% source: directorate of vocational high school (2020) (data processed by researchers) based on the data above, it is explicitly seen that the voca tional high school center of excellence (smk coe) policy is still centered on java with a percentage of 66,4%, the gap is so jurnal studi pemerintahan far if compared to the regions with the lowest number (papua and maluku) which are only 1,6%. these data indicate that the smk coe policy is not yet fully optimized and still needs im provements. based on the results of online observations in youtube application, on one occasion the minister of educa tion, culture, research, and technology also acknowledged that “there are still several problems that need to be resolved in the vocational high school (smk) entity. smk is still difficult to answer the needs of the world of work, there are still various challenges that must be resolved after the smk coe policy, in cluding: opportunities to increase the competence of teachers, heads of vocational high schools, and supervisors of vocational high schools who in line with the needs of the world of work still a few, not all vocational high schools have facilities that meet standards, school management still tends to be burdened with administrative matters, not all vocational high schools have developed a curriculum with the world of work, the synergy of stakeholders (including the world of work) in the vocational high schools development program is still lacking” (online observa tion, 17 march 2021). graph 3. indicators of vocational higher education strengthening program (ppptv) source: directorate of vocational and professional higher education (2021) (data processed by researchers) meanwhile, for the main policies of vocational higher edu cation entity namely vocational higher education strengthen ing program (ppptv), from the 6 policy indicators, all indica 354 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 355 tors increased significantly compared to before the vocational higher education strengthening program (ppptv). this is shown in the graph 3. however, there is a minor note from the policy evaluation of the vocational higher education strengthening program (ppptv), namely the low number of applicants who pass the early selection. as stated by the director of vocational and pro fession higher education “there were 255 proposals submitted, but at the early stage of selection (administrative selection) only 142 proposals passed. from this we can conclude that the under standing toward guidebook is relatively low” (interview, 06 march 2021). on the other hand, the main policies of course and training entity, namely employment skills education (pkk) and entre preneurial skills education (pkw), from the aspect of achieving targets both of policies are relatively successful. this is because the pkk target is 50,000 recipients and pkw 16,000 recipients, while the realization of the two policies is able to exceed the target. as stated by the director of courses and training “the ministry of education, culture, research and technology has distributed pkk to 53.744 students and pkw assistance to 16.676 students throughout indonesia” (interview, 05 march 2021). this achievement is quite good, because the two policies were just launched last year. based on the empirical data above, it can be analyzed that the evaluative elements in vocational high school, namely the vo cational high school center of excellence (smk coe) are still not fully optimal. there are several critical notes that need to be paid attention by policy makers. for example, related to priority areas that only cover 5 fields (machinery and construction, cre ative economy, hospitality, care services, and foreign coopera tion). with a very large number of vocational high schools and fields which also very heterogeneous, the scope should be ex panded, especially in the current pandemic conditions. other fields such as: health, finance, food and beverages, digi jurnal studi pemerintahan tal marketing, and other essential fields need to be considered to be included in the development of the school center of excel lence (smk coe) program in the future. if the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) program is to be con tinued and developed, the target recipient needs to be increased to a minimum of 10% of the total vocational high schools throughout indonesia. also, the distribution of vocational high school program recipients needs to be more equitable, not to be concentrated in one area only (such as in java), so that the ben efits can be felt equally by all eligible smk throughout indone sia. meanwhile, the evaluative elements in vocational higher education, namely the vocational higher education strength ening program (ppptv) in general can be said to be good, be cause there are significant achievements of the indicators. how ever, considering the fact that the number of applicants is still relatively small, and those who pass the outset stage (administra tive selection) are also very few, a special strategy is needed if this policy is to be continued. for example, by increasing the inten sity of socialization and increasing socialization media in various channels. even (if necessary), the socialization event is always attended and filled directly by the director general of vocational education and the director of vocational and professional higher education. on the other hand, the evaluative elements in vocational higher education, namely employment skills education (pkk) and entrepreneurial skills education (pkw), although in terms of achievement, they are able to exceed the target, but more ad vanced measurements are needed regarding outcomes, even thei r impacts. for example, the measurement of whether or not the work capacity and entrepreneurship of program recipients have increased or not. although from a financial perspective (possi bly) it will require a big additional budget, but substantively this measurement will be able to better understand the utility of the policy/program. 356 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 357 operational elements the results of research observations showed that the direc torate general of vocational education of the ministry of edu cation, culture, research, and technology takes the third form, namely the persuasive mode uses an information strategy to con vince target groups of the proposed objectives. based on the re sults of online observations in youtube application, on one oc casion the minister of education, culture, research, and tech nology said that “vocational education must link and match with industry or the world of work. elements of link and match be tween vocational and industry or the world of work include: 1) the curriculum comes from industrial partners; 2) practitioners and lecturers come from industry; 3) marriage certificate (recruit ment agreement). the essence of the benefits of the link and match policy for the industry or the world of work is the effi ciency of cost elements such as: saving on education and train ing costs, time efficiency, and accelerating their business” (online observation, 22 march 2021). the directive from the minister of education, culture, re search, and technology is internalized by the director general of vocational education in all policies in vocational education entities which include vocational high schools, vocational higher education, and courses and training institutions to be persuaded to focus on aspects of link and match with industry and the world of work. as he stated that “vocational education is a pillar of progress in any developed country. the main indica tor is the link and match between vocational and industry and the world of work. the main policy of the directorate general of vocational education is the link and match between voca tional high schools, vocational higher education, and courses and training institutions with industry and the world of work” (online observation, 22 march 2021). furthermore, he even stated that the link and match concept consists of 8 + i packages and is a solution to reduce unemploy ment: “the solution to reduce unemployment is the application jurnal studi pemerintahan of 8 + i link and match packages” (online observation, 22 march 2021). table 5. the concept of 8 + i link and match packages no. packages points/descriptions 1 1 the curriculum is prepared with the world of work (business and/or industry). 2 2 real project-based learning (pbl) from the world of work world of work (business and/or industry) to ensure hard skills will be accompanied by soft skills and strong characters. 3 3 increasing the quantity of teachers/lecturers/instructors from experts in the work world of work (business and/or industry) to teach in vocational education entities at least 50 hours per semester per study program. 4 4 internship or work practice for vocational students in the world of work (business and/or industry) minimum 1 semester. 5 5 competency certification that is in line with the standards and needs of the world of work (business and/or industry) which is intended for graduates of vocational education as well as teachers/lecturers/instructors. 6 6 teachers/lecturers/instructors regularly receive technology updates and training from the world of work (business and/or industry). 7 7 applied research on vocational campuses that originates from real cases or needs in the world of work (business and/or industry) and society (as the basis for teaching industry and teaching factories) in collaboration with the world of work and stakeholders. 8 8 commitment to absorption of vocational education graduates by the world of work (business and/or industry). 9 + i various possibilities of cooperation that can be carried out with the world of work (especially industry), among others: scholarships and/or official ties, donations in the form of laboratory equipment, and others. source: processed results from in-depth interview (15 march 2021) from a concept perspective, the 8 + i link and match strate gies or packages are quite ideal. this is because the points in the 8 + i link and match are fundamental and very much needed to be realized in every vocational education entity. however, be cause the concept was initiated along with the inauguration of the director general of vocational education in mid-2020, the impact of the concept has not been significant. the director general of vocational education stated that “out of about 2,000 vocational campuses, 14,000 vocational high schools, 17,000 course and training institutes, only about 20-30% have linked 358 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 359 and matched with the world of work in various forms of link and match packages. for example, in vocational high schools every year the curriculum is synchronized with industry needs and sev eral applied research on vocational campuses that have collabo rated with the world of work (business and/or industry)” (online observation, 22 march 2021). however, the 20-30% justification was doubted by the deputy chairman of the indonesian chamber of commerce and in dustry for manpower sector who stated that “the 20% percent age that was said by the director general of vocational educa tion was link and match, in fact the link and match was not fully optimal. to realize link and match holistically, indonesia can use germany as the best example. in germany, when a student is still in junior high school, he or she can already decide where to work and what profession they will be by choosing the rel evant vocational school. for example, if you want to work at mercedes, students just need to look for a vocational school that works with mercedes, and look for what area of expertise they want (whether as mechanics, mechatronics, etc.). with a dura tion of 3 years attending smk with a proportion of 70% prac tice, after passing without a test, you can immediately work at mercedes. in malaysia, it is the same, following the system in germany, so that 80% of junior high school graduates choose to enter smk because of better job opportunities. the indicator is that 80-90% of smk graduates will be absorbed in the world of work. the rest (10%-20%) become entrepreneurs or continue their studies” (online observation, 22 march 2021). based on the empirical facts above, it can be analyzed that although in terms of the concept of operational elements which represented through 8 + i link and match is quite ideal, but the justification that vocational education entities consisting of vo cational high schools, vocational higher education, and course and training institutions have 20-30% link and match with the world of work needs to be reviewed. the directorate general of vocational education, ministry of education, culture, research, jurnal studi pemerintahan and technology needs to make an empirical study that can prove (periodically) the percentage of link and match achievement and the level of application of each link and match package in each vocational education entity. it would be better if the study was carried out in collaboration with the world of work (business and/or industry) so that objectivity could be more adequate. meanwhile, as a form of transparency and accountability, the directorate general of vocational education, ministry of edu cation, culture, research, and technology needs to publish the results to the public periodically. in addition, the directorate general of vocational education periodically needs to conduct an open dialogue with policy implementers (vocational high schools, vocational higher edu cation, and courses and training institutions) and the world of work (business and/or industry) to find out how they respond to the link and match 8+i package, what are the obstacles that oc cur in the field in implementing the policy, and absorb input to improve the concept of 8+i link and match. if the mechanism can be implemented, the persuasive mode to convince target groups of the proposed objectives will be more deliberative be cause the space for public discourse is wide open. figure 2. organizational structure of the directorate general of vocational education 360 source: regulation of the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia number 9 of 2020 (2020) vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 361 political-administrative arrangements based on the regulation of the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia number 9 of 2020 con cerning amendments to the regulation of the minister of edu cation and culture number 45 of 2019 concerning the organi zation and work procedure of the ministry of education and culture, organizational structure of the directorate general of vocational education is illustrated in the figure 2. from the figure 2, there is one echelon i-level official, namely the director general of vocational education and five echelon ii level officials, namely: secretary to the director general of vocational education, director of vocational high schools, di rector of vocational and professional higher education, direc tor of courses and training, and director of partnership and alignment of business and industry. the figure above shows that vocational education entities which mainly include voca tional high schools, vocational and professional higher educa tion, and courses and training have been contained in a legal document in the form of a ministerial regulation. however, it would be great if there was one more echelon ii which focused on research and technology. this is because based on the president’s intention through presidential letter num ber r 14/pres/03/2021 which was made on march 30, 2021, the duties and functions of the ministry of research and tech nology were combined with the ministry of education and cul ture, thus becoming the ministry of education, culture, research and technology. the letter was also approved at the meeting of the deliberative body of the house of representatives of the republic of indonesia on april 8, 2021. therefore, there needs to be adjustments in terms of organi zational governance and substance, so that the research and tech nology function can become a separate focus. this is expected to more help accelerate the 8 + i link and match strategy and pro vide a great impetus for the directorate general of vocational education to contribute optimally in integrating vocational edu jurnal studi pemerintahan cation graduates with the labor market in indonesia. meanwhile, based on the results of the performance and bud get evaluation conducted at the end of 2020, the achievement of the budget performance of the directorate general of vocational education in 2020 is not yet optimal. this is because the budget performance evaluation (eka) score of the directorate general of vocational education only reached 63.96. this value makes the directorate general of vocational education ranked second lowest in the budget performance evaluation (eka) measure ment of a total of 10 main units under the ministry of educa tion, culture, research, and technology (secretary general of the ministry of education, culture, research, 2020). budget performance evaluation (eka) is an instrument for monitoring and evaluating budget performance carried out by the directorate general of budget, ministry of finance, which consists of 4 indicators on implementation aspects, namely: output achievement, consistency, budget absorption, and ef ficiency. this achievement of budget performance evaluation (eka) is relatively contradictory to the realization of budget ab sorption in 2020. in terms of budget absorption in 2020, the directorate general of vocational education is quite good. from the budget ceiling of idr 6.62 trillion, around idr 5.74 trillion was absorbed or equivalent to 86.65% (secretary general of the ministry of education, culture, research, 2020). this indicates that the implementation of the budget alloca tion by the directorate general of vocational education is less effective. four indicators of budget performance evaluation (eka) which consists of: output achievement, consistency, budget absorption, and efficiency have not been achieved opti mally. based on this fact, the directorate general of vocational education needs to conduct an in-depth evaluation to analyze the causes of the low budget performance evaluation (eka) score. the low eka score indicates the low utility of the policy/pro gram, even though the absorption of the budget is high. meanwhile, the projected budget ceiling for the directorate 362 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 363 general of vocational education in 2021 is idr 7.41 trillion. this amount increased by approximately idr 790 billion if com pared to the budget in 2020 (idr 6.62 trillion). in terms of the feasibility of financial resources, this amount is very adequate. however, the results of the 2020 budget performance evalua tion (eka) must be a special note for improving the effective ness of budget allocations in 2021, so that the results of policies and programs do not only reach the output level, but can also achieve outcomes, even the impact of significant positive changes. referring to the importance of political-administrative arrange ments, as well as the severity of the challenges in carrying them out, close collaboration with various parties is required. with the ministry of finance, for example, it is necessary to have a complete and good understanding in terms of budget allocation in every policy or program carried out by all policy or program implementers. with the ministry of manpower, there needs to be collabora tion in precise mapping of the projected workforce needs of vo cational education graduates and their placement in any sectors. in addition, cooperation with local governments (both at the provincial, district/city levels) also plays a crucial role, especially in the framework of decentralization, where regional leaders have autonomy and become one of the determinants of the success of the administration of government affairs (rahman, sahar, putra, & diliawan, 2018), including education field. procedural elements indonesia’s main policies in terms of employment are con tained in the law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2020 concerning job creation. there are four points of objec tives in the law which include: a) creating and increasing em ployment opportunities by providing convenience, protection, and empowerment for cooperatives and micro, small and me dium enterprises (umkm) as well as national industry and trade as an effort to absorb the widest possible number of indonesian jurnal studi pemerintahan workers while still taking into account the balance and progress between regions within the national economic unit; b) ensure that every citizen gets a job, and gets fair and proper remuneration and treatment in an employment relationship; c) make adjustments to various regulatory aspects relating to align ments, strengthening, and protection for cooperatives and mi cro, small and medium enterprises (umkm) as well as national industries; and d) make adjustments to various regulatory aspects related to improving the investment ecosystem, facilitating and accelerating national strategic projects oriented to national in terests based on national science and technology with guided by the ideology of pancasila (goverment of indonesia, 2020). the scope of this law is very broad, because it does not only cover the regulation of the labor sector, but also other strategic areas such as: central government investment and acceleration of national strategic projects, the protection and empowermentof cooperatives and micro, small and medium enterprises (umkm), the field of ease of doing business, the field of research and innovation, and even the land sector. therefore, this law is also often referred as the “omnibus law”. in terms of the objectives this law at first glance looks ideal, however there are some fragility of substance in the clauses in it. also, although in terms of the scope of this law, it is very broad because it covers many fields (as described above), but because this research is limited in the labor area, the discussion and analy sis in this sub-discussion will be focused on the labor area issues in this law. first, the issue of a specific time work agreement (pkwt). one of the crucial things that was changed in the job creation law in the employment chapter is the provision re garding the period of a specific time work agreement (pkwt). the job creation law abolished the pkwt time limit provi sions previously regulated in article 59 of the manpower law. the previous employment law (in article 59 paragraph 1) stipu lates that: a specific time work agreement can only be made for certain jobs which according to the type and nature or activities 364 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 365 of the work will be completed within a certain time, namely: a) work that is once completed or temporary in nature; b) work which is estimated to be completed in a not too long time and a maximum of 3 (three) years; c) seasonal work; or d) work related to new products, new activities, or additional products that are still under trial or exploration (goverment of indonesia, 2003). this article is amended in the new job creation law become: a specific time work agreement can only be made for certain jobs which according to the type and nature or activities of the work will be completed within a certain time, namely: a) work that is once completed or temporary in nature; b) work which is estimated to be completed in a not too long time; c) seasonal work; d) work related to new products, new activities, or addi tional products that are still under trial or exploration; or e) work whose type and nature or activities are not permanent (goverment of indonesia, 2020). the change in letter b which removes the restriction on the category of “a maximum of 3 (three) years” correlates with the disappearance of paragraph (4) in article 59 which stipulates that “a specific time work agreement based on a certain period of time can be held for a maximum of 2 (two) years and may only be extended 1 (one) time for a maximum period of 1 (one) year. furthermore, the new job creation law also abolishes the provi sion that a pkwt which has passed a maximum period of 2 years plus 1 year, is legally turned into a work agreement for an indefinite period (permanent employment agreement). the implications of missing these verses are serious. in addi tion to eliminating the maximum period and limitation on ex tension, this new provision also eliminates the opportunity for workers to change their status from contract workers to perma nent workers. in fact, the position of workers in contract work status is much more vulnerable than that of permanent workers. this is (in the end) does not encourage an increase in the ab sorption of vocational education graduates (and even academic graduates as well) in the labor market, but instead becomes a jurnal studi pemerintahan great potential to increase the number of unemployed in indo nesia. second, the issue of a work termination (phk). philosophi cally, work termination in the conception of industrial relations pancasila is something that is highly avoided. thus, it is natural that the work termination arrangements in the previous employ ment law were made very rigid to prevent work termination as much as possible. one of the rigidity of this work termination rule can be seen in article 151 paragraph (2) of the previous employment law which states: in the event that every effort has been made, but termination of employment is unavoidable, then the intention of terminating the employment relationship must be negotiated by the entrepreneur and the trade union/labor union or with the worker/laborer if the worker/laborer concerned is not a member of the trade union/labor union. furthermore, still in the context of law number 23 of 2003, article 151 paragraph (3): in the event that the negotiations as referred to paragraph (2) really do not result in an agreement, the entrepreneur can only terminate the employment relation ship with the worker/laborer after obtaining determination from the industrial relations dispute settlement agency. these two paragraphs are an effort to protect so that work termination are not carried out unilaterally. according to this provision (law number 23 of 2003), every form of work termination must be negotiated by both parties, and if there is no agreement, the work termination can only occur after obtaining a determination from the industrial relations dispute settlement institution. the determination of this industrial relations dispute settle ment institution is also a form of the state’s presence in seeking so that work termination not harm one party. this conception changed drastically in the new job creation law (law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2020). article 151 para graph (2) changes to: “in the event that termination of employ ment is unavoidable, the purpose and reason for the termina tion of employment shall be notified by the entrepreneur to the 366 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 367 worker/laborer and/or the trade union/labor union”. this paragraph raises concerns about the possibility of unilat eral work termination because work termination can only be car ried out through notification from the entrepreneur without having to be preceded by prior negotiations. with these empiri cal facts, this will put workers in a weak position because the work termination procedure becomes easier, this condition in creases the chances of unemployment (especially during the cur rent pandemic). conclusion the output of education graduates at the secondary and higher education levels is usually choosing to work, become an entre preneur, or continue their studies. in the indonesian context, working is still the main choice for graduates of higher educa tion and graduates of secondary schools in the vocational realm. therefore, the formulation of policies in integrating educational graduates with the world of work is crucial, especially in reduc ing unemployment. as stated at the beginning of the study, that the objective of this research is to analyze how the policy formu lation in integrating vocational education graduates with the la bor market in indonesia. by using an analytical knife of the policy formulation formulated by knoepfel (2011) in the framework political administrative program (pap) which consists of the fol lowing elements: concrete objectives, evaluative elements, opera tional elements, political-administrative arrangements, and pro cedural elements, then it can be concluded that the policy for mulation in integrating vocational education graduates with the labor market in indonesia is not fully optimal. it is because despite there are some positive and already good aspects, such as: fair proportions between private vocational high schools and state vocational high schools in the vocational high school center of excellence program (smk coe), the achievement of targets in the employment skills education (pkk) and entrepreneurial skills education (pkw) priority programs, jurnal studi pemerintahan and the strategic conception that is quite ideal within the 8 + i link and match framework, but there are some weaknesses that become critical notes such as: far gap between the projected pro portion of job opportunities per year with the number of gradu ates in vocational education and training, lack of relevance of projections between strategic objective performance indicators (ikss) and program performance indicators (ikp) in the realm of courses and training, low projection target of increasing pro gram performance indicators (ikp) per year until 2024, recipi ents of the vocational high school center of excellence (smk coe) program which is still centralized on the java island, syn ergy of stakeholders (including the world of work) in the voca tional high schools development program is still lacking, there is no echelon ii which is focused on research and technology in the organizational structure of the directorate general of voca tional education, low score of budget performance evaluation (eka), and fragility of the substance of employment in law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2020. references agrawal, t., & agrawal, a. 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(2020). evalu ation of budget performance achievements of the directorate general of voca tional education for fiscal year 2020. senaratne, b. (2016). the importance of public diplomacy in formulating a maritime policy for the indian ocean region. maritime affairs, 12(1), 79–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 09733159.2016.1181393 wheelahan, l., & moodie, g. (2017). vocational education qualifications’ roles in path ways to work in liberal market economies. journal of vocational education and training, 69(1), 10–27. https://doi.org/10.1080/13636820.2016.1275031 http://www3.weforum.org/docs/wef_theglobalcompetitivenessreport2019.pdf http://repositori.kemdikbud.go.id/21385/1/annual%20report%202019-2020.pdf http://repositori.kemdikbud.go.id/21385/1/annual%20report%202019-2020.pdf https://doi.org/10.1080/%2009733159.2016.1181393 https://doi.org/10.1080/13636820.2016.1275031 microsoft word 7-mutiarin 1 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 dyah mutiarin department of government affairs and administration, email: dyahmutiarin@umy.ac.id . public service integrity perception: case study in kutai kartanegara regency, indonesia abstract this paper was aimed to measure the integrity of public service at kutai kartanegara regency, east borneo province, indonesia. the public service integrity can be seen from many perspective such as how the citizens satisfied with the public services provided by the government, how the public perception on combating corruption, and how success the government providing minimum service standard to the public at large. this three forms of public service integrity was the main focuses of this research in kutai kartanegara regency. the phenomenon of public service in kutai kartanegara regency shown out of the tracks and missing to convey the importance of public service values, characterized by uncertainty of charges, time, and procedures. the research used the quantitative methods by scoring 3 indexes, which are the citizen satisfaction index, corruption perception index, and minimum service standard index. this research used nonprobability sampling method, also judgment sampling procedure, in the development and compilation of the citizens satisfaction index. there were 57 local government agencies that served as the samples. the results of this research were the public service integrity perceptions in kutai kartanegara regency was need to be improved on the quantity and quality of public service delivery, commitment and efforts to create a clean government, transparency and accountability espe cially on e-procurement and to implement minimum service standards in every government offices. keywords: public service, citizen satisfaction, corruption perception, minimum service standard background public service are about how public servants can be successful in providing basic public service for the people. but public service recently seems out of the track and fails to deliver the importance of public values. according to denhart and denhart’s work (2007), there are some important “driving forces” that have been widely discussed in the field of public administration: the new public management, the national performance review, the managing for results movement, and total quality management (tqm)—to name just a few. denhart point that public service is significant, and most valuable, when public administration can serve citizens to advance the common good. public administrators are responsible for improving the public health, for maintaining public safety, for enhancing the quality of our environment, and myriad other tasks. public service delivery in indonesia is still characterized by uncertainty of charges, time, and procedures. public as users of services often complain about the poor performance of the bureaucracy in organizations. citizens rarely receive the treatment that they deserve from the government and bureaucracy (dwiyanto, 2010: 68). particularly in indonesia, study on governance and decentralization survey 2002, for instance, found at least three important issues that need to be solved in implementing the public services. this study found that there are service discriminations, lack of certainty of services, and low levels of citizens satisfaction through the public services. there are many citizens who still often get difficulties when dealing with bureucracy, unless they are willing to provide and pay more money. it is different with the slogans and promises to provide better services. in fact, the performance of public services offered by government agencies are having problems , and even often disappoint public. the fact shows that the public services are still poor because of high corruption level. the cases of corruption in indonesia shown 93 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 that this country was in the chronic condition of corrup tion. indonesia corruption ranking by transparency international indonesia in 2009 announced that the corruption ranking index ( cri) of indonesia in 2009 is at the position 111 of the 180 countries in the world. meanwhile in asean, indonesia is at the fifth rank out of 10 asean countries which are singapore, brunei darussalam, malaysia, and thailand which are in position 1-4, while vietnam, philippines, cambodia, laos, and myanmar which are in position 6-10. another post-direct election data is derived directly from the findings of the governance assessment survey in 2006 in ten provinces in indonesia shows that the public perception about the public services is still poor. the study shown the cause of business failure in the region is the corrupt bureaucracy (417%), legal certainty over land (33,1%), and regulation uncertainty (25,2%). this information clearly shows that the public services is not yet successful. problem formulation public services in indonesia as well as in kutai kartanegara as one of regency in indonesia become an increasingly strategic issue. kutai kartanegara regency is under the jurisdiction of east borneo province, republic of indonesia. the regency has an area that covers 27,263.10 km2 representing 12.89 percent of the total area of east borneo province of 4,097 km2 (± 15%). the district is endowed with natural resources both on sea and land, which can be put to use to support economic activities of the population in the district. figure 1 the location of kutai kartanegara district source: http://id.wikipedia.org based on national census in 2010, indonesia has 237,105,051 populations, consisting of 119.264.896 male and 117,840,155 female. most of the populations in indonesia live in java island. meanwhile, east borneo province, with a populations of 3,527,334 is 18th in terms of populations (1.49 percent) of the total indonesian populations. good public service become a big challenge for kutai kartanegara government, because of the very complex issues and challenges faced by it. geographically the challenge of the contoured area of the archipelago and separated by rivers and oceans made kutai kartanegara regency has the specific challenges. based on documents of kutai kartanegara regency medium term planning 2011-2015 , can be seen that this area is one of 14 districts/cities located in the province of east borneo. kutai kartanegara regency medium term planning 2011-2015, listed the problem as below: a. human development index (hdi) kartanegara kutai regency in 2008 which is 72.03, was ranked 11th in the province of east borneo. b. poor people in the span of years 20082009 has decreased from 48.160 to 42.480 people. it is caused by the existence of migration , where it was related to the number of people who seek job in this area. c. public service integrity score based on the rating results conducted by indonesia corruption eradication comission (komisi pemberantasan korupsi/kpk) in 2009, kutai district ranks 44th of 52 districts/ cities studied, that is thought to have the under average of public services’ integrity value. the score is 5.59. this paper aims to explore and describe how the public services integrity perception in kutai kartanegara by measure the citizens satisfaction index, corruption perception index, and minimum service standard index. theoritical framework 1. public service integrity public service integrity is a reflection of the degree of autonomy and synergy that exists between local govern ments and the public in the regions driven by the need to enhance the quality of public services. the delivery of better public services, in turn is expected to enhance public welfare. to that end, the quality performance is gauged by change in the extent to which public services 94 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 are in line with basic service needs for better welfare. public service is one of the main tasks to be executed by a state. there are two basic approaches used to measure the quality of public services. first, the approach that is used in the quality of provider performance (the outputs with quality dimensions approach). second, the approach used in the customers/society satisfaction or the client satisfaction approach (martin and kettner, 1996) both of those approaches are distinguished by the difference of focus and data source. the debate on public service begins with the approach that will be used to measure the performance of public services. in this case, there is a process approach , output approach, and a combined approach between the process and results. in an approach, there is diversity of opinion in measuring the performance of public services. levinne (1990) uses a process approach with the responsiveness, responsibility, and accountability indica tors. while gibson, ivancevich, donnelly (1990) and zeithaml, parasuraman, berry (1990) combines a process and result approach as to produce a more complete measurement of service quality. in this case, gibson et al. uses 5 (five) sizes : satisfaction, efficiency, production, adaptation, and development. while zeithaml et al. shows 10 (ten) sizes to see the quality of public services. 1) tangible 2) reliability 3) responsibility 4) competency 5) courtesy 6) credibility 7) security 8) access 9) communication 10) understanding the customers (zeithaml, parasuraman, berry 1990) in indonesia, the minister of bureaucracy reform and apparatus decree no. 63 of 2004 about public services standard introduced the process approach with the characteristics: transparency, accountability, conditional, participative, equal rights, and also the balance of rights and obligations. this decree adopt the principles of public service, those are: a. timeliness b. accuracy c. simplicity d. clarity e. security f. opennes g. responsibility h. completeness of facilities and infrastructure i. comfort j. discipline k. politeness and friendliness l. ease of access the goverment apparatus are required to improve its performance in giving the good quality of public services. it is started from the responsiveness through the public demand, translation in the form of planning, implemen tation and evaluation. thus, the high quality of public services means every effort to help or serve any form of matters which are done by the government apparatus, to fulfill the citizens’ needs and hopes. the assesment through the quality of service cannot be separated from the ability of employees in giving the service and also the provision of physical facilities. in order to improve public service, the government of indonesia issued the minimum service standard. minimum service standard at the region level is an implementation of central government provision which in principle constitute is mandatory as stipulated in article 11, section (4) basic law no. 32 / 2004. it states: “the conduct of government services is mandatory and is based on provisions on minimum service standards which should be implemented in a gradual manner as stipulated by the government”. subsequently, in conducting public service delivery, local governments base their activities on the principle of wide ranging autonomy. it equipped with the authority to make local policies relating to the provision of services, enhance the involvement, initiative, and empowerment of the citizens with the ultimate aim of increasing welfare based on minimum service standard. minimum service standard refers to the types and quality of basic public services that local governments are obliged to deliver to public. in accordance to article 11 /section (4) and article 14 section (3), law no.32/ 2004 on local governments as amended in law no. 8 / 2005 on local government regulation, minimum service delivery standard, is mandatory services for local govern ments. it is related to basic service delivery, both at the provincial government and district/city government level. 95 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 meanwhile, local governments have obligations to develop and implement performance standards and indicators for other services. in implementing minimum service delivery, the local government is required to ensure that public has access to basic public services which must be in accordance with measures that are set by the government. to that end, both in planning and budgeting, there is need to pay attention to minimum service standard principles that encompass simplicity, concreteness, ease to measurability, transparency, affordability, and accountability as well as certainty of delivery time. besides, there is also need to understand that minimum service standard is different from technical standards. this is because technical standards merely provide a supportive role to the attainment of minimum service standards. minimum service delivery standard is obligatory for every local government with respect to conducting issues and affairs that are mandatory under local autonomy. based on local government regulation no.65/2005 on the formation and application of minimum service delivery standards, local governments must provide minimum service standard for public. additionally, another source of guidance for the meaning of minimum service delivery, is the ministry of internal affairs regulation no.6/2007. a clear, certain measure is required for all types of service delivery that are mentioned in indicators of minimum service standard delivery. indicators of minimum service standard delivery are measures of quantitative and qualitative performance which are used as indicators of the level / amount of targets to be attained. indicators of minimum service delivery standards include inputs, process, output, outcomes and or basic benefits. the purpose of minimum service standard is to: 1) ensuring the public’s right to receive a basic service of local government with a certain quality. 2) becomes the basic for determining the financing needs of the region. 3) as the basic form in determining the financial balance and other materials which are fair and transparent. 4). the basic for determining the performance-based budget management. 5). clarify the main tasks of local government and to support the check and balance. 6). promote the transparency and public participation in local gover nance process. local government in designing and setting minimum service standard, need to consider the following principals: a. consensus, which is mutually agreed by the components or units of work that existed at the department/ government institution non-department; b. simple, easy to understand; c. real, has dimensions of space and time, and also requirements and procedures; d. measurable, that can be counted or analyzed; e. open, can be accessed by all citizens or society; f. affordable, which can be achieved with mss, types of other basics services with the resources and funds that exist; g. accountable, that is accountable to the public; and h. gradually, following the development of needs and financial, institutional, and personnel capacity in the achievement of mss. 2. preventing corruption public service integrity can bee seen as an improved public service delivery that are far from corruption, maximum efforts of public services and the satisfactions of citizens towards public service. theoritical discourse that affect the way of thinking in the effort of corruption reducing in indonesia is still mostly focused on the corruption eradication. it should be realized that in this kind of acute corruption problems situation, eradication through the legal approach must always be done to ensure a deterrent effect for the corruptors. but it should be remembered that the efforts to counter corruption that will last for long periods of time is the systematic prevention. 96 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 over all, the issue of transparency to eradicate corruption is something that attends to be highlighted in the society. in this case, the information itself can be formulated as the “resources of knowledge and competence that can be used by individuals for enhancing their economic welfare, political power, or social status” (kristiansen, 2006). the meaning of transparency will support the four fundamental (kristiansen, 2006), namely: 1)increasing the responsibility of policy makers to the society, so that the control through the politicians and bureaucrats will run more effectively; 2) allowing the function of checks and balances to prevent the monopoly of power by bureaucrats; 3) reducing the corruption cases; and 4) increasing the efficiency in public services. it appears that one of the important implication in transparency is an opportunity to reduce the number of corruption cases. procurement of goods/ services can be a vulnerable point of corruption practices. because of that, it is needed an effort to increase the quality of the implementation of the procurement of goods / services. it can be done by some ways, some of them are by doing the transparent procurement, improving the procurement team’s profesionalism, and increasing the surveillance and enforcement. 97 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 the fight against corruption particularly in procurement is conducted by requiring : 1. moral integrity 2. high discipline 3. responsibilities and technical qualifications and also managerial to do the tasks assigned to him 4. certificate of the procurement of goods / services for government the experience for nearly a decade in implementing the decentralization policy shows that the role of the region heads, in this case is the governor, regent or mayor is crucial. there are many areas of the bureaucratic system has been running well, but then its performance dropped sharply because of a corrupt leader. it influences the climate of local government organizations so the corrupt culture is created. but on the other hand, there are many leaders who managed to influence the bureaucratic system so that corruption can be relatively more controlled. research methodology the research using the guideline of minister of bureaucracy reform and apparatus decree no. 25/2004 on guideline on citizens satisfaction index to measure the community satisfaction index. citizens satisfaction index was measured by scoring 14 elements of public service according to the decree. the formula has 3 steps formulation: 98 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 this research using a quantitative methods. in order to gauge the integrity of public service delivery, there was need to collect primary and secondary data. data collection is divided in two categories: 1. survey. the collection of primary data used a survey on service delivery by local government service units in kutai kartanegara district, using citizens service satisfaction index and specifically for local offices/ boards/hospitals, also the development of the delivery service standard. 2. data obtained from the local government service unit of kartanegara district served as the source of secondary data used in this research. data analysis was done in order to determine the level of integrity of public service delivery. tools of analysis used were the citizens service satisfaction tool , corruption perception index , and minimum service delivery index . findings of the indices will serve as focus areas in efforts to improve and enhance the quality of public service delivery in kutai kartanegara district. non-probability sampling method, based on acciden tal, judgment sampling procedure, was used in the development and compilation of the citizens satisfaction index. in all, there were 57 local government agencies that served as the sample. this research using non-probability sampling method, using the quota sampling procedure in collecting data for corruption perception survey index. the expected minimum response rate was 60% or 90 respondents per local government office /service delivery unit. analysis of citizens satisfaction index the provision of public education services constitutes an important element of people’s lives as well as pivotal 99 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 in the creation of good governance in local governments. the goal of public service delivery is to ensure that the public has good access to quality services. quality service delivery is in line with the needs and expectations of users (population). education service is one of the fundamental services for the public. article 5, the basic law no. 20 / 2003 on the system of national education, stipulates that every indonesian citizen has the right to acquire quality education. to that end, the development of citizen satisfaction index with public education service delivery , is aimed at gauging the extent to which the public in kutai kartanegara district are satisfied with the quality of education services provided by the local government. the compilation of the citizen satisfaction index was done determining that the responses on the questionnaires are consistent followed by giving scores to responses. responses were then standardized. the citizen satisfaction index ranges between zero and 100; the higher the score that higher public satisfaction with service delivery. contrariwise, the lower the value of the index, the lower the satisfaction with the quality of services they receive. based on the table 2, it is evident that smun muara has the highest value on the public education service satisfaction index (72.85 falling into the best performance. meanwhile, smun 1 sanga-sanga, smun 1 muara jawa, smun 1 samboja, smun 1 anggana, smun 1 muara badak, and smun 1 tenggarong selatan, achieved low values on the index (60,23 (c), 58,85 (c), 60,72 (c), 59,68 (c), 56,76 (c), and 60,00 (c), respectively due to underperformance on education service provision. to that end, research findings reflect public dissatisfaction with the quality of education service delivery offered at high school level. in light of that there is need for the local education office to take measures that should lead to improvement. poor perfor mance of high schools is also attributable to the quality of working conditions, schools, curriculum, long distance from home to school for students, teachers who lack requisite quality requirements. out of 18 community health centers which served which were surveyed, muara muntai community health center with a value of 74.38 had the highest performance on public service performance index. meanwhile, 2 community health centers, namely, marang kayu and samboja , with index values of 61.54 and 61.34 respec tively, had low index values. the absence of community health centers which registered highest performance on the citizen satisfaction index in kutai kartanegara is a 100 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 reflection of the poor quality of service delivery in the area of public health services. to that end there is need to make improvements in service delivery procedures, discipline of service delivery staff, service provision capability, and pace of delivering services, and affordability of costs of services to users, certainty of cost of service provision for users, and certainty of the schedule of service delivery. thus, findings of the research on public satisfaction index, reveal the condition of community health centers in kutai kartanegara district which is far from good, thereby underscoring the need for the local government to pay special attention to them if service provision is to improve. from the tabel 4, public citizen satisfaction perception index on the performance of local offices in kutai kartanegara district is good. manpower and transmigration office registers the lowest index value (58.01) which is the lowest performance, while the agricultural office registers an index value of 74.67, which was the highest. however, by and large, the performance of most offices in the district on the index is good, there are some elements of the public satisfaction perception index that fall into the low category and need improvement. based on the above information, efforts to make improvements in the quality of public service delivery should be tailored toward offices or areas that register low performance on the citizen satisfaction perception index, while the performance of offices that have high values need to be maintained. improving the quality of public service delivery in kutai kartanegara requires the special attention to be paid to 3 (three) elements: pace of service delivery, certainty of charges/cost of service delivery, and certainty of time in service delivery. analysis of minimum service standard index the maritime and fisheries office registers the highest value on mss index (97.44), which is the highest performance, while industry, trade, and cooperatives office, registers the lowest value on the index (58.97). the variation of the mss performance is attributable to the fact that not all local government service units have established and implemented minimum service standard as required and demanded by the government. of the 18 local government service units surveyed, only six have adopted/implemented minimum service standard delivery. these include health office, education office, am parikesit local government hospital, aji batara dewa agung samboja local government hospital, public works office and manpower and transmigration office. 101 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 the kartesius diagram can be used to reach a conclusion that local government service units which have adopted minimum service delivery standards also have good public satisfaction perception index. to that end, it is necessary for local government to implement minim service delivery standards. analysis of corruption perception the procurement of goods/services, electronically, or e-procurement is in compliance with provisions of the presidential regulation on the procurement of goods and services for the government using information technology and electronic transactions in accordance with the prevailing regulatory framework. today, the implemen tation of e-procurement in kutai kartanegara district has been done through the electronic service delivery procurement program (lpse). lpse is an implementation unit that was established in order to conduct the procurement of goods and services using electronic methods (lpse) and supported by the procurement service delivery unit for the procurement of goods and services through electronic means. subsequently, sufficient resources with attendant qualifications, refer to employees of local governments who have acquired certificates of expertise in the procure ment of goods and services for the government, and are charged with the task of implementing the vetting / selection of providers of goods and services for service and procurement unit. the survey on the perception of corruption was carried out on the secretariat for public affairs and facili ties , and the office of public works. the corruption percep tion survey focused on 10 elements, which included : 1. announcement of tender through lpse 2. ease of access to tender documents 3. availability of sufficient time for tender participants 4. additional charges above those that are explicitly shown in tenders 5. explanation of tendering official for the additional charges 6. existence of an official receipt for every charge that is exacted/paid 7. meetings that are done outside the tendering process 8. announcement of winners of tenders in a transparent manner based on the scores attained and explanations 9. the security guarant during the tendering process 10. the monopoly in the process of auctioning for suppliers of goods and service without using the tendering process table 5. type of service and procurement source: primary data, 2011 based on the data above, it becomes apparent most people (170 or 53.8 percent of all respondents participate in lpse-non e-proc category, while the number of people who participate in the manual category is second with 103 people or 32.6 percent of respondents. meanwhile, the number of respondents who participate in lpse eproc is small or 43 people or 13.6 percent of all respondents. to that end, one can make a conclusion that most people who participate in the auctions for the procurement of goods and service for kutai kartanegara district use lpse-e-proc approach. tabel 6 shown that there are three (3) elements are recorded in the category of “good “ on the corruption perception index. the announcement of tender through lpse (index value, 2.93), the ease of access to documents on tender (index value 2.53) and sufficiency of time for tender participants (index value 2.51). meanwhile, five (5) elements are in the category of “fair”. these were elements 4,5,7,9, 10 as follows: additional charges above those that are explicitly shown in tenders (index value, 2.40), explanation of tendering official for the additional charges (index value, 2.20), meetings that are made outside the tendering process 102 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 (index value 2.14), the security guarant during the tendering process (index value 2.48), the monopoly in the process of auctioning for suppliers of goods and service without using the tendering process (index value 2.48). there were two (2) elements, that were elements 6 and 8, were in “poor” category as follows: existence of an official receipt for every charge that is exacted / paid(index value 1.35) and announcement of winners of tenders in a transparent manner based on the scores attained and explanations (index value 1.51). based on the results of the survey, the elements that need to be improved are : a. additional charges above those that are explicitly shown in tenders b. explanation of tendering official for the additional charges c. existence of an official receipt for every charge that is exacted /paid d. meetings that are made outside the tendering process e. announcement of winners of tenders in a transparent manner based on the scores attained and explanations f. the security guarant during the tendering process g. the monopoly in the process of auctioning for suppliers of goods and service without using the tendering process conclusion the integrity of public service delivery using citizen satisfaction index, corruption perception index and public satisfaction standard index in kutai kartanegara district is categorized good. nonetheless, the fact that there are three indices show relatively good performance, there is high variation in the values of public satisfaction index, corruption perception index, and minimum service delivery standard index. this conditions are attributable to the following factors such as: weak implementation of public service delivery management in the conduct of public services, minimum service delivery standards in kutai kartanegara district is still in the inception and new process , and its implementation is still limited to several service units, lack of innovations in local government service units in efforts toward improving public service delivery. the corruption perception index in kutai kartanegara is still in poor performance. the same applies to process of issuing of permissions/licenses. based on corruption perception index findings, the causes are: e-procurement through lpse is still not optimal, insufficient internal control system within service units, especially in the area of procurement of goods and services and issuing licenses and permits, insufficiency of quality human resources with expertise in procurement of goods and services, weak control of the public on the procurement of goods and services and issuing of permits and licenses. minimum service delivery standard in kutai kartanegara district was obtained using a survey of the implementation of the standard in 6 service units which have adopted it. there are 12 service units which have not yet adopted the standard , but have plans to do so. results of the inception of the process of adopting minimum service delivery standards in 12 local government offices which have embarked on the process varies from “very good” to “not good”. results of the survey on service units which have adopted minimum service delivery standards and those that are in the initial phases of adopting the standard, shows a strong relationship with the performance on the public satisfaction perception index. a conclusion that can be drawn is that service units which implemented minimum service delivery standards have better performance on the citizens satisfaction index than those who are still in the process of adopting the minimum service standard. recommendations from the findings and conclusions, it can be recom mended that kutai kartanegara regency government needs to enhance citizens satisfaction perception index by making improvements on the following aspects: service delivery procedures, service delivery requirements, discipline of service delivery personnel, responsibility of service delivery personnel, the pace/speed of service of delivering services, justice in the delivery of services, fairness of charges for services, certainty of charges for services, certainty of time for delivering services, and security and convenience of the areas/ places where services are delivered. it is need to measure minimum service delivery standards in every activity that are considered important for the citizens. public should know such as setting targets and benefits of 103 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 activities, involving public in planning and budgeting. it is important to measure and foster the nurturing and application of innovations in public service delivery. it can be done through citizens forums where discussions of solutions to problems are made with the public and stake holders. the local government also need to establish com munication with the public to ensure that all information and complaints receive quick and pertinent response. such media can take the forms of advice box, bulletin, interactive website, and telephone and short message (sms) hotline services with the collaboration of cellular telephone providers and adopt public service delivery contract which should be based on the citizen charters’ model. references: denhardt, j.v. and denhardt, r.b., 2007; the new public service: serving, not steering, armonk: m.e. sharpe. dwiyanto, agus et al, reformasi tata-pemerintahan dan otonomi daerah, pskp-ugm dan peg-usaid, yogyakarta, 2003 ( reform of governance and local autonomy) dwiyanto, agus et al., 2002; reformasi birokrasi publik di indonesia, yogyakarta: pusat studi kependudukan dan kebijakan (pskk) universitas gadjah mada. (public bureaucracy reform in indonesia : population and policy center ugm) dwiyanto, agus et al., 2006; pelaksanaan good governance dalam pelayanan publik, yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press (implementation of good governance in public service) dwiyanto, agus, et. al. 2007, kinerja tata pemerintahan daerah di indonesia (governance assesment survei 2006). pusat studi kependudukan dan kebijakan /pskk population and policy center ugm dwiyanto, agus. 2010. manajemen pelayanan publik : peduli, inklusif dan kolaboratif: gadjah mada university press. (public service management : care, inclusive and collaborative). ferlie, e. et al., 1996; the new public management in action; oxford university press. governance and decentralization survey 2006 pskk ugm keputusan menteri negara pendayagunaan aparatur negara nomor: 25/kep/m.pan/2/2004 tentang pedoman umum penyusunan indeks kepuasan masyarakat. (minister of bureaucracy reform and apparatus decree no. 25/2004 on guideline on citizens satisfaction index) keputusan menteri negara pendayagunaan aparatur negara nomor: 63/kep/m.pan/7/2003 tentang pedoman umum penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik. (minister of bureaucracy reform and apparatus decree no. 63 of 2004 on public services standard). klitgaard, robert, ronald maclean-abaroa & h. lindsey parris, penuntun pemberantasan korupsi dalam pemerintahan daerah, yayasan obor, jakarta, 2002. ( guidence towards corruption eradication in local government) kristiansen, stein (2006), “transparency in public services”, policy forum, magister administrasi publik, ugm, mimeo. levine, charles h., b. guy peters, frank j. thompson; public administration: challenges, choices, and consequences, scott, foresman and company, illinois, 1990. peraturan pemerintah no. 65 tahun 2005 tentang pedoman penyusunan dan penerapan spm (government regulation no.65/2005 on the formation and application of minimum service delivery standards) permendagri no. 6 tahun 2007 tentang petunjuk teknis penyusunan dan penetapan spm minister of home affairs regulation no.6/2007 on technical guideline on minimum service standard. rencana pembangunan jangka menengah daerah kutai karta negara tahun 2011-2015 (kutai kartanegara regency medium term planning 2011-2015) undang-undang nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang nomor 8 tahun 2005 tentang penetapan peraturan pemerintah pengganti undang-undang nomor 3 tahun 2005 (law no.32/ 2004 on local governments). zeithmal, v.a., pasuraman dan l.l. berry. 1990. delivering quality service balancing customer perception and expectation. new york: the free press jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets 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website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123137 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp studi pemerintahan factors affecting youth voting preferences in the philippine senatorial election: a structural equation modelling (sem) analysis enrique b. batara1 , ace kristoffer e. labadan2 ,marozel b. roa3 abstract the philippine elections had been characterized by the presence of a weakparty system, a low information environment for voters, a history of dynasticrule, and the preponderance of media celebrities in elected political offices.these features amounted to the observation that candidate winnability in the country is discussed often as a “personality versus platform’’ issue, highlighting the importance of candidates’ personal background. this study examines certain variables associated with the voting preferences of young educatedvoters for the 2019 senatorial elections. using a quantitative approach, this inquiry specifically sought to analyze the extent to which party identification,issue orientation, candidate orientation, and pre-election surveys affect voters’ preferences for candidates. survey data were obtained from the 210 purposively sampled youth-voters, and were analyzed using structural equation modelling. on the whole, the results of the study indicate the positive association between the respondents’ party identification on voting preferences, as well as the positive association between pre-election surveys and the respondents’ voting preferences. both issue orientation and candidate orientation do not appear as significant independent variables the outcome of thestudy has departed from the prevailing philippine electoral trend where candidate personality-centered factors have been pivotal for explaining filipinovoting preferences. keywords: voting preferences, party identification, issue orientation, candidate orientation, pre-election surveys, voting behavior abstrak pemilu filipina dicirikan oleh adanya sistem kepartaian yang lemah, lingkungan informasi yang rendah bagi para pemilih, sejarah pemerintahan dinasti, dan banyaknya selebriti media di kantor-kantor politik terpilih. fitur-fitur ini sama dengan pengamatan bahwa kelayakan kandidat di negara tersebut sering dibahas sebagai masalah “kepribadian versus platform”, yang menyoroti pentingnya latar belakang pribadi kandidat. penelitian ini mengkaji variabel-variabel tertentu yang terkait dengan preferensi memilih pemilih muda berpendidikan untuk pemilihan senator 2019. dengan menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif, penyelidikan ini secara khusus berusaha menganalisis sejauh mana identifikasi partai, orientasi isu, orientasi kandidat, dan survei pra-pemilihan memengaruhi preferensi pemilih terhadap kandidat. data survei diperoleh dari 210 pemilih muda yang disampel secara sengaja, dan dianalisis menggunakan pemodelan persamaan struktural. secara keseluruhan, hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya hubungan positif antara identifikasi partai responden terhadap preferensi pemungutan suara, serta hubungan positif antara survei pra-pemilu dengan preferensi pemungutan suara responden. baik or ientasi isu maupun orientasi kandidat tidak muncul sebagai variabel independen yang signifikan. hasil studi telah berangkat dari tren pemilihan filipina yang berlaku di mana faktor-faktor yang berpusat pada kepribadian kandidat menjadi sangat penting untuk menjelaskan preferensi pemungutan suara filipina. kata kunci: preferensi pemungutan suara, identifikasi partai, orientasi isu, orientasi kandidat, survei pra-pemilihan, perilaku memilih 242 affiliation: department of political science mindanao state university-iligan institute of technology iligan city, philippines correspondence: how to citate: enrique b. batara, ace kristoffer e. labadan, marozel b. roa. (2021).factors affecting youth voting preferences in the philippine senatorial election: a structuralequation modelling (sem) analysis. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (3) 242-264 article history: received: 2021-10-20 revision: 2021-10-24 accepted: 2021-10-28 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123137 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0655-5288 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4040-3755 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4175-8294 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 introduction understanding electoral outcomes hinges on the evalu-ation of what makes voters vote as they do. socio-demographic background of voters, such as sex and ethnicity, are being considered to have influenced voter’s selection of candidates (kittilson, 2016; banerjee and pande, 2008; cutler, 2002). one persuasive and enduring conceptualization is that many voters think that candidates or party leaders who share a voter’s characteristics are more likely to act in that person’s inter-est when in office (cutler, 2002). yet this form of reasoning has been argued to be insufficient in explaining voters’ choices during elections. certain scholars claimed that a voter’s sense of attachment to a political party (aiba, 2002; klein and baum, 2001; ranney, 1999; campbell et al., 1954), important political issues or voter’s policy preferences (ranney, 1999; walgrave et al., 2017), and voter’s evaluation of the personal qualities or backgrounds of the candidates, above and beyond the latter’s issue positions or party ties (popkin, 1994; lawrence, 1978; pitkin, 1967) have high salience on voting preferences. other scholars also identified the influence of pre-election polls to voting preferences, and noted the bandwagon or underdog effect of these polls towards the voters (dahlgaard et al., 2017; michniewicz and vandello, 2013 donsbach, 2001). those contentions are in part fueled by the fact that across many countries that practice democratic elections, the contexts and relevant factors in play vary widely. in the philippines for instance, elections are characterized by the preponderance of media personalities or celebrities and members of political clans in elected political offices where most lack the merit and only enjoyed the undue advantages of wealth, exposure, and name recall, among others. this observation is underpinned by previ ous studies which revealed that candidate winnability in the coun try is discussed often as a ‘‘personality versus platform’’ issue, and that during elections, voters would resort to candidate-cen tered factors rather than issue-based ones (david and legara, 2015). 243 jurnal studi pemerintahan some studies also claimed that filipino voters do not con sider political party affiliation a useful basis for selecting the can didate they will support, as the country is characterized to have a weak party system (david and legara, 2015; ufen, 2008; social weather station, 2007; pertierra, 1988; ando, 1969). many stud ies also focused on the voters’ opinion of candidates’ qualities or backgrounds in explaining the voting preferences of the filipi nos (murcia and bolo, 2016; david and legara, 2015; gallardo, 2015). this research is grounded on certain considerations. first, according to the philippine commission on elections (comelec), the voters for the 2019 elections was dominated by young people, since one-third of the voting population come from the young demographic (patinio, 2018). it is therefore rel evant to look into the voting preferences of the young voters. second, although numerous studies were conducted in the past explaining filipino voting preferences, and literatures reviewed found that candidate-centered factors are determinants for vot ing preferences in the philippines, this study is based on a differ ent context. the philippine electoral environment at present is characterized by the presence of issues that are crucial and criti cal; opposition and pro-administration parties have apparent stance; and pre-election polls are mainstreamed in media out lets. therefrom, it is equally important to examine the potential influence of the aforementioned to the voting preference of vot ers. thus, this study examined certain variables in determining young and educated voters’ preference in the 2019 philippine senatorial elections. these include party identification, issue ori entation, candidate orientation, and pre-election surveys. spe cifically, this paper sought to answer this question: to what ex tent are party identification, candidate orientation, issue orien tation, and pre-election surveys associated with voting preferences of the respondents? 244 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 literature review and hypothesis formulation attitudinal analysis of voting by (fishbein and coombs;1974) examines the major factors relevant to an individual’s decision to vote and to his choice of candidate. it argues that social char acteristics are inadequate in determining political preferences mainly voting. apart from the sense of civic obligation to vote are other essential factors which include party identification, concern with issues, personal attachment to candidates, opinion over the candidate’s personality, conformity to grou p standards, and the sense of efficacy. thus, this theory assumes that in a political arena, a person should like or dislike a given candidate because (a) he believes the candidate has certain personal char acteristics (popkin, 1994), is affiliated with certain reference groups (aiba, 2002; klein and baum, 2001), or is for or against various issues (ranney, 1999; popkin, 1994); and (b) evaluated these characteristics, groups and issues positively or negatively (fishbein and coombs, 1974). voting preference voting preference is one dimension of voting behavior which refers to what makes people prefer one party or candidate over other parties and candidates (roskin et al., 1997). accordingly, the basic factors that affect voters’ decision are the voters’ bio logical nature and needs, their psychological makeups, their membership in social groups, and the communications they re ceive (ranney, 1999). (cutler; 2002) explained that many voters tend to think that candidates and party leaders who share a voter’s characteristics are more likely to act in that person’s interest when in office. but while socio-demographic factors and socio-economic char acteristics are significant in the explanation of vote choice (roskin et al., 1997), these are not enough in the understanding of how and why people preferred one party or candidate over the other (aiba, 2002). (ranney; 1999) explained that voters’ socio-demo graphic status cannot simply determine their preferences. he found out that most voters choose candidates on the basis of their feeling or sense of attachment to a particular party from which a candidate belongs, orientations on specific issues of 245 jurnal studi pemerintahan public policy, and their evaluation on the personal characteris tics of the candidates. thus, the first step in understanding how and why people vote as they do is to understand how they feel about the parties, issues, and the candidates. party identification in modern democracies, voters are found aligned or identi fied with a political party. electorates identify themselves to a party and these partisan loyalties is seen to influence their vot ing choice (ranney, 1999). this identification amounted from the voters’ assumption that a particular party could serve their political, economic, and social interests (green, 2002). thus, in this case, voting choice is determined by the voters’ feeling to wards the political party of the candidate (sarlamanov and jovanoski, 2014). certain scholars agreed that those who strongly preferred a party were more stable and predictable than voters who moderately identified a party or were independent in vot ing patterns (lachat, 2006; yu, 2004; miller, 1991). some studies emphasized the significance of party identifica tion towards the voters’ preferences. (liu; 2007) found out its importance to vote choice in taiwan presidential elections which he observed has increased overtime and remained constant be tween the 1996 and 2004 elections. he also noted that while political communication in election campaigns in taiwan may have changed with its increasing emphasis on highlighting party candidates, the political psychology of voting pattern has not changed too much since partisanship still dominates taiwanese voting behavior in presidential elections (liu, 2007). garzia and (viotti, 2013) also found out that party identifications appear still central in italians’ voting choice since 1990, and these identifica tions are shaped by two variables, which exert both a direct and indirect effect on vote: (1) party-voter proximity on issues; (2) and party leader evaluations especially in a highly personalized political context like the second italian republic. this study hypothesizes that: 246 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 247 h1: party identification is associated with the respondents’ voting preferences. issue orientation while some scholars would claim that citizens rarely, or not at all, vote on the basis of their issue opinions (lenz, 2012; campbell et. al, 1954), others would argue that the awareness, concern, perception, and opinion on political issues can exert influence on voting preferences (aardal, 2005; ranney, 1999), especially when one’s party identification is weak or absent (yu, 2004). (walgrave et. al., 2017) summarized into three ways how voters’ issue orientations can affect their electoral choices. first isthe perception on the parties’ or candidates’ issue positions. that is, voters care about how close candidates’ or parties’ positions are to their own, and whether candidates and parties stay on the same side of an issue as they are. second is the idea of competence. it holds that people vote for the party or candidate that they consider to be most competent to tackle, or solve, an issue. third, is the idea is that people tend to vote for parties that theyconsider to be especially committed to tackle the policy issuesthey themselves care about. it holds that issue voting is not only a matter of agreeing with parties positionally and of considering parties as competent (or not) to deal with specific policy issues, but that it is also a matter of appreciating the priority parties giveto specific issues (walgrave et. al, 2017). studies from several scholars also underpin the abovemen tioned. (aardal, 2005) assumes that voters cast their ballots on the basis of valence issues. these are issues on which both voters and parties agree on the same overall policy goals. he found that when a party or a candidate is regarded to be the ‘owner’ of the issue that is, considered as best able to handle an issue, people tend to vote for it. the study of (markel, 2010), for example, noted the popularity of lgbt candidates and political parties ought to represent them among the lgbt community, given the latter’s jurnal studi pemerintahan constant attempt to gain political representation. (baker and greene, 2015), moreover, discussed the idea of positional issue voting which occurs when a voter chooses the candidate whose publicly announced platform best approximates the voter’s own policy preferences. some work also combined positional and competence considerations as drivers of the vote choice (bélanger and meguids, 2008; green and hobolt, 2008). in addition, (kriesi and sciarni, 2004) noted that not all is sues have a consistent impact on voters’ decision. in their study, they found out that only issues that are highly familiar and polar izing, and which address problems of the highest priority, have a strong impact on voting choices among swiss electorates. in like manner, issue positions of parties and candidates on key policy issues, such as education, health, and employment, have been the most important basis for voting by electorates in ghana (adams and agomor, 2015). this study hypothesizes that: h2: issue orientation is associated with the respondents’ vot ing preferences. candidate orientation candidate orientation is the structuring of political events in terms of a personal attraction to one of the major personalities involved (campbell, 1954). citizens do evaluate candidates in terms of their ability to act as according to their positions, above and beyond their issue positions or party ties (lawrence, 1978).it excludes evaluations based on issue positions or party affilia tion but focus on remarks like “i like him”, “the candidate’s smile”, or any judgments that indicate likeness and preference.thus, when one votes for a candidate because of a convictionthat he or she is intelligent and forward-looking, then candidate orientation is the prime factor (ranney, 1999). (popkin, 1994) noted that in making political decisions, voters rely on informational shortcuts and heuristics. candidate traits are considered to be useful heuristics as they are relatively easy to 248 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 249 assess compared to intricate policy positions (kinder and abelson, 1981), and have been an inexpensive way to gain information about the candidates and simplify vote decisions (hardy, 2014; popkin 1994). candidate traits “offer an appealing shortcut for citizens to evaluate candidates on their performances without having to invest considerable time and energy into following public affairs or uncovering candidate issues” (funk, 1996 as cited in hardy, 2014, p.4). (kinder and abelson, 1981) suggest the influence of nonver bal factor in voters’ assessment of candidates’ qualities. in their study, electorates evaluate candidates’ competence, honesty, warmth and strength on the basis of physical appearance, and found that these evaluations affect voting preferences. (rosenberg et al., 1986) also used photographic image of the candidates and voters were asked to evaluate them in terms of likableness, integrity, competence, and leadership ability. they found that image evaluations create a general evaluation in terms of the credibility and competence of candidate for public office, and these influ-ence votes when voters have limited basis of judgment (rosenberget al., 1986). (miller and shanks, 1996) also posited that voters already have knowledge structures and organized cognitions about candidates in their political role which would serve as their basis on casting votes. voters actually concentrate on instrumental concerns about the manner in which a candidate would conduct governmental affairs, and candidate appearance is possibly the most important (or at least frequently employed) of the low information heuris tics that can guide citizens’ voting decisions (lau and redlawsk, 2001). moreover, quality differences among candidates can arise from many reasons, including charisma, experience, incumbency, ad vertising, and other non-policy dimensions (aragones and pal frey, 2004), including honesty, morality, compassion, competence, and leadership ability of the candidates (miller and shanks, 1996). these qualities are sought to influence the voting choice of the jurnal studi pemerintahan electorates. (lee, 2001) noted that a candidate’s incumbency has a signifi cant causal effect of raising the probability of subsequent elec toral success. this success of the incumbent can be attributed to voters’ valuation of politician’s experience. also, the role of name recall can be attributed to voters’ preference on incumbent offi cials (byrne & pueschel, 1974). the findings of (hazarika, 2015) for example, revealed that candidates’ political experience has strongly influence indian electorates. he noted that candidates who have previously held political positions are likely to be well known in the constituency from their history of solving prob lems in office (hazarika, 2015). there is evidence that leaders’ level of education has a posi tive effect on governance outcomes, thereby educational back ground has been largely looked into by voters. the study of (hossain et al., 2017), for example, found out that candidates’ qualifications, especially their educational attainment, had the highest effect on voting decisions among constituents in the lo cal areas of bangladesh. the study of (horiuchi et al., 2016) however, revealed the dis crepancy between voters’ preferences and the actual attributes of politicians in japan. their results revealed that despite the fact that there are many elderly, celebrity, dynastic, and male politicians in japan, voters do not appear to prefer older politicians or celebrities, and are indifferent with regard to dynastic family tiesand gender. furthermore, they found that these preferences areconsistent regardless of whether voters consider the different electoral system contexts of the mixed-member bicameral parliament(horiuchi et al., 2016). further, the increasing influence of mass media has changed the opportunities for candidates to communicate with voters. this trajectory of change has been in the direction of focusing the public’s attention on candidate profiles and personalities, above and beyond their policy platforms (lau & redlawsk, 2006 as cited in mcallister, 2016). it also enabled candidates to rely 250 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 251 less on their party affiliation for support and more on their per sonal appeals and images conveyed through the electronic me dia (mcallister, 2016). also, (biswas et al., 2014) found that news and other relevant contents in social media about certain candi dates posed a significant influence to the voters in assessing the personal qualities of the candidates. this study hypothesizes that: h3: candidate orientation is associated with the respondents’ voting preferences. pre-election surveys and voting pre-election polls typically survey a random sample of eligible or likely voters, and then generate population-level estimates by taking a weighted average of responses, where the weights are designed to correct for known differences between sample and population (voss et. al, 1995 as cited in mehr et al., 2016). (blais et al., 2002) noted that polls have an impact on expectations about the outcome of the election, and is potentially important for understanding how voters decide which candidates and par ties to vote for in elections. given that people tend to favor and conform to strong groups, one of the best metrics for deciding which political groups are gaining in strength are election polls (dahlgaard et al., 2017). the work of (blais et al., 2002) argues for the influence of pre election surveys to the voting preferences of the voters. they used the concepts “strategic vote” and the “contagion effect” to ex plain the association of voter’s voting decisions and election polls. strategic voting refers to the voters’ preference for a party or can didate that shows a positive standing in the election race (through pre-election poll), even if it is not personally motivated by the intention to affect the election outcome. contagion effect takes a similar action with the latter; however, it assumes that voters evaluate leading candidates in pre-election polls and have posi tive outlook on them over those lagging behind on the assump tion that these candidates perform better than other candidates jurnal studi pemerintahan simply because people rated the candidate better than others (blais et al., 2002). another factor is the “underdog effect” of pre-election polls on voting. this refers to the tendency for voters to be attracted to the trailing candidates in the pre-election polls (michniewicz and vandello, 2013). (dahlgaard et al, 2017) described this as “sympathy votes” from the electorate to parties or candidates that are set to decline in a poll. similarly, recent studies have explored the importance of how polls influence vote choice with causal designs and in new contexts. these studies all confirm “band wagon effects” in the netherlands, france, austria, germany, and denmark (dahlgaard et al., 2017; stolwijk et al. 2016; van der meer et al. 2016; morton et al. 2015; meffert et al. 2011). the fourth hypothesis of this study is thus stated: h4: pre-election surveys is positively associated with the re spondents’ voting preferences. research model figure 1 below shows the hypothesized relationships of the variables under study. the respondents’ party identification, is sue orientation and candidate orientation, as well as pre-election surveys are posed as independent variables in determining their voting preferences in the 2019 philippine senatorial elections (dependent variable). 252 figure 1. research model showing hypothesized relationships h1 issue orientation voting preferences in 2019 senatorial elections candidate orientation pre-election surveys vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 253 research method this research employed a quantitative approach in examin ing the variables associated with the voting preferences of youth voters in the 2019 senatorial election. the research population is the youth voters of iligan city, philippines. a total of 210 re spondents (n=210) were selected using purposive sampling, due to time and financial constraints. survey research method was utilized for gathering of data from the respondents. the respon dents were asked to state their level of agreement with the indi cators of the constructs on a ûve-point likert scale. data were analyzed quantitatively through structural equation modeling, path analysis and confirmatory factor analysis statistical tools. before the actual gathering of data, the survey questionnaire was subjected to a pilot-testing. this was necessary to assess the reliability and validity of the constructs which is determined by the coefficient of cronbach’s alpha. according to (nunally, 1978), the minimum cronbach’s alpha values should be greater than 0.70 to indicate reliability of the instrument. presented below in table 1 is the result of the reliability analysis for the pilot-test which was administered to selected thirty (30) respondents. table 1. pilot-test reliability analysis of constructs (n=30) construct number of items cronbach’s alpha α reliability type party identification 4 .864 high issue orientation 4 .956 high candidate orientation 4 .914 high pre-election surveys 4 .797 high voting preference 7 .785 high the result shows that the constructs are reliable and valid given that the cronbach’s alpha values exceed the minimum. after the questionnaire was finalized, actual gathering of data was conducted. jurnal studi pemerintahan result this part presents the results of analysis of the data collected from the study sample. quantitative analysis was done through a licensed version of ibm spss (version 20) and ibm spss amos (version 25). table 2. mean and standard deviation for items in the model (n=210) constructs item mean sd party identification pi1 3.1524 1.18427 pi2 2.8571 1.16100 pi3 2.6762 1.03522 pi4 2.4952 1.03641 issue orientation io1 4.4667 .67868 io2 4.3810 .67606 io3 4.4524 .67073 io4 4.7571 3.55720 candidate orientation co1 4.2048 .85894 co2 3.6571 1.02904 co3 4.2333 .82301 co4 4.1762 .96464 pre-election surveys pes1 3.6190 1.07944 pes2 3.5238 1.04075 pes3 3.3000 .96865 pes4 2.6667 .87678 voting preferences vp1 3.2381 1.14936 vp2 3.0524 .89235 vp3 3.4095 .98501 vp4 4.3286 .75877 vp5 2.2954 .99206 vp6 2.8619 .89388 vp7 2.5381 .87549 descriptive statistics indicated in table 2 above are the mean and standard devia tion (sd) of the items or indicators for the constructs in the research model. mean values for party identification (pi), pre election surveys (pes), and voting preferences (vp), except for vp4, as well as item co2 for candidate orientation (co), were above two, which suggests that there is a general disagreement on the indicators. the mean values for issue orientation (io) and candidate orientation (except for co2) were higher than four, indicating a general positive response on the indicators. 254 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 255 however, this does not mean that other indicator statements did not receive positive responses since it only shows the multileveled nature of response coming from the respondents. the standard deviation for the construct items ranges from .6703 to 3.5572. reliability and validity analysis the findings in table 3 below show the results of the reliabil ity analysis applying cronbach’s alpha, which signifies the inter nal consistency of indicator items that measure the same con struct. (nunnally, 1978) considers a minimum cronbach’s alpha value of 0.70 to indicate reliability and validity of constructs. as reported below, the alpha values of the constructs range from .720 to .953, which means that all constructs have shown high reliability level. table 3. reliability analysis of constructs (n=210) construct number of items cronbach’s alpha α reliability type party identification 4 .865 high issue orientation 4 .953 high candidate orientation 4 .913 high pre-election surveys 4 .815 high voting preference 7 .720 high the covariance estimates between pairs of variables in the model determines the discriminant validity of the variables (anderson and gerbing, 1988). the square root of the average variance extracted should be greater than the covariance between a pair of variables to indicate that a variable is different from other variables (barclay and smith, 1997). for example, the co variance between pes and co is 1.761, which is less than the square root of average variance extracted for pes (10.126) and co (7.169). in other words, pes is different from co, hence, there is a discriminant validity between both variables. as shown in table 4, all variables of the model passed this test. jurnal studi pemerintahan table 4. covariances of variables variable pes co io pi vp pes 10.126 co 1.761 7.169 io 1.418 1.904 18.025 pi 4.794 1.699 .966 13.872 vp 4.659 .708 1.125 4.745 16.133 structural model test table 5 below summarizes the model fit test. the structural model fit was tested by calculating model fit estimates by means of amos and reporting the following fit indices: incremental fit index [ifi (bollen, 1989)]; comparative fit index [cfi (bentler, 1990)]; goodness-of-fit-index [gfi (arbuckle, 2016)]; and the root mean square residual [rmr (arbuckle, 2016)]. results show that the model values have exceed the recommended values, which means that the research model passed all fit indices. table 5. model fit results index recommended value model value incremental fit index (ifi) ≥0.900 1.000 comparative fit index (cfi) ≥0.900 1.000 goodness-of-fit index (gfi) ≥0.950 1.000 root mean square residual (rmr) ≤0.04 .000 hypothesis testing: the independent and depen dent variables in assessing the relationship between hypothetical constructs, path coefficients or regression weights should exceed .100 to ac count for a certain impact within the structural model (urbach & ahlemann, 2010). furthermore, path coefficients or regres sion weights, either positive (in the expected direction) or nega tive, should be significant at least at the 0.05 level (urbach and ahlemann, 2010; henseler et al., 2009). the coefficient of de termination (r²) values of approximately 0.67, 0.33, and 0.19 are considered as substantial, moderate and weak, respectively, 256 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 257 in terms of the level of explanatory power (chin, 1998). table 6 below presents this analysis. table 6. regression weights and hypothesis testing relationship standard regression weight hypothesis supported? significance (p) pi vp .210 yes <0.001 io vp .030 no ns co vp -.034 no ns pes vp .291 yes <0.001 r2 (vp) .93 legend: ns = not significant findings shown above reveal that the independent variables party identification (pi) and pre-election surveys (pes) had im pact on voting preference (vp), with regression weight values of .210 and .291, respectively. these are significant at less than 0.001. these findings supported the hypotheses that party identifica tion and pre-election surveys are positively associated with vot ing preference. the regression weight value for issue orientation (io) did not exceed .100, which means that it is less associated with vp. can didate orientation (co) is revealed to be the least associated with vp given that it had negative regression weight value. this does not mean however that io and co do not impact the depen dent variable, but suggests that pi and pes had more impact compared to the two aforementioned variables. table 7. summary of hypotheses testing results hypothesis result h1 party identification is positively associated with the respondents’ voting preferences h2 issue orientation is positively associated with the respondent’s voting preferences. h3 candidate orientation is positively associated with the respondent’s voting preferences. h4 pre-election survey is positively associated with the respondent’s voting preferences. accepted rejected rejected accepted jurnal studi pemerintahan the result on the r2 value of vp, which is .93, suggests that the independent variables account for about 93% of the vari ance in vp. in other words, the independent variables in the model can substantially explain 93% of the vp, and the remain ing 7% can be explained by other variables. table 7 shows the summary of hypotheses testing for the asso ciations between the independent variables and the dependent variable. the hypotheses that issue orientation (io) and candi date orientation (co) are positively associated with voting pref erence are rejected because the standard regression weights did not reach the required value, which is .100. on the other hand, the hypotheses that party identification (pi) and pre-election sur veys (pes) are positively associated with voting preference are accepted because the regression weight values exceed the required value of .100, and both have very high significance levels, which are at <0.001. thus, the study shows that party identification and pre-election surveys are determinant factors for the youth voters’ voting preference in the 2019 senatorial election. discussion this research analyzed the extent to which party identifica tion, issue orientation, candidate orientation, and preelection surveys are associated with the youth-voters’ voting preference in the 2019 philippine senatorial election. results of the study sup ported the hypotheses that party identification and preelection surveys are positively associated with the voting preferences of the respondents, while issue orientation and candidate orienta tion appear to have insignificant impact on voting preference. in relation to the theories applied in the study, this finding supports only one of the assumptions of fishbein and combs (1975) that an individual’s decision to vote for a candidate can be based on the latter’s affiliation to a political party. this also supports the contentions of other scholars who claimed that party identification is a pivotal factor in an individual’s voting choice (garzia and viotti, 2013; liu, 2007; lachat, 2006; yu, 2004; aiba, 258 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 259 2002; ranney, 1999; miller, 1991; meier, 1975; campbell et.al, 1954). pre-election survey also has significant influence to the vot ing preference of the voters in the 2019 senatorial election. this supports the work of (blais et.al, 2002) which argues that pre election surveys are influential to the voting preferences of vot ers. the findings also show that candidates who have positive standing in pre-election surveys are more preferable compared to those who do not perform well. this corroborates the conten tions of other scholars about the contagion or bandwagon effect of pre-election surveys (donsbach, 2001; marsh, 1985; simon, 1954;). meanwhile, the finding that candidate orientation is least as sociated with voting preferences refutes the claims of previous studies which reject candidates’ party affiliation and rather ex plain candidate-centered factors as pivotal determinant in explain ing the voting preferences of the filipinos (murcia and bolo, 2016; calda, 2016; david and legara, 2015; gallardo, 2015; centeno, 2010; ufen, 2008). looking into the philippine electoral environment at present, it can be construed that the preference is based on the candidate’s affiliation with pro-administration or opposition parties. more over, pre-election surveys are influential to the youth-voters’ pref erence. this is apparently associated to the fact that results of preelection surveys are regularly available to the public especially that they have been mainstreamed in all media outlets, especially in social media, and have been regularly conducted and pub lished within the campaign period. thus, they could potentially create a bandwagon effect towards the voters. on the whole, the outcome of the study has departed from the prevailing electoral trend, as can be found in the existing literature, where filipino voting preference is explained by candidate personality-centered factors. jurnal studi pemerintahan conclusion in the context of this study’s findings, the candidate’s politi cal alignment to a political party or parties that is/are supportive of an administration which is gaining popular support from the majority is favored by youth voters. the candidates’ secure posi tive standing in pre-election surveys is likewise preferred. need less to say, a candidate’s stand or position on key issues of the country as well as their personal background are also important because the electorate is also composed of non-youth voters. while it is important to look into the candidate’s party affili ation and status in pre-election surveys in voting, these factors do not guarantee a candidate’s winnability in an election, nor do these ensure competence and ability in the performance of du ties and functions. on the part of the voters, it is equally impor tant to apply an issue-based choice and evaluate candidate’s quali ties and background during elections. references aardal, b. 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(2004). direction and strength of voter’s party identification in taiwan after 2000. retrieved from http://www2.scu.edu.tw/politics/journal/doc/j19/2.pdf 264 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228467554_structural_equation_modeling_in_information_systems_research_using_partial_least_squares https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228467554_structural_equation_modeling_in_information_systems_research_using_partial_least_squares https://academic.oup.com/ijpor/article/28/1/46/2357273 https://academic.oup.com/ijpor/article/28/1/46/2357273 https://academic.oup.com/ijpor/article/28/1/46/2357273 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332834265_position_competence_and_commitment_1_position_competence_and_commitment_three_dimensions_of_issue_voting https://www.researchgate.net/publication/332834265_position_competence_and_commitment_1_position_competence_and_commitment_three_dimensions_of_issue_voting https://ah.nccu.edu.tw/bitstream/140.119/24772/1/2.pdf http://www2.scu.edu.tw/politics/journal/doc/j19/2.pdf layout desember 2008 355 local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 usman pakasi social and political sciences, yapis university of papua. email: ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the establishment of the 2001 special autonomy law in papua province is not exempted from economic, political and socio-cultural problems. the law is intended to empower the people by preserving their interests and upholding the basic rights of native papuans. this research aims at finding out a theoretical understanding on the forms of local community empowerment during the implementation of special autonomy in papua province. the study is performed through a qualitative approach with a phenomenological strategy. the research was conducted at a location in jayapura. empirical data were obtained using the techniques of observation, in-depth interviews, and other secondary data. the implementation of special autonomy in papua province has brought forth a fundamental change in the approaches and policies of community development, particularly local community empowerment that includes indigenous communities, women, and religion. local community empowerment in the economic and socio-cultural aspects represents the effort to improve the welfare and sense of justice within the local community in development. keywords: empowerment, local community, special autonomy abstrak lahirnya undang-undang otonomi khusus 2001 di provinsi papua tidak terlepas dari permasalahan ekonomi, politik dan sosial budaya pada masyarakat lokal. undangundang ini dimaksudkan untuk memberdayakan masyarakat dengan menjaga kepentingan dan hak-hak dasar orang asli papua. penelitian ini bertujuan mencari pemahaman teoritis tentang bentuk-bentuk pemberdayaan masyarakat lokal sejak pelaksanaan otonomi khusus 356 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di provinsi papua. studi dilakukan secara mendalam melalui pendekatan kualitatif dengan strategi fenomenologik. lokasi penelitian laksanakan di jayapura. data empiris diperoleh melalui teknik pengamatan, wawancara mendalam, dan data sekunder lainnya. penerapan otonomi khusus di provinsi papua telah membawah perubahan mendasar dalam pendekatan dan kebijakan pembangunan masyarakat, terutama pemberdayaan masyarakat lokal yang mencakup masyarakat adat, perempuan, dan agama. pemberdayaan ekonomi, dan sosial budaya merupakan upaya untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan dan rasa keadilan terhadap masyarakat lokal dalam pembangunan. kata kunci : pemberdayaan, masyarakat lokal, otonomi khusus introduction political integration of papua into the republic of indonesia by defacto happened since 1963. since then, political problems always appear in governance reflected by aspirations to separate from the republic of indonesia. besides, economic problems which are related to community welfare also become one of the obvious problems in papua’s governance. community welfare, particularly in economics, health, education and culture, is still left behind if it is compared with other provinces in indonesia. statistical data center in 2006 revealed that poverty rate in papua province reached 40.78. this rate is the highest percentage in indonesia (papua in 2007). the establishment of special autonomy for papua is basically intended to overcome political and economic problems by realizing justice, law enforcement, respect to human rights, acceleration of economic development, welfare improvement, as well as papuan’s improvement. this special autonomy law puts indigenous people of papua (local community) and the society in general as the main subject of development (law no. 21/2001; 57). special autonomy is regarded as one of the paradigm shifts in running the governance in papua which is based on central government’s intention to accelerate welfare improvement for the community. the important role of indigenous people of papua in the special autonomy law is to form assemblies as media for papuans to give consideration and suggestions in running governance and development. in the explanation of the special autonomy law, it is stated that the granting of special autonomy to papua province is to give greater authority to local government and papuans to manage and control their own province in local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 357 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the republic of indonesia. it means local community has greater responsibilities to run governance and utilize the natural resources for community welfare, as well as give authority to empower economic and sociocultural potentials. based on those rationales, this study aims at reviewing and analyzing local community empowerment in the special autonomy law. research problem was formulated based on the statement that “local community empowerment is based on economic and socio-cultural gap in papua province”. as the solution to the problem, the government implements the special autonomy law to papua province. theoretical framework the establishment of the law no. 21/2001 about the special autonomy to papua province is the underlying of the paradigm shift in the implementation of development in papua province. the implementation of the law is policy changes to overcome problems in papua province by empowering indigenous people of papua that have not been handled appropriately, especially the issues of welfare and justice. the 2001 special autonomy law is one of the solutions to overcome the problems politically as well as the one related to welfare in papua. by implementing this special autonomy, both the government and the papuans get greater authority to manage and control their own province, including running the governance and development by making use of their natural resources for their welfare and prosperity. community empowerment is the tasks and responsibilities of the government and other related institutions in papua province. as it is mandated in the special autonomy law, empowerment is prioritized to welfare improvement in economic, social, cultural, political, and law fields. gaffar stated that autonomy is intended as civil society which means the society is totally separated from the state’s influence in economic, political, or other social fields. in such community, any kind of activities is entirely sourced from the community without any involvement from the state. the state merely becomes facilitator, for example in making regulation which is needed to manage competition and protect public interests. (gaffar, 2002; 181) local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 358 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ basically, empowerment puts the society as the center of attention as well as the main actor of development (people-centered development). the paradigm of community empowerment which recently becomes the issue of central development appears as responds of the fact that there is still unsolved gap particularly in remote and rural villages. (wrihatnolo and dwidjowijoto, 2007; 113) according to midgley, community involvement in the development is only seen in narrow context which means humans are only regarded as laborers to minimize the costs of social development. community participation is only limited to implementation or program application. the community does not have chances to be creative and they have to take all decisions made by another party for granted. participation becomes passive. (wrihatnolo dan dwidjowijoto, 2007; 113 114) empowerment refers to people’s abilities, particularly vulnerable and weak groups so they have strength and ability to (1) fulfill their basic needs so they have freedom, not only freedom of speech but also freedom from hunger, stupidity, and pain; (2) reach productive sources that enable them to increase their income and get goods and services they need; and (3) participate in the process of development and decisions making that affect them. (suharto 2005; 58) community empowerment is a concept of economic development covering social values. some experts give definition and limitation about empowerment by looking at empowerment from the aspects of aim, process, and methods. formulation about empowerment concept is stated by some experts (in suharto, 2005; 58 – 59). jim ife said that empowerment aims at increasing the authority of unfortunate and weak people. parsons revealed that empowerment is a process by which people become quite strong to participate and control any occurrence and institutions that influence their lives. empowerment emphasizes that people get skills, knowledge, and authority to influence their lives and other’s that become their attraction. swift and levin stated that empowerment refers to reallocation efforts of authority through socio-structural changes. meanwhile, rappaport mentioned that empowerment is a way in which societies, organizations, and communities are led to be able to rule their own world. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 359 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ another opinion is also mentioned by pranarka and moeljarto that the primary tendency of empowerment refers to process of giving or shifting some authority, power, or ability to community so that each individual can be more empowered. this process can be completed by the effort to build material assets to support their independent development through organizations. contrarily, secondary tendency emphasizes to the process of stimulating, supporting, or motivating individuals to possess ability or power to determine their choices through process of dialog. (wrihatnolo dan dwidjowijoto, 2007; 119) according to liliey (1998), empowerment is giving ability to society to be able to manage natural resources well, to do activities which have additional values and to leave destructive utilization methods. empowerment can also be defined as giving roles to low level society to participate in various development activities. fridmenn argues that community empowerment is not only limited to economic field, but also political field so the community has bargaining power nationally or internationally. (sastrosasmita, 1988; 11) narayan (2002; 14-18) gives limitation that empowerment is an expansion of assets and ability for weak or poor people to participate, negotiate, influence, control, and ask for tort liability (account ability) to the institutions that influence their lives. moreover, narayan states that there are four basic elements in empowerment, those are information, participation, accountability, and ability of local organizations. prijono, resuming some experts’ opinions, explains that empowerment process is an effort to fix or improve economic, socio-cultural, political, and psychological fields both individually and collectively which is different based on ethnic and social class. (wrihatnolo dan dwidjowijoto, 2007; 117 118) community empowerment is an effort to prepare the community by strengthening community institutions so that they are able to realize advancement, autonomy, and welfare in sustainable social justice. the implementation of empowerment itself is varied from time to time. (ali, 2006; 8) empowerment in the perspective of social changes is proposed by hulme and turner that empowerment triggers the process of social local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 360 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ changes that enable powerless people to give their greater influences in political arena locally or nationally. (prijono dan pranarka, 1996; 62) according to usman, empowerment or local development should be important priority in the future development. that effort should at least consider three important things, those are (1) the form of real contribution from the region which is expected by the central government in the process of basic development; (2) community aspirations itself, particularly the ones which are reflected in the prioritized programs of local development; and (3) inter-regional linkages in the economic and political order. the form of real contribution from regions for development interests in macro scales can be varied since each region has their own different power. (usman, 2003; 12) local community empowerment in the perspective of special autonomy, mostly the one which is related to institutional aspects, is indigenous people, women, and religion. empowerment of indigenous people is giving authority to indigenous institutions to keep and preserve tradition and survival of indigenous people in papua. shils states that tradition means every thing which is transferred or inherited from the past to the present (sztompka : 2004 : 70). in the concept of women empowerment, to improve women’s participation in the development, a strategy of empowerment is needed by giving ability and authority so they can be equal to men. this empowerment approach aims at improving women’s autonomy and authority, fulfilling women’s right to make choices for their lives and willingness to control material and immaterial sources. local community empowerment is major task and role of government and other related institutions in papua province. as it is mandated in the special autonomy law, empowerment is prioritized to welfare improvement in economic, social, cultural, political, and law fields. research methods 1. research approach referring to the problems and analyzed object in this study, method or approach used in this study is qualitative. this method is intended to collect and analyze data as well as give interpretation to answer the problocal community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 361 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lems and research objective which are already formulated. qualitative approach is intended to elaborate data rationally and empirically which is in-line with research design. this study tends to use phenomenological strategy. 2. data collecting techniques considering that this study is descriptive qualitative, data collecting techniques used in this study are as follows: a. observation observation is a technique which is commonly used in social studies, especially qualitative research. the types of data collected in this observation are scope, performers, activities, particular acts, events, sequences, aim and definition. b. interview interview is done to collect data from informants by conducting indepth interview. interview is conducted by using interview guidelines arranged based on information which wants to be obtained by referring to the problems and research object. c. secondary data beside from observation, data can also be obtained from secondary data like quantitative data or documents, records of organizations, documentary books, media, official reports, memorandum and correspondence which are related to this study 3. data analysis data analysis is an effort to find and present data systematically based on the observation, interview, and secondary data like documents, reports, media, notes, and many more. data analyzing process was done inductively while conducting the research. data obtained through observation, interview, or secondary data which were analyzed by using qualitative approach then described systematically. qualitative analysis is intended to describe and simplify, as well as explain the whole data which are already categorized and classified. by using this approach, systematic and clear description is obtained. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 362 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result and analysis community empowerment is correlated with the provision of access for the community itself, institutions, and community organizations in getting and utilizing their rights for economic, social, cultural, and political improvement. therefore, community empowerment is very important to overcome community disability caused by access limitations, lack of knowledge and skills, and poor condition undergone by some of the communities. 1. empowerment of indigenous people 1945 constitution (amendment ii) article 188 paragraph 2 states that the county recognizes and respects units of indigenous people and their traditional rights as long as they are still alive and in-line with their principles and community development. papua province is a region of the republic of indonesia which has the greatest territory and the most tribes. it is estimated that the number of tribes and languages in papua is 250s tribes, and each of which has different population. more than 70 percent of the tribes and indigenous people in papua live in remote and rural areas with inadequate facilities and socioculturally left behind. these regions are based on kinship lines (genealogist) and territory, and they are also autonomous regions managed based on customary system of governance under the leadership of indigenous functionaries. based on anthropologists and historical records in papua province, there are seven custom territories, those are saireri, ha anim, tabi, doberai, boberai, la pago, and me pago. special autonomy implementation in papua province brings renewal to indigenous people. with this special autonomy, indigenous people begin to get attention particularly their customary rights, including land and all contents therein. empowerment of indigenous people contained in the special autonomy law gives new hope to indigenous people to participate in the implementation of development, starting from planning, implementation, and supervision. the existence of special autonomy law has strengthened the roles of indigenous people. indigenous people’s important role in the development is by becoming one part of the structure of the papuan people’s assembly which is formally accommodated in policy making within the local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 363 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ government system. this institution plays important role to give protection, alignment, and empowerment especially for local communities. according to that law, investors must recognize and respect indigenous people’s rights and must involve them into every negotiation with the local government. similarly, provincial government is required to recognize, respect, protect, empower, and establish the rights of indigenous people, including customary rights over land and resources as well as individual rights protection and enforcement of the rights of indigenous people are the basic frameworks of the special autonomy law. in the article 43 of this law, it clearly regulates about: (a) papua provincial government shall recognize, respect, protect, empower and develop the rights of indigenous people based on the applicable provisions; (b) the rights of indigenous people include customary rights of indigenous people and individual rights of indigenous people; (c) implementation of customary rights, as long as it still exists, is done by the concerned communities in accordance with local customary law, by respecting the land holdings of the former customary rights acquired by other parties by legal procedures and based on legislation; (d) the provision of customary and individual lands of indigenous people for any purpose is done by discussing it with indigenous people and concerned citizens to make agreement on the submission of necessary land and in return; (e) provincial, county, and city governments provide active mediation to overcome disputes of customary lands and individual rights fairly and wisely, so satisfactory agreement of other concerned parties can be achieved. the existence of indigenous people is related to customary rights they have. customary law is an authority in which according to customary laws is possessed by certain indigenous people on a certain area which is a zone to take advantage of natural resources, including land in the area for the survival and life arising from the relationship, outwardly and inwardly, hereditarily and uninterruptedly between the indigenous and tribal people in the concerned area ((pmna/kbpn no. 5/1999 pasal (1). special autonomy law has set the land rights for indigenous people in papua. the implementation of the regulation is regulated in a specific area regulation as the operational basis. this setting includes the asserlocal community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 364 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tion that all laws made by the government and the policy that ostensibly harm the rights of individuals as well as the rights of indigenous people on lands should be revised. in this connection, the transfer of land to another party should be set by agreement between the owners of individuals and indigenous people. agreement of both parties is according to the results of discussion of land rights’ stakeholders (indigenous people’s customary rights). compensation for land rights for indigenous people or individuals can also be in form of capital, endowment and resettlement, not only in form of cash. this has been stipulated in article 43 paragraph 4 of the special autonomy law that the provision of communal land and customary law of individuals and indigenous people for any purpose, is carried out through discussion with indigenous people and concerned citizens to obtain agreement on the transfer of required land and in return. legal certainty concerning the delimitation of indigenous territories is very important, since it can also be beneficial to prevent the occurrence of indigenous territories border dispute. for that reason, it is the duty of the provincial, county and city governments to regulate and set limits on indigenous territories as a place to earn a living in social, cultural and economic activities. the regulation of limits and boundaries of indigenous territories in provincial level is done through special local regulations, while for the district or city level, it is done through the county or city regulations. traditional boundaries defined here include territorial boundaries of land, sea or waters, including rivers and airspace. in order to guarantee the provision of the law, provincial, district and city governments are obliged to facilitate the process of certifying and mapping customary land territory. certification of customary land includes land owned and controlled by indigenous people for generations, either individually or in groups or clans. 2. empowerment of women in papua empowerment of women in papua gets serious treatment after the implementation of the special autonomy law. under the terms of article 47 of the special autonomy law that it is the duty of the provincial, district and city governments to enforce papuan women’s human rights. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 365 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ obligation to enforce the human rights of women includes the effort to nurture, protect, and empower women dignifiedly and proportionally, and make women as equal partners of men. women refers to the special autonomy law no. 20 and government regulations no. 54, which specifically set about the task of working groups of women, indigenous peoples and religion in the papuan people’s assembly. the working group of women fights for empowerment and protection of indigenous papuan women in terms of getting justice. empowerment of women is a major mandate on how to do genderization. genderization emerged in papua recently, where woman is one of the marginalized individuals both in terms of culture, of the rules of the state policy and local customary rules that are not in favor of women. with gender issues at both regional and national levels, at least it can minimize women’s issues, especially in the areas of governance and development. however, in the traditional structure discrimination against women still occurs. therefore, the special autonomy law has been set up for women to be able to take a role in areas where women’s involvement is very limited. 3. empowerment of religious life implementation of special autonomy for papua province brings policy changes in the religious field. the law has provided confirmation of the existence of the government and papuan people’s commitment to ensure freedom of religion. policy in religious field is carried out with particularity. substantially, the articles related to religion in this law give a confirmation about the commitment of the government and people of papua to guarantee freedom of religion and belief, respect for religious values, strengthen tolerance and harmony among religious communities and prevent any attempt to break the unity of the people in papua province and in the republic of indonesia. although based on formal-juridical religious authority is central government’s authority, article 4 of the special autonomy law states that the province of papua has a specific policy in the religious field. in this correlation, the government of papua province shall provide support mainly in the form of religious development funds in papua by conlocal community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 366 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sidering the number of religious adherents of indigenous papuans. therefore, local governments are also obliged to provide assistance to support social activities of churches and muslim papuans. to preserve religious values which also become an integral part of the cultural values of papua, the provincial, district, and city governments are obliged to protect sites of religious history. this obligation is realized through the construction of religious sites which are supported by adequate funding and budget budgeted permanently at the local budget of the province, district and city. in order to give alignments and the empowerment of indigenous papuans, recruitment of staff of the department of religion, including the appointment of teachers of religion, the provincial government needs to make policies and provides opportunity and major priority to them. in addition to support of human resources and source of funds, specific policies in the field of religion are also supported with adequate praying infrastructures. however, to maintain and guarantee freedom of religion and worship in accordance with religious rules and beliefs of each religion, then local regulation is set up to regulate procedures for the construction of means of worship through a license from the provincial and district / city governments. the arrangement of means of worship is important to maintain harmony for religious life and respect of religious belief according to their respective religious teachings and beliefs. it is increasingly becoming important in relation to the agreement and commitment of all leaders of religious institutions with the support of stakeholders to make papua a land of peace. the concept of papua as a land of peace is made in order to maintain the integrity of the nation, and at the same time maintain the religious harmony that allows the whole process of governance, development and service to be effective and beneficial. 4. social, cultural, and economic empowerment a. socio-cultural aspect socio-cultural aspect is one part that gets special attention in the special autonomy law. of socio-cultural aspect, papua province has a diversity of ethnics, languages and customs. diversity is also a great potential local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 367 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ wealth in order to build a national culture. culture has connotations that are complementary to the notions of behavior, customs, culture, structure, and civilization. human are cultured, civilized beings and have traditions of community structure, including fixed certain habits and change with the times. as it is stated in the general explanation of act no. 21/2001 that greater authority given to papua province contains greater responsibilities to regulate the administration and manage the utilization of natural resources for the greater prosperity of the people of papua. this authority also means the authority to empower the socio-cultural and economic potential of the papuan people. this suggests that the intellectual property rights of native papuans should be empowered for the benefit of indigenous papuans themselves. education is a basic need that can not be neglected in the daily lives. education is not only formal education but also education outside of school which is commonly so-called non-formal education. based on the statistical records, the quality of education in the province of papua is still low. this is due to socio-economic factors as well as geographical and topographical conditions which are the major obstacles to the implementation of education. in addition, the limited number of teachers also influences the quality of education in papua. the problems related to educational development in papua are: (a) many children of school age who can not get education; (b) dropout rate, especially at the high school level (unable to complete his education well); (c) imbalance ratio of the number of teachers and students (lack of teachers); (d) high number of illiteracy; and (e) low enrollment rates. even the gross enrollment ratio (ger) of learners to basic education levels appears to decline, both quantitatively and qualitatively. based on those facts, article 56 of the special autonomy law stated that any resident of the papua province shall be entitled to a quality education from early childhood education up to secondary school level with the lowest tuitions. under this provision, in the explanation, the provincial government can make affirmative policy to allow for exemption of education fees for students to basic education, while for secondary education and higher education scholarships can be provided. this policy is local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 368 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ further regulated through the special local regulation. b. economy implementation of special autonomy in papua significantly changes the overall approach to economic development. the 2001 special autonomy law confirmed that the economy in papua province is carried out as a part of national and global economy that is directed at and intended to create for the greater prosperity and welfare of the papuan people to uphold the principles of fairness and equity. economic development, including the use of natural resources, is carried out by providing benefits for the greater prosperity and welfare, while still upholding a sense of fairness, equity, protection of indigenous people, environmental protection and sustainable development. policy is more directed to the sectors of the economy and based on the utilization and management of natural resources, which are used for the greater prosperity and welfare of indigenous papuans. economic development aimed at community economy is empowerment effort to indigenous papuans. empowerment priority in the economic aspects is done by: (a) the empowerment of indigenous papuans to employers, (b) providing economic support facilities and infrastructure facilities in the form of special markets for indigenous papuans; (c) provision of agricultural land, plantations, livestock and fisheries for native papuans supported by adequate supporting facilities, (d) the ease of obtaining venture capital through soft loans made by banks or credit institutions or financial guarantor institutions provided by the provincial, district or city governments; and (e) establishment or provision of financial guarantor institution at the village level which controls money circulation in the village level and also ensures business loan capital for indigenous papuans through village credit institutions or with a different name at the village level. in this case, the financial guarantee institution is established and funded by the provincial, district and city governments. local government efforts to promote the local economy become important in economic empowerment. these efforts can be realized if the government policies provide budgetary alignments to promote small and medium enterprises (smes), the protection of the economically weak local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 369 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ groups, and strengthening local economic institutions that already exist. for example, the empowerment of local traders, village-owned enterprises, cooperatives, village credit institutions and many other. the empowerment of economic aspects of local communities especially relates to the supply market; provision of agricultural land, plantation, animal husbandry, and fisheries with adequate support facilities; ease to obtain capital through soft loans; empowerment in the areas of business services, industry and trade. empowerment of indigenous papuans in the field of labor is the duty of the provincial, district and city governments to provide easy and adequate facilities. the government is also responsible for preparing skilled workers to compete in the private sector. the implementation of the special autonomy law with the principle of affirmative action is in accordance with article 62 paragraph (2) which asserts that every papuan is entitled to the opportunity and advantage in all areas of employment in the papua province based on their education and skills. conclusion and suggestion 1. conclusion based on the study and description of the empowerment of local communities within the framework of special autonomy which have been stated above, it can be concluded as follows: a. the implementation of the special autonomy law in papua province has brought a fundamental change in approach and community development policies, particularly the empowerment of local communities including indigenous people, women and religion. empowerment of indigenous people is to give the ability to manage natural resources sustainably, strengthen indigenous institutions, as well as solve the problems of land and customary rights of indigenous people. empowerment of women is related to achievement of gender equality by involving them in various aspects of development, as well as protecting them from the elements of violence. empowerment in the field of religion concerns the protection of indigenous papuan people to embrace religion or belief in accordance with the trust and maintain harmony among religions. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 370 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b. social, cultural and economic empowerment is an effort to improve the well-being and sense of justice to the local communities in development. empowerment is accomplished by providing maximum benefit for the well-being while upholding a sense of fairness, equity, protection of indigenous peoples, women, and religion as well as environmental protection and sustainable development. it is also intended to catch up and reduce the socio-economic gap with other regions in indonesia. 2. suggestion associated with the description and analysis of the above problems, it can be given advices or suggestions as follows: a. in order to empower local people (indigenous people of papua) in the execution and implementation of the special autonomy law, strict monitoring and evaluation is needed to fit the purpose of special autonomy. b. to maintain the interests of the people of papua as a whole, the operational basis for the special autonomy law shall be resolved, namely the provincial regulation and special areas regulations. references ali, ruslan. 2006. prinsip-prinsip dasar dan strategi pembangunan masyarakat (panduan bagi fasilitas komunikasi). lembaga mitra lingkungan (lml) sul-sel, makasar. gaffar, afan, 2002. politik indonesia, transisi menuju demokrasi. (cet-3) pustaka pelajar, jakarta. liliey, gayatri, 1998. pemberdayaan masyarakat pesisir di sekitar kawasan konservasi laut, jurnal pembangunan daerah no. 2 depdagri, jakarta. nottingham, elisabeth, 1997. agama dan masyarakat: rajawali pers, jakarta.. prijono, onny s. dan pranarka (penyunting), 1996. pemberdayaan: konsep kebijakan dan implementasi, csis, jakarta. sastrosasmito, sudar yono, 1988. pemberdayaan desa-kota bagi penanggulangan kemiskinan di pedesaan, jurnal pwk vol 9 no.1 p3wk itb, bandung. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 371 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ suharto, edi, 2005. membangun masyarakat, memberdayakan masyarakat, refika aditama, bandung. sztompka, piotr, 2004. sosiologi perubahan sosial. di indonesiakan oleh alimandan, predana media, jakarta. undang-undang republik indonesia no 21 tahun 2001. otonomi khusus bagi provinsi papua, badan kesatguan bangsa provinsi papua, jayapura. usman, sunyoto, 2004 (cet. iii). pembangunan dan pemberdayaan masyarakat. pustaka pelajar, yogyakarta. wrihatnolo, randy r. dan riant nugroho dwidjojoto, 2007. manajemen pemberdayaan, pt. elex media komputindo, jakarta. local community empowerment in the special autonomy law in papua province / usman pakasi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0019 vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121129 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 76 affiliation: 1.monash university,wellington rd, clayton vic 3800, australia 2. monash university, wellington rd, clayton vic 3800, australia correspondence: hsja0001@student.monash.edu citation: sjahputra, h. r. t., & tisso, a. r. (2021). the growing threat of boko haram to regional security. 11(1). jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (1). 76-103 article history: received : 2021-01-30 revision : 2021-02-07 accepted : 2021-02-08 the growing threat of boko haram to regional security hafidz ridha try sjahputra aru rongchitim tisso abstract this research will analyse and delve into one of the most notorious terrorist groups in today’s world islamic state of west africa commonly known as boko haram. through this paper’s medium, we will delve into one of the most brutal and heinous terrorist organisations that have created havoc in nigeria and its neighbouring states. firstly, we will explore the historical origins of the islamic state of western africa formerly known as boko haram which is an affiliate of the islamic state and also explore and understand the nature of the conflict in africa. we will also delve into the links between the isis and boko haram and explore the modus operandi and strategies of the islamic state in regrouping with the help of its affiliates in the new geographi cal territory after the fall of isis caliphate in iraq and syria in 2014. addition ally, we will provide several counterterrorism strategies to prevent the rise boko haram in nigeria and neighboring countries. keywords: boko haram, insurgency, nigeria, regional security, terrorism abstrak penelitian ini akan menganalisis dan menyelidiki salah satu kelompok teroris paling terkenal di dunia saat ini negara islam afrika barat yang umumnya dikenal sebagai boko haram. melalui media makalah ini, kita akan menyelidiki salah satu organisasi teroris paling brutal dan keji yang telah menciptakan kekacauan di nigeria dan negara-negara tetangganya. pertama, kita akan menelusuri asal-usul sejarah negara islam afrika bagian barat yang sebelumnya dikenal dengan boko haram yang merupakan afiliasi dari negara islam dan juga mengeksplorasi dan memahami sifat konflik di afrika. kami juga akan menyelidiki hubungan antara isis dan boko haram dan mengeksplorasi modus operandi dan strategi negara islam dalam mengelompokkan kembali dengan bantuan afiliasinya di wilayah geografis baru setelah jatuhnya kekhalifahan isis di irak dan suriah pada tahun 2014. selain itu, kami akan memberikan beberapa strategi kontraterorisme untuk mencegah munculnya boko haram di nigeria dan negara-negara tetangga. kata kunci: boko haram, pemberontakan, nigeria, keamanan regional, terorisme introduction the islamic state ofwestern africa formerly known as jama’atu ahlis sunna lidda’awati wal-jihad commonly known as boko haram is a jihadist militant organisation predominantly based in northeastern nigeria, chad, niger and northern cameroon (thurston, 2017). https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.121129 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:hsja0001@student.monash.edu https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9473-7884 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9473-7884 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7848-0911 jurnal studi pemerintah an to begin this research at first, boko haram marked their first attack in the late of december 2003 by attacking police stations and other public buildings in two cities in yobe state, geidam and kanamma. yusuf, initially started the movement as a non-violent evangelical organisation to purify islam. however, 77 over time the group started becoming more radicalised, which led to a military crackdown against the group and the subsequent execution of its founder and spiritual leader muhammad yusuf in 2009, the death of its leader and founding father muhammad yusuf prompted the group to engage in violent activities against the nigerian military and the nigerian state authorities, ever since it’s establishment the organisation has been known for its brutality and has engaged in different violent activities such as church bombings, sectarian violence, abduction of school girls, public execution of people in the territories they controlled and assault on nigerian government authorities and security forces, the main goal of this organisation is to establish an islamic state or caliphate governed by a strict interpretation of shariah law. the threat of horror boko haram emerged in late of 2010; this organisation have been responsible for the dead of 550 people in 115 attacks in which men, women and children were killed in and around northern nigeria (pham, 2012). despite the gruesome nature of this organisation, it still received enor mous support from its followers and even recruited new follow ers mostly from poor and downtrodden sections of society who have been disappointed with the nigerian government. there were widespread speculations that there was a link between the islamic state in iraq and syria and boko haram however this speculation became official when in march 2015, the leader of boko haram abu bakr shekau the former lieu tenant and one of the most trusted soldier of muhammad yusuf (ekpo, 2020) pledged allegiance to abu bakr al baghdadi, the leader and caliph of the jihadist organisation and proto-state – the islamic state, additionally islamic state stated in their maga zine dabiq that the rejection of nationalism was the driving force behind boko haram pledged of allegiance to isis, since then boko haram started calling themselves the islamic state vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 78 of west africa, this move widened the islamic state transla tional campaign of establishing a global caliphate and also gave the conflict in iraq and syria an international profile, in return it aided islamic state of west africa also known as boko haram in terms of recruitment and wider appeal, the alliance between the two facilitated many nigerians to travel to fight for isis and it also provided an alternative route for jihadist globally who weren’t able to travel to syria during the period of conflict in syria and iraq. four years since the disintegration of the caliphate and the fall of mosul, there was a spate of terrorist attacks in nigeria and neighbouring chad in 2020 allegedly by islamic state of west africa which is an affiliate of isis, many counterterrorism experts commented that the attacks were indeed a resurgence of the islamic state, the modus operandi of boko haram and isis have same common techniques both of the organization have implemented during the attacks such as violence against other religious groups, executions, beheadings were similar to what isis implemented during the syrian conflict. timeline of the cycle of violence linked to islamic state of west africa this organisation between 2002-2009 were responsible for high profile assassinations of local religious leaders who had a different interpretation of islam from that of their spiritual leader muhammad yusuf whose religious views were considered to be extreme by his counterparts. the tensions started afteran accident in july 2009. when members of boko haram were stopped by police officers for violating traffic law by not wearing a safety helmet, this led to an intense debate between members of boko haram and the government authorities, according to boko harams perspective they believed that this law was not relevant with the religious obligation of wearing a headdress and this incident ended with gunfire between the police and the members of boko haram. this organization has also been jurnal studi pemerintah an running its operation not only in nigeria but also in neigh79 bouring countries such as chad and cameron, and it triggerred a military response from those states (arslan, 2021). in 2012 as part of their campaign of sectarian violence against christians the group bombed three of the churches in in two cities namely, wusasa and sabon giri in kaduna state, the at tack was an act of revenge for the atrocities committed by chris tians against muslims, and during that time we can understand that the western coalition led by the united states and allies were joining the conflict that took place in the middle east, especially in regards to any relation to the arab spring. the governor said that the attacked needed o be addressed to the main core of the issues which is the misunderstanding between muslim and christian in nigeria (bbc, 2012). this organization believe that the need to establishment of sharia and islam as the basis of government as the way to transform the morality of muslim people in nigeria and boko haram believe by having a jihad it would be the best way to transform the government into the system that they want to have (solomon & group, 2017). the government of nigeria did try to negotiate with boko haram by trying to give them amnesty. it was proven that in april 2013 shekau dismissed a proposal from nigerian press jonathan to grant amnesty to boko haram militants if they dis armed; shekau said that the boko haram did not do anything to break the law and he believed that is the way that boko haram wants to have relations with the government of nigeria. this organisation has been responsible for food crisis, fam ine in several areas in nigeria this organisation has gained in ternational attention and notoriety after 12 years of their estab lishment in 2014 by kidnapping 270 schoolgirls in chibok. this organisation believed that using violence and attacking religion place and by kidnapping school girls; they can receive the atten tion of the international institutions. in 2015 nigeria govern ment has warned the people in to be careful with the cruelty vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 80 from boko haram which used scatter bombs and other lethal instrument to increase their terrorist operation which is very danger for the people who do not have any military protection (times, 2015). at the end of november of 2020, boko haram attacked around 70 civilians in which many of the victims were rice field workers. this organization killed their victims in the most grue some and horrifying way, they tied up the people before slitting their throat. the attack at the end of 2020 have shown to the international world that despite losing support from isis, yet, this organization is still thriving and will not stop violent activi ties against people they have considered as an enemy. moreover in 2021, while the world whole world was occu pied by the pandemic and struggle to find the cure for the pan demic of covid-19 this organization even broadens their ter rorist activities by attacking four nigeria soldier and wounding eight others. this showed to the international community that the going threat of boko haram is a serious issue of concern for the international community. the modus operandi of boko haram ever since its evolution from a nonviolent evangelical organization into a full-fledged violent extremist organization, boko haram has adopted various violent tactics such as public executions, abduction of school girls, suicide attacks, high profile assassinations to further the cause of creating an islamic caliphate, it also applies conventional methods of warfare on civilian’s and the military forces. in 2010 the united states gov ernment give a concern to the action from boko haram that are using internet as one of their tool of operation (on et al., 2014). in 2014 the group captured large swathes of territory in the state of borno but failed to capture the capital city of maiduguri however in 2015 it lost most of its territory and retreated back to the jungles, it has also recruited young boys as child soldiers. they invite their followers through two ways first jurnal studi pemerintah an is through coercion and the second way is the people who vol81 untarily join into boko haram (bbc, n.d.). the fall of isis since the establishment of isis on april 2013 and reached their peak of power between the middle of 2014 after taking the city of mosul and expanding their territories and established themselves as caliphate on 29 june 2014 they have increased their power rapidly but after the attack from the united states by president obama on 7 august 2014 as the beginning of airstrike from us government, isis started to weaken due to the attack. at the end of 2017 islamic state of iraq and syria (isis) have gradually lost their territory, army and military power due to the attack from the united states and allies who continuously attack and weakened the power of isis in syria and iraq and by the end of the year of 2017, they have lost their 95 per cent of the territory. on 26 october 2019 the former leader of isis who is abu bakral baghdadi was committed to suicide by deto nating himself and killed two children during barisha raid (cnn, 2019) the death of al-baghdadi made isis become weaker than before even after they have named the successor ibrahim al hashemi al qurayshi. literature review and hypothesis formulation hypothesis h1 – the main threat that boko haram possesses is its trans formation from a regional or local militant group into a transnational jihadist organization which fosters direct glo bal security threat. h2 – unemployment, poverty, poor living conditions and mis management of resources by the nigerian government in the predominant muslims majority states of nigeria are one of the primary factors of radicalization and also the driving force of many nigerian muslim youths the ranks of or boko vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 82 haram. h3 – the inequality between the predominant muslim major ity provinces of nigeria and the predominantly christian southern provinces in which the latter enjoys more benefits from the government than the former is also one the driv ing factors of radicalization and recruitment into the ranks of boko haram. h4 – the opposition to western education and western values, the notion from which boko haram derives its name from acts as a clarion call for underprivileged and impoverished muslims in to join the ranks of boko haram who seemed corrupt elites inspired by western values as their enemy boko haram has created a reign of terror in nigeria and north-eastern africa ever since it reassembled itself from a rag tag group into a full-fledged armed militant organizing in the year 2009 after a violent uprising against local religious leaders and government forces, the group is known for its brutality best exemplified by its engagement in different terrorist and violent activities such as beheadings, public executions, sectarian violence, high profile assassinations of government authorities and religious leaders, assault on government military forces, abduction of school girls, suicide attacks. over the years it has transitioned itself from a local militant organization into be coming a potential poster boy for global salafist jihadist move ment, so many lingering questions exist in terms of the threat it poses for global peace and security, it’s status in the global jihadist scene, the strategies the group applies. this review of literature will try to understand an array of assertions bought forward by different scholars, critics and academics concerning the notion of the threat boko haram poses. to start pham, postulates that the operational tactics and the violent campaign it applies is an indicator that theorganization is evolving and expanding beyond the borders of north-eastern nigeria and is on the verge of becoming a transnational terror ist organization and a global security threat because the jurnal studi pemerintah an organization has already maintained links with other global 83 salafist jihadist organisations, he also asserts that in order to understand the nature and the expansion of the organization, it is necessary to understand the economic, political, religious and social construct of the region of north-eastern nigeria, the corrupt nature of the nigerian government, the poor socio economic conditions of predominantly muslim northern prov inces as compared to the majority christians in the south have made muslims in the south felt discriminated at the hands of the central nigerian government. these factors have attracted and appealed the people in the northern provinces, especially muslims youths, unemployed high school and disaffected youth to join the ranks of boko haram in order to express their resentment against the government, boko haram have applied the signature operational tactics of other militant groups such as bombings leading to high number of casualties, suicide bombings by boko haram was an indicator of its links with other global jihadist organization because sui cide attacks wasn’t known in africa until few years (onuoha, 2014). in terms of confronting the threat that boko haram pos sess it is important to understand the divisions within boko haram, one that aims to transform nigeria into an islamic state and the other faction that is hell-bent on the dissolution and elimination of nigeria as a state. the other strategy is to forge a relationship with local communities in order to get an intelli gence report to prevent and deter future terrorist attacks. the other way is to penetrate its recruitment and radicalization pro cess, and that could be achieved by addressing or improving the socio-economic or living conditions of the people where boko haram breeds in order to prevent the people from getting at tracted and seduced to the messages of boko haram. pham also postulates that the nigerian military forces could seek assistance and the nigerian government could strengthen regional cooperation with its neighbours in order to counter vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 84 the threat of boko haram effectively. meanwhile, ahokegh, on the other hand, asserts the lack of government in dealing with the security challenges as a contributing factor towards the rise of boko haram, he also points out that poor borders as a breeding ground for infiltration of militants and arms and am munition into the country. this point supports the assertion by pham. (pham, 2012) pertaining to the growth of its network and the subsequent growth of its status as a global jihadist organisation, ahokegh (ahokegh, 2012) also points out towards the nature of electoral politics in nigeria he points out a very interesting fact that nigerian leaders are not popularly elected which makes the elected leaders believe that they don’t have any duty towards the people in terms of security and protection, (pham, 2014) points out that muslim youths in northern nigeria are attracted towards joining boko haram because of unequal distribution of wealth as in the north ern provinces as compared to it’s predominantly christian south ern provinces however ahokegh contrast this point by stating that even though the leaders of the northern provinces are concerned with economic and political grievances, young people who are recruited into the ranks of boko haram are only occu pied with religious motives, i.e. islamising the whole country and establishing an islamic state. interestingly one must understand the fact that boko haram which literally means “western education is forbidden “is an ex pression against western values because western education was a by-product of colonialism, the resentment against corrupt elites who are shaped by western ideals was the contributing factor towards the establishment of boko haram, it is also an expres sion of islamic culture of northern nigeria opposition to west ern doctrines. ahokegh also suggests in his journal that the most effective way to curb the growing threat of boko haram is through dia logue and peace talks with leaders of boko haram rather than direct military confrontation as a short term remedy, as a long jurnal studi pemerintah an term remedy he puts forward the idea of creating a national 85 forum where all the grievances of different religious and ethnic groups would be discussed, he also suggests creating job oppor tunities for unemployed youths affected by the conflict would prevent further radicalization and recruitment. comparatively the views articulated by both the scholars in terms of the contributing factors towards the growth of the is lamic state of western africa or boko haram remains almost the same. however the two scholars differ in terms of the strat egies and solutions provided to eliminate the threat that boko haram possess, for instance, both the scholars acknowledge fac tors like poor governance, inequal distribution of wealth and socio, economic, political as a precursor towards radicalization among muslim youths in northern nigeria, both the scholars have pointed out the nature of poor leadership among the po litical elites of nigeria as a contributing factor towards the suc cessful growth of boko haram in the northern provinces of nigeria, but with that being said, the two scholars provides opposing views in terms of the solutions or counterterrorism strategies to eliminate the threat. pham provides a realist solu tion pertaining to the issue; for instance, he asserts that the best solution in countering the threat of terrorism is to seek military assistance from neighbouring states, he also points out about penetrating into the radicalization and recruitment pro cess of boko haram to prevent and deter further recruitment and radicalization, he also talks about getting ground intelligence reports by establishing a relationship with the local communi ties. ahokegh, on the other hand, provides a very constructivist and liberal approach pertaining to the conflict, he asserts that the best solution pertaining to the conflict is a dialogue between the boko haram and the nigerian government rather than direct military confrontation, he also talks about providing job opportunities in northern nigeria to unemployed youths as a process of rehabilitation and in order to prevent further recruit vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 86 ment into the ranks of boko haram while the two previous research has pointed out several points such as the solution from pham that how to against the threat of boko haram such asking military support from neighbouring countries which is relevant with the realist point of view by us ing power to against the military action from boko haram while the article from ahokegh recommends to the government to diplomacy action through negotiation and dialogues to settle the conflict, this research has different focus and point of view to this conflict. this research aims to elaborate on the threat of boko haram, especially between 2019-2020 and how this organization raise power after the fall of isis power after 2017. in additional the research will examine why the peace settle ment between boko haram and nigeria government still do not reach consensus between two parties and this research will try to give the solution for building the peace between two par ties and eliminate the conflict. research method this paper will use qualitative-based research combined with a content analysis that aims to have in-depth research within the topic. thus, data resources are obtained through library re search, such as books, journals, articles, and newspapers, whether online-based or through resource centres, including libraries and any relevant sources. the qualitative research is run concurrently starting from data collection, data analysis, and data interpreta tion from the observation of the data, which will be explained in the results and discussion part. this research will use empiri cal analysis to understand the context of the topic (centre, 2014). this is document-based research with content analysis. more over, this approach requires a deep understanding of texts. the researchers also could narratively make own their interpreta tion on the texts (analytics or critics) which have been academi cally accepted and relevant. (bmj, 2008). jurnal studi pemerintah an theoritical framework 87 theory of classical realism – hans j morgenthau this research will use the theory from hans morgenthau as the tool to analysis the topic of research. morgenthau, who founded the theory that is now known as classical realism which believes that human is animus dominandi or creature of in terest who always put their interest as their first intention. this theory believes that human always smeared themselves with the struggle of power, which in this context are being translated by the action of boko haram to gain the power to manifest their ideology to all part of nigeria. the threat of boko haram, which appears after the dissolution of isis is also relevant to the idea of classical realism that human always try to find the chance to maximise their goals (laurence, 2015). realism believes in the two important concepts, which are interest and power. furthermore, this theory believes that only human always has an interest in every action that they take. however, morgenthau realism believes that the action from human should consider the moral of action, but when the moral value prevents the person from surviving, moral consideration will be lost. in this context, boko haram sees the chance from the disso lution of isis in 2019 as the possibility for them to expand their operation and take the lead as the new leader for the islamic militancy especially in africa. thus, this is the interest of boko haram to increase their power and operation, which make them the worst threat for nigeria and the other neighbouring coun tries such as chad, niger and cameroon. concept of mediation in this research, we would like to use a mediation concept from federal foreign police of germany as the way to find the solution into this topic by using mediation topic which is we divide into four-track of internal actor one is is coming from vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 88 top leadership from united nations or from multi-lateral organisations through high-level negotiations that we called as track one and next is from national dialogues but through in formal mediations and we called as track one point five, and next part is middle range leadership that we have called as track two and next is grassroots leadership that called as track three that are mostly people who responsible for this track run ning the process of negotiation through local leaders and grassroots stakeholder (federal foreign office & initiative me diation support deutschland, 2017) based on the previous case in sudan, the government of sudan to eliminate the long-armed and political conflict. thus, in 2014 through their president by using track 1.5 with the in volvement of berghof foundation and the german institute for international and security affairs and during this process that conducted in berlin this process has produced berlin dec laration that becomes a bridge to national dialogue in addis ababa the capital of ethiopia. in this research we would like to use this concept as the tool to solve this conflict. we would like to be addressed by inviting the eminent people or institution from the high levels such as from the united nations or from central figure that haveinflu ence to boko haram and can have a cooperation with nigerian government. involving these parties to established dialogue through multilayers society. when we refer back to the previ ous mediation the things why the negotiation become failed because the government only use top-bottom policy such as grant amnesty for the member of boko haram. result and discussion this research is purposely to analyse and give a several op tions on how this threat from boko haram should be ap proached as well as to view the going threat of boko haram and try to open the new perspective on the issues. this research also examines the previous action from the government of nigeria jurnal studi pemerintah an and to overcome this issues that did not success to settle the 89 issue while also find the lessons from the previous action that can be using in the future. figure 1. number of people who killed by boko haram year number of victims 2010 32 2011 68 2012 900 2013 44 2014 6.600 2015 1000 2016 65 2017 300 2018 1,200 2019 640 2020 1,606 boko haram casualties from 2010 to 2020 ever since boko haram transformed itself into a violent jihadist militant organization in the year 2009 this terrorism organization has been killed thousands of people and displaced millions of people from their home (bbc, 2015). furthermore, the fact has shown that since this organization start their insur gency it has resulted in the deaths of around 20,000 to 30,000 people and about 2.3 million people have been displaced from their homes. in april 2015 nigerian military forces rescued 293 women and children from dambisa forest. many women were reportedly pregnant. according to office of the high commis sioner for human rights (ohcr), 307 women and children were rescued and enrolled in deradicalization programme organised by the nigerian government in the year 2017 at least 967 people were killed in attacks perpetrated by boko haram most of the victims were from maiduguri a city that is going through an increase in population due to people fleeing rural areas to shelter themselves from boko haram attacks (bbc, 2018). in 2018 this organization has killed vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 90 at least 640 civilians during the conflict between the organiza tion with the security forces (watch, 2020). most of the fatalities recorded were villagers and soldiers, in november 2019, it contributed to 750 casualties double the to tal of any former years, boko haram have also committed mas sive human rights violations. men and boys who don’t submit to their doctrine are systemically butchered, also the use of sui cide bombers has led to more deaths in the first half of 2015.the organisation had also engaged in abduction of young boys for indoctrinating in its ideology, women and girls have also been victims of sexual exploitation perpetrated by members of boko haram. on november 2020, boko haram massacred at least 43 vil lagers near koshobe village in the state of borno, the victims were butchered with knives and machetes and many of them were missing and between january and november 2020 and in this year there were 142 attacks reportedly linked to boko haram, out of the 142 attacks,17 had no casualties and overall 1,606 people were killed in the year 2020 (ocha, 2020). figure 2. the place where boko haram most active source: (britannica, 2020) jurnal studi pemerintah an the impact of boko haram to neighbouring 91 countries cameroon the leader of boko haram muhammad shekau, this research has found that the action by the boko haram to attack and threaten the cameroon government which we refer to the message from the leader of boko haram abu bakar shekau on january 2015 that sent to the youtube because the organisation has the interest to use the long miscommunication between the government of nigeria and cameroon (foyou et al., 2018). we return back to 2013 when nigerian troops were created multi national force alongside with chad and niger in order to face a growing threat from boko haram. yet, the government of cameroon did not join the multi-national force, even the grow ing threat of boko haram was on the edge of happening. however, the turning point of the role of cameroon in this conflict was in 2014 after boko haram expands their attack and atrocities across the north part of cameroon. it triggers them to join the multi-national force with other countries that affected by boko haram operation such as nigeria, benin, chad and niger. after the action from boko haram who recruited the young people from cameroonians to join into their force, finally, cameroon establishes recruitment for around 20.000 people to increase the defence and security forces to against the operation from boko haram. chad chad, the state which has a direct border with nigeria, had been one of the neighbour’s countries who face the gruesome and cruel and horror operation from boko haram. this re search has found that the presence of boko haram has emerged around lake chad and it was started in 2015 which at that time boko haram responsible for killed hundreds of people (econo mist, 2015) and make more than 10000 people displaced from their place. the attack to chad was because of theinvolvement vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 92 of them to attack boko haram with nigeria and other neigh bouring countries, which make them exposed to the attack from that terrorist group (group, 2017). in this country, boko haram is using their common strategy to find the chance from the territory that have a dispute be tween them and the government and especially to the poor people that have the historical background to resist the gov ernment. according to the research from international crisis group, chad is considered as fertile ground for boko haram and in addition, the chadian immigrants who have a similar history, religion and even language with the nigerian-borno state. we have found that on this research that by utilising the same historical background and same value with a potential fol lower, it will increase the possibilities for them to feel comfort able to join boko haram (group, 2017). niger niger which is one of the neighbouring states of nigeria have been vulnerable from the threat of boko haram; it is due to its unstable and fragile government and also due to socio-economic factors, additionally, the existence of other salafist jihadist organisation in the country such as al queda in the islamic maghreb (aqim ) which shares a similar ideology as boko haram could potentially create more regional security threat, even though to counter this the nigerian government have adopted strict measures such as strengthening its borders, it has proven counterproductive for ordinary citizens of niger because of its dependency on nigeria for food and trade because of the drought in niger, niger which is one of the poorest countries in the world is vulnerable to threats from boko haram especially in its eastern region. in the end 2020 boko have killed 28 people and burned 800 homes in niger which have proven the need of quick action to overcome this delicate matter (reuters, 2020). jurnal studi pemerintah an boko haram after the dissolution of isis 93 we have found the fact that the going threat of boko haram after the dissolution of isis has been happened because of the strategy that they are using in nigeria is different from what isis had. boko haram has a more structured organisation and prepared well to face any pressure from foreign force such as from the united nations or the united states and the allies. based on the research, we can derive that the threat of boko haram is expanding beyond the borders of nigeria, and its in fluence is spreading in neighbouring countries of nigeria such as cameroon, niger and chad. the most effective way to counter boko haram in this realm is to strengthen border security in order to prevent the escala tion of it’s influence in other regions of africa and also to stop the influx of foreign fighters of jihadist organization that are in alliance with boko haram additionally the magnitude of influ ence of boko haram in north-eastern nigeria stems from poor socio and economic grievances of the region which compels muslims in north-eastern nigeria to join the ranks of boko haram and in order to counter that the nigerian government should address these issues and improve the socio-economic liv ing condition in the region, apart from that moderate religious leaders in the region should spread awareness about the bar baric doctrines of boko haram in order to prevent psychological indoctrination among the muslim youths in northern nigeria and also the authorities should keep a watch on the propaganda machinery of the group, moreover authorities should keep a watch on the network between boko haram now known as iswa and the islamic state otherwise africa will be on the peripheries of becoming the new hub for jihadist groups and potentially the next syria and iraq. abduction of school students at the end of 2020, this organisation by using ak-47 weapon have abducted more than 300 students in nigeria into into sur vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 94 rounding forests, and this is legitimate by the claim from shekau, the leader of boko haram. this is showing that the operation from boko haram did not even slow down, but it still at the highest threat to the nigeria government (obiezu, 2020). christmas eve attack the translation from the ideology from boko haram which forbids all the western education and to refer back to the state ment from shekau that delivered on the video that they are confronting and against all the christians people as general. this organization have proven that by attacking the christian people in their holy night which is the christmas eve. boko haram run their horror operation by killing seven people and burn more than nine homes and expand their operation by looting the food supplies which sadly should be given to the people who are celebrating christmas. developing threat of boko haram the community in nigeria have hired vigilante and private military groups to fight together with the army of nigeria. meanwhile, people are protecting themselves by using vigilante and private military groups. the attack of boko haram was still running hard, and this is happening through the process of this research are because of the society in northern nigeria even do not have the same perspective on how to view the operation from boko haram. the disappointment from the people of nigeria especially the poor people who have a long disappoint ment towards the policy from the nigeria government have seen the boko haram as the way out to attack and overcome the unfairness that they have faced from nigeria especially since the organization would like to against the unfairness especially in terms of economic perspective for the nigerian people. it is increasing the attraction of this organization to attract more followers to join their operation. based on the research from around 35 per cent of the nigerian government are con jurnal studi pemerintah an sidered on the poor economic layer, which makes this organisa95 tion have increased their attractiveness. furthermore, their ac tion from boko haram to impose shari’a law in nigeria have relevant historical background with several riots in nigeria that happened in 1980th, which make the fight based on religion factors have become common in nigeria, which adds more fac tors for the people who want to impose shari’a law to join boko haram (adenrele, 2012). during the process of creating this article we have found that boko haram have stockpiling arms which indicate that they are preparing for long term run for their operation which is continuous giving threat for nigeria and neighbouring countries (berman, 2020). on january 2021, just several days after new year boko haram have responsible to the attack in northern cameroon which killed a dozen civilians and eight children which had done by a woman who did suicide bomber and blew herself. this is a prove that boko haram can inspire a person to kill herself and this is mak ing the going threat of boko haram is even more dangerous for the people (jazeera, 2021). furthermore, they have killed 13 sol diers of nigeria troop in northeaster nigeria which add their notorious action in the early of 2021 which has given a sign to nigerian government and neighbouring countries to address immediate action to tackle the operation from boko haram. possible recommendations to counter the threat of boko haram as we have discussed earlier and as articulated by different scholars, the threat of boko haram is evolving and expanding on a gargantuan scale, and as postulated by the two scholars we have discussed earlier, there are various contributing factors for the growth of boko haram, and it’s a cycle of violence and ter ror, and each of them needs different solutions to counter it, in this chapter, we will delve into the various factors pertaining to the growth of the radical organization and also discuss the pos sible solution to counter it’s growing threat vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 96 education& awarenessprograms the lack of proper education is also one of the key factors in the widespread radicalization of impoverished muslims in north ern nigeria, the lack of education provides a safe haven for boko haram in the dissemination of its radical doctrines, due to lack of education and critical thinking the poverty-stricken population in northern nigeria lack the ability to differentiate between genuine religious sermons, and false interpretation of islam attributed to boko haram, one of the ways to counter this is to set up more educational institutions in northern nige ria because not only it will make people aware about terrorism and radicalization, it will also create more productive and self reliant citizens who will go on to do something for the overall betterment of the region and nation as a whole table 3. poverty measures in nigeria zone/regions food poor relative a dollar poor poor poor north-central 38.6 59.5 67.5 59.7 north-east 51.5 69.0 76.3 69.1 south-east 51.8 70.0 77.7 70.4 south-south 35.5 55.9 63.8 56.1 south-west 25.4 49.2 59.1 50.1 economical solution one of the key factors for the growth of boko haram in northern nigeria is poverty and impoverishment, northern nigeria which is a predominantly muslim region has been plagued by poverty and economical scarcity as compared to its predominantly christian southern counterparts which is pro gressing well economically, some of the factors for its poor eco nomic conditions are lack of education, draught and deindustria lisation., also the fairly equal proportion of muslims and chris tians in terms of demography has also resulted in a competition between the muslims and the christian. the fact that the eco nomic marginalization that happened in nigeria make the in surgency to be happened (meagher, 2014). jurnal studi pemerintah an 97 chart 4. poverty measures in nigeria source: (adenrele, 2012) this data has shown that the disparity between the people who live in northern area and from the southern area are quite different and this is become one of the reasons that the insur gency has happened in nigeria. which lead to the feeling of marginalization which use by boko haram to support their operation. we have found that the median of data that show 38,6, while absolute poor is 59,5, relative poor is 67,5 and a dollar poor is 59,7. the fact shows this situation create the environment becomes conducive for the dissemination of extremist and radical ideas of which boko haram takes advantage of so the first step and the need of the hour of the government in countering it’s threat is to improve the vulnerable muslims in the north on economic front, government should take measures to provide employment and therefore improving the living standards of people in the north and also international dignitaries should focus on providing livelihood programmes for the disadvantaged muslim population who are prone to beingradicalised by boko haram, also the federal government should implement pov erty elimination measure to improve the livelihood of the im poverished muslims of the northern provinces of nigeria, ad ditionally nongovernmental organization should work hand in hand with the state and federal government addressing the is vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 98 sue because poverty breeds radicalization and eventually terror ism. interfaith dialogue inter-religion dialogues have been of one the key points that we believe is important to understand this issue of going threat of boko haram. during the research, we have found that the leader of boko haram, abu bakar shekau has hatred to chris tian as generally, but if we can trace back the history of nigeria. this research has found that nigeria is one of the most diverse countries in terms of ethnic this county has more than 200 ethnics with a total population of 131 million (jacob, 2015) with this fact make this country become diverse and in fact that nigeria has the biggest number of christian and muslim in sub saharan country which show to the world that the diversity of their country. nigeria has the fifth-highest muslims follower in the world and ranks 6th on the number of the follower of christian in the world (diamant, 2019). we have found that based on the data that the population of the people that live in the northern part of nigeria are muslim while the southern part is christians and the problem that boko haram emerge from the northern part of nigerian can be seen as one of the truths that the geographical difference can be one of the factors for the dispute to be happening and this is not just because of geographical factor but as well as the economic dis parity. however, true encounter this problem we need to un derstand. in fact, in the northern nigeria, where the shari’a law is implemented not only to all of muslims but as well to christian followers by implementing such as the putting people in differ ent place based on sex in for the health facilities. we have seen that this kind of classification make a new problem within the society between 2000-2007 there were more than 27.000 people who being killed during these periods of time. the problem within nigeria could be seen to the role of the domestic gov jurnal studi pemerintah an ernment that need to readjust their decision-making process 99 (jacob, 2015). the current policy that come out from the leader of nigeria is not suitable with the situation in nigeria, we do believe there is a need to establish interfaith dialogue that initiated by third party such as united nation or from nigerian government for solving the problem by enforcing this way we do believe that the going threat of boko haram can be mitigated through this process. the problem with the previous negotiation or the ef fort to solve the dispute were because there was no presence from the eminent people to open a discussion with the leader of boko haram and nigerian government. if we refer back to success of indonesian government to tackle the dispute with gerakan aceh merdeka in 2005 through helsinki agreement (news, n.d.) it was because there was a third party who involve in the negotiation to find same consensus for the conflict settle ment and during that moment the province of aceh were just facing by tsunami at the end december which made gam has struggle to continue their operation to reach their independence of indonesia. meanwhile, now nigeria are facing covid-19 pandemic which have killed many people in international world as well as in nigeria, this situation could be one of the reason that use by nigeria government or the third party to invite the leader of boko haram to settle down the conflict in the name of human ity (amzat et al., 2020). strict border control and penetrating into the networks of boko haram islamic state of west africa or boko haram is no longer an organisation with local grievances, but rather it has expanded its network and reign of terror beyond the borders of nigeria, it has established it’s based in neighbouring cameroon, chad, niger and this could strengthen the expanding and growing nature of boko haram, and therefore the best way to counter it vol. 12 no. 1 february 2021 100 on this front is to implement a collective strict border control, this could be achieved by deploying more military personnel on the border areas and this was success to force the percentage of boko haram violence in 2014,2015 and also by working to gether in terms of tighter border control with the military forces of its neighbouring states. also, intelligence agencies and mili tary personnel should keep an eye on the movement of their activities and also stop the influx of fighters of other jihadist salafist organisations or affiliates of boko haram into nigeria and vice versa (global conflict tracker, n.d.). conclusion in conclusion, we have derived that the ongoing threat of boko haram in northern nigeria possess a significant threat to global & regional security and international institutions such as united nations along with the government of nigeria and its neighbours should formulate effective counter terrorism strat egies to counter it’s threat, along with counter terrorism mea sures they should also address the grievances of the common masses in northern nigeria such as poverty, lack of education, economic disparity between christians and muslims so on and so forth. additionally the government of nigeria and the govern ment of its neighbouring countries should also take measures in strengthening the borders in order to prevent the influx and movement of militants who have taken advantage of the weak, fragile and porous borders, also in order to counter it’s threat the government should take measures to create awareness about radicalization and should also keep an eye on the propaganda machinery of boko haram in order to prevent further radicalization of young and impressionable muslim youths in northern nigeria and along with that the government forces must be well equipped with sophisticated and modern warfare in order to counter it’s threat on the military front, finally, we would like to state that boko haram as members jurnal studi pemerintah an of an international community we must work hand in hand in all sectors to counter the threat the boko haram and salafi jihadist terrorism. yet, we have found that there are high possi bilities that when the government of nigeria use the negotia tion and mediation by involving all of the stake holders from the elite until the grassroot there is a possibility of the going threat of boko haram can be settled down and find the consen sus solution. references adenrele, a. r. 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(2015). nigeria: at least 1,000 civilians dead since january. https:// w w w. hrw. org/ n ew s/ 2 015 / 0 3 / 26 / nige r i ale a st 10 00 c i v i l ia n sde ad january#:~:text=(abuja) – attacks by the,an analysis of media reports. watch, h. r. (2018). nigeria events of 2017. hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/ nigeria# watch, h. r. (2019). nigeria events of 2018. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/coun try-chapters/nigeria#:~:text=abductions%2c suicide bombings%2c and attacks,in the northeast in 2018. watch, h. r. (2020). nigeria events of 2019. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/ country-chapters/nigeria#:~:text=the northeast boko haram conflict,640 civilians in 2019 alone. 103 http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/11/nigerian-troops-were-denied-guns-to-fighthttp://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/11/nigerian-troops-were-denied-guns-to-fighthttps://www.hrw.org/news/2015/03/26/nigeria-least-1000-civilians-dead-january https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2018/country-chapters/nigeria https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/nigeria http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/counhttps://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/country-chapters/nigeria http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2020/ http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0049.228-253 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 228 received: april 4, 2017 revised: april 7, 2017 accepted: april 10, 2017 is there civic groups participation in budget planning? a study budget planning in malang city, indonesia salahudin universitas muhammadiyah malang, indonesia. email: salahudin@umm.ac.id achmad nurmandi universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id abstract this article aims to explore the relationship between local government and civic groups in the budget planning of the local government of malang in indonesia. a qualitative method are applied in this study. the findings indicate that; firstly, there isa relationship between local government and civic groups showingthat the principles of democracy (equality, participation, and justice) remain insufficient in the budget planning. secondly, the local government has dominated civic groups in the process of approval of the budget planning.these findings contribute to developing budget planning in malang to find a way to establish democratic budget policy and to establish budget policy regarding public needs and preferences. therefore, the local government should realize that public participation is a way to achieve democratic budget policy. on the other side, civic groups may need tobuild civic awareness and a willingness to participate in the budget policy, through civic education. keywords: local government, civic group, budget planning, democratic prin-ciples. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi hubungan antara pemerintah daerah dan kelompok masyarakat dalam perencanaan anggaran pemerintah daerah malang, indonesia. metode kualitatif diterapkan dalam penelitian ini. temuan pada penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa; pertama, ada hubungan antara pemerintah daerah dan kelompok masyarakat yang menunjukkan bahwa prinsip demokrasi (kesetaraan, partisipasi dan keadilan) tetap tidak mencukupi dalam perencanan anggaran. kedua, pemerintah daerah telah mendominasi kelompok masyarakat dalam proses persetujuan perencanaan anggaran. temuan ini berkontribusi dalam mengembangkan perencanaan anggaran di malang untuk menemukan cara untuk menetapkan kebijakan anggaran yang demokratis dan http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0049.228-253 mailto:salahudin@umm.ac.id mailto:nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id menetapkan kebijakan anggaran mengenai kebutuhan dan preferensi masyarakat. oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerah harus menyadari bahwa partisipasi masyarakat adalah cara untuk mencapai kebijakan anggaran yang demokratis. di sisi lain, kelompok masyarakat mungkin perlu membangun kesadaran kewarganegaraan dan kemauan untuk berpartisipasi dalam kebijakan anggaran, melalui pendidikan kewarganegaraan. kata kunci: pemerintah daerah, kelompok kewarganegaraan, perencanaan anggaran, prinsip demokratis. introduction since 1998, the indonesian government has adjusted several regulations from the rules based on authoritarian system towards the rules based on the democratic system, including at the local government, such as the budget planning. however, the system has not successfully been implemented. the local government has not succeeded in implementing democratic principles such as participation, justice, and equality principles in the budget planning (king 2000; souza 2001; jainuri 2014). in addition, the civic groups do not participate actively in the process of preparation (budget planning) of the budgetary policy. this shows that there is the unawareness of socialization under the supervision of the city government and the parliament whilst the mechanism of development plan meeting is just for ceremonial. at the same time, there is a low level of the awareness of the residents. in particular, the levels of participation of the lower and middle income levels remain relatively small. the civic group has been undermined by the local government. the local government through the executive (regional head and the administration officials) and legislative members (parliament) fully control and direct the major substance of budgetary policy (alfred and franklin 2009; bryer 2014; davenport and skandera 2000; he 2011; jainuri 2014; king 2000; souza 2001). one crucial issues in budget planning is civic group participation. this may indicate that the relationship between the lo-cal government and civic group is related to create various prob-lems in the preparation of the budgetary policy (budget plan-ning). the relationship between local government and civic jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 229 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 230 groups in formulating the budgetary policy belongs to political activity. this means that the connections between local government and civic groups cannot be separated from the democratic political system. regards with this argument, davenport and skandera (2000) describes that the democratic system provides particular room for relevant stakeholders to dialogue, discuss, and even debate to maintain their own political interests, in which the dynamic politics should occur in the democratic political system. the democratic political system requires the active role of the local government as well as civic groups in carrying out their respective functions in shaping and determining public policy including budgetary policy. additionally, the active role and participation society in political process are to minimize the frictions of politics. huntington (1999) believes that through the public participation, the problems of society life can be solved. in addition, the society would gain a greater level of knowledge to develop a sense of social responsibility, and reach a new perspective beyond the boundaries of personal life.in line with huntington, lock (1998) suggests that democratic politics may provide a maximum opportunity for relations among the stakeholders (local government and civic group) in public policy process. the relevant stakeholders may interact and engage in pub-lic spaces to maintain their political arguments. however, unfortunately the laws have not been implemented yet. based on the previous studies, there were limited public engagement in budget planning (salahudin 2009; wijaya 2008; widowati 2009; fitra 2011; wahyudi and sopanah 2009; jainuri 2014). the relationship between local government and civic groups in budget planning at the local level in indonesia does not reflect democratic values. this is due to the lack of socialization on the part of city governments and parliament, so the mechanism at development planning meetings is just ceremonial and low awareness of the people; especially, middle and lower income groups. civic groups’ access to participate actively is also undermined by local government. local government from the executive (regional head and the administration officials) through to the legislative members (parliament) fully control and direct the major substance of budgetary policy. consequently, budget policy does not incorporate citizen’s needs. therefore, this research aims to study the relationship between local government and civic group in budget planning in malang city, and to describe the civic group impact of the relationship with the local government on a regional budget policy. international practice of budget planning partici-pation there are many previous research on participatory budget planning in different countries. one study did in los angeles city and bukgu city south korea found that there is limited citi-zen participation budget planning process due to officials lacked knowledge about citizen preferences; citizens lacked mechanisms for monitoring their agents and holding them accountable through citizen participation in the budget process (kim, s., & schachter, h. l. 2013). similar findings raised by some scholars that pb needs mostly the connection between communication and empowerment, particularly in handling with the resistance from bureaucrats or the powerful persons (baiocchi, g. & ganuza, e. 2014). there is substantial evidence in the literature that participatory budgeting needs not only financial resources (to back the investment projects) but also, and crucially, political commitment from the local governments (avritzer 2010). indeed, the political factor is pivotal factor affecting the citizen participation in budget planning whenever the politicians think that budget transparancy is politically beneefit for them. caamano, et al (2013) confirmed that the negative relationship between coalitions and transparency or governments officials prefer to to enhance transparency when inheriting a heavy fiscal burden (high debt) and enacting sound spending policies (low deficit). meanwhile, franklin, ho, and abdon (2009) in results of their research showed that society participation by government jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 231 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 232 procedures such as survey and public hearing is less effective-ness. they call the government system making society difficult to engage in public policy process. according to them, the participatory mechanism under the law of government is less val-ued and less likely to include representative input. if government administrators occasional input from citizens who up at public hearing, they may fail to obtain a balanced and comprehensive on budget priorities. king, feltey, and sulsel (1998) also stated similar findings that the government officials have less willingness to engage people to budget planning process. they said that although there is theoretical and practical recognition that pub-lic must be more involved in public decisions, many elected offi-cials are ambivalent about the public participation in budget planning. consecuently, society participation in budget planning occurred less satisfaction (brautigam 2004). the lack of public participation also occurs in indonesian budget planning due to the people did not understand the participatory procedures (widianingsih and morrel 2007). another issue is that domination of local elites still occurred in budget planning and a list of new projects has been made before. in many regions, political transformation and the new wave of democratization have not made any significant change to development planning. dixon and hakim (2009) discussed deeply on the challenge of linking planning and budgeting at the local level in indonesia. as the other scholars elaborated above, by their research, they showed that the budget planning at the local level has problem particularly in society engagement. local society was less knowledge how to involve in budget planning. it is caused by the local government that less care to the society involvement. in sum, there are many limitations on the participatory budget-ing. in which case, reddick and norris (2011) said that the bud-get participation is a political necessity that government officials need to involve the public more in budgetary decision-making given the new normal fiscal environment. the most important thing in budget planning is that government should build a good communication with citizen effectively. however, it may give the public a false sense of political empowerment, but when the public eventually realizes that their input does not lead to more effec-tive policymaking and good public services, the democratic pro-cess will be discredited and public trust in gove rnmental institu-tions will eventu ally decline, as experienced in many developed countries. therefore, the participatory budgeting needs a good communication of government officials in undersatanding local society how to participate in budget planning. it means that the local givernment officials should have a great capacity in all stages of the budget process. ho, a. t. k. (2013) saggest that new thinking on participa-tory budgeting integrates not only budgetary decision-making and citizen participation, but also performance measurement, performance management, performance reporting, and public communication. in line with ho, a.t.k (2013), hong, s. (2015) in his study on the correlation between inclusiveness and increasing citizen participation in the budget planning revealed that inclusiveness has a positive, not negative, association with the level of efficiency of participatory processes merits attention. it implies that increasing the number of citizens participating in policy making may encourage “the wisdom of crowds.” this challenges the notion that expanding participation will necessarily undermine efficiency by making it increasingly difficult to maintain a high average level of knowledge and expertise on policy issues among a growing number of citizens participating in the deliberations. jainuri (2014) revealed that local government’s domination in arranging budget and expenditure policy (apbd) was resil-ient. the findings conducted in a local government in indone-sia endorsed that the aspirations of the people supported by civic groups not fully contributed as a part of the policy design. neither residents are invited to participate in the determining of budget policy documents nor are the civic groups considered as partners. in addition, souza (2001) distinguished that budget jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 233 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 234 planning was dominated by the local government. the local gov-ernment applies a bureaucratic system during the budget plan-ning. the system does not provide an opportunity for civic groups to take part in budget planning. in addition, research investi-gated in a local government in china by souza and king (2001), they explain that the budget process is based on a political para-digm in which the involvement of politicians, such as political parties and parliament, is a part of civic group participation. this means that civic groups in the budget process are repre-sented by politicians. in addition, souza and king (2001) reveal that the relationship between local government and citizens is dominated by the role of government officials. they arrange the budget based on legal procedures. commonly, the procedures are designed to map the bureaucratic budget. in this context, civic groups have lim-ited time to be involves in the budget process. therefore, the budget policy may be seen as taking the side of the administra-tors of public affairs. as highlighted by alfred and franklin (2009), budget planning is underlined by the actions of adminis-tration officials. this causes a disproportionate distribution in favor of government over social affairs when it comes to budget policy. the findings of this study indicate that civic groups have the least power in the budget planning. on the other hand, the local government has a strong power in arranging the budget policy. consequently, the local government made budget policy based on interests of politician and bureaucrat. civic groups have built collective action and awareness through the political namely, education, seminar, publication, and workshop. they hope that the efforts can be made civic groups participate in the budget planning actively. method and data collection the qualitative methodology has been applied in this study concerning the issues of dynamic political process in budget planning. it means that actors who involve in budget process having difference perspective and interest on the budget planning. there-fore, to understand the dynamic political process of budget plan-ning, we should be taking part in the field as principles of quali-tative method. flick (2014, 17) noted, “qualitative research takes into account that view points and practices in the field are differ-ent because of different subjective perspectives and social back-grounds related to them.” in line with this argument, we explored the objectives of this study by understanding the background of actors such as elected officials and social activists related to this research. in this case, we have taken place into part of the field during this research. we cannot be doing it in isolate space as quantitative method. we observed the all stages of budget planning process such as public hearing process (musrenbang), elected official meeting, and discussion between government officials and members of legislature on approval budget to be legislation on budget policy. by the observation, we got and understood the issues of this study. we interviewed a member of legislature, three government administrators, and forth social activists of civic groups. on other sides, we also used the documents regarding with this research such as laws of local government on budget planning, local government, civic group participation, and so on. by the procedures analysis, researchers revealed that there is relationship between local government and civic groups in budget planning. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 235 figure 1. the budget planning process at local level in indonesia vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 236 results as stated in several laws of the indonesian government, to understand the relationship between local government and civic groups in budget planning at the local level can be accomplished by understanding and addressing the different stages of the budget processes as expressed in the existing legislation. in line with the regulation of the minister of domestic affairs no. 13/ 2006, about guidelines for the preparation of the local budget, the mechanism for devising local budget policy starts with the formal ‘discussion on development plan’ (musrenbang) at vil-lage level on january up to february, musrenbang process at sub district level on march up to may, musrenbang process at district level on june up to august, ceiling setting stage of annual bud-get (plafon prioritas anggaran sementara-ppas) and policy stage of annual budget preparation process, and leads to the approval of the local budget in the form of a ‘local regulation’ (perda) on august up to december. this mechanism can be described as a chart follows. public deliberation (musrenbang) process and the political interests of elites at the local level under government law of indonesia no. 13/2006, the purpose of musrenbang process is to formulate development programs based on the aspirations and needs of the community, the integration of cross sector of development programs and among skpds, and realizing the pro-people budget. however, based on the interview result from the recourse persons, those objectives cannot be achieved well due to the power of the politicians and bureaucrats who have a low level of willingness in determining the direction of development in malang. a member of local parliament elaborated, “the musrenbang is often ineffective. the results of musrenbang are disconnected, because of many invisible interests of the elite and the effect on the circle of power. consequently, the mayor fully understands it and follows the politics climate (interview, march 2, 2016).” legislator’s statement above shows that musrenbang is ineffective due to the behavior and attitude of pragmatic political elite and status quo of the regional head (the mayor of malang). the mayor of malang reduced society groups deemed willing to strike his performance and leadership down by providing a budget to pragmatic groups or individuals of politicians and to government officials in malang. furthermore, a member of local parliament said, “mayor of malang is very influential. he is able to control the executive, judicial, and legislative branches. three institutions have been established by the mayor to follow and obey orders well (interview, march 2, 2016).” indeed, based on the explanation of a key informants above, the political power of local elites (the mayor of malang) is very influential in creating pseudo-democracy space included in musrenbang process. overall, the local elite leadership behavior as stated above greatly affects the dynamics of musrenbang pro-cess. in addition, politician and bureaucrat elites at village level, sub-district, and even the neighborhood level have implemented musrenbang without the real meaning of democracy as explained by thompson (2010), namely, social justice, participation, and transparency governance. an activist of learning community forum (fmpp) malang revealed, “people have never been in-volved in musrenbang process. local government already involved the community leaders but it is just a normative comment (in-terview, march 10, 2016).” moreover, politician and bureaucrat elites at the level of sub-districts and villages do not require people to be involved in musrenbang process. it is caused by elite behaviors that have not been democratic sense. it is also influenced by the lack of public understanding on the meaning of musrenbang process. in this case, an activist said, “the public is not understanding about goals of musrenbang process. society does not know musrenbang processes (interview, march 10, 2016).” jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 237 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 238 most people did not understand how to involve in the budget planning. it is influenced by the lack of elected and pointed official willingness to build the society capacities to taking part of the budget process. on the other hand, the administrators address that the budget policy process should be run without citizen participation. however, the local government officials made report of the implemented budget planning that is based on the democratic values. it is means that the democratic principles are only showed in the paper policy, not in the real imple-mented democratic system. on the other sides, the active role of the elite at community empowerment organization at village level (lpmk) is highly expected as a companion and the voice of the community. however, they build collusive the relationship between the formal structure of village and sub-district government. an observer lamented, “lpmk is one of civic group organization. people hope that the lpmk can involve actively in the musrenbang process. in fact that they just build the collusive relationship with the elected government officials. this is due to their interests to get benefit from the budget policy (interview, march 10, 2016).” in addition, the game of power and authority of the communities of the lower level colors the process of designing development programs (budget planning). the collusive manner of bureaucratic structures at lower levels is increasingly visible during the implementation and management of the program. they support each other in the bad management yet beneficial for them to multiply the income of each. every effort is made including claiming the results of governmental programs and making false statements. a head of a group of houses in the same neighborhood (rt) in merjosari lowok waru explained, “the village development program is only used and enjoyed by the village officials such as lpmk staffs, village government staffs, and other figures that come into play. they cooperate to corrupt the budget. this happens everywhere (interview, march 15, 2016).” this collusive manner is so strong that it makes development programs lose the direction and brings no positive meaning for the people. development programs are only used as a way for those in power to “steal money” from the country. the politi-cian and bureaucrat elites are not responsible for that programs and the programs often do not correspond to the needs of the community. in addition, a leader of society community told, “we do not know anything, as we are not invited. some development program depends on the closeness, family, friends, acquaintances; you know collusion among them. if you do not have it, then you will find hard times (interview, march 15, 2016).” based on the explanation of wahyudi above, it shows that the musrenbang process has been manipulated by local govern-ment officials and some politicians. as well, they have pressured the society to receive their programs. one of example is in merjosari village as part of the sub-district lowok waru of malang, there is the development program not needed by the local community; it is the development of landfill wastewater. according to people around the village, the development of land-fill wastewater was not very important because the villagers still have an area for sewage. however, because of the interests of the elite including the head of the neighborhood and village offi-cial interests, construction of pall keeps running despite opposi-tion from local residents. furthermore, a leader of local commu-nity told, “there is a program in our area but not required by our citizens that is building a landfill wastewater. we do not need pall because our housing is still very wide (interview, march 20, 2016).” the key informant’s explanation above shows that the relationship between government officials and society communities in arranging the local programs is not showing the good relationship as the democratic principles and as the collaborative governance principles (davenport 2000; emerson 2011; thomson 2010). in addition, a leader of local community told revealed, “residents living around the construction of the landfill wastewater want to build musholla, a place of worship for the jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 239 muslim as a place of worship. therefore, the plan of residents cannot be realized because of the construction site for mushollah that was for the landfill wastewater building (interview, march 20, 2016).” 240 the program as explained a key informant above is not proposed by the community (not in accordance with the needs of the community) and it has not been resisted the sustainability of regional development. it creates new problems in regional devel-opment. the collusive manner at the bottom level structure in-cluding neighborhood heads makes every development effort to gain personal advantage. in line with the explanation of several informants of the research, it shows that the relationship between the citizens and the government officials in musrenbang process (budget planning) is described in the following chart. figure 2. the relationship between the citizens and the government officials in the musrenbang process. in short, the relationship among stakeholders above shows that musrenbang process is not implemented according to the existing regulations. these problems are caused by: (1) the leadership behaviors of status quo by local elites, (2) the pragmatism of the local elites, and (3) the collusive manner among government structures. nevertheless, the local government has arranged public policy according to the conventional participation that may 2017 vol. 8 no. 2 society participation in public policy process is limited (baogang 2011; celina 2001; king 2008). the manipulative participation in musrenbang process the implemented musrenbang has been gone too far away from the essence of democracy because the government restricts people to engage in it. according to the explanation of government malang, almost the people are not involved in the implementa-tion of musrenbang. communities invited to the musrenbang process at the village level is rw and lpmk staffs. two elements of this society deemed to have represented the interests of whole communities. the aspiration of rw and lpmk staff is accom-modated by the village government in subdistrict level musrenbang process. a secretary of merjosari village government explained, “the interests of people were not fully accommodated by village government. the development programs were arranged region-based (interview, june 1, 2016).” the research informant’s statement above indicates that not all aspirations of society are articulated as an important part to be accommodated. aspiration submitted should be based on the area or region not the interests of society as a group or class. a appointed official suggested, “the village government required rw and lpmk staffs to make the program details based on region that each of rw (the same neighborhood of society) and lpmk staffs (community empowerment organization at vil-lage level) has a list of each area to be related to the develop-ment document far more accurate with the medium term development plan (rpjmd) (interview, june 1, 2016).” indeed, this is clear that the village government aims that lpmk and rw staffs make the program details per area as to bring stability in musrenbang process. for the village government, the long debate among participants is an example of ineffective musrenbang process. the village government needs to avoid a long debate among participants with the purpose to have the same jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 241 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 242 perceptions of the strategic programs in villages to be discussed further in musrenbang sub-districts level. the village government passed several representatives of village government to partici-pate in musrenbang at sub-district level, and the representative should have the same understandings and perceptions of the village government. the point of the village government is the same as the district government officials’ perspective that every citizen is not involved in musrenbang. a government official, an official, explained, “of the elements of the community, we invite the media, universi-ties, and mui (an islamic organization under the indonesian government). members. the organizations such as muhammad-iyah (the oldest social organization in indonesia) and nu (the largest social organization in indonesia) are not invited because they are represented by mui members (interview, june 10, 2016).” the perceptions of local government both at village level and at the district level as described above show the formation of manipulative participation in musrenbang process. the commu-nities involved in musrenbang process are lpmk and rw mem-bers and they should have perceptions (interests) equal to the perceptions (interests) of the government. the community was designed by the government to have the same view in formulat-ing policy and regional development program. therefore, the development programs are not purely established on the aspira-tion of the people of malang. the interests of politicians and bureaucrats normatively, the budget policy draft (kua, ppas, budgets) should be based on rpkd (local government’s programs) compiled through musrenbang process. in fact, rkpd was not used as the reference of budget policy arrangement in malang city. an activist of political education and anti-corruption from malang corruption watch (mcw) said, “musrenbang is only considered complementary of the whole process of public bud-geting. however, it was obvious that the public budget was right for the people of malang (interview, june 20, 2016).” the activist’s statement is supported by a politician of the local level who concurred, “the budget based on performance existing only on rules or books, in practice it is based on the interest of groups or individuals (interview, june 25, 2016).” on the other side, according to the politician’s argument, the inter-est-based budget is a budget favoring the interest of the authori-ties, employers, and businesspersons. they have a great impor-tance on the budget policy of their mutual interests. a mayor of the local government has a collusive relationship with the businesspersons and politicians. therefore, the mayor push the budget team (tapd) to arrange the budget that is based on their interest. the mayor give budget to the businesspersons by some project programs. in this case, the mayor need a sup-port of the politicians to arrange the budget and programs going to the businesspersons. finally, the businesspersons got the bud-get and programs. consequently, the businesspersons give lot of money to a mayor and politicians. in addition, an elected offi-cial said, “the mayor of malang has a strong relationship with businesspersons. in addition, the mayor of malang has a strong relationship with third parties. therefore, the policy formula-tion process was still far from democratic values as learnt by academics in colleges (interview, june 25, 2016).” consistent with mahfud, the policy process is part of the political process then it is not a problem that budgeting is influenced by political interests. although the public is entitled within the legal regulations to be involved in policy making; structur-ally, the community does not have the political power so the policy is not on the same side of the people. a member of politi-cal partyaddressed, “in practice political interests often direct budget since the budget is part of politics, then interests take more place, the strong wins (interview, june 25, 2016).” the explanation above indicates that the relationship between mayor, members of parliament, and head of skpd is based on political interests of them to win and get benefit from the bud jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 243 get policy. the parliament and skpds have a common interest that is to get a benefit from the budget policy. skpds want to get a budget then use the political power of parliament to put pressure on the local government budget team (tapd) malang to 244 direct budget based on the interest of skpds. a member of tapd revealed, “the most crucial part of the process is the discussion of the priority program and budget (ppas). ppas is the point. it is all about whose interests. skpds know noting and they finally got the budget as the parliament do it (interview, june 26, 2016).” the political power defeats the existing legislation. political power determines the format and structure of budgetary policies (apbd). in this context, the executive political power even defeats the political power of the parliament that is not only the political power of parliament but also through the mayor, as a member of the local parliament explained, that the mayor of malang was a very influential man. a politician explained, “the mayor is able to control the executive, judicial, and legislative branches. three institutions have been set by the mayor to fol-low and obey orders well (interview, july 1, 2016).” as well, a government official told, “we are faced with politi-cal interests of politicians and we usually follow political per-sons. this is difficult to arrange the budget for people (inter-view, july 5, 2016).” too, an activist explained, “if on a budget, both mayor and dprd have an interest. the mayor has interest and so does dprd. the budget for dprd is idr 45 billion, in addition to the salary, the budget for the workshop and for a work visit. dprd only consist of 45 people, but they need so much. the budget policy does not run according to the rules (interview, july 5, 2016).” indeed, all the elaboration of the data above lead to the point that is the issue on the budget (apbd) policy which is not in accordance with the principles of the existing law (the principles of democracy), neither based on the needs of the community, nor based on performance of local government. nevertheless, the budget policy leads to the needs and interests of a group of may 2017 vol. 8 no. 2 political elites and bureaucrats of malang, the mayor, dprd, skpds, as well as businesspersons due to they have the political power to push and to arrange the budget policy. consequently, civic groups in malang have tried to establish communications with the local government and stakeholders as a form of efforts to bring the budget in favor of the interests of the community. a civic group activist says, “we are aware that our local budget is still far from the public interest. therefore, we are trying to establish communication with the government through workshops, seminars, workshops, focus group discus-sions, and publication books. we are confident in ways like this. by the ways, the government will open up to civil society to de-velop a policy of a more equitable budget (interview, july 5, 2016).” although the civic groups have tried to build the rela-tionship, the relationship has not been effective to push the lo-cal government to arrange and to make the budget policy based on the society needs and preferences. the civic groups can only communicate with the local government officials and politicians through the seminar, workshop, and publications. the ways have not been strong to push the local government officials and politicians. therefore, the budget policy in malang is still far from people needs. precisely, the budget policy only pays attention to the political interests of government officials and politicians including businesspersons as described on figure 3. this finding is also related to the findings of existing research investigated by king & feltey (1998). they reveal that most local government in democratic era do not have a clear mission to apply the authentic participation. citizen participation is more symbolic than real. the power that citizens yield is aimed at blocking or redirecting administrative efforts rather than working as partners to define the issues, establish the parameters, develop methods of investigation, and select techniques for addressing problems. consequently, elected and pointed government officials cover and arrange the budget planning based on their perspective. in jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 245 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 246 addition, the collusive structure of the government and employ-ers occurs in the policy development budget while civic groups have tried to build relationships with the government and people of malang based on democratic values for a propeople policy. the below figure describes the relationship between civil society and government malang. figure 3. the relationship between civic groups, tapd, the mayor, dprd, skpd, businesspersons, civic groups, and citizens in the budget planning in malang. the impact of the relationship between local government and civic group on the budget policy the relationship between local government and the civic group as discussed above directly determines the budget policy in malang favoring the interests of the government officials and political elites. most expenditure budget of budget policy supports to the local government official affairs and politician interests. consequently, public affairs do not prioritize the budget policy as one of the most important issues. this implies that the distribution of expenditure budget of budget policy has a disproportionate distribution between government official affairs, politician interests, and society needs. in this part, this study dis cusses the disproportionate distribution. here is the data of malang budget for fiscal year 2015. the total revenue in fiscal year 2015 is idr 1,396,042,125,492.87 while the number of local expenditure is idr 1,490,561,138,516.98. thus, total revenue and expenditure is idr 1,487,036,331,031,030, 67. based on the regulation number 13 of 2006 on financial management, all of the budget are to fund the implementation of government affairs under the authority of the government of malang consisting of compulsory affairs, alternative affairs, and the affairs of a particular field that could be implemented jointly by the government of malang and other local governments. fund-ing for the implementation of the three matters mentioned is known as local expenditure. this is divided according to expen-diture group, consisting of indirect and direct expenditure. the total budget of indirect is idr 739,950,302,940,93 that it is for the government affairs such as office administration, salary, and so on, while the total direct expenditure budget is idr 750,610,835,575,05 which it is realted to the development pro-grams. therefore, the direct expendicture budget is the highest of the indirect expendicture budget. it means that the budget policy of malang government leads to to support the regional develop-ment in malang. however, if the budget understood properly, carefully, and critically, the direct expenditure budget on the struc-ture of the budget does not directly encourage the establishment of regional development. based on the results of an interview with a member of the legislature, some activists of civic groups, and administrators of government as described previous, the items of the budget including in direct expenditure budget on each skpd are not based on necessity and proportional analy-sis. however, the budget is determined by the political interests of the politician and bureaucrat elites. discussion in brief, based on the results of this research as elaborated jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 247 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 248 previous, the findings of this study can be discussed and explained according to the objectives of this study as follows. the relationship between local government and civic group in budget planning the first objectives of this research is to study the relationship between local government and civic group in budget planning. the findings of this objective are as following. the fisrt finding suggests that the musrenbang process is far from democratic values (participation and equality principles of a democratic system). this issue is caused several issues in the musrenbang process. the first issue is that the collusive relationship occurs between the mayor, the village government, and the sub-district government. the second issues is that the collusive relationship occurs between the sub-district government, village government, rw staffs, and lpmk staffs. the third issue is that the collusive partnership occurs between the mayor and pragmatic groups in malang. the fourth issues is that the collusive partnership occurs between pragmatic groups with rw staffs and lpmk staffs. the fifth issue is that civic groups do not have the opportunity to access musrenbang process. these issues are relevant to the state theory that the institution government has a great power to arrange the policy. manan (2007) says that one of state characteristics is to cover the power resources pushed to their interests. as well, he (2011) explains that the dominant political of elected officials and political elites in the participa-tory budgeting influences the civic groups to have a difficulty in participating in the stages of the budget planning. the second finding is that the manipulative participation takes place in the budget planning (musrenbang process). the local government perspective is that the community involvement in the activities of musrenbang is supposed to be limited for the activi-ties run without conflict. therefore, it is represented by certain groups considered to have similar interests, like mui organiza-tion, considered as part of the mass organization of muhammad iyah and nahdlatul ulamah (nu). the government view shows that participation in musrenbang process is a manipulative participation. the manipulative participation is a form of efforts of the government to make public interests go in line with their interests. these matters have been discussed by scholars such as king (1998). he supposes that several public officials view close relationship with citizen as both necessary and desirable, most of them do not actively seek public involvement. these govern-ment administrators believes that a greater citizen participation increase inefficiency because participation creates delays and increase red tape. king also (1998) recommends that the participation form is called as conventional participation. participa-tion in this form ineffective and conflictual, and it happens too late in the process. the third findings is that the budget policy process is dominated by politicians and government officials. this problem is caused by collusive manner between elected officials, pointed officials, and legislative officials as follows. firstly, the political communication of the mayor with the legislative members is mutual respectively. secondly, the mayor promotes the interests of businesspersons rather than the interests of society. thirdly, the team of arranging budget policy (tapd) cannot work professionally under the rules of law due to the strong influence of political interests of the mayor and the legislative members (dprd). fourthly, the head of skpds promotes political communication with dprd to get its budget, instead of promoting the performance of professionalism. fifthly, the head of skpds as budget users prioritizes communication with business implementing the budget (the private sector). sixthly, the communication between the civic group and the government is still very limited through seminars, workshops, demonstrations, publications, and public education. these issues are related to existing researches investigating the elected and administrator officials having a strong power and authority in the stages of budget planning. therefore, they construct the collusive relationship among jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 249 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 250 them. as well, politicians come from the political parties taking sides of the relationship. consequently, they assert the budget policy going to themselves (fitra 2008; jainuri 2014; salahudin 2009; sopanah 2009; suharmawijaya 2008; widowati 2009). the impact of the relationship between local government and civic group in budget planning the second objective of this study is to describe the impact of the relationship between local government and civic group in budget planning. the finding of this objective is as follows. the impact of the collusive relationship between the government officials and politician elites is the structure of the budget policy not directly perceived by the people. the budget for the programs seems to be irrationally allocated or not in accordance with society needs and preferences. jones (2008) elaborates that the collusive relationship among stakeholders is caused directly by the deficient society participation in public policy. jones (2008) mentions the greatest political roles of government and politi-cians in public policy process produces public policy that takes sides of political interest of politicians and bureaucrats. in addition, emerson (2011) describes that if there is no a good collaboration between local government officials and other stakeholders such as citizens and private groups, it will create a local governance not supporting to achieve the goals of government institutions. therefore, emerson (2011) suggests that public policy process should be based on the good collaboration among stakeholders such as local government officials, local communities members, social activists, and members of local parliament. in this context, he calls it as the principled engagement form occurring over time and may include different stakehold-ers at different points and take place in either face to face or virtual formats, either cross organizational networks or private and public meetings, among others settings. conclusion the findings show that the local government (government officials and politicians) dominates the civic groups in the bud-get planning (musrenbang process) through the collusive man-ner of the mayor, members of dprd (the local house represen-tative), head of skpd of malang so that budget policy favors the interests of the political elite and bureaucracy. based on the findings, the relationship between regional government (executivelegislative) and civic group in budget planning requires efforts towards the relationship based on the democratic principles such as participation, equality, and justice. there are some sugges-tions which would be useful to develop the constructive rela-tionship between the local government and civic group. firstly, civic groups should develop a collective force to make sure that the local government budget is allocated to the public interest. public awareness (collective force) should be able to compete against political force and bureaucracy so that the regional gov-ernment budget emphasizes on the needs of the local society. secondly, instead of treating the regional government as an op-ponent, the local society should consider the government as part-ners to establish public-oriented regional government budget. thirdly, politicians and local bureaucrats should provide access to civic groups during the process of regional government bud-get policymaking so that the budget policy becomes a fair and responsible one. there are limitations in term of time and cost constrains for the future research needed to take into account. an example of the weaknesses is that this study may not completely cover concerning the participation levels of citizens in the budget planning, particularly in the part of the musrenbang process. this study only describes the issues of musrenbang process by descriptive explanations. hence, it may be useful for future research to fo-cus on; firstly, the mixed methods comprising the advantages of both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies useful to help increase a greater level of understanding the circumstance jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 251 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 252 of the findings. in particular, both descriptive and statistical techniques would help to attain more accurate data for the future research. secondly, it may be useful for the future research to take in consideration for adopting the findings of this study to replicate in different regions and unit of study to discover whether the results would be different in term of generalization. references bryer, a.r., 2014. participation in budgeting: a critical anthropological approach. accounting, organizations and society, 39 (7), pp.511-530. doi: 10.1016/ 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management, october 01. accessed 11 march 2015. http://seknasfitra.org/ ?lang=en/publication/. jurnali, t. and siti-nabiha, a.k., 2015. performance management system for local gov-ernment: the indonesian experience. global business review, 16(3), pp.351-363. doi: 10.1177/0972150915569923 jainur. 2004. state versus civil society: civil society resistance against to the local govern ment policy in the budget planning, and in the modernization market dinoyo. litera book publisher, yogyakarta. jorawati. 2007. budgetary policy at local level in indonesia. malang corruption watch, malang. doi:%2010.1016/%20j.aos.2014.07.001 doi:%2010.1016/%20j.aos.2014.07.001 doi:%2010.1080/03003930.2012.693075 doi:%20%2010.1108/s0732-1317(2009)0000018011 doi:%2010.1111/j.1540-6210.2006.00600 doi:%2010.1093/jopart/mur011 doi:%2010.1111/j.1540-5850.2009.00936 doi:%2010.1002/pad.598 doi:%2010.1002/pad.598 http://seknasfitra.org/ http://seknasfitra.org/ 10.1177/0972150915569923 king, c.s., feltey, k.m. and 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reddick, c., & f. norris, d. 2013. e-participation in local governments: an examination of political-managerial support and impacts. transforming government: people, pro cess and policy, 7(4), 453-476. doi: 10.1108/tg-02-2013-0008 thompson, d. f. 2010.the democratic citizen. cambridge university press, cambridge. widianingsih, i., & morrell, e. 2007. participatory planning in indonesia: seeking a new path to democracy. policy studies, 28(1), 1-15. doi: 10.1080/01442870601121320 wijaya. 2003. titik berat otonomi pada daerah tingkat ii. jakarta: pt grafindo persada, widowati. 2007. kajian partisipasi masyarakat dalam perencanaan dan penganggaran pembangunan daerah di kabupaten pati. universitas diponegoro, semarang. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 253 doi:%2010.2307/977561 doi:%2010.1016/j.socec.2013.01.004 10.1108/tg-02-2013-0008 doi:%2010.1080/01442870601121320 layout desember 2008 city’s resiliency against the occurrence of natural disasters and to achieve sustainable development. key words: comprehensive land use plan, danger zone, natural hazards, resiliency, vulnerability, zoning ordinance introduction the philippines being a locus of typhoons, tsunamis, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, is a hotbed of natural disasters. natural disasters inflict loss of lives and costly damage to property. in 2011, the devastating impacts of typhoons pedring, quiel and sendong resulted in a high number of fatalities with economic losses amounting to billions of pesos” (http://noah.dost.gov.ph/, dec. 3, 2012). based upon this characterization of the philippines and the disaster brought about by pablo in december 2012, it is but timely that the issue on climate change alongside disaster risk reduction be given ample attention. one study posited that: “land use planning can influence mitigation of disasters through the development of strategic land use plan as well as assessment of development applications on the basis of the adopted plan,” (bajracharya, 2011). the foregoing proposition was the inspiration in conducting this study in order to assess how land use planning and management be able to support disaster risk reduction and management efforts in iligan city. the impact of tropical storm sendong delivered a clear message to the local government of iligan to review and reconsider its policies and policy initiatives toward the mitigation and preventionof natural disasters. david almarez: dnalmarez@yahoo.com.ph john enrico peòaroya crisalyn rubio msu-iligan institute of technology the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 abstract this is a descriptive study of the disaster mitigation efforts of iligan focused on its 1995-2000 and 20132022 comprehensive land use plans (clup) and their congruence with the national disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines. the key informants engaged are the officials of the city planning and development office who are directly involved in the formulation of the 2013-2022 clup. findings reveal that the 19952000 clup did not provide for the incorporation of the 4 pillars of disaster risk reduction and management (drrm). nevertheless, it provided for setbacks in coastal areas, river banks and creeks. however, these setbacks wereviolated by residential settlements making them vulnerable to hazards and contributed to many deaths during the flooding caused by tropical storm sendong in 2011. prompted by its disaster experiences and as required by the philippine drrm framework, iligan took steps in revising its 1995-2000 clup by drafting the 20132022 clup. the 2013-2022 clup have incorporated principles of drrm as prescribed by r.a 10121. these are manifested in new features integrated in the provisions of the plan which include: (1) analysis matrices with its corresponding strategized programs, projects and activities; (2) geo-hazard maps assessed by the mines and geosciences bureau (mgb); (3) vulnerability assessment matrix environment sector; and (4) updated and improved version of the comprehensive zoning ordinance of iligan city. it is highly recommended that iligan city should strictly implement the provisions of 2013-2022 clup in order to increase the 116 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ various studiesclaimed the feasibility and possible success of implementing land use management and planning policies in helping in the mitigation and reduction of disaster risks such as loss of lives, destruction of infrastructure and loss of livelihood. according to one source: “land use management is a method used mainly by municipal governments in using land for sustainable community development by controlling where, what, and how to construct facilities or buildings,” (eqtap, 2003). in ensuring sustainable development for future generations, taking into consideration their safety and welfare, the local government of today should take into consideration growth and risk reduction alongside sustainable development in order to improve human security and ensure environmental protection. thus, land use planning and management is a part of the entire effort. land use planning is not only a technical process but a political exercise that involves multiple participants. this makes it a lengthy process that requires compromises and strong policy leadership. in the case of iligan, the formulation of the 20132022 clup started in 2011 and at the time that this paper is being written, the process is still ongoing. it is not only the local politics in the city that contributed into the extended timeline of the process but also the participation of at least five agencies such as the city development council (cdc), sangguniang panlungsod (sp), regional land use committee (rluc), housing and land use regulatory board (hlurb) and housing and urban development coordinating council (hudcc). moreover, series of public consultations are also required. nevertheless, the main features of the 2013-2022 clup are already established and most of the ensuing debates are mainly for refinements and clarifications. the hazard map of iligan was prepared by the mines and geo-science bureau of the department of environment and natural resources in 2010. likewise, the drrm framework of the philippines was passed in the same year. since the formulation of the 2013-2022 clup started in 2011, it must conform to the hazard map of iligan and the drrm framework of the philippines. theoritical framework schematic diagram showing the relationship between clup, hazard map, disaster risk reduction and management framework and sustainable development as shown in the figure, the “disaster risk reduction and management (drrm) framework” of the philippine government and the “hazard map” of iligan are the inputs in the formulation of the “comprehensive land use plan (clup)” of the city. the “drrm framework” prescribes guidelines and criteria that must be observed in the formulation of the clup to ensure coherence between the policies of the local government of iligan city and the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 117 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the drrm framework of the philippines. this framework provides the basis for mainstreaming drrm strategies into the clup. the “hazard map” identifies specific vulnerabilities of the barangays of iligan city to various natural hazards. it recommends precautionary measures that must be incorporated into the clup in order to address natural hazards faced by iligan. the clup on the other hand is a roadmap for the attainment of sustainable development of iligan city. it provides for the plans and strategies in implementing land use policies by the local government. in order to achieve sustainable development, the clup should conform with the drrm framework of the national government and the hazard map of iligan. thus, the purpose of having a clup aligned with the hazard map and the drrm framework is to achieve sustainable development. the local government of iligan should develop resilience against natural disasters by promoting disaster mitigation, prevention, and preparedness through land use planning. land use planning in iligan started in 1974 with the adoption of a town plan. by 1975, the first zoning ordinance (ordinance no. 1313, series of 1975) was adopted and lasted until 2001 when it was amended by ordinance no. 01-3949 known as the zoning ordinance of 2001. in 1997, land use planning took the form of comprehensive master development plan. a year later (1998), it finally became the 1995-2000 comprehensive land use plan which continued to be in effect even beyond 2000. however, in 2003, iligan adopted the city development strategies that touched on some aspects of land use planning which to a limited extent amended the 1995-2000 clup. taken altogether, clup, is a means in achieving sustainable development. its effectiveness for this purpose is determined largely by its congruence with the philippine drrm framework and the hazard map of iligan. result and analysis this study evaluated the provisions of both the old(1995-2000) and new (2013-2022) clups of iligan city to find out if they have integrated the four pillars of disaster risk reduction and management: disaster prevention and mitigation, disaster preparedness, disaster response, and disaster rehabilitation and recovery. inclusion of these into the clup would increase the level of resilience of the city against various hazards that put both humans and environment at risk. a. features of the old cluprelevant to disaster risk reduction and management the features of the old clup (1995-2000) that are relevant to drrm are the provisions for “easements, floodway and waterway requirements (sec. 37) of the zoning ordinance of 2001 (no. 01-3949). though insufficient in terms of its prescriptions and coverage, these features provided a minimal safety net to residents and their properties against the threat posed by natural hazards, particularly floods and storm surges that threatened people living near rivers, creeks and shorelines. though some provisions of the zoning ordinance of 2001 relate to drrm, most of its provisions did not provide for the incorporation of disaster prevention and mitigation, disaster preparedness, disaster response, and disaster rehabilithe comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 118 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tation and recovery. an example of this is the lack of specific provisions for “danger zones” and the insufficiency in the provision about “buffer zones” in relation to hazards and disasters. generally, danger zones and buffer zones should not be inhabited. in the case of danger zones, structures may only be allowed with proper mitigation features to be incorporated in their designs. in the language of both of the zoning ordinance of 2001 as well as its predecessor, the zoning ordinance of 1975, “disasters”, “hazards” and “danger zones” were not included. while they mentioned categorization of zones, there was no mention of “danger zones.” apparently, these terminologies have not yet come into the chronology of land use planning in iligan in 1975 and 2001. these shortcomings were shown by observations made across areas identified as zones for easements. as observed in some areas of the city, such requirements on easements, floodways and waterways have not been properly implemented by the lgu as evidenced by many instances where many houses encroached into spaces supposedly to be reserved as easements, obviously neglecting the provisions set forth by said zoning ordinance. this lack of congruence between this clup (1995-2000) along with the zoning ordinances of 1975 and 2001 to the drrm framework is due mainly to the fact that these local legislations were passed before the enactment of republic act (r.a.) no. 10121 in 2010. r.a. no. 10121, the drrm code of the philippines was passed by the philippine legislature in cognizance with the intensifying pattern of natural disasters of hydro-meteorological origins. the non-congruence was costly for iligan, since all sendong related deaths in 2011 happened in danger zones which the mines and geo-science bureau (mgb) had identified in 2010.nevertheless, even if only legend: flood c=common; r=rare; r&l=rare and low; s=seasonal; n=none landslide:h=high; m=moderate; l=low; n-l=none to low; l-m= low to moderate xbarangay where hazard is likely to happen and may affect the community note:barangay is the basic political subdivision in the philippines. each city and municipality is subdivided into barangays. for administrative supervision each barangay is also subdivided into puroks. table 1. hazards affecting the barangays of iligan city the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 119 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the provision on easement was observed, many lives could have been spared from tropical storm sendong. the continuing disregard of the provisions on easements, floodways and waterways does not only threaten lives and properties but also causes water pollution. people occupying these areas throw their wastes into the water. untreated water coming from various sources in the city end up into the iligan bay thus progressively polluting it. these resulted to the deterioration of the water quality of the bay which used to be one of the most productive fishing grounds in northern mindanao. b. natural hazards faced by iligan city the natural hazards faced by iligan city as identified by the mines and geoscience board (mgb) – region x are categorized into six, namely: (1) floods; (2) landslides; (3) storm surge; (4) earthquakes; (5) liquefaction; and (6) storm/typhoon. each of these hazards has been identified through a “rapid geohazard assessment” of all the barangays of iligan city in march 2010. the mgb – region x has also provided the city planning and development office (cpdo)geohazard maps showing iligan city in relation to potential hazards it may encounter.these natural hazards have been identified to pose a major threat to human lives, properties, livelihoods and sustainable development. c. integration of disaster risk reduction and management and climate change adaptation into iligan city’s 2013-2022clup the 2013-2022 clup is a lengthy document consisting of the three volumes: volume 1 presents the land use of the city; volume 2 provides the provisions of the zoning ordinance; and volume 3 contains the sectoral studies conducted. volume 2 is the most politicized portion of the clup because it needs the enactment by the city council (sangguniang panlungsod) to become an ordinance. in 2011, the city planning and development office (cpdo) initiated the revision of iligan city’s clup. its provisions were made to conform to the implementing rules and regulations set forth by r.a 10121. new features were incorporated specifically in legend: flood c=common; r=rare; r&l=rare and low; s=seasonal; n=none landslide:h=high; m=moderate; l=low; n-l=none to low; l-m= low to moderate xbarangay where hazard is likely to happen and may affect the community table 1. hazards affecting the barangays of iligan city the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 120 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the new clup’s volume 3: sectoral studies; revision on chapter 3.1.1: housing sector; chapter 4: environmental protection, climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction sector; and volume 2: zoning ordinance. these features contain tables of (1) analysis matrices with their corresponding strategized programs/projects/ activities; (2) geo-hazard maps by the mines and geosciences bureau (mgb) – region x; (3) vulnerability assessment matrix environment sector; and (4) an updated and improved version of the comprehensive zoning ordinance of iligan city in which strategies and mechanisms of drrm and cca were incorporated. the first feature is the analysis matrices with its corresponding strategized programs/projects/ activities. it was the product of series of workshops facilitated by the cpdo and participated by various stakeholders and agencies. in the series of workshops they sorted out and discussed the pressing concerns and issues about the susceptibility of the city to various hazards. these matrices include (1) protection and conservation analysis matrix, (2) land quality analysis matrix, (3) development constraints and (4) housing analysis matrix. on the other hand, aside from the identified concerns and issues they also came up with potential solutions which conform to the provisions of drrm and cca in addressing the identified concerns and issues. the solutions were categorized into two parts: “mitigation” and “adaptation measures” which aim to lessen or alleviate the vulnerabilities of the city to hazards. these solutions are in a form of policy interventions and options and building of infrastructures. moreover, the solutions would be further strengthened through the different programs, projects and activities designed by the cpdo and to be implemented by various agencies in the city the second feature is the geohazard maps generated by the mgb-region x which were considered as inputs in the formulation of the new clup. these geohazard maps show the different barangays and communities affected by various natural hazards. these maps include (1) slope map of iligan city, (2) flood susceptibility map of iligan city, (3) landslide susceptibility map of iligan city (4) storm surge susceptibility map of iligan city and (5) map of location of clusters of informal settlers. these maps serve as a helpful guide in the formulation and implementation of the zoning ordinance. the third feature is the vulnerability assessment matrices which evaluate the level of vulnerability against three (3) hazards: flood, landslide, and storm surge, specifically in the natural environments of iligan city which includes mt. gabunan in barangay rogongon; mangrove areas in barangays hinaplanon, santiago and sta. felomina; marine sanctuary in barangay dalipuga; and the major rivers in the city that include iligan river, agus river and mandulog river. every matrix includes each narrated impact or exposure, the rate of likelihood or probability that it may happen, the corresponding consequences and risk score and description of the risk which is categorized respectively as low risk, medium risk or high risk. the last feature is the updated and improved version of the zoning ordinance (volume 2 of the clup). the zoning ordinance is designed to suit with the current conditions on both natural and human environments of the city and to integrate a the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 121 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hazard profile and mainstream drrm and climate change adaptation (cca) principles. provisions in the proposed zoning ordinance include conformity to r.a. 10121 and r.a. 9729; and the new definition of a buffer zone which now conform to the current conditions and needs of the city’s natural and human environments. there is also an inclusion of an overlay zone where more than one land use is allowed in order to optimize the usage of a land. moreover, selective permits for building houses in danger zones maybe allowed provided that mitigation measures are integrated into infrastructures’ design. conclusion the provisions under iligan city’s old clup (1995-2000) did not explicitly mention ideas related to the drrm framework or principles stipulated in r.a. 10121 as it was adopted as a local ordinance in 1998,twelve years before r.a. 10121 was enacted. the operation of the 1995-2000 clup was extended for more than a decade due to the failure to amend it. prior to 2011, land use planning in iligan city did not place much consideration on issues arising from climate change. being not grounded on the concept of drrm as elucidated in ra 10121, the old zoning ordinance (ordinance no. 01-3949) is short of provisions that ensures resiliency against natural hazards. consequently,buildings for residential, commercial and industrial purposes were not made to withstand the effects of natural disasters like the flood that was brought by tropical storm sendong in 2011. the vulnerability of city infrastructures to hazards was shown by the extent of destructions wrought by tropical storm sendong in 2011 where many houses along the coast of iligan bay and near the banks of mandulog river were swept away by strong current. as identified by the mgb – region x, the natural hazards faced by iligan city are categorized into six, namely: (1) floods; (2) landslides; (3) storm surge; (4) earthquakes; (5) liquefaction; and (6) storm/typhoon.with the pressing concerns to incorporate drrm and the prescriptions of r.a. 10121, iligan through the cpdo has taken the initiative of revising the 1995-2000clup to incorporate the pillars of drrm. this revision has been initiated as a response to the national government’s call for coping up with natural hazards and the disasters brought by unpreparedness and disregard. the new features integrated into the 2013-2022 clup are: (1) analysis matrices with its corresponding strategized programs/projects/activities; (2) geohazard maps generated by the mines and geosciences bureau (mgb)-region x; (3) vulnerability assessment matrix environment sector; and (4) an updated version of the comprehensive zoning ordinance of iligan city where the strategies and mechanisms of drrm and cca have been incorporated into the new clup of iligan city. these efforts indicate that the city is gradually assimilating the importance of drrm and cca in the city’s development planning efforts. it also shows that the new clup hadincorporated the pertinent provisions required by r.a 10121. this would make the new clup serve as an effective guideline to improve and increase the level of resiliency of the city and secure the sustainable development of iligan against the threats brought about by various hazards. this paper is focusedmainly on the analysis of the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 122 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the content of both the old and new clups and not to include monitoring and evaluatingthe outcome of their implementation. nevertheless, it is hereby posited that the success of clup of iliganlies mainly on its effective implementation. with local politics putting its weight on the policy making process in iligan which is causing the delay of the completion of the formulation of the new clup, great challenges awaits its approval and implementation recommendations 1. the mgb should provide geohazard maps for each barangay in iligan city. these maps focused in each barangay should reflect the identified hazard/s in each barangay concerned. these maps are important in formulating drrm actions plans in every barangay especially in mitigation, preparedness and response. 2. in partnership with the academe, the mgb should also conduct further researcheson the history and pattern of the occurrence of hazards in iligan city. the outputs of these researches shall provide vital information needed in enhancing the resiliency of the vulnerable communities in iligan. 3. the clup of the city should be reviewedat least every three years in order incorporate new updates resulting from current researches on climate change adaptation (cca) and drrm. 4. the local government of iligan should conduct thorough information drive regarding the zoning ordinance of the city through the trimedia. it should also strictly implement the provisions of the zoning ordinance and incorporate them into all development programs of the city. 5. the local disaster risk reduction management office of iligan should go into community organizing and regular response drills to upgrade community preparedness in dealing with natural disasters. 6. the city environment and natural resources office (cenro) should strictly regulate the release of environmental certificates for development projects or activities that may bedone in buffer and danger zones. 7. the city zoning administrator should impose more strict guidelines on the release of location certificates and building permits in consideration with the geohazard map of the city and with the pertinent provisions of r.a. 10121. 8. as front-liners, chairmen of barangays should exercise leadership at the grassroots level for the education of their constituents on the contents of clup in order to foster well-informed compliance. 9. finally, iligan city should develop the culture of safety and the value of ecological balance. this is done through the partnership between the city government, barangays, religious leaders, ngos, pos, and the academe. references government documents comprehensive land use plan of iligan city 19952000. (1998). city planning and development office. retrieved april 18, 2013. comprehensive land use plan of iligan city 20132022. city planning and development office. retrieved april 18, 2013. iligan city zoning ordinance of 1975. city planning and development office. retrieved march the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 123 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 13, 2013. iligan city zoning ordinance of 2001. city planning and development office. retrieved april 18, 2013. iligan city zoning ordinance of 2011. city planning and development office. retrieved april 18, 2013. portable document formats (pdfs) bajracharya, brishna, et al. (january 2011). climate change adaptation through land use planning and disaster management: local government perspectives from queensland. gold coast, queensland, australia: 17th pacific rim real estate society conference. retrieved nov. 24, 2012, from http://www.prres.net/ papers/bajracharya_childs_hastings_climate_change_disaster_management_and_land_use_planning.pdf clup guide book: a guide to comprehensive land use plan preparation vol.1. (2006). housing and land use regulatory board. retrieved march 10, 2013 from http://hlurb.gov.ph/wpcontent/uploads/services/lgu/full-text-vol1.pdf introduction to storm surge. (n.d.). united states of america: national weather service, national oceanic and atmospheric administration. retrieved jan. 26, 2014 from http:// www.nws.noaa.gov/om/hurricane/resources/ surge_intro.pdf risk assessment and hazard mapping cluster 5: hazard and risk information and decision making. (n.d). world bank. retrieved: march 14, 2013 from http://wbi.worldbank.org/wbi/data/wbi/ wbicms/files/drupal-acquia/wbi/drm_kn5-1.pdf salzer, walter phd. (september 2011). a policy brief on the cost of land use planning in the philippines. environment and rural development ogram. retrieved: march 14, 2013 from http://www.enrdph.org/docfiles/ 2012oct_costs %20of%20land%20use_%20policy%20brief_web.pdf internet sources eqtap. (2003). development of land use management guideline for municipal governments. retrieved nov. 25, 2012 from http:// eqtap.edm.bosai.go.jp/useful_outputs/report/ banba/banba.htm fernandez, amanda et al. (december 2012). december storms pablo and sendong are a rarity in mindanao. gma news. retrieved from http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/ story/284797/news/regions/december-stormspablo-and-sendong-are-a-rarity-in-mindanao iligan city: profile. (n.d.). retrieved jan. 22, 2013, from http://www.iligan.gov.ph/about-iligan/ city-profile-3/ land use planning. (1999). retrieved march 10, 2013 from http://www.fao.org/nr/land/use/ en/ noah. (n.d.). department of science and technology. retrieved dec. 3, 2012 from http:// noah.dost.gov.ph the science of earthquakes. united states of america: united states geological survey. retrieved jan. 26, 2014 from http:// earthquake.usgs.gov/learn/kids/eqscience.php interviews interview with architect gil balondo (cpdo coordinator), city planning and development office, iligan city on february 3, 2014. interviews with mr. venerando o. bordeos (planning officer i), macro development planning and intersectoral coordination division, city the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 124 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ planning and development office, iligan city on march 6 and 13, 2013. interviews with mrs. josephine g. rosales (planning officer ii), macro development planning and intersectoral coordination division, city planning and development office, iligan city on march 5 and 13, 2013; and january 29 and february 4, 2014. the comprehensive land use plan of iligan city and the disaster risk reduction and management framework of the philippines / david almarez; john enrico peòaroya; crisalyn rubio http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0009 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, riza noer. ariani, m. asean b badan pengawas pemilu balikatan bangladesh banks, j. a. bautista, v. a. bawaslu bayanihan bourdieu, p. c cambodia caucus of development ngo networks cedaw celebes center for electoral reform central java central sulawesi che supiah cheshe codengo committee on the elimination of discrimination aga comprehensive land use plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu timor leste tran thi que typhoon u uganda unfrel university network for free elections utang na loob v venture philanthropy vietnam w west sumatra widarjono, a. world bank z zimbabwe zulkarnain a. hatta microsoft word 05-lalu fadlurrahman lalu fadlurrahman 93 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta lalu fadlurrahman researcher at the center for good governance in yogyakarta. email : lalu-fadlurrahman@yahoo.com abstract since the reformation era in 1998, the number of non-governmental organizations in indonesia is exploding and their impact on governance growing. decentralization policy has supported this trend with its goal to enhance development in the regions, requiring more active involvement of the people in formulating their interests. organizations can play an important role in the regions as a bridge between the people and the government. in order to strengthen that role, non-governmental organizations must have a solid organisational fundament and political strategies to get actively involved in the policy making process. an additional stronger legal fundament for such an active role could force the government agencies to include ngos in the part a policy process. this paper delivers a case study on the actual performance of a local non-governmental organization in the field of gender politics and good governance. organisational set up and results of attempts to play an active role in articulating the interests of people it represents are reviewed and lead to suggestions for improvement of performance, that can work as guideline for other ngos in indonesia who want to contribute to local governance. keywords: civil society, good governance, ngos, rifka annisa women crisis centre abstrak sejak era reformasi tahun 1998, jumlah lsm di indonesia meledak dan dampaknya terhadap tata tumbuh. kebijakan desentralisasi telah mendukung tren ini dengan tujuan untuk meningkatkan pembangunan di daerah, membutuhkan keterlibatan lebih aktif dari masyarakat dalam merumuskan kepentingan mereka. organisasi dapat memainkan peran penting di daerah sebagai jembatan antara rakyat dan pemerintah. untuk memperkuat peran itu, lembaga swadaya masyarakat harus memiliki landasan organisasi yang solid dan strategi politik untuk mendapatkan aktif terlibat dalam proses pembuatan kebijakan. sebuah dasar hukum tambahan yang lebih kuat untuk sebuah peran aktif bisa memaksa instansi pemerintah untuk melibatkan lsm di bagian proses kebijakan. makalah ini memberikan sebuah studi kasus pada kinerja sebenarnya dari sebuah organisasi non pemerintah lokal di bidang politik gender dan good governance. organisasi membuat dan hasil usaha untuk berperan aktif dalam mengartikulasikan kepentingan rakyat yang diwakilinya diperiksa dan mengakibatkan saran untuk perbaikan kinerja, yang dapat bekerja sebagai panduan bagi lsm lain di indonesia yang ingin berkontribusi untuk pemerintahan lokal. kata kunci: masyarakat sipil, tata pemerintahan yang baik, lsm, rifka annisa jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 94 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta introduction the reformation era in indonesia has brought significant changes in social and political life. indonesia faced a transition towards more (direct) democracy. people required participation in politics and demanded to overcome the old framework of governance, which saw the government in the active role, sotosay as caretaker, and the people remaining in passivity, as those who were taken care of. public discourse lead to the insight, that roles within the governance system needed to be redefined and power to be shared between the stakeholders. this targeted particularly the distribution of responibilities between national and local level, but also new roles for government and civil society. the significant move to change the political system was the releasing of uu no. 5/1999, enacted in 2001 (meanwhile replaced by uu no. 32/2004), giving a frame for regional autonomy, based on the spirit of strengthening responsibility in the regions and using their creativity and wisdom in order to improve the quality of public services and to empower the society. by implementing regional autonomy, indonesia shifted a significant level of authority and related policy making processes from the center to the local level. the concept of decentralization policy not only gave autonomy to the regional government, but targeted also to the citizen within the regions. citizens should not be passive, but society as a whole become active in developing their region. so decentralization intended to reduce inefficiencies in an over-bureaucratized, centralized government apparatus, but also to increase meaningful citizen engagement within local governance (mclaren, 2011). meanwhile the focus of public discourse is often limited to the first of these two targets, and regional governments do not provide enough support for active citizen participation. sobandi et al. stated that in fact regional autonomy in indonesia is often interpreted as regional government autonomy, ignoring the intended active role of citizens. civil society thus is not seen as a player by the bureaucratic elites, but as an object of politics and not seldom as a resource in the search for power while achieving better governance and prosperity for the society are going to be neglected (sobandi et.al, 2005). an important tool for citizens to articulate their individual interests more effectively towards government and bureaucratic elite can be the framework of non-governmental organizations (ngos). to take over this role, a ngo must provide a professional jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 95 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta organizational frame that enables it to interact professionally with the government and other stakeholders and to accommodate the people’s interests effectively by development of good strategies in accessing the policy making process and contributing to it. what are sucess factors to reach such a professional level of performance is subject to this case study. the writer choose a ngo operating in the province with special status yogyakarta , rifka annisa women crisis center (hereinafter rawcc) for this study, based on the observation that rawcc is existing for quite a long time but has reached limited significance in policy making in their field of expertise so far. asked about an own assessment why the influence is limited, particularly communication with the thematically corresponding responsible government agency in the province, badan pemberdayaan perempuan dan masyarakat/bppm, rawcc was not able to give a conclusive answer. it was therefor a qualified sample for an ngo with an ambitious program but so far limited impact on the regional policy making process. within the case study as target was defined to analyze existing weaknesses and to define an approach to overcome barriers for a successful coordination and cooperation with the government. research methods the writer gained information and data by extensive reviewing of relevant published materials (both printed and online) such as books, articles, journals, reports and other resources. semi-structured interviews with respondents from rawcc yogyakarta and bppm yogyakarta (subdivision for data and information on gender and children; subdivision gender mainstreaming ) and with a law expert complemented analysis of secondary literature and primary sources. theoritical background non governmental organisations have a long tradition and exist in various forms. in context of this case study, an ngo is defined as a non-profit organization that advocates a public interest and works independently from the government. public interest in this context can refer to a social, legal, environmental or other humanitarian issue, without primary jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 96 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta intention to gain profit and thus not motivated by commercial interests (hulme, 2001). but in some cases, ngos may run commercial activities, for example to ensure a basic financial background, that is necessary to organize political activities, to sustain the organization’s existence without depending on public funds. the united nations define a ngo as: any non-profit, voluntary citizens’ group, which is organized on a local, national, or international level. task-oriented and driven by people with a common interest, ngos perform a variety of services and humanitarian functions, bring citizens’ concerns to governments, monitor policies and encourage political participation at the community level (leverty, n.d). as key characteristics of a ngo, based on the quoted definition, we can define the aspect of independence from the government, basis in civil society, and the goal to promote public interests. in the context of good governance, the involvement of civil society in the public policy making process is regarded as a necessity and complementary to the role of private business and the government, as each sector contributes a different perspective. according to kajimbwa (2006), role of the government is to maintain public order and serving the citizen’s needs; private business is pursuing economic success and financial profit within the market and ngos with their basis in civil society resemble with the government in seeking to serve community needs (kajimbwa, 2006). the focus on public interests distinguishes ngos from private businesses. the difference between government and ngo is, that the government has the responsibility to determine public policy and take decisions, while the role of the ngo is limited to lobbying and influence this decision making process. in today’s political reality, ngos may become powerful and able to create enourmous pressure on a government, yet decision taking still remains with the government. good governance requires broad participation of people, which again can be achieved only under the conditions of freedom of association and speech as well as sufficient existing capacities that allow to participate constructively (undp, 1994). providing an organisational frame supports recognition by government authorities due to the simple fact, that mutual interests of a group of people are considered more probably than individual or individually articulated interests. properly functioning citizen based organisations are even more important in indonesia, as parties and the parliament still suffer of a lack of public support jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 97 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta and often are seen as a platform to accomodate isolated interests or as a field for games of power. pull and haul of interest faced by politicians in the parliament (e.g. bribery cases) proof that the function of the parliament in indonesia is so far not consolidated. ngos can provide a legitimation as aggregational platform of pure citizen’s interests and thus even work as bridge between citizens and parliament in a time where rules of a democratic culture are in development. with the option for direct interaction and negotiation with government or parliament, ngos provide also wider options than media or also the new social media, which have more the character of a platform for public discourse, making opinion but not taking part in the concrete decision making process. an involvement of ngos in the public policy making process has serious advantages for the government. information can be acquired about impact and consequences of political decisions on groups and stakeholders, the government is not directly in contact with. and the government may gain increased legitimacy for policy decisions as involving ngos allows to link up policy with demand of citizens (develtere / peels, 2008). it leads, in short, to better governance. ngos can get involved in the policy process on formal or informal ways. oshewolo (2011) stated that actions such as direct persuasion and negotiation with the government are activities that have received wide attention in the literature. beside this, ngos may use informal ways of persuasion, for example by organizing campaigns or protests, mobilizing the public on specific issues, if the circumstances require it. some regions in indonesia already follow the principles of good governance. here the governments facilitate multi-stakeholder dialogues, where ngos have the chance to influence policy through participation. kajimbwa (2006) emphazizes, that an important reason for ngos to exist is the lack of the government to deliver high quality public services for its citizens on its own. the government needs here ngos as competent partners (kajimbwa, 2006). kim (2000) added that bureaucracy with its lack of flexibility and inefficiency in decision making faces clear limits in satisfying demands of people. often it is characterized as well by unwillingness to respond to feedbacks from the people, which leads to strong limitations in innovative potential (kajimbwa, 2006). ngos provide social services which governments are unable or sometimes unwilling to provide. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 98 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta result and analysis 1. rifka annisa women crisis center (rawcc) rawcc was established on august 26, 1993 under the umbrella of the sakina foundation, based in yogyakarta. the initiative was started by a group of women activists, who were deeply concerned about negative consequences for women out of the dominating patriarchal culture in java, particularly physical violence. being a movement without organisational frame at the beginning, rawcc was transformed into an organization soon, focussing on raising awareness by education on the issue of violence against women in indonesia, especially in yogyakarta. reformulating its organisational set up three times at the beginning, rawcc worked on being known and recognized and developed basic capacity and capability. at the start the organization worked practically without a budget. oxfam great britain was the first donor organisation that could be convinced by rawcc that its mission was needed by the women in indonesia. meanwhile rawcc worked on breaking up negative perceptions among the local society, which saw the organisation as trouble maker, not necessary or even in opposition to traditional family values. in 1997, the american ford foundation provided a big budget to support rawcc’s program implementation. supported by militant women activists and many volunteers, rawcc intensively began to offer services such as psychological counseling and legal advocacy for its clients. the financial support from ford foundation also made possible for rawcc to further develop itself by visiting similar projects in asian countries and conducting comparative studies. rawcc set up a capacity development program on this basis and professionalized itself step by step. as the pioneer for indonesia, rawcc inspired women in other regions to start similar projects. with other groups from several regions rawcc built up a network. until now, rawcc is constantly providing technical support for them. 2. performance measurement system improvement needs performance measurement. in its benchmarking study report, the national performance review (npr) notes: jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 99 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta performance measurement yields many benefits for an organization. one benefit is that it provides a structured approach for focusing on a program’s strategic plan, goals, and performance. another benefit is that measurement provides a mechanism for reporting on program performance to upper management. (the national performance review team, 1997) kaplan and norton developed their balanced scorcard concept, which can be used as a performance measurement tool to assess both internal key aspects of performance and the organisational environment (kaplan/norton, 1992). for this case study the writer prefers to follow the approach developed by mark graham brown, consisting of five categories, which examines the comprehensive prominent sides of any organization. it is applied in the following on rawcc. a. financial performance to run the operations efficiently, a sufficient budget is necessary. while the main focus of a government agency is to spend on time the prepared budget within a fiscal year, ngos need to focus stronger on funding (from private, government or individual donors), and target to spend as few financial resources as possible. efficient spending of financial resources here is also an argument for support by further donors. in their funding efforts, ngos face strong competition. to be successful, a good funding strategy is needed, which meets crietria of potential donors. related information needs to be obtained and managed. oshewolo (2011) emphasized that ngos need economic independence and financial sustainability to reach a significant impact on public policy. for ngos not to compromise their positions on certain policy issues because of dire financial needs, they must be able to effectively mobilize the strategic resources needed for their operational activity. dependence on external funds will cause a loss of ownership of their programs. therefore, for ngos to maintain ownership of their programs and effectively address public policy, financial autonomy becomes important. rawcc is receiving funds from external parties (both private sponsors and the government). in addition, rawcc runs own businesses1, which enable the organisation to 1 nowadays, rifka annisa is running rifka women's clinic (a salon for women, also selling cosmetic products). further business activities are the rifka meeting house for public rent as well as books and magazines produced by the rawcc team and training services for women focussing on studies and individual empowerment. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 100 run its programs if necessary also without and public funding and own businesses, not depending on one financial source only b. process/operational performance an assessment of routine functions and activities of an organization such as the organisational structure or clear job descriptions and an avoiding of overlapping responsibilities. in order to improve its service quality toward the clients, rawcc through a transformation. while being limited to counselling services for women who became victims of violence at the beginning, introduced several divisions with respective responsibility as the figure 1. rawcc organization structure at the begin perkumpulan rifka annisa wcc direktur hrd finance manajer divisi pendampingan manajer dpma figure 2. current rawcc organization structure promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta if necessary also without funding from outside. with this mix of private and public funding and own businesses, rawcc offers a good example depending on one financial source only. process/operational performance routine functions and activities of an organization such as the organisational structure or clear job descriptions and an avoiding of overlapping in order to improve its service quality toward the clients, rawcc while being limited to counselling services for women who became victims of violence at the beginning, rawcc extended its activities since 2000 with respective responsibility as the figures below figure 1. rawcc organization structure at the beginning federasi rifka annisa perkumpulan rifka annisa yayasan pt. ram rifka women clinic rtc koordinator to ro of manajer dpma manajer krt manajer mens program manajer humas dan media figure 2. current rawcc organization structure lalu fadlurrahman romoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta with this mix of private rawcc offers a good example for an ngo that is routine functions and activities of an organization considers aspects such as the organisational structure or clear job descriptions and an avoiding of overlapping in order to improve its service quality toward the clients, rawcc went while being limited to counselling services for women who extended its activities since 2000 and figures below illustrate. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 101 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta the transformation of rawc’s organizational structure followed the demands of women and also the results of the comparative study program with partner organisations around asia. each of the introduced new divisions has a clear mission, the staff working within the divisions clear job descriptions. in order to reach clients in more remote areas, rawcc extended its campaigning activities on local radios and newspapers. internet is used to collect data and to communicate, social networks like facebook and twitter have become part of the communication strategy. rawcc has also extended its networking activities in order to improve counselling services. beside cooperation with other ngos with same goals and similar activities, rawcc has included the police, doctors, hospitals, attorneys, judiciaries, journalists and other key persons in its professional support network. as a consequence, rawcc is not only able to provide assistance for victims of violence, but also working actively on prevention of violence against women. an overview on the counselling network is provided in the figure below: figure 3. rawcc counseling service network jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 102 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta c. customer satisfaction so far rawcc is not assessing satisfaction of its clients with the services provided. the organisation could conduct such an assessment as periodical statistical tool for example through telephone interviews. results could be basis for further improvement of service quality. d. employee satisfaction working at rawcc is popular, as the list of candidates documents, who are waiting for a chance join in the organization as a volunteer, among them especially college students. this reflects also a high level of satisfaction of the staff with a work at rawcc. room for improvement is visible here regarding the selection process. since the beginning, rawcc is a non-profit organization that recruited its employees mostly among women activists who do not seek for profit. personal contacts and recommendation were the main basis to enter the organization. professional selection criteria (education, capability) could lead to a further improvement of performance. e. stakeholders satisfaction rawcc defines itself as an organization that helps the women in the region to manage problems occuring from experiences of violence. while providing a quite large network of related specialists, rawcc has so far not assessed which other organisational stakeholders may share the organisation’s interests and therefor would be possible political partners. cooperation with the responsible government agency, badan pemberdayaan perempuan dan masyarakat (bppm, established based on local law (peraturan daerah) no. 7/2008 (see http://www.bppm.jogjaprov.go.id/index.php/tentang-kami) is limited and so far did not lead to visible results, communication happens occasionally. to develop a stakeholder matrix would be a first step towards a professional political strategy, that is going beyond the delivery of counselling services on the individual level. this could be complemented by a political agenda, targeting the cooperation with the government. the performance measurement is now summarized in the following table. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 103 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta table 1. performance measurement of rawcc no category status comment strength weakness 1 financial performance 1. even though non-profit oriented organization and mostly still rely on external parties regarding the budgeting, rawcc is running own businesses to limitdependency on sponsors. 2 process/operational performance • clear organisational structur, definition of missions and job description. useing media (newspapers, magazines, radio, internet) provides a good frame for socializing and promoting rawcc objectives and communicating effectively with clients especially in remote areas. extended networking to improve services (other ngos, competent key persons) 3 customer satisfaction • rawcc has a clear mechanism in servicing its clients, but is not assessing customer satisfaction yet. 4 employee satisfaction • no significant problem in this point. working for rawcc is popular. 5 stakeholder satisfaction • no stakeholder matrix and no strategy to cooperate with political partners yet. 3. cooperation of rawcc and government while rawcc und bppm as responsible administrative unit in the provincial government recognize each other in terms of there respective activity, a direct interaction in the policy making process so far doesnt take place. bppm’s main partner on policy for jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 104 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta women is the women’s forum chaired by queen g.k.r.hemas of yogyakarta. rawcc is one of the member organisations of the forum, therefor an access to the government is indirectly given yet not used for political intervention. outside the forum, rawcc and bppm even met on occasions such as workshops and seminars and exchanged opinions on topcis related to a strategy for eradication of gender based violence. but the discussions were not followed up, leading to concrete mutual activies or political initiatives. rawcc acted so far as a source for information, but did not take an active role as a partner in policy making or as a watchdog, that would monitor policy development and implementation by the government. regarding own ambitions and mission, acting of rawcc and internal discussions about activities show unclearity or contradictions between articulated plans and concrete action. institutional arrangements for a role as partner in policy making are not made yet. on the other side, bppm shows no active role so far in extending its current cooperation with the women’s forum. a legal basis for a wider participation of grassroot organsations is currently not given. meanwhile the results of the policy making process so far is seen as unsatisfying, among others because of a missing direct link to the women and a lack of concrete information about their concrete needs. to summarize: while the current setting shows room for improvement and possibe partners for a better policy are available, none of both sides (bppm and rawcc) is taking concrete steps for linking up their knowledge and activities.the government shows no activity for a stronger cooperation with ngos, while the concrete ngo in our case study is not approaching the government. from the interviews conducted in context of this case study, the situation seems to reflect in an exemplaric way the general situation in indonesia. the options available since implementation of regional autonomy are not used sufficiently in order to make policy on the regional level better. rawcc as ngo has not developed yet a self perception as actor in the field of governance while the government is still in its traditional role to develop policy without integrating other stakeholders optimally. the concrete setting in yogyakarta also reflects the special role of the sultan who is governor of the province at the same time. the expectation of people is that the king (sultan) is caring for them and finds solutions for problems. this pre-democratic attitude is projected on the role of the queen in context of policy for women. consequently, the administration is cooperating with the organisational jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 105 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta frame linked to the traditional authority (behrens, 2012) , while other actors stay outside the policy making process. result is that available valuable resources in terms of access to the people and concrete services (hyeyoung kim, 2000) are not used although these could contribute significantly to a better situation for women in yogyakarta. conclusion the current work relationship between local governments and ngos in indonesia shows room for improvement. the already defined roles as partners in governance need to be incorporated in the organisational setting, but also into the mindset of acting people on both sides. both must accept and live their roles. ngos should get prepared well for a cooperation with the government as this needs a hight level of professionalism and sustainability of activities. a performance measurement can support in analyzing weaknesses and lead to necessary improvements. governments on the other side need to reflect their cooperation policy and ensure that all available local resources are considered and integrated in policy making, implementation and evaluation. the government should be a driving force for a stronger cooperation with civil society.. on the basis of the results of this case study, thefollowing recommendations are formulated. 1. for rawcc the role of rawcc within the governance setting in the region and in the policy making process can and should be strengthened significantly, as the resources of the ngo are impressive and should contribute to a better policy for women in yogyakarta. this would need from the side of rawcc a critical discussion about the identified internal and external weaknesses and should lead to respective changes in the organisational framework and activities. important issues in this context are the introduction of a tool for assessing customer satisfaction and the development of a political strategy, including a pattern of continuous cooperation2 with the political decision takers in the government. this additional 2 jane covey provides a clear breakdown of strategies used by ngos to influence policy. she stated that collaboration strategy means ngos work hand-in-hand harmoniously with the government. relations are usually good and amicable between the government and the ngos that is collaborating with it. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 106 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta role for rawcc has to be formulated and approved by the women who are basis of the organisation. 2. for the government the data and experience of rawcc, particularly the direct access to the victims of violence are a huge potential for an improvement of regional policy. the government should make use of this resource by searching for active cooperation and including rawcc in the policy making process, in implementation and evaluation. such an initiative could lead to a sharing of responsibilities which is an indicator for good governance. it is to be expected that the result will be a better governance for yogyakarta both in terms of process and results. capacity and ability to communicate with ngos is not available as a standard in governmental organisations. bppm should check critically and extend its own capacity in this field. a way to institutionalize a stronger cooperation with ngos can be to install a legal framework standardizing the process of participation (pamnet, 2008). the local government should proof this option for a perda (local law), that could give consultative status to a group of ngos to be defined, making use of the possibilities given by regional autonomy policy. the criteria for selection of eligable ngos must be based on the need of the region. as a benchmark can work the list of criteria by the economic and social council (ecosoc) of the united nations, compiled in resolution 1996/31. ngos which are eligible to get a consultative status must fulfill these criteria (ecosoc, 1996). the introduction of a legal frame, sotosay as a binding contract between government and civil society may be an effective tool to promote a new standard of governance for the region. collaboration calls for mutual trust between the government and the ngos. it also calls for transparency between the partners: both sides need to show all their intentions, interests, needs, goals, agendas, etc. to each other. this is the basis of building trust and relationships. taken from sibanda (1994) jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 lalu fadlurrahman 107 promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta references behrens, christoph (2012). better governance for indonesia. jakarta ecosoc (1996). consultative relationship between the united nations and nongovernmental organizations. retrieved january 2, 2012 from http://esango.un.org/paperless/web?page=static&content=resolution develtere, patrick / peels, rafael (2008). civil society involvement in international development cooperation: in search for data. retrieved december 25, 2011 from https://hiva.kuleuven.be/resources/pdf/publicaties/r1206.pdf hulme, d. (2001). reinventing the third world: service delivery and the civic realm, in mccourt, w., and minogue, m. (eds), the internationalization of public management: reinventing the third world state. edward elgar: cheltenham. p. 129. kajimbwa, monsiapile (2006). ngos and their role in the global south. the international journal of not-for-profit law, volume 9, issue 1. retrieved december 29, 2011 from http://www.icnl.org/research/journal/vol9iss1/art_7.htm kaplan, robert norton, david p.. (1992). the balanced scorecard-measures that drive performance. harvard business review. retrieved on december 1, 2011 from http://www.marketmatch.com/content/download/1075/6422/file/balanced%20scorecard.pdf kim, hyeyoung (2000). discuss the impact of ngos and their limits and opportunities in relations to social development and civil society, making particular reference to examples from a selected country or countries. retrieved january 5, 2012 from http://www.likejazz.net/data_doc/essay%20ngo%20hyeyoung%20kim.pdf leverty, sally (n.d). ngos, the un and american psychological; association (apa). retrieved december 29, 2011 from http://www.apa.org/international/united-nations/publications.aspx mardiati (n.d). kebebasan berkumpul dan berserikat. retrieved october 15, 2011 from http://www.lbhaceh.org/umum/bebas.html mclaren, lauren (2011). how civil society organizations work politically to promote propoor policies in decentralized indonesian cities. the asia foundation's series of occasional papers. retrieved december 29, 2011 from http://asiafoundation.org/publications/pdf/895 oshewolo, segun (2011). limited policy engagement of non-governmental organizations: a guilt trip on the nigerian state. journal of sustainable development in africa, volume 13, no.1. retrieved january 5, 2012 from http://www.jsdafrica.com/jsda/v13no1_spring2011_a/pdf/limited%20policy%20engagement%20of%20nongovernmental%20organizations%20(oshewolo).pdf pamnet. (2008) humanizing states and economies in africa-a rough road for civil society capacity building. retrieved january 10, 2012 from: http://www.acbfpact.org/whatsnew/docs/state_civil_society_relations.pdf. plunkett, patrick (1997). performance-based management: eight steps to develop and use information technology performance measures effectively. the general service administration of office of governmentwide policy. retrieved on october 19, 2011 from https://www.acquisition.gov/sevensteps/library/gsaeightsteps.pdf jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 108 lalu fadlurrahman promoting democratization and good governance: rifka annisa women crisis center yogyakarta sibanda, harold (1994). ngo influence on national policy formation in zimbabwe. institute for development (idr) report, vol. 11, no. 2. retrieved january 4, 2012 from http://www.worlded.org/docs/publications/idr/pdf/11-2.pdf sobandi et al. (2005). desentralisasi dan tuntutan penataan kelembagaan daerah. bandung: humaniora. the national performance review (1997). serving the american public: best practices in performance measurement. retrieved on october 19, 2011 from http://www.orau.gov/ pbm/links/npr2.html undp (1994). good governance and sustainable human development. retrieved december 25, 2011 from http://mirror.undp.org/magnet/policy/chapter1.htm layout desember 2008 27 the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 hendri yani secretary regency staff of east belitung, bangka belitung province. email: kulok_sarman@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the regional autonomy conducted in many functions of government. one of its forms is proliferation of region. the aim of this study was to overview the proceed of proliferation in east belitung district. this research was a qualitative research consisted of two main techniques to collect the data; they were interview and secondary data from documentations. the findings show that there were ten steps to create the new east belitung district. the steps started from the preparations of local’s planning and administration to the final steps in the hand of national parliaments. this study found that the number of local government in indonesia has increases, and the process at the central government level seem relatively easy. but, the eligibility criteria being compromised. then, the political will from communities were not clear mention. also there was a conflict interest between local government and central government in the feasibility study for proliferation in belitung district. it concluded that we could not deny that political intervention in the bureaucracy has facilitated the formation of east belitung districts. keywords: proliferation, east belitung abstrak otonomi daerah dilaksanakan dalam berbagai fungsi pemerintah. salah satu bentuk nya adalah pemekaran daerah. studi ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui proses dari pemekaran daerah baru yaitu kabupaten belitung timur. penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang teridiri dari dua teknik dalam pengumpulan data, yakni interviem dan data sekunder dokumentasi. beberapa temuan dalam studi ini menjelaskan bahwa ada sepuluh langkah dalam pembuatan kabupaten belitung timur. hal itu dimulai dari persiapan atas 28 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perencanaan dan administrasi di ranah lokal sampai pada proses terakhir yakni pengambilan keputusan parlemen tingkat nasional. studi ini menemukan bahwa pembentukan daerah baru di indonesia meningkat, dan proses yang terjadi di pemerintah pusat terlihat relatif mudah. tetapi kriteria persyaratannya dapat dikompromikan. kemudian, keinginan politik dari masyarakat tidak disebut secara jelas dalam proses tersebut. ditemukan juga bahwa terdapat konflik kepentingan antara pemerintah lokal dan pemerintah pusat terkait dengan studi kelayakan pemekaran kabupaten belitung. penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa kita tidak dapat menyangkal adanya intervensi politik dalam birokrasi yang memudahkan pembentukan kabupaten belitung timur. kata kunci: pemekaran, belitung timur introduction decentralization, a set of policies that includes financial, political, and administrative changes, can affect virtually all aspects of development. it is the delegation of authority and responsibility to perform government functions, i.e. from the central government to lower level, quasi-independent government organizations, or the private sector. therefore, according to iwan j azis (2008), decentralization is not about weakening central authority. the primary goal is to make local government become more responsive to the needs of local people. indonesia has used decentralization as one way to reduce the extent of the disparity in development between regions and to promote regional development (suahasil nazara, 2007). these efforts were in improving public services in order to stimulate regional economic development, including management of potential growth areas, the realization of social welfare, and the provision of public education at the local level. the intention was to accelerate the growth of democracy by the creation of regions. the indonesian government enacted two key laws, law no. 22/1999 on regional government and law no. 25/1999 on central-local fiscal balance, and put in place the technical regulations stipulated in government regulation (peraturan pemerintah, also known is pp) no. 129/ 2000 concerning establishment and criteria for division, dissolution and merging of regions. implemented in 2001, indonesian decentralization policies were characterized by proliferation (also known as pemekaran), the rapid creation of new jurisdictions across the various levels of subnational governments. before execution of the policy, there were 249 the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 29 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ districts, 65 cities and 27 provinces. at the end of december 2007, the numbers had risen to 370 districts, 95 cities and 33 provinces. the implementation of decentralization is not without its problems, as some obstacles appear to follow along with local practices of decentralization. decentralization in indonesia is commonly known as ‘regional autonomy’ (otonomi daerah). the arguments that attack its poor design and preparation of the laws causing serious flaws of the decentralization laws were the primary causes of the emerging problems. amongst others, that said that the decentralization laws did not take into account the inequality of regions’ capacity, so they cannot be imposed effectively, and conversely it creates perverse effects, especially for poor and less developed regions. the pro and contra the division and creation of new autonomous administrative regions increased with the rapid increase in the number of autonomous regions each year. for the group pro then proliferation is the best way to address a range of government authority for improving public services. the contra considers that the proliferation does not carry change significantly to the welfare of society and is the “euphoria” decentralization and purely political. brodjonegoro (2009), the proliferation of territories was causing harm, so if this trend was not stopped, the decline of community service would take place instead. figure 1: number of province, districts and cities 1998-2007 note: a reduction in the number of provinces in 1999 due to east timor independence, and the law on papua proliferation into three provinces (stipulated in year 2000) were abolished in 2001 source: research result (base on dsf, 2007, bappenas-undp, 2008 and bps) the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 30 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ issues arising from resultant proliferation of regions have been examined in several studies, including the institute of public administration (2004). this study explained that a regional development strategy should be conducted with early studies not only about the feasibility of an area that will be established, but also the impact that will be generated in the parent district. these things need to be considered in order to avoid the increasingly obvious differences between the main areas and the new areas. the indonesian national development planning board (badan perencanaan pembangunan nasional, bappenas) in cooperation with united nations development program (undp), explained that in the five years that the policy has been implemented, the first or “parent” regions consistently showed better results in all areas of concern compared to the new autonomous regions. then the group suggested the need for a preparatory period for transfer of personnel and for local economic and governance infrastructure to be established before proceeding with administrative division. poverty was also relatively high in the new autonomous regions despite the trend of decline elsewhere in the country. moreover, as measured by gdp per capita, the new regions were left behind compared to the level of welfare in the parent district. qibthiyah studied (2008) reported that the education and health outcomes estimations provide mixed results within the treatment group. the findings shed light on the current practice of administrative or political decentralization, specifically on the competing local-central preferences within each sector on measured service delivery outcomes. the research showed improvements in education outcome in new local governments, represented by a reduction in the dropout rate. however, there was no positive change in the quality of education in terms of students’ tests scores even though there are relatively higher conditional grants allocated to the proliferated local governments. meanwhile, in terms of the infant mortality rate, the evidence of improvement in the infant mortality was found on the originating local governments but not on the new local governments. several previous studies were conducted to assess the effect of the proliferation of regional policy itself, but this study will investigate and enhance previous research by examining the process of proliferation with the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 31 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the focusing study in east belitung district. the east belitung districts was inaugurated in 20031, in accordance with law number 22/1999 and pp number 129/2000. theoritical framework as part of the practical implementation of law no. 22/1999 december 2000, the government of indonesia issued government regulation no. 129/2000 on establishment and criteria for division, dissolution and merging of regions, which gives local governments the right to apply for the creation of new regions. since 2001, the national parliament (dewan perwakilan rakyat, dpr) has approved the creation of 115 new districts and cities, thereby increasing the total number regions in the country from 366 to 484 in the span of just six years (dsf, 2007). a. definition of proliferation proliferation is a division of one administrative area into two or more areas. the division involves regions all over the country and the subsequent regional population becomes much smaller. at the province level, this produced a pattern of one province dividing into a new province and a mother province. while, at the district level there were several patterns. first is from one district to one new district (new autonomous district) and a mother district; second, from one district into a new city and mother district; and third, from one district to two new districts and one mother district. the purpose of local government institutions is to provide efficiency service delivery by incorporating heterogeneous preferences to better suit the local needs, while eliminating or by reducing any geographical constraints. as revealed by mcguire (1991) and oates (1972, 1999) in qibtiyyah (2008), this point is largely based on a theory of fiscal decentralization that posits that smaller governments have more effective and more efficient administration. the definition of local government formation in indonesia follows government regulations no. 129/2000. jurisdiction formation is defined as any change in political administration status that involves changes in the structure of one’s jurisdiction. government regulation no. 129/ 2000 states the creation of new sub national governments (i.e., district/ the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 32 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ city or province) can take the following forms: (1) districts/cities secede from one province to form a new province; (2) division of one district/ city into several new districts/cities; (3) creation of one district/city from two or more existing districts/cities. still according to qibtiyyah (2008), the formation of new sub national governments was typically a result of the division of an existing province, district, or city, as in type (2) from one district into a new city and mother district. no amalgamations occurred at the district/city or province levels of government as in the type (3) from one district to two new districts and one mother district. amalgamation, which is defined as the merging of two or more local governments, only occurred at the lowest level of government (i.e., the village). the creation of a new region has two steps (dsf, 2007) 1. proliferation (pemekaran): an area splits off from an existing region (parent region) 2. creation (pembentukan): the split-off area gains the status of regional government. furthermore, in practice, it is not possible to construct a new region government without first splitting off an area from an existing region. in other words, the creation of the new area always requires that both steps be taken. b. objective of proliferation based on article 2 chapter 2 of government regulation no. 129/ 2000, the overall objective of administrative restructuring of regions (including pemekaran) is to increase public welfare. to achieve this goal, there must be the following: 1. improvement of public service delivery 2. acceleration of the growth in democratic life 3. acceleration of regional economic development 4. acceleration of the management of regional resources 5. improvement of security and discipline 6. improvement relations between the central government and the regions the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 33 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ c. present state of proliferation in indonesia the creation of a new autonomous region began to grow rapidly since law no. 22/1999 on regional government and law no. 25/1999 on fiscal balance between central and local governments. before these two laws were applied, number of autonomous regions was 249 districts, 65 cities and 27 provinces. at the end of december 2007, the numbers were 370 districts, 95 cities and 33 provinces. this rapid development related to the impact of decentralization on the devolution of authority from the central government to local government. the creation of a new autonomous region prior to 1999 was decided by the central government with a long preparatory phase. according to tarigan (2010), the planning stage includes the complete development of all government infrastructures and the reallocation of human resources from the central government. the emergence of regional economic growth and a politically dynamic society go into the assessment before the area was determined to be eligible for autonomy. the authority of the central government did not allow for many social or political upheavals in the region. since 2001, the first year of implementation of government regulation no. 129/2000 and law no. 22/1999 and law no. 25/1999, the creation of a new region should be initiated by the local government (province and district/city) from which the region would be split off. law, no. 22/1999 allows for the division of an area providing it meets the criteria for economic capacity, regional potential, population, area, and other considerations that enable the implementation of regional autonomy. further criteria stipulated in government regulation no. 129/ 2000 detailed 7 criteria, 19 indicators and 43 sub-indicators of eligibility for autonomy. an area is said to “graduate” into an autonomous region if the parent district and the candidate district have a total score equal to or greater than the minimum passing score; and it is said to “fail” if more than half of sub-indicators score value 1 (lowest score). based on studies by as fitriani (2005) in tarigan (2010), proliferation occurs for various reasons. first, historical ethnic ties create social bonds. second, there are fiscal incentives to form a new automonous region. local governments have greater authority to control their budget, and the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 34 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the creation of the new districts results in larger transfer of funds from the central government to serve the same population. this includes financing from the central government in the allocation of funds for local civil servants and employment opportunities through the increased number of staff positions for local government. third, bureaucratic and political rent seeking. fourth, newly created local governments may be closer situated to the population that they serve resulting in better service delivery. for the reasons mentioned above and according to a study by decentralization support facilities (dcf, 2007), the process of proliferation can be categorized in the following manner: 1. before 1999, new regions were created at the initiative of the central government in order to increase administrative efficiency. the majority of new regions were created for ‘functional’ reasons, mainly by splitting off a city from a district which was based on assumption that an urban district requires a different mechanism than rural area; 2. after the downfall of the soeharto regime (1999-2000), at the peak of the monetary crisis, the government approved the creation of 4 new provinces and 41 new districts. almost regions were in resource-rich parts of country that were seeking a larger share of revenues from the exploitation of natural resources (mainly oil, gas and forestry). however, many other new districts and cities were formed in the relatively resources poor provinces of sulawesi, papua and maluku. unlike java and bali, where very few new districts have been created since 2001, these regions are culturally and ethically diverse. so, political factors have driven the creation of these regions; 3. since 2000, the government has also created seven new provinces, three of which were formed since 2001. there were maluku utara province split off from maluku province; banten province split off from jawa barat province; kepulauan bangka belitung province split off from sumatera selatan; gorontalo province split off from sulawesi utara province; irian jaya barat province split off from papua province; kepulauan riau province split off from riau province; and sulawesi barat province split from sulawesi selatan province; 4. from 2001 to the present, the creation of a new region was initiated the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 35 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ by local government. during the 2001-2003 periods, the national parliament approved the creation of 98 new districts and cities. by contrast, only 15 new districts were created during 1990-1998. figure 2: number of newly created district government, 1999-2007 source: dsf, 2007 figure 3: number of newly created provincial government, 1999-2007 source: dsf, 2007 table 1: geographical distribution of newly created districts, 1990-2005 source: dsf, 2007 the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 36 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ research methods the research will consist of two approaches. first, a conceptual framework of proliferation based on existing literature. this framework will help to analyze the proliferation process in indonesia. second, to generate empirical data from the field, interviews were done with local government officials and former members of creation committee to prepare east belitung district. the author used secondary data which come from such as the national planning and development board (badan perencanaan pembangunan nasional bappenas), decentralization support facility (dcf), the state administration bodies (lembaga administrasi negara-lan), the regional planning and development board (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah – bappeda), and central bureau of statistics of belitung district (badan pusat statistik – bps). result and analysis a. local conditions law no. 22/1999, article 5 paragraph (1) states, “local government forms the basis for consideration of economic capability, regional potency, society, culture, politics, population, area, etc that enables the implementation of regional autonomy.” the central government also has set government regulation no. 129/2000 regarding establishment and criteria for division, dissolution and merging of regions. such regulations stimulate the spirit and aspirations of the communities of the belitung islands that are represented by religious leaders, traditional leaders, education and youth organizations, and ngos to expand belitung district into two districts. there was hope that they could improve the welfare of their society through their own efforts. before proliferation, belitung district was one of the districts in bangka belitung islands province with an area 4,800.600 km². as an archipelago region, belitung district consists of 189 big and small islands. in terms of administration, belitung district consists of nine sub-districts (known as kecamatan), tanjungpandan, membalong, badau, sijuk, selat nasik, manggar, gantung, kelapa kampit, and dendang. through division into two districts, belitung district would split thus: 1. the mother district (belitung district) would consist of five sub-districts with 40 villages and the area 2,293.69 km². the sub-districts of the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 37 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ belitung district are tanjungpandan, membalong, badau, sijuk and selat nasik with the district capital in tanjungpandan. 2. the candidate district (east belitung) district would consist of four sub-districts with 29 villages and the area 2,506.91 km². the sub-districts of the candidate of east belitung districts are manggar, gantung, kelapa kampit, and dendang with the district capital in manggar. based on the results of population registration at the end of the year 2000 (central bureau of statistics, biro pusat statististik, bps of belitung district, 2001), the number of residents in belitung district is 126,948 (64,543 males and 62,405 females). the total population was divided into 30,088 households with an average of 4 people per household. for the candidate east belitung districts, the population at the end of 2000 was 84,169 people (43,292 males 40,887 females). the population was divided into 19,948 households with an average of 4 people per household. concerning the availability of educational facilities, belitung district has facilities for elementary and secondary school level (junior high school and senior high school). at the basic education level, there are 131 primary schools (sekolah dasar, sd). at the junior high school level (sekolah menengah pertama, smp), there are 19 schools, and at the senior high school level (sekolah menengah atas, sma), there are 12 schools (table 2). table 2. the number of schools in belitung district (mother district) in 2001 source: bps of belitung district, 2002 the health care facilities are available free to the public in belitung district. there is one hospital, seven-community health centers (pusat the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 38 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kesehatan masyarakat, puskesmas), two clinics, and six dispensaries (table 4.2). there are 152 medical personnel and paramedics, consisting of eight doctors, 44 midwives, 50 nurses and 50 other health workers supporting the health facilities. table 3. the health fasicilities of belitung district (mother district), 2001 source: regional planning and development board of belitung district, 2001 meanwhile within the candidate of east belitung district, there are also educational support facilities ranging from elementary to junior high school and senior high school. at the basic education level, there are 107 primary schools (sekolah dasar, sd). at the secondary school level, there are 13 junior high schools (sekolah menengah pertama, smp) and 9 senior high schools (sekolah menengah atas, sma) (table 4). table 4. the number of schools in the candidate of east belitung district, 2001 source: bps of belitung district, 2002 of the health care facilities available to the public in the candidate district, there are five of community health centers (pusat kesehatan the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 39 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ masyarakat, puskesmas), and two dispensaries (table 4.4). 139 medical personnel and paramedics, consisting of 6 doctors, 37 midwives, 49 nurses and 47 other health workers, support the health facilities. table 5. the health fasicilities of the candidate of east belitung district, 2001 source: regional planning and development board of belitung district, 2001 until 1996, the economy of belitung district was still stable and had consistent growth. whereas in 1997 the real growth rate (based on 1993 constant prices) decreased by around 2.14 percent and in 1998 was down to -4.30 percent. in 1999, the economy of belitung district began to rise again, with a growth rate of 1.89 percent. table 6. the economic growth of belitung district (mother district) (in percentage) source: regional planning and development board of belitung district, 2002 until 1996, the economy of the candidate of east belitung district was also growing stably and consistently. in 1997, however, the economy suffered a decline of 1.72 percent. because of the crisis in 1998, the the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 40 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ economy fell to -3.77 percent. in 1999, the economy experienced a revival, so the growth rate increased to 1.56 percent. table 7. the economic growth of the candidate of east belitung district (in percentage) source: regional planning and development board of belitung district, 2002 b. political willingness the desire of the residents of manggar, gantung, kelapa kampit and dendang sub-districts to form a new autonomous region, east belitung district, was very strong. there were various reasons that underlined the desire for a new region in the proposal by formation committee to form east belitung district. they included the following: 1. the enactment of law no. 22/1999 provided ample opportunity for the formation of new regions; 2. the demand of the people to obtain better service from the local government through local control of the bureaucracy; 3. the desires of the community and local governments to manage their own natural resources; and 4. to increase the sources of local government revenue. the steps for the creation of east belitung district (figure 4.1.) were as follows: 1. step 1 the participatory meeting and seminar as mentioned in government regulation no. 129/2000, the society’s political will regarding the establishment of new regions has not been clearly mentioned by any previous regulations. the idea of forming a new autonomous east belitung district was inspired by the proliferation of bangka belitung island province in 2000. the wishes of the the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 41 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ people in the area of bangka and belitung to separate themselves from south sumatra province had existed for a long time. this was finally realized in 2000 after the collapse of suharto regime. to follow up on these ideas, the union of scholars of east belitung conducted a seminar entitled ‘the formation of east belitung district’, which took place in manggar, belitung district, on november 12, 2001. the seminar committee invited the head of belitung district, regent h. ishak zainudin, b.sc; the head of the regional planning and development board of belitung district, drs. abdul hadi adjin; and prof. dr. yusril ihza mahendra. however, two speakers of the three did not attend namely the regent and prof. dr. yusril ihza mahendra. the seminar was attended by heads of villages, religious leaders, and members of community organizations. the most important result was the formation of an organization to raise people’s aspirations to create the east belitung district (zahari, 2005). 2. step 2 formation committee to form east belitung district hence, according to jafri, on december 9, 2001 (interviewed by author on february 8, 2010) the formation committee to form east belitung district was established to fight for the aspirations of the community. its membership consisted of individuals from the four sub-districts in the proposed area of east belitung district. in addition to fighting for the community and socializing extensively, the committee was also tasked to prepare a proposal for the formation of east belitung district. once the area that would become east belitung district was determined, and the capital city was chosen, a land preparation office was established to set up infrastructure facilities and government offices. the committee then proposed candidates to be the acting regent to east belitung district based on suggestions from the regent of belitung and the governor of bangka belitung island province. 3. step 3 socialization as mentioned by jafri (interviewed by author on february 8, 2010) – the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 42 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ a former secretary of the formation committee to form east belitung district – the formation committee to form east belitung district held meetings to socialize with the community at the four sub-districts with of proposed east belitung district, as follows: a. on december 19, 2001, meeting in sub-district of dendang; b. on december 20, 2001, meeting in sub-district of gantung; c. on december 21, 2001, meeting in sub-district of kelapa kampit; and d. on december 22, 2001, meeting in sub-district of manggar. these meeting were later broadcast on the local television stations. a. regional preparation (district and province) there are a variety of documents required to propose the formation of a new district at the provincial level. some documents include the following: a. district parliament approval; b. provincial parliament approval; c. map of the proposed region; d. data on the region; e. preliminary viability study; f. proposal by regent of mother district. 4. step 4 preliminary viability study the government of belitung district conducted the preliminary viability study or feasibility study for proliferation in belitung district with the cooperation of the research and development agency of the ministry of home affairs. this was done at the request of the regent of belitung district, according to the letter of belitung regent no. 0016/i/2002 on april 2, 2002 regarding the requirement to research/study the proliferation of belitung district. as revealed by the former head of regional planning and development board of belitung district (interviewed by author on february 17, 2010), the decision was made to collaborate with research and development agency of ministry of home affairs in order to justify the proliferation of belitung district. however, it was also done to simplify the process of validathe new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 43 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tion for the proliferation proposal of belitung district by the central government. on march 9, 2002, the regent of belitung district decided to establish a team to study the feasibility of proliferation in belitung district (no. 001605/kpts/i/2002). the feasibility study made reference to government regulation no. 129/2000, by the considering seven criteria with 19 indicators and 43 sub-indicators. however, there were no data available concerning financial institutions and economic infrastructure. the team covered up the fact that the data was not available by falsifying data in order to improve the outcome of the study to (interview on february 17, 2010). b. regional administrative procedure the entire administrative process is conducted at the district and provincial levels. each step in the process is inter-related and supports the formation of a new district. this chain begins with emergence of the desire of society for a new district, the delivery of the aspiration to local parliament of the belitung district, and the approval of provincial parliafigure 4: the stage for the creation of new region case east belitung district the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 44 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ members of formation of committee to form east belitung district sources: record of the struggle to form east belitung districts by zahari, unpublished ment for the creation of the new autonomous district. 1. step 5 endorsement by the local parliament the formation committee to form east belitung district conveyed the community’s aspiration to create a new region to the belitung district parliament (dprd kabupaten) on december 31, 2001. the aspiration articulated by the formation committee had a letter of recommendation from various community members. on january 2, 2002, 22 of the 30 belitung district parliament members held a plenary session that addressed the community’s aspiration to develop east belitung district. then the local parliament of belitung district held a plenary session to reach agreement regarding the proliferation of east belitung district. as mentioned, zahari (2005), the results of the plenary session conducted by local parliament of belitung district on january 28, 2002 the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 45 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ were as follows: a. the military/police representatives (fraksi angkatan bersenjata republik indonesia/polisi), with sauji as a spokesperson, fully supported the creation of a new autonomous east belitung district; b. the mandate for the renewal of the nation (fraksi amanat pembaharuan bangsa, fapb), whose spokesperson was harpan effendi, sh, did not fully support the creation of the new autonomous of east belitung district. instead, they wanted to establish a team and research the issue further; c. the official political party (fraksi partai golongan karya, golkar), with spokesperson h iswarin yusuf, did not support proliferation in east belitung district, and also recommended conducting a feasibility study; d. the indonesian democratic party for struggle (fraksi partai demokrasi indonesia perjuangan, pdi-p), rustam efendi, b.sc, as spokesperson, did not clearly state their position, in terms of politics but in economic terms they were doubtful, because of the danger in disturbing the mother district; e. the star-moon party (fraksi partai bulan bintang, pbb), whose spokesperson was sawaluddin, fully supported proliferation of east belitung district. then after the plenary session, the local parliament of belitung district issued the decree of local parliament of belitung district no. 06/ 2002 concerning local proliferation on january 28, 2002. this decree only acknowledged the expressed opinion and recommended forming the feasibility study team. there was no firm support to approve proliferation from the government of belitung district or the local parliament. the acting governor of bangka belitung islands province, amur muchasim, sh, m.si, spoke with the local parliament and the regent of belitung district regarding the problems. one of the problems was that there were elites in the government who were against the proliferation of east belitung districts. therefore, the local parliament issued the memorandum of local parliament of belitung district no. 061/2002 concerning the proliferation of belitung district on march 7, 2002. in the memorandum, the memthe new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 46 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bers of the local parliament declared: a. support for the local proliferation plan and approval for the formation of east belitung district; b. the local parliament request that the proliferation of east belitung district be processed in accordance with relevant rules and regulations. the memorandum was signed by the leadership of local parliament of belitung district, namely anwar dm, as chairman; h. abubakar, as vice chairman; h. iswarin y said, as vice chairman. however, rustam effendi, b.sc, the other vice chairman did not sign. among the party leadership who signed were the leader of indonesian democratic party for struggle, rozaly; the leader of official political party, zamhar mukti, ba; the leader of star-moon, syawaluddin; the leader of the mandate for the renewal of the nation, suhari, and the leader of military/police, sudjak. 2. step 6 proposal submission by the district regent to the governor the belitung district regent sent the proposal to establish a new autonomous region in belitung district to the governor of bangka belitung islands province on march 9, 2002. according to government regulation no. 129/2000, the letter from the regent contained an application for expansion, including a map of the new region, data on the region, and the decree of the local parliament concerning approval for the proliferation in belitung district. 3. step 7 endorsement by the provincial parliament the parliament of bangka belitung islands province gave its full support to form the new autonomous district of east belitung district. it was reflected by the recommendations and decisions, as follows: a. the letter of recommendation of the parliament of bangka belitung province no. 166/345/dprd/2002 on march 13, 2002 concerning support and approval for proliferation in east belitung district; b. the decree of the parliament of bangka belitung province no. 37 year 2002 on march 9, 2002 concerning proliferation in bangka and belitung districts. the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 47 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 4. step 8 governor submits proposal to the minister of home affairs then the acting governor of bangka belitung islands province sent the proposal to the minister of home affairs and regional autonomy regarding the proliferation in belitung district on march 13, 2002. the governor’s proposal for expansion of belitung district contained a map for new region, data on belitung district, and the decree of the parliament of bangka belitung islands province concerning proliferation in belitung district. c. central government process the process discussed on proliferation was applied in various regions through two main phases, namely a technocratic process (technical and administrative feasibility studies) and the political process. this was because in addition to meeting the technocratic requirements which are stipulated law no. 22/1999 and the government regulation on 129/ 2000, the proposed extension should be supported politically by the national parliament. 1. step 9 evaluation of the proposal by the minister of home affairs and the dpod it is the ministry of home affairs that assesses the feasibility studies and evaluates the proposal for the proposed new local governments. to clarify the data as submitted by the local government, dpod undertook a field survey from july 25 to 27, 2002 in the candidate district. in the field survey, the team met with all levels of local government, the chairman and the members of the local parliament of belitung district, and community members. the team’s task was to observe the true conditions in the district. the team consisted of the following members: 1. ir. suwarno p. rahardjo, from the directorate general of general administration department of home affairs, as chairman; 2. drs. suparman, from the directorate general of ministry of home affairs, as secretary; 3. suminto martono, sh, from commission ii of the national parliament (dpr); 4. letkol. cku. idris mahidin, from ministry of defense and security; the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 48 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5. drs. aca tresnarasa, from secretariat general of the ministry of home affairs; 6. drs. lukmal nul hakim, msi, from directorate general of regional development department of the home affairs; 7. ir. tri patmasari msi, from national land survey coordinating agency; 8. asri ernawati, sh, from state secretariat; 9. nugroho iman santoso, from ministry of finance; 10. ir. edison silaen dipl. ph, from directorate general of regional autonomy department of the home affairs; and 11. drs. pudji wahono from the center for regional autonomy and information studies (crise). a. the dpod findings the dpod findings were as follows: 1) economic potential the potential of the candidate district is in agriculture, forestry, fishery, tourism and mining, especially mining type c (quartz and kaolin). to explore and manage the economic potential, strategic measures need to be taken such as improving human resource capacity and encouraging foreign and domestic investment. 2) finance resources and financing capabilities in general, the statistics of regional revenue and expenditure of belitung district in 2000 and 2001 and the 2002 draft show the share of the total local revenue against the grdp decreased from 12.08% in 2000 (realization) to 10.78% in 2002 (provisional). the proportion of central government transfers to total region revenue has increased from 67.96% in fiscal year 2000 to 80.31% in 2002. to increase local autonomy while reducing dependence on the central government, the region is be expected to optimize the financial resources through more effective taxation and levies. 3) institutional development the government of belitung district must prepare to coach, guide and facilitate the candidate district on the issue of government structure. the new government should be streamlined, multi-functional, the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 49 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and cost-effective. 4) regional development strategy considering the potential in agriculture, there needs to be development of the agriculture infrastructure such as irrigation (dam), wetland. for marine and fisheries, there is a need to establish a marine industry development center. meanwhile, with respect to mining, particularly mining type c, it is necessary to improve services related to port and related industrial area. 5) security although the crime rates are still low, for future needs, a new police force should be established, including a water police station equipped with patrol boats. 6) land registration and zoning laws for the orderly administration of government and to avoid any possibility of future disputes, local regulations should be issue on the expansion of settlement areas at the sub-district and village levels. 7) facilities and infrastructure there is an immediate need for the candidate district to prepare and set the center of government. a location of about 500 hectares then needs to be decided by the regent. 8) location of capital the prospective location of the capital is in the sub-district of manggar that has received the support of people from all four sub-districts and is in accordance with the decree of the local parliament of belitung district. 9) boundaries in anticipation of the future boundary disputes, the actual boundary line needs to be clearly defined. 10) distribution and asset status regulations to determine land and asset distribution should be enacted. an inventory of local assets should be conducted and submitted to the candidate district. division of assets between the new east belitung0district and the mother district should be carefully considered so as not to reduce the viability of either district. 11) socio-political conditions the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 50 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in general, the socio-political conditions in the candidate of district are safe, orderly, and controlled. therefore, these conditions should be maintained, especially in anticipation of parliamentary elections. b. dpod approval based on the findings and recommendation from the survey team, the dpod approved the creation of a new autonomous region. on november 19, 2002, the minister of home affairs, as chairman of the dpod, prepared a draft bill to authorize the establishment of east belitung district, and submitted it to the president (zakaria interviewed by author on february 16, 2010). 2. step 10 submission of draft law by the president to the national parliament the bill of creation for east belitung district, in the bangka belitung islands province submitted by the president to national parliament. the national parliament discussed the bill of creation of east belitung district at the national parliament plenary session iv on january 27, 2003. subsequently, law no. 5 / 2003 was enacted on february 25, 2003. the east belitung district was established on may 24, 2003. at the same time the minister of home affairs, on behalf of the president of republic of indonesia, inaugurated the acting regent of east belitung district. conclusion given the empirical focus, the proliferation process was reviewed in the case of the new district of east belitung in accordance with law no. 22/1999 and government regulation no.129/2000. from the study, authors found as following: 1. the findings show that as the number of local governments in indonesia has increases, the processes at the central government level seem relatively easy. the eligibility criteria are being compromised and manipulated, such as finance institutions that are not yet available, and failing to present the data of local revenue; 2. there was a lack of existing regulations such as political will from communities it’s not clear mention; 3. in the feasibility study for proliferation in belitung district, the govthe new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 51 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ernment of belitung district conducted with the cooperation of research and development agency of the ministry of home affairs. there was conflict interest; 4. the acting governor of bangka belitung islands province, amur muchasim, sh, m.si, intervened to process in local parliament of belitung district and the regent of belitung district regarding the problem at that time. with his influence, therefore, the local parliament issued the memorandum of local parliament of belitung district regarding support for the local proliferation plan and approval for the formation of east belitung district; 5. it cannot be denied, that political intervention in the bureaucracy has facilitated the formation of east belitung districts. based on the above matters, the author recommends as following: 1. it needed clarity in formulating the support or political will of the community. based on the process of proliferation in east belitung district, a process that occurs in certain aspects such as determine of public aspiration, optimal public organization, it does not involve the community as a whole. 2. the political will should be followed by the desire to improve public services that are supported by the ability to stand alone for the welfare of the community. because of that, the community leaders should understand the overall policy of decentralization. it is not only about the political aspect, but also the political influences economic life. 3. for a community to make a detailed proposal, it must consist of the history of region, its culture, politics, economy, including natural resources, etc. in addition, the proposal should have outlined plans for regional economic that describe the capabilities that allow themselves in development. other than administrative requirements to include the following: 4. preparing the physical requirements related to spatial planning and boundaries. also formulating spatial planning documents; 5. identifying possible location of new autonomous regions as well as the capital city of new region; 6. preparing the institutional requirements and related organizations ofthe new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 52 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fice needs, identification of assets, staff functions, organizational structure, or process planning and budgeting. 7. to form a special committee (panitia khusus), which will conduct the discussion about the expansion plan of the area. the members of parliament should necessarily have an understanding that the establishment or expansion of new areas is not only for political purposes but also is a strategic move to increase overall development. 8. issuing consent by local government and supporting the expansion territories, and decisions about the capital city and supporting financing in the preparation period until the establishment of legislative and electoral processes head of the region. 9. it is mentioned in article 16 of government regulation no. 129/ 2000 that in conducting feasibility study, the local governments can cooperate with any institutions that can support the new region. however, to avoid conflicts of interest, it should be mentioned clearly that this cooperation can be done at the institute and will not affect the process of forming the new district. 10.the results of a study must be contains data on overall regional sustainability projections include the ability to run the government itself in the future. therefore, the document in initial research can be included spatial plan, economics and region, economic capabilities and the potential own revenue, population, population growth rate. as needed, the liaison officer as a representative of mother districts who can perform intensive communication with various stakeholders both at the local level, provincial and central government. reference azis, i.j. 2008. “institutional constraints and multiple equilibriums in decentralization”. rurds 20 (1): 22-33. bappenas-undp. 2008. “evaluation of the proliferation of administrative region in indonesia 2001-2007”. bridge (building and reinventing decentralized governance. http://www.undp.or.id/pubs/docs/ pemekaran_en.pdf (accessed october 3, 2009) bps (central bureau of statistics) of belitung district belitung (2000 to 2003), belitung in number. the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 53 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ brodjonero, b.p.s. 2000. “regional autonomy and fiscal decentralization in democratic indonesia”. hitotsubashi journal of economics 41 (2000): 111-122. dcf, 2007. cost and benefits of new creation in indonesia. final report, jakarta: decentralization support facilities (dsf). decree of the president of the republic of indonesia number 49/2000 on the council for assessment of regional autonomy. www.indonesia.go.id (accessed april 1, 2010) executive summary. 2002. study of proliferation/ region formation of belitung district. cooperation government of belitung district with research and development agency of department of home affairs of republic of indonesia. unpublished. formation committee to form east belitung district, “proposal pembentukan kabupaten belitung timur menuju kesejahteraan rakyat (the proposal of creation of a new region: east belitung district towards the welfare of the people)”, april 1, 2002. government regulation number 129/2000 on establishment and criteria for division, dissolution and merging of regions. www.indonesia.go.id (accessed october 1, 2009) hadi, a, a, interview by author, mentok, bangka belitung, february 17, 2010. hasan, umar, interview by author, manggar, belitung timur, bangka belitung, indonesia, february 10, 2010. husaini, rasyid, interview by author, manggar, belitung timur, bangka belitung, indonesia, february 9, 2010. jafri, interview by author, manggar, belitung timur, bangka belitung, indonesia, february 8, 2010. law number 22 year 1999 on regional government. www.indonesia.go.id (accessed october 1, 2009) law number 25 year 1999 on financial balance between central and local government www.indonesia.go.id (accessed october 1, 2009) law number 5 year 2003 on establishment of district south bangka, central bangka, west bangka, and east belitung in the bangka belitung islands province www.indonesia.go.id (accessed october 1, 2009) lembaga administrasi negara (lan) 2004. final report: development of the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 54 journal of government & politics vol.4 no.1 february 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ performance evaluation of pre and post-proliferation region (tasikmalaya district case studies). nazara, s., and nurkholis. 2007. “ukuran optimal pemerintah daerah di indonesia: studi kasus pemekaran wilayah kabupaten/kota dalam era desentralisasi” (the optimum size of local government in indonesia: case study proliferation district/city in decentralization era). jurnal ekonomi dan pembangunan indonesia 7 (02): 1-30. qibthiyyah, rm. 2008. essay on political dan fiscal decentralizaion. phd dissertation. george state university. subkhan. 2004. “the optimal size of local government and fiscal decentralization.” journal keuangan public 2 (1): 69-87 tarigan, a. 2010. “dampak pemekaran” (the impact of proliferation). perencanaan pembangunan: majalah triwulan 1/xvi: 22-26. zahari, june, 2005. “perjuangan pembentukan kabupaten belitung timur (record on the struggle to the establishment of district east belitung). the formation committee to form east belitung district. zakiria, m, interview by author, mentok, bangka belitung, indonesia, february 16, 2010. __________, “kelengkapan administrasi dan data pemekaran kabupaten belitung (the letter on the completeness of the administration and data of proliferation in belitung district)”, number 125/165/i/02, june 12, 2002. the new district of east belitung: the review poliferation process / hendri yani / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0003 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.9490 driving factors of deforestation in indonesia: a case of central kalimantan ely susanto, nanik lestari, maharani hapsari, and krisdyatmiko universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta email: elysusanto@ugm.ac.id abstract as one of countries which has the large tropical forests in the world and the largest in asean, indonesia has been facing serious deforestation problems. eventhough some scholars have found causes of the deforestation and have tried to give solutions, however, identifications of deforestation causes are still worth studying as the deforestation still becomes an important issue in indonesia. this study tries to extend and explore the causes of deforestation in central kalimantan, one of provinces in indonesia which has been facing the deforestation problem caused by many factors. this study applied a qualitative approach. data were collected by using interview and focus group discussions which involved about 27 informants representing 14 organizations leaders such as walhi, aman, save our borneo, yayasan bentang borneo, ampuh, tuk jakarta, greenpeace, siej, spks, sawit watch, forest watch indonesia, mongabay, institute dayakologi, link-ar borneo, wwf and academia as informants. the study found several factors that drive deforestation which are asymmetric deforestation concept, governance issues and commodity-based development politics. jurnal studi pemerintahan 511 received :october 1, 2018 revised: october 13, 2018 accepted:november 11,2018 how to cite this article is : susanto, e., lestari, n., hapsari, m., & krisdyatmiko. (2018).driving factors of deforestation in indonesia: a case of central kalimantan. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(4), 511 533. mailto:elysusanto@ugm.ac.id vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 keywords: deforestation, deforestation policy, central kalimantan, indonesia 512 abstrak sebagai salah satu negara yang memiliki hutan tropis di dunia dan terbesar di asean, indonesia menghadapi masalah deforestasi yang serius. meskipun beberapa ahli telah menemukan penyebab deforestasi dan mencoba memberikan solusi, namun identifikasi penyebab deforestasi menarik untuk dipelajari karena deforestasi masih menjadi isu penting di indonesia. studi ini mencoba memperluas kajian sebelumnya dengan cara mengeksplorasi penyebab deforestasi di kalimantan tengah, salah satu provinsi di indonesia yang menghadapi masalah deforestasi. penelitian ini menerapkan pendekatan kualitatif. data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan wawancara dan forum group discussion. penelitian ini melibatkan sekitar 27 informan yang mewakili 14 organisasi seperti walhi, aman, save our borneo, yayasan bentang borneo, ampuh, tuk jakarta, greenpeace, siej, spks, sawit watch, forest watch indonesia, mongabay, institut dayakologi, link-ar borneo, wwf dan academisi sebagai informan. studi ini menemukan beberapa faktor yang mendorong deforestasi yaitu: konsep deforestasi yang beragam di antara pemangku kepentingan, isu tentang tata kelola yang belum baik dan politik pembangunan yang berbasis komoditas. kata kunci: kebijakan deforestasi, deforestasi, kalimantan tengah, indonesia introduction deforestation emerges as a critical issue for countries around the world as it has produced serious impacts on global environment (geistt and lambin, 2002; salahodjaev, 2016; casse, et.al, 2004; culas, 2014). the importance of deforestation as public issue is associated with of environmental damages such as flooding, soil erosion, biodiversity loss (fearnside, 2005; kanninen et al., 2007; salahodjaev, 2016) and greenhouse gases emission (tsurumi and managi, 2014). what makes indonesia so important in the global politics of deforestation is its position as a country which has the large tropical forests in the world (fao, 2010) and the largest in asean (koh, 2009; suwarno et al., 2015; arnold, 2008; margono, et al., 2014; hansen et al., 2008, 2009). scholars also linked this phenomenon to social problem in society such as “forced migration” (black, 1994) and human diseases (yasuoka and levins, 2007). as one of countries which has the large tropical forests in the world (fao, 2010) and the largest in asean (koh, et al., 2013; suwarno, et al., 2015), indonesia has been facing serious deforestation problems (brun, et al., 2015). based on fao (2001, 2006), hansen et al.,(2008, 2009) and margono et al., (2014) stated that “indonesia is experiencing the world’s second highest rates of deforestation, due to pressure associated with socio-economic and political changes” (p.77). other scholars also stated the same thing which is indonesia experiences tremendous deforestation (arnold, 2008; margono, et al., 2014). therefore, it is importance to investigate the causes of deforestation in indonesia in order to find core problems as basis for formulating solutions. some scholars has investigated the causes of deforestation in indonesia. burges et al., (2011) conducted a study in indonesia and found that deforestation in indonesia was closely linked to the behaviors of local bureaucrats and politicians. jurnal pemerintahan 513 studi vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 514 this study found that “increases in the numbers of political jurisdictions are associated with increased deforestation. illegal logging increases dramatically in the years leading up to local elections” (p.29). koch (2009) conducted a study in central sulawesi, indonesia. koch (2009) found that “the high prices for the cash crop cacao as well as relative land abundance at central sulawesi’s rainforest margin can be regarded as ultimate driving forces of deforestation” (p. 20). eventhough some scholars have found causes of the deforestation and have tried to give solutions, however, identifications of deforestation causes are still worth studying as the deforestation still becomes an important issues in indonesia. this study tries to explore the causes of deforestation in central kalimantan indonesia. suwarna et al. (2015) state that central kalimantan is one of provinces in indonesia which is facing the highest deforestation problem caused by many factors such as “economic, institutional, social, ecological and infrastructural factors” (p.78). the study however, only focuses on decentralization policy and forest governance so that it still provides large rooms to exlore the causes of deforestation in this province. literature review deforestation there are various definition about deforestation. deforestation is defined as “the loss of trees involving a vegetational succession from forest cover to some other kind of landscape” (rollet, 2009: 221). koyuncu and yilmaz (2009) define it “a permanent conversion of the land area covered by forests to other land uses such as wasteland, cropland and pasture” (p.213). from those definitions, we can say that deforestation involves change in forest uses to other pusposes through activities that destroy forests so that forests are permanently lost vegetation. many scholars have investigated the cause of deforestation. ehrhardt-martinez (1998) for example developed and tested a model to explain the causes of deforestation. one of their finding is the rate of deforestation occurs in line with the population and economic growth. geist and lambin (2002) conducted a study of tropical deforestation by analyzing 152 local case studies. the study found that there is no a universal formula to solve the problems of deforestation. instead, identifying the causes of the proximate causes and underlying driving forces of deforestation and interactions both causes are important to be done and then using such knowledge to formulate approches or policies to solve it. this is supported by a study conducted by tegegne, lindner, fobisse, and kanninen et al (2007) in cameroon and the republic of congo. different from previous studies, koyuncu and yilmaz (2009) studied about the impact of corruption on deforestation. the data collected from various corruption indices supported the impact of corruption on deforestation. the study also found that the impact of corruption was higher than population growth. salahodjaev (2016) investigated the impact of intelligence on deforestation. in this study, intelligence was measured by using the level of iq. based on data from 186 nations, the study found that intelligence had a negative and significant relationship with deforestation. it means that the high intelligence of human resources of a country can therefore help the country reduce deforestation. it is than suggested for a country to invest more on human capital when they want to maintain their forest from degradation. instead of corruption and intelligence, property right (liscow, 2013) and international trade (von maltitz and setzkorn, 2012) also have an impact on deforestation . on the other hand, as one of regions that has the largets tropical forest in the world, the southeast asia region face deforestation problem (barbier, 1993). barbier (1993) further explained that the destruction of forests in southeast asia worried because it was larger than in amazonia and central africa because of opening up the forest for economic activities such as agriculture and timber production. jurnal studi pemerintahan 515 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 516 but more interesting to look more closely is that the owner of a largest tropical forests exist in the region is indonesia (fao, 2010). in detail, fao(2010) explained that seven countries have more than 100 million hectares of forest each, and the ten most forest rich countries (the russian federation, brazil, canada, united states of america, china, democratic republic of the congo, australia, indonesia, sudan and india) account for 67 percent of total forest area (p.12). therefore, it is not a surprised phenomenon if indonesia becomes one of largest contributors of greenhouse gases in the world (burgess, et al., 2011). based on those facts, further burges et al. (2011) conducted a study in indonesia and found that deforestation in indonesia was closely linked to the behaviors of local bureaucrats and politicians. desentralization and governance in forestry sector conceptually, decentralization refers to the “the assignment of fiscal, political, and administrative responsibilities to lower levels of government” (livack, ahmad and bird, 1998, p.4). the basic rationale of decentralization is that the implementation of the policy brings closer the conduct of government to the general public who are the beneficiaries of services delivered, which enhances accountability and efficiency. in light of that, many governments in the world have adopted decentralization policy, including the indonesian government. decentralization in indonesia got underway in 1999, signalled by the implementation of law no.22/1999 on local governments and law no.25/1999 on balancing finances between the central government and local governments. law no.22/1999 were later amended to become law no.32 / 2004 that was later subsqentuly revised to become law no. 23/2014. article 1 section 8 defines decentralization as the transfer of government functions by the central government to local governments based on the principle of autonomy. meanwhile, article 31 section 2, law no.23 /2014 delves into goals of decentralization policy with respect to local government restructuring. some of the above goals include enhance effectiveness, quality of public service delivery, the quality of local government governance, local competitiveness and preserve local traditions, customs and culture. those goals are very much in line with world bank (2001)’s idea concerning the rationale of decentralization, which lies in its contribution to enhanced quality of efficiency, accountability, and public service delivery. technically, decentralization policy involves the devolution of government functions by the central government to local governments, including forestry. the laws on local government and finances mentioned above provide the legal framework for the distribution and transfer of the various government functions. according to suwarna et al (2015), law no. 25 / 1999 is the basic legal framework that entrusts the local government, in this case, the city/district government head (mayor/bupati) with the authority to utilize the forestry sector as a source of local government income. suwarna et al (2015) further explain that the ministry of forestry has issued several ministerial decrees no. 05.01/ kpts-ii / 2000 and no. 21 / kpts-ii / 2001 to confers “bupati and walikota the authority to issue small-scale timber concession licences to co-operatives, individuals, or corporations owned by indonesian citizens for areas of up to 100 hectares within conversion forests and production forests slated for reclassification to other uses” (p.79). law no.23 / 2014 tries to lay the legal foundation for better forestry governnance through the publication of a matrix that depicts the distribution of forestry functions between the central government, provincial governments, andcity/district governments. another policy that relates to forestry is law no. 6 / 2014 on village administration. the law confers on village administrations the authority to manage village forests (article 76). a research by suwarno et al. (2015) analyzesthe relationshion between, decentralization policy, governance and deforestation in central kalimantan province. jurnal studi pemerintahan 517 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 518 the findings of the research underscores the reality that ”decentralisation of indonesian forest policies has, in the case of central kalimantan, led to a decrease in local governance quality and an increase in deforestation, over the period 2000-2010”(p. 94). in other words, decentralization policy in part impacts on governance, which in turn adversely affects the rate of deforestation. prior to the research by suwarna et al. (2015), burgess et al. (2011) has conducted a research in indonesia and found that in the lead up to local government elections, the behaviour of politicians and bureaucrcy tends to change in ways that contribute to the deforestation. research method this study focuses on exploring the driving factors which cause deforestation in central kalimantan. to achieve the objective of study, we applied a qualitative research. data were collected by in-depth interview and focus group discussions. the methods involved informants, who represented 14 organizations in jakarta, bogor (west java), pontianak (west kalimantan) and palangka raya (central kalimantan) to explain causes deforestation in indonesia, especially central kalimantan. the detail is listed on table 1. among the key informants referred here were several environmental activists, non governmental organization leaders and beneficiaries, as well as officials as a regional institution in asean and the government of indonesia. table 1 list of informants (ngo’s) no. organization scope of issues 1 wahana lingkungan hidup (walhi) kalimantan tengah conservation 2 aliansi masyarakat adat nusantara (aman) kalimantan tengah indigenous resource management 3 save our borneo (sob) conservation 4 yayasan bentang borneo (ybb) livelihood 5 aliansi masyarakat peduli hukum (ampuh) kalimantan tengah equity and law 6 transformasi untuk keadilan (tuk) conservation media 7 greenpeace livelihood 8 the society of environmental journalists (siej) livelihood 9 serikat petani kelapa sawit (spks) conservation 10 sawit watch media and conservation 11 forest watch indonesia (fwi) mongabay indigenous resource management 12 institute of dayakologi link-ar borneo academia indigenous resource management 13 knowledge mobilization jurnal studi pemerintahan 519 we also used secondary data based on reports published by governments and non goverment which portray the nature of deforestation problem. results and discussions asymmetric deforestation concept asymmetric deforestation is built upon contesting conceptualization devised by various stakeholders. the concept of deforestation is rife with the debate between the government and non-governmental environmental organizations, which has perpetuated its conflicting concepts. according to the forest in law no. 5 /1967 on forestry basic law and law no. 41/ 1999 on forestry, the indonesian government defines deforestation as forest destruction, whereas, non-governmental organizations (ngo) define deforestation as a reduction or decrease in areas under forest vegetation. this is evident in the save our borneo’s definition of deforestation as: vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 520 “areas which the government designates as forest vegetation may be limited to swathes of forest undergrowth (ilalang) vegetation. deforestation is the decrease in all areas that are covered by forest vegetation. if natural forests are converted into pine forests, according to government sources, such a practice does not amount to deforestation because areas under forest vegetation remain unchanged. on contrary, for us (sob), such a practice constitutes deforestation as the area under natural forest vegetation is reduced (sob, 2016)”. differences in the definition of deforestation among actors have led to differences in action and movement. with the basic concept of deforestation still debatable, there has been a gap between policy formulation and implementation on the ground. the government defined forest in accordance with law no.41/1999 on forestry, which has implications for the concept of deforestation. consequently, the moratorium which the government imposed on cutting forests to reduce the pace of deforestation is only applicable to areas not forest vegetation. yet according to non-governmental organization sources, tackling deforestation means protecting all areas covered by forest vegetation. tuk jakarta (ngo) also corroborates the argument that “the government through its moratorium on deforestation is based on calculation of change in areas under primary forests, while the reality is that deforestation occurs when members of community, production equipment, gradually open up areas under forest vegetation. ideally, the definition of deforestation also includes the process of degradation, which must be averted as well. the degradation process is a major factor behind deforestation. in otherwords, deforestation is not just a matter of cutting trees, but also involves the process of converting land, conversion of peatforests forces people or farmers to encroach on forests (tuk, 2016). the term deforestation as a basic concept, which has strong bearing on policy is still rife with debate among actors. tuk (ngo) explained that definition deforestation must be built upon clear consensus between policy makers and actors on the ground. there is thus need for synergy in the definition of forest areas right from the time the government designates an areas a forest area. mongabay (ngo) proposes an important thing which the government should do that is putting in place one map policy. a representative from mongabay said: this is necessary because to this day, there are various maps that are used, which often leads to disharmony. for example, the map used by members of the community is based on that in the hands of ngps, while the map the government uses is also different. to that implementing a one map policy is an important issue the government must considered seriously if such a problem is to be averted in future. such statements from aman, walhi, mongabay, sob and tuk (ngo’s) confirm that the issue of deforestation demands halting destruction and degradation. degradation in the view of non-governmental environmental activists does not involve only reducing forest land, but stopping the destructive process that leads to the land conversion of forested areas. furthermore, this includes activities beyond cutting trees, such as making efforts to prevent land users from changing the composition of the vegetation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 521 vol. 9 no.4 november 2018 522 table 2 actor and definitions position definition actor government forest is an area defined by the government as a forest. forests cover production forests, where their management alters the original vegetation structure. the term deforestation is not described in the rules. the government only mentions forest destruction. governmentdefines forests in accordance with law no 5/1967 and no.41/1999 on forests. forest areas include conservationforests, protected forests, and production forests. companies use the government definitionas reference. companies draw benefits from the role they play in the production forest category. palm oil plantations (wilmar, sinar mas, unilever) ngo deforestation is defined as a decrease or reduction in the area covered by forest vegetation. the growth of forest areas in their natural vegetation is lush, and can be calculated, height and types of plants that grow in accordance with the enviromentand locality (sampurna, 2016) deforestation occurs when natiral forests change to become production forests, industrial production forests, and afterwords mining areas. it all starts with production forests, then becomes industrial production forests, then plantaions, and culminates into mining areas (walhi, 2016) deforestationoccurswhen production equipment and farmers exert pressure and open forests for cultivation (mansiun, 2016) walhi central kalimantan, save our borneo (sob) central kalimantan, yayasan bentang borneo (ybb), aman central kalimantan, ampuh cenral kalimantan institut dayakologi aman west kalimantan wwf tuk jakarta walhi jakarta greenpeace siej jakarta sawit watch bogor fwi mongabay source: compiled by authors governance issues forestry sector governance is an area in which contesting definition on deforestation seeks its ground for further policy debate, which perpetuates problems at various locals. vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 523 this is evident in the overlapping regulations and policy inconsistencies. some ngos such walhi, sob, aman, tuk, fwi and mongabay explained that deforestation occurs due to the policy of each regime changing due to politicization of the land use permits form various extractive activities. they further explain that since 1997-1998 forests started to lose their capacity to sustain ecosystems that rely on them, which was compunded by el nino event that caused forest fires. in the wake of that, mining activities begun to enter into protected forest areas, because of the decision of the government to give permits to mining companies. the damage to forests from mining and forest fires has continued since then. moreover, mongabay (ngo) describes that the deforestation rate increased in the aftermath of president suharto's administration granting forest economic rights (hph) to society. since then forest utilization has been driven and based on market / industry needs. the destruction of forests begins with logging and timber harvesting: both legal and illegal. after the wood is harvested, land clearing follows. mongabay further explains that after the forest resources are logged, land clearing and planting with industrial plants (hti) such as acacia, pine, and other commodities follows. another ngo, sbo, continues to explain that the diversion of forests functions extends into oil palm plantations until the mine. this pattern is also presented by walhi and sob as follows: “deforestation during soeharto’s era begun with the conversion of virgin forests into production forests, while during post suharto era, deforestation, has largely been associated with palm oil and plantations (converting forests to become industrial forest estates), and subsequently mining. there is a change in the speed and pattern of deforestation and degradation over the last 30 years since 1980 to the present day. during 1980-1990: deforestation was as a result of hph, which involved harvesting timber, meanhwile deforestation since. 2000 to the present day: land clearing occurs after which acasia, oil palm are planted, and eventually land is converted into mining areas (walhi, 2016).” vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 524 “during 1970s, hph was the main source, while industrial forest estates (hti) despite being natural forests were designated as planted forests, in 1990s until post reformation, has been characterized by illegal logging, the land after that was converted to oil palm plantations. with forest fires during 1990s, forests having been decimated, land was converted again into plantation agriculture. hti continues to change, hph continued with selective cutting of large forest trees, coupled with frequent forest fires, resulted into large chunks of land being converted into oil palm and mining areas (sob, 2016)”. the pattern of forest destruction in every regime is characterized by lack of integrated forest management. walhi, link-ar borneo, aman central kalimantan explained that the existence of many regulations has in fact exacerbated forest degradation. the damage to forests is attributable to policy mistakes/failures. as to why deforestation continues to this day, answering that question leads one to reach the conclusion that there needs for reorganization in the government. overlapping regulations as reflected in the laws on forestry, mining, and estates, agriculture, oil and gas, as well as maritime law that are out not synchronous. investors exploit the loophole, while forests that customary /indigenous communities have protected for hundreds of years are suddenly taken away from them. they said that: “a different president means a different minister, which in turn means different policy regime (aman, 2016)”. improvement in governance should lead to improvement in the pattern of exploitation of forests, and not exacerbate it as has occurred. the reason for that relates to the reality that bureaucracy will continue to use the pattern that has been in place even if there is change in leadership. evidence of the low quality of governance in forest management in central kalimantan is also attested by the large number of forest clearing permits that have been issued in the lead-up to and after local government elections. ybb (ngo), shows examples of the following cases of forest conversion expenditures: “based on our observation, permits are issued prior to, and after local elections. specifically, for incumbents, permits are issued prior to the conduct of local elections, while for newly elected local; government heads, permits are issued after local elections. that has been the pattern since 2003 (ybb, 2016)”. dayakology institute (ngo) also stresses the point that permits for plantations in kalimantan is as often smaller than the actual area covered by the document. “at the national level, i do think that the political process in 2009 had influence on number of permits that were issued, and by extension deforestation of 14.7 million. permits for industrial production plants and productin forests are issued before and during the presidential elections. permits for production forests in 2009 were twice as high as the number of applications. that was an accumulation of permits during 2007-2009 period. the pattern seems similar in other sectors as well. permits for industrial production plants, mining, and, oil palm plantations issued in 2009, showed an increase of 50%, 100% even 200%. the same seems to be evident in other provinces during the period, which is an indication that local elections have influence on issuing of permits (dayakologi institute, 2016). deforestation can be avoided with improving the governance. improvements include integrate forest policies and other regulations that related, reaffirm and review the roadmap for sustainable environmental development, and minimization of permits. bad forest management has aggravated disparity in the local society’s access to forest resources. one manifestation of that is the existence of overlapping policies that have had implications for spatial planning and development. in their agendas, civil society elemens working proposed a number of initiatives that reflect their very diverse policy advocacy orientation. jurnal studi pemerintahan 525 commodity-based development politics national and transnational investment in palm oil industry has emerged as the development alternative to forestry in central kalimantan. this indicates the sustenance commodity-based development politics that marks indonesian politics since the era of independence. the rise of palm oil as lucrative market commodity has been contested in many grounds, mainly due to heavy international expose on the issues of land injustices and environmental degradation in emerging national markets. economic development that emphasizes palm oil as the dominant source of economic activities does not augur well for societal development at large as it is considered narrowing the livelihoods option of the local community. walhi, sob, dayakologi institute, aman, link_ar borneo, mongabay, greenpeace and forest watch indonesia (fwi) revealed that the process of transferring forested areas to hti and palm oil plantations is one of the main causes of deforestation. the condition of forest destruction is getting worse with the large number of people who are beginning to switch to planting palm. mongabay states that: "now there is a trend, when large investments people feel less prosperous by using the plasma mechanism, finally people open their own oil palm plantation, ie self-help oil garden. this will aggravate the already severe situation. actually they have rubber, but the market considerations are not profitable, they tebang rubber then they planted palm (mongabay, 2016) ". palm oil commodity has spread far and wide in kalimantan, a process that has led to the collapse and abandoning of other commodities that are more friendly to the environment such as rubber and rotan. the huge market for palm oil, has induced a change in market system. according to dayakology institute, in the year 2001 members of the organization provided guidance to 210 villages in ketapang district, and in 2010 there were only 10 villages remaining. institute dayakologi said that jurnal studi pemerintahan 526 “out of those villages, in 2001, 210 villages were not growing oil palm, which also meant that their forests were in good condition. today, out of 10 villages there is no longer any virgin forests left. in the past, during the 1980s and early 2000s, the strategy was to pay abide by what the head of the community said, which helped to strengthen the head of the community, today, individualism is more prominent, which has led to weakening of the community. this is compounded by the fall in prices of rubber, coupled with other economic problems that have exacerbated the situation. that is why we are so powerless today (institute dayakologi, 2016)”. some ngos such as link-ar borneo, mongabay, aman and sob also emphasize the injustice in palm oil plantation management systems. in terms of ownership, aman and sob mention injustice in the mechanism of obtaining permits for the use of land used as plantations. save our borneo noted that the problem of palm oil lies in the ownership, which perpetuates income inequality. one person can have control over 126 000 hectares in central kalimantan province. the company obtains land from the outsourcing of forests and the removal of community land is not clear, so the community tends to be non construction workers. it also delivered mongabay and link-ar borneo as follows: "when people want to open oil palm plantations they will prefer areas that are released from forestry, because there is still wood, and the wood can be sold to the factory and they have taken advantage of it. it should be when we cut down the wood, we have to re planting, but it happens not like that (mongabay, 2016). " jurnal studi pemerintahan 527 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 528 "the issue of transparency is in the spotlight. speaking of investment-related palm oil assets, the rspo itself closes information regarding land ownership status, even government data. we never compare between the data from the government, data from the rspo, and our survey in the field, it's nothing syncronic. the community has never been shown amdal (environmental impact analysis), and the adverse impacts of their activities (oil palm). (link-ar borneo, 2016). " the meaning of societal development is aimed at changing the social order of society for the better. deforestation can only be reduced if development is driven by considerations of sustainability and human resource development. the role that society plays in managing and preserving forests is irreplacable and inseparable. development, therefore, shall put human resource development as integral to achieving sustainable forest management through broadening access to livelihoods beyond monetary benefits. to that end, the best way to reduce deforestation is to orientate development toward human resource development which can play an important role in ensuring sustainable management in the forestry sector. forest wath indonesia (fwi) and yayasan bentang borneo (ybb) stated that in the lead up to and after the election, the forestry sector is used as a licensing commodity ranging from hph, hti, plantations to mines. this shows that deforestation occurs because economic development emphasizes the exploration of commodities in the forestry sector. therefore, forestry sector development should be directed to the carrying capacity of the environment and sustainability. discussion deforestation causes environmental degradation, climate change, and endangers people’s health, social problems. to that end, it is important to find long term solutions to the deforestation problem, there is a need to identify its root causes. in general, this research defines deforestation as the loss of forest cover reflected in the change in the original vegetation, attributable to entrance and penetration of production equipment. the definition, complements the definition that was pemerintahan propounded by rollet (2009), and konyucu and yilmaz (2009) that consider deforestation as change or conversion of forests into other uses. this research sees the contestation over definition of deforestation in indonesia as fundamentally political. the asymmetric deforestation concept among stakeholders are often neglected in policy formulation, even though the existing differences determines stakeholders’ actions in accordance with their specific political capacity to address the issues. lack of consensus in understanding the meaning of deforestation, by creating ambiguity, has led to rampant degradation. forest governance reflects in the overlapping regulations and policies working with the political interests of the local elites who seek the economic benefits from exercising political authority during strategic momentums, mainly political election. this appears in rampant issuance of forest operational licenses. in that respect, this research finding corroborate burgess (2010) findings to that showed a relationship between an increase in deforestation and the issuing of forest operational licenses by local bureaucracy and politicians in the lead up to and after local government elections. with regards to the pattern of forest degradation that is attributable to other forest uses, research findings are in line explanation of previous research conducted by konyucu and yilmaz (2009); geist and lambin (2002); barbier (1992), that associate deforestation in indonesia with conversion of land use toward infrastructure, , economic activities, agriculture, and other factors. in the same vein, the research findings also confirm previous research by faria and almeida (2015) that identified trade as an important factor that is responsible for deforestation. the third finding of this research is that commodity-based development of the forestry sector. the finding almost bears semblance to the case in sulawesi in koch’s (2009) research. the only difference is that the context is in central kalimantan, where oil palm is the main commodity that has led to forest land use conversion. jurnal studi 529 vol. 9 no. 4 november 2018 530 meanwhile, in koch (2009)’s study, rising cocoa prices is the major factor that has been responsible for increasing forest land use conversion in sulawesi. to that end, reducing deforestation can be achieved, if and when the major causes of the problem are resolved. conclusions this study has investigated the driving factor causes of deforestation in central kalimantan, indonesia. this study found several important findings. first is asymmetric deforestation concepts. the term deforestation is still subject to debate as state definition of deforestation is continuously being challenged by the definition developed by civil society members. second, deforestation, in many of its aspects, is also associated with governance problems, and the third deforestation caused by complex political economic settings that shape its emergence. to solve the deforestation problem in indonesia, there is a need to open the definition of deforestation through a more inclusive process that shape government policy. this will also require transforming the politics around which forest governance has evolved at various locals. finally, the government of indonesia should strengthen the commitment to implement policies that may transform commodity based politics into more sustainable trajectory of resource use. acknowledgments this paper was supported by faculty of social and political sciences grant “hibah hilirasi-jurnal internasional bereputasi dan berfaktor dampak number 1787/j01.sp/up-26/iii/2018, universitas gadjah mada. the authors also thanks to dr. ian wilson for helpful comments on earlier version of the article. this article is written based on the research report produced in 2016 titled against deforestation: the formation of environmental movements in asean. references arnold, l. l. 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(2007). impact of deforestation and agricultural development on anopheline ecology and malaria epidemiology. american journal of tropical medicine and hygiene, 76(3), 450–460 abstract 511 introduction 513 514 literature review 515 516 desentralization and governance in forestry sector 518 research method table 1 list of informants (ngo’s) 519 results and discussions 520 521 522 table 2 actor and definitions governance issues 523 524 525 commodity-based development politics 526 527 528 discussion 529 530 conclusions acknowledgments references 531 532 pengantar jgp november 2016.pmd http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0048.697-721 facial morphometrics, voters’ facial preferences, and electoral outcomes jamairah a. nagamora elika er c. bienes marilou f. siton-nanaman mindanao state universityiligan institute of technology, philipine jamnagamora3@gmail.com elikaerbienes@gmail.com abstrak menjalankan pemilihan dengan cara seperti pemilih harus diteliti dengan baik dari latar belakang dan program dari kandidat yang dipilih. namun, dalam tidak adanya informasi lainnya, pemilih cenderung untuk menggunakan isyarat seperti persepsi mereka pada penampilannya. penelitian ini merupakan studi perintis untuk mengadopsi penampilan morfometri dalam menguji pengaruh penampilan kandidat pada hasil pemilu sementara mereka mengabaikan kepentingan lainnya seperti jabatan, keberpihakan, dan popularitas. hal ini juga memeriksa analisis penampilan preferensi pemilih dengan pengetahuan politik yang rendah. penelitian ini dibagi atas 2 hal. tahap pertama adalah analisis morfometrik penampilan dari 33 calon senator di tahun 2013 pada pemilu nasional di filipina. mengadopsi metode morfometrik geometrik dari ilmu alam, karakteristik dari gambar konsensus yang dihasilkan dari calon senator dianalisis dan diidentifikasi. tahap kedua dilakukan untuk memverifikasi temuan tahap pertama penelitian melalui survei kuesioner dengan penampilan calon kandidat. para peneliti merubah tampilan dari kontinuum maskulinitas-feminitas dan meminta preferensi tampilan responden yang dipilih. hasil pertama yang ditemukan untuk menguatkan tahap kedua. hal ini menunjukan bahwa citra dari 33 konsensus kandidat senat ditandai dengan maskulin hiper dan hiper morfometrio tampilan feminin. menariknya pada tahap kedua, responden memiliki penilaian secara signifikan lebih tinggi pada calon dugaan dengan maskulin hiper dan karakteristik penampilan feminin. hal ini dapat diperoleh dari perilaku pemilih dari pemilih dalam masyarakat informasi politik rendah yang di isyaratkan penampilan mungkin memiliki suatu cetakan keputusan pemilihan. oleh karena itu, hal ini sangat penting untuk mempertimbangkan dinamika pemilihan pemimpin di pemerintahan dengan mempelajari perilaku dari pemilih. penelitian ini menandakan bahwa tampilan dari morfometrik merupakan suatu alat yang berguna dalam menentukan peluang dari memenangkan calon serta yang sebenarnya dalam pemilihan. kata kunci: morfometrik geometrik, pemilu, pandangan pemilih journal of government & politics 697 received 7 august 2016 revised 18 september 2016 accepted 2 october 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0048.697-721 mailto:jamnagamora3@gmail.com mailto:jamnagamora3@gmail.com mailto:elikaerbienes@gmail.com mailto:elikaerbienes@gmail.com vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 698 abstract elections operate in such manner that voters must have researched well the political backgrounds and platforms of the candidates they are voting. however, in absence of other information, voters tend to resort to cues such as their perception on facial appear ances. this study is a pioneering study to adopt facial morphometric in testing the influ ence of candidates‘facial appearance on their electoral outcomes while omitting other variables such as incumbency, partisanship, and popularity. it also investigates the facial preferences of voters with low political knowledge. this study is divided two-fold. the first phase is a facial morphometric analysis of 33 senatorial candidates from the 2013 philippine national elections. adopting the geometric morphometric method from natu ral sciences, the facial characteristics of the generated consensus image of the senatorial candidates were analyzed and identified. the second phase was conducted to verify the findings of the first phase of the study through survey questionnaires with sets of morphed faces of presumptive candidates. the researchers morphed faces from masculinity-femi ninity continuum and asked the facial preferences of chosen respondents. the result of the first phase was found to corroborate with the second phase. it showed that the consensus image of the 33 senatorial candidates is characterized by a hyper masculine and hyper feminine facial morphometry. interestingly on the second phase, respondents have significantly higher votes on presumptive candidates with hyper masculine and hyper feminine facial characteristics. it can be gleaned from the voting behavior of the elector ate in a politically low informed society that facial cues may have a bearing on moulding electoral decisions. hence, it is highly important to consider the dynamics of electing leaders in the government by studying the behavior of the voters. this study also signifies that facial morphometric is a useful tool in determining the winning chances of the presumptive candidates as well as the actual candidates in an election. keywords: geometric morphometric, elections, voter’s facial preferences introduction elections operate in such manner that voters must have re searched well the political backgrounds and platforms of the can didates they are voting. however, in absence of other informa tion, voters tend to resort to cues such as their perception on facial appearances. several recent studies on elections suggest that the politician‘s facial appearance may have a bearing on their political outcomes. in a study by todorov et al. (2015), subjects completely unfamiliar with american senatorial or gubernato rial candidates were shown photo pairs of competing candidates. based entirely on perceptions from the photos, subjects were then asked to indicate which candidate from each pair they perceived as the more competent. this yielded the fascinating (or frustrat ing) result that subject‘s choices of competent-looking candidates actually predicted real-world electoral outcomes significantly bet ter than chance (laustsen, 2014). similarly, this endeavour tests the influence of candidates‘ facial appearance on their electoral outcomes while omitting other variables such as incumbency, partisanship, and popularity. it also investigates the perception of voters with facial appearance as a lone basis. this study is divided two-fold. the first part is a facial morphometric analysis of 33 senatorial candidates from the 2013 national elections. the second part is a mock election conducted to determine the facial preferences of the voters. it has been identified that the findings on the facial morphometric procedure of the 2013 senatorial candidates agreed with the findings of the mock elections of pre sumptive candidates. geometric morphometric is utilized in this study as a method adopted from the field of biology to analyze the facial morphometry of the senatorial candidates who ran last 2013 national elections. lastly, this study serves as a pioneering research on the predictive value of facial appearances in explain ing the electoral outcomes in the philippines. theoretical framework this study employs the theory of biological determinism and the theory of good genes hypothesis. the “theory of biologi cal determinism” according to garland edward allen (2015) re fers to the idea that all human behavior such as the tendency to choose candidates without credible basis is innate and determined by genes, brain size, or other biological attributes. this theory stands in contrast to the notion that the human behavior of making decisions based on gut-feeling and not based on facts is determined by culture or other social forces such as the set of beliefs of a person. thus, this theory served as a guide to deter mine whether people has an innate human behavior of making decisions specifically in choosing candidates in an election based on gut-feeling. good genes hypothesis on the other hand is anchored on the exaggeration of the faces among running politicians as the critical determinant of preference by voters. from an evolution ary view, extremes of secondary sexual characteristics (more femi journal of government & politics 699 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 700 nine for women, more masculine for men) are proposed to be attractive because they advertise the quality of an individual in terms of heritable benefits; they indicate that the owners of such characteristics possess good genes. in other words, such traits advertise the possession of genes that are related to survival. this theory contends that the exaggerated faces among the candidates may cue attractiveness in the perception of the voters because of the quality it advertises. related studies generally, electoral outcomes are determined by voters’ pref erences based on the candidate’s background, party affiliation, ideologies, and charisma. however, in new democracies, candi date appearance and electoral outcomes have had significant re lationships too. institutions, ideology, and issues dominate research on vot ing behavior in comparative politics. the conventional wisdom holds that vote choices are the result of the incentives provided by electoral rules, the identities forged by parties, the positions on the most controversial policies of the day, and the evalua tions of incumbent performance on issues such as the economy (lawson c., lenz, baker, & myers, 2010). this study is based on a psychological research by todorov, et al (2015) indicating that people often judge unfamiliar individuals based in their appear ance, inferring personality traits such as competence, intelligence, honesty, and trustworthiness from facial features as basis. in some instances, this happens because some voters do not have much political information and their only mode of awareness is based on posters and campaign materials that they see in public and media sources; and the voters’ first impression is also based on the faces they see in campaign materials. thus, this study aims to look into determining the attitudes of voters towards different facial features. while in a study conducted by mutz, brody, and sniderman (1996), they focused on candidates’ policy positions, performance records, and party affiliation that are deemed as the fundamen tal determinants of voter preferences. however, the scarcity of resources and the luxury of time to gather resources impede the voters from researching on these matters. thus, in order to validate the claim, the usage of the photos of the candidates was highly incorporated in this research since it is considered to be the first hand information if not the only information that the voters would acquire. moreover, the amount of political knowledge of the voter respondents was also taken into account in the research to reduce other intervening vari ables like partisanships and incumbency. the goal of this study is to determine the correlation of the facial appearance to elec toral success using geometric morphometric and would apply quantitative treatment to data. facial features of masculine, feminine and hyper faces dr. marquardt (2014) defines a prototype face of a male by describing as 1) prominent-supra orbital (brow) ridges (frontal bossing) resulting in deep set appearing eyes, 2) flatter and nar rower eyebrows, 3) slightly narrower eyes, 4) eyes less wide open, 5) slightly longer and/or wider nose 6) slightly thinner lips (espe cially upper lip) 7) square/ angled and or larger jaws (bashour, 2005). feminine facial feature is described as 1) rounder face curves, 2) eyebrows are curved and corners are sharper, 3) long lashes that curl outwards that gives the impression of a brighter eyes and the eye shape is rounder or oval in shape 4) nose is smaller and narrower 5) cheeks are longer and rounded, 6) thicker up per lip, and the mouth is smaller 6) jaws are with rounded edges (peters, 2013). hyper faces are described as the exaggerated features of the average masculine and feminine face. for women that means larger eyes, plumper lips, narrower lower jaw and smaller chin; for men, bushier eyebrows, sunken eyes and a wider, longer lower journal of government & politics 701 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 702 jaw, according to victor johnston, a professor of biopsychology at new mexico state university in las cruces (smith, 2000). male and female facial preference in the study conducted by berggren et.al (2006), their study have found that female respondents tend to favour female candi dates, while male respondents tend to vote equally often for men and women. they have confirmed that female respondents tend to vote for women to a larger extent than men tend to vote for men. they found a similar pattern in general evaluations: fe male respondents tend to evaluate women in photos clearly more positively than male respondents do, while the sex differences in evaluating photos of men are small. little et al. (2007) also suggested that on average, male re spondents perceive male candidates to be more intelligent and competent than female candidates, and female candidates to be more beautiful, likable and trustworthy. female respondents give more positive evaluations of female candidates in all respects (berggren et.al, 2006). preference on hyperness perrett et al. (1994) found that exaggerating the physical dif ferences between attractive faces and average faces (i.e. creating caricatures of attractive faces) increased their attractiveness. in other words, perrett et al. demonstrated that attractive faces are not ‘only average’ (as some researchers who proposed the aver ageness hypothesis of attractiveness had suggested) but that some exaggerated facial characteristics are also found to be attractive. although perrett et al. presented evidence that attractive faces deviate systematically from an average shape, there is still no clear definition on how exaggerated a facial appearance could be. this literature can be further subject into inquiry but nonetheless, it claims that what is deemed to be attractive is not average. traits atrribution to facial preferences recent studies by ambady and rosenthal (1992; 1993; 2008) have linked candidate appearance to the increase in psychologi cal literature on the automatic processing of images of human faces. this research indicates that people often draw inferences about the character and abilities of others from their facial fea tures, despite the fact that such inferences are of dubious accu racy (mueller and mazur 1996; zebrowitz 1997; ambady, bernieri, and richeson 2000; hassin and trope 2000; zebrowitz et al. 2002; rule and ambady 2008). laboratory studies, in which subjects cast hypothetical ballots after seeing pictures of politi cians’ faces, suggest that voters employ this same heuristic when evaluating candidates (keating, randall, and kendrick 1999; todorov et al. 2005; johns and shephard 2008). while shortcuts enable citizens to make snap choices, on the flip side, it also demonstrates that these shortcuts can sometimes bias electoral outcomes and voter choice. in the absence of other information, voters may resort to cues that lead to stereotyped perceptions of candidates that hinder the electoral success of candidates. sex and race can both lead to the attribution of ste reotypical traits. male candidates are perceived as tough, aggres sive, self-confident and assertive, while their female counterparts are described as warm, compassionate, people-oriented, gentle, kind, passive, caring and sensitive (huddy and terkildsen 1993a, 1993b; leeper 1991; rosenwasser and dean 1989). sex and race are also used as a cue not only to infer issue positions and ideol ogy as well with women and black candidates being seen as more liberal (mcdermott 1998). social stereotypes create their own reality through a multistep causal mechanism: (a) facial appearance elicits social stereotypes or expectations for the behavior and traits of attractive and unat tractive targets, (b) these expectations are acted on by the per ceiver in the form of differential judgments and treatment of attractive and unattractive targets, (c) differential judgment and treatment cause the development of differential behavior and journal of government & politics 703 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 704 traits in attractive and unattractive targets, and (d) attractive and unattractive targets internalize differential judgment and treat ment and eventually develop differential behavior and self-views (for detailed discussions, see darley & fazio, 1980; and zebrowitz, 1997). methodology research design this research employed qualitative and quantitative methods. qualitative method was used to describe the facial attributes of the consensus image of the winning and losing candidates of the 2013 national elections. in the acquisition of data, the official campaign materials that are available online were downloaded. the faces of the candidates from these graphics and posters were profiled from losing and winning faces. the first part of the study is a facial morphometric analysis on the faces of the 33 senatorial candidates. the researchers de termined facial landmarks on the faces of the candidates. these facial landmarkings characterized the morphometric differences in the facial structures of the losing and winning candidates. the manual input of landmarks was done through tpsdig program. the tpsutil program assisted the classification of the landmarked faces by group that are set by the researchers. there are a total of 17 losing male candidates and 8 winning male can didates and a total of 4 winning female candidates and 4 losing female candidates. the program classified this group from one another. after the landmarkings and classification, a consensus image of male and female candidates for both winning and losing were produced through tpsrelw program. in treating the consensus images, it is qualitatively compared to the standard description of the average masculine and feminine face. quantitative method was used in the second part of the study which determined the facial preferences of the male and female voter respondents among a set of morphed faces of presumptive candidates. it is also used to determine the correlation of sex and facial preferences. the researchers used survey questions for a mock election containing six sets of images. each sets contain a masculine, hyper masculine, feminine and hyper feminine face. the images were produced through face morpher software. the voter respondents were asked to vote for the face they preferred the most and justify those choices by describing the image. moreover, qualitative method was also used again to evaluate the voter respondents’ judgments on morphed faces. locale of the study the locale of the study is within the coastal area, rural area, and urban area of tubod, lanao del norte and iligan city. spe cifically, this study was conducted in the farmlands and coastal areas of tubod-lala, lanao del norte and employees within the silver lights bakery of the same place and barangay tibanga, iligan city. lanao del norte including iligan city has a total registered voters of 498, 814 in the year 2013. its voter turn-out is only 365, 815 (moneypolitics, 2013). research participants the total number of respondents is 160 with 40 participants per chosen sector. the researchers divided the total participants fairly according to sexes, which means that 80 of it are men and the other 80 are women. the primary respondents are fishfolks and farmers from tubod, lanao del norte; factory workers from silver lights bakery in tubod; and trisikad drivers from barangay tibanga, iligan city. research instruments for the facial morphometric analysis, the photos of the 33 senatorial candidates were obtained from secondary resources. the researchers used geometric morphometric softwares such as tpsdig, tpsutil, tpsrelw in order to plot the facial landmarks journal of government & politics 705 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 706 on the candidates’s facial photos and to acquire a consensus image of the winning and losing candidates. for the mock elections, this study also used a survey ques tionnaire contaning the morphed faces of presumptive candi dates in order to determine the facial preferences of the voter respondents. the questionnaire is comprised of morphed faces from masculine, hyper masculine, feminine and hyper feminine faces acquired through face morphing software. moreover, the survey questionnaire also determined the demographic back grounds of the respondents such as age, sex and as well as the amount of political knowledge they have. the voter respondents were asked how often their exposures are to news and media in order to extract those who are low informed. the questionnaire also determined the traits that are attrib uted to the facial features of the winning morphed faces of pre sumptive candidates. the voter respondents were asked to pro vide an explanation for their preferences to identify the traits that they are looking for in a candidate. tpsdig assisted the researchers to identify the 43 facial landmarks from the faces of the electoral candidates. the landmarks were manually inputed in the program. figure 1. location of anatomical landmarks of the face plotted through tpsdig. treatment of data to treat the data, the researchers analyzed the facial morphom etry of the 33 political candidates of the 2013 senatorial elec tion. in order to acquire the consensus image of the winning and losing candidates, standard procedures of geometric morphometrics were applied to the photos of the candidates as sisted by softwares such as tpsdig, tpsutil and tpsrelw. table 1. anatomical landmarks of the face journal of government & politics 707 landmark description of landmark type 1 midpoint of the nasofrontal suture ii 2 highest point on the upper margin of the midline portion of the eyebrow (left) ii 3 4 highest point on the upper margin of the midline portion of the eyebrow (right) most lateral point of the eyebrow (left) ii ii 5 most lateral point of the eyebrow (right) ii 6 highest point of the eyelid (left) ii 7 highest point of the eyelid (right) ii 8 medial hinge of the eyelid (left) i 9 medial hinge of the eyelid (right) i 10 lateral hinge of the eyelid (left) i 11 lateral hinge of the eyelid (right) i 12 lowest point in the middle of the margin of the lower eyelid (left) ii 13 lowest point in the middle of the margin of the lower eyelid (right) ii 14 the deepest point of the nasofrontal angle ii 15 nose bridge ii 16 most lateral point of the nose (left) i 17 most lateral point of the nose (right) i 18 most inner point between the nose tip and the upper lip i 19 the midpoint of the vermillion border of the upper lip i 20 highest point of the upper lip (left) i 21 highest point of the upper lip (right) i 22 most lateral point where the upper and lower lip meet (left) i 23 most lateral point where the upper and lower lip meet (right) i 24 midline point where the upper and lower lip meet ii 25 midpoint of the lower margin of the lower lip i 26 midpoint of the pogonion and lower lip ii 27 most anterior point of the chin ii 28 lowest point in the midline on the lower border of the chin ii 29 protrusion of the mental tubercle (left) ii 30 protrusion of the mental tubercle (right) ii 31 most lateral point at the angle of the mandible (left) ii 32 most lateral point at the angle of the mandible (right) ii 33 most protruded point of the nasal tip ii 34 medial point of the nasa ala outer margin (left) ii 35 medial point of the nasa ala outer margin (right) ii 36 most lateral point on the nasal ala (left) ii 37 most lateral point on the nasal ala (right) ii 38 lowest lateral point of the nasal ala inner margin (left) ii 39 lowest lateral point of the nasal ala inner margin (right) ii 40 highest point of the nasal ala margin (left) ii 41 highest point of the nasal ala margin (right) ii 42 medial point of the nasal ala margin (left) ii 43 medial point of the nasal ala margin (right) ii vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 708 tpsutil program separated the landmarked faces according to groups and categories set by the researchers. out of the 25 male candidates, the program separated the 8 winning candi dates from the 17 losing candidates. on the other hand, from the 8 running female candidates, the tpsutil program separated the 4 winning female candidates from the 4 losing female candi dates. tpsrelw was used to generate the consensus configuration of the faces of the male and female winning and losing candidates. this helped in the visualization of variation of the winning and losing candidates relative to the entire population. in determining the preferred facial features among morphed faces of presumptive candidates, and its relationships between the sexes of the voter respondents, chi-square test is used. the chi square statistic compared the tallies or counts of categorical responses between two (or more) independent groups such as the male respondents and the female respondents. in treating the qualitative data for the traits attributed to the winning facial characteristics of the morphed faces of presump tive candidates, the gathered answers were analyzed and coded into themes. the frequency of the answer was also recorded to determine the most recurring description. results and discussion facial morphometric analysis of the consensus image of the winning and losing candidates of the 2013 senatorial elections figure 2 shows the consensus face of the losing and winning male politicians in the senatorial race last 2013 national elec tions (see appendices for names). the faces of the candidates were profiled through facial landmarking. through tpsrelw, it created a consensus image of the losing and winning male candi dates of 2013 senatorial elections. figure 3. consensus face of the winning and losing female candidates of the 2013 senatorial elections journal of government & politics 709 apparently, the brow ridges and the deepness of the eyes are not in the fullest capability of the bitmap produced from tpsrelw to show. furthermore, the narrowness of the eyes is both evi dent between the consensus face of the winning and losing male candidates. the width of their noses is relatively the same with no clear distinction of measurement. however, consensus face of the winning male candidates has longer nose compared to the consensus face of the losing male candidates. the lips of both the consensus face of the winning and losing male candidates are of relatively the same size. lastly, the jaw size however is the most noticeable between the two. the consensus face of the win ning male candidates has larger and wider jaw compared to the consensus face of the winning male candidates. this qualitative comparison and assessment signifies that the consensus face of the winning male candidates fits more the description of mascu linity than the consensus face of the losing male candidates. this shows that most of the winning male candidates might have the vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 710 more masculine trait as compared to the losing male candidates. figure 2. consensus face of the winning and losing male candidates of the 2013 senatorial elections little et al. (2007) found out that facial appearance poten tially associated with leadership is facial dominance. facial domi nance is better seen in more masculine features. dominant ap pearance is related to occupational status in certain settings. fa cial masculinity, linked to facial dominance (perrett et al., 1998) and it also positively relates to testosterone level (penton-voak & chen, 2004), suggesting a link to actual dominant behavior (mazur & booth, 1998) in dominant-faced individuals. these studies explain why the findings of the study showed that the consensus face of the winning male candidates possessed a more masculine feature. figure 3 shows the consensus face of the losing and winning female candidates in the 2013 senatorial election. it shows that the consensus face of the winning female candidates has a more elongated face than the consensus face of the winning female candidates which is rounder. the consensus face of the winning female candidates also has a smaller face than the consensus face of the losing female candidate. the lip sizes also differ. the con sensus face of the losing female candidate has thicker lips as com pared to the consensus face of the winning female candidates. the consensus face of the winning female candidates has a rounder face compare to the consensus face of the losing female candidates which has obvious edges. the eyelashes and the im pression of brighter eyes is cannot be determined by the bitmap produced, however, it is noticeable that both the consensus face of the winning and losing female candidates have an oval-shaped eyes. the nose of the consensus face of the winning female can didates is smaller and narrower than the consensus face of the losing female candidates which happens to be relatively wider than the former. moreover, both images show the thickness of upper lip but the consensus face of the winning female candi dates has a smaller mouth in terms of width as compare to the consensus face of the losing female candidates. lastly, the con sensus face of the winning female candidates is rounder than the consensus face of the losing female candidates. this com parison shows that the consensus face of the winning female candidates fits more the description of a more feminine face. thus, this further shows that the consensus face of the winning female candidates is more feminine than the consensus face of the losing female candidates. huddy and terkildsen (!993) explains that more feminine facial characteristics are described as warm, compassionate, people-oriented, gentle, kind, passive, caring and sensitive. perrett et al. (1994) found out in his study that voters regard less of sex prefer a more femininised versions of the faces. for voters, exaggerated feminine characteristics are attractive. this study by perrett et al. (1994) support the findings of this study with more feminine features as the winning face in the consen sus image of the 2013 female senatorial candidates. preference by sexes table 2. facial preference of the male voters among the morphed faces of presumptive candidates table 2 shows that hyper feminine and feminine faces are significantly preferred by male voters than the masculine and hyper masculine candidates. specifically, hyper feminine candi dates are significantly preferred by male voters, followed by hyper masculine, masculine then feminine. the yielded high results for hyper feminine face among male journal of government & politics 711 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 712 voter respondents supports the findings of perret et al. (1998) which contend that males also demonstrate very strong prefer ences for the more femininised version of the faces. in both male and female faces, exaggerated characteristics were found attrac tive by the respondents. table 3. facial preference of the female voters among the morphed faces of presumptive candidates table 3 shows that female voters prefer hyper feminine and hyper feminine candidates over hyper masculine and masculine candidates. specifically, the female voters preferred hyper femi nine face followed by feminine, hyper masculine then masculine face. the high number of votes for hyper feminine face in female voter respondents supports the findings that females tend to show strong preference for more femininised version of faces (perret, et. al, 1998). accordingly, exaggerated feminine characteristics are the most attractive compared to other facial characteristics. berggren et al. (2006) have confirmed in his study that female respondents tend to vote for women to a larger extent than men tend to vote for men. they found a similar pattern in general evaluations that female respondents tend to evaluate women in photos clearly more positively than male respondents do. berggren et.al, (2006) also found out that female respondents give more positive evaluations on female candidates in all respects. this explains why feminine face comes after their choice on hyper feminine face and the hyper masculine and masculine face comes afterwards. the female voter respondents yielded higher results on hyper feminine and feminine faces over hyper masculine and masculine faces because of their sex biases on being women. preference by facial characteristics table 4. facial preference of male and female voters among the masculine and hyper masculine morphed faces of presumptive candidates table 4 shows that both the male and female voter respon dents do not significantly prefer hyper masculine over masculine faces. there is no significant difference between masculine and hyper masculine face because it is perceived that hypermasculine faces (gangestad & simpson, 2000) are supported by evidence that men’s masculine traits signal both positive and negative at tributes. hyper masculine male faces are ascribed antisocial traits such as low warmth, low emotionality, dishonesty, low coopera tiveness, and poor quality as a parent (perrett et al., 1998). hyper masculine faced men are also perceived to have more interest in short-term than long-term relationships (kruger, 2006), and hypermasculine faces have more short-term, but not long-term, partners than average masculine men (rhodes, simmons, & peters, 2005). because human masculinity is associated with both benefits and costs, voters may vary in the extent to which they prefer hypermasculinity versus average masculinity in male faces (little et al., 2007). this explains why hyper masculine face is not significantly preferred against masculine face. furthermore, this finding is consistent with those of studies demonstrating that factors that are known to influence women’s preferences for masculinity (e.g., menstrual cycle phase, for re journal of government & politics 713 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 714 views see jones et al., 2008a and thornhill and gangestad, 2008) may have a bearing on women’s preferences for different mark ers of men’s masculinity, similarly. for example, women show stronger preferences for masculinity during the fertile phase of the menstrual cycle than at other times when judging the attrac tiveness of men’s faces (jones et al., 2005; penton-voak et al., 1999; welling et al., 2007). however, the researchers did not administer the cognizance of women’s menstrual cycle. but the effect of this factor might have affected the results of inisgnificance. table 5. facial preference of male and female voters among the feminine and hyper feminine morphed faces of presumptive candidates table 6. facial preference of male and female voters on the hyper and non-hyper morphed faces of presumptive candidates table 5 shows that both the male and female voter respon dents significantly prefer hyper feminine face over feminine faces. this result supports the findings of perret et al. (1994) in his study that both male and female participants demonstrated very strong preferences for the femininised versions of the faces. in triguingly, both male and female participants also preferred the femininised male faces to the masculinised ones. specifically, both male and female faces, exaggerated feminine characteristics are attractive. moreover, another study by rennels et al. (2008) also observed general preferences for femininity when judging the attractiveness of the faces manipulated in sexual dimorphism of 2d face shape. further studies also found out that men typically demonstrate strong preferences for feminine characteristics in women’s faces (jones et al., 2007; perrett et al., 1998; welling et al., 2008) table 6 shows that both male and female voter respondents significantly prefer hyper feminine face and hyper masculine face over the feminine and masculine faces. the preference on the hyper masculine and hyper feminine face agrees with the findings of perret, et.al (1994). perrett, et al. demonstrated that attractive faces are not ‘only average’ as some researchers who proposed the averageness hypothesis of attrac tiveness had suggested but that some exaggerated facial charac teristics are attractive. this further supports the study of johnston (1999) that re spondents universally preferred the faces at the more extreme ends of the spectrum. accordingly, the characteristics found in hyper faces are the “hormone markers” that appear in puberty and distinguish the sexes. testosterone causes boys’ lower jaws to grow long and broad; estrogen makes girls’ lips swell with fat deposits. the markers provide unconscious cues to good mating material—health and fertility. traits attributed to the facial characteris tics of the winning morphed faces of presump tive candidates the respondents were asked why they preferred the hyper masculine face. the voter respondents described the face in single word or by phrase. from the survey with the voter respondents, journal of government & politics 715 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 716 the following themes or category are drawn: physical facial quali ties, leadership approach, people oriented qualities, qualities relating to credibility, moral traits, dominant or aggressive qualities, religious/cultural reasons, qualities related to work, qualities referring to self-conduct, qualities attributed to people, and qualities pertaining to people’s expectation. these traits are what the voter respondents have associated to the hyper masculine face. presumably, these traits are also the descriptions that they look for in a political candidate. these traits are what the voter respondents have associated to the hyper feminine face. this facial attribution further reveals the charac teristics that the people look for in a political candidate. this finding supports the study of zebrowitz. accordingly, social stereotypes create their own reality through a multistep causal mechanism: (a) facial appearance elicits social stereotypes or expectations for the behavior and traits of attractive and unat tractive targets, (b) these expectations are acted on by the per ceiver in the form of differential judgments and treatment of attractive and unattractive targets, (c) differential judgment and treatment cause the development of differential behavior and traits in attractive and unattractive targets, and (d) attractive and unattractive targets internalize differential judgment and treat ment and eventually develop differential behavior and self-views (darley & fazio, 1980; and zebrowitz, 1997). this means that the voters’ judgments and facial stereotypes influences their be haviors thus, affects their decisions on their votes. the results of the trait attributions on the faces further proved galton’s findings on morphing methods and face averaging. galton were able to identify multiple cues that covary with social attributions, more trustworthy when more feminine, and more dominant when more masculine. this inquiry was able to yield the same results for the face judgments on the hyper feminine and hyper masculine faces. moreover, some studies also found the same results such as sex and race can both lead to the attribution of stereotypical traits. male candidates are perceived as tough, aggressive, self-confident and assertive, while their female counterparts are described as warm, compassionate, people-oriented, gentle, kind, passive, car ing and sensitive (huddy and terkildsen 1993a, 1993b; leeper 1991; rosenwasser and dean 1989). similarly, this study also yielded the same result on the facial attributions. hyper mascu line face was also similarly described as tough and assertive. on the same breadth, this study also gained the same result that hyper feminine face shows more sensitivity and caring percep tion. conclusions the facial morphometric analysis of the 33 senatorial candi dates determined the facial characteristics of the winning and losing faces in election. the study shows that the 2013 elected senators possess facial features of a more masculine face for male candidates and more feminine face for female candidates as com pared to the losing candidates. this also shows that the voters are likely to prefer facial appearances that are more hyper in fea tures. both the male and female respondents shared preference on hyper faces, specifically on hyper feminine face. the respon dents have further associated positive traits to their facial prefer ences. these findings support the theory of biological determinism explained by allen (2015) which states that voters are likely to vote based on gut-feeling in the absence of credible basis. the theory on good genes hypothesis further proved that exagger ated faces are more preferred by the voters when facial cues are the most available information. moreover, this study challenged the theory of galton on the averageness hypothesis of attrac tiveness which claimed that attractive faces are the ones that are average. in contrary, this research showed that hyper faces, in stead of average are more preferred by the voters. this is sup ported by the study of perret et al (1994) that attractive faces are not average but exaggerated faces or hyper faces. journal of government & politics 717 vol. 7 no. 4 november 2016 718 the inquiry on facial preferences of the electorate also tells a lot about the society and the level of political knowledge the elec torate has. this study contributes in explaining the political be havior of the electorate in times when the political knowledge is low. this signifies the need to advance the dissemination of po litical information and to re-strategize the methods of campaigns to make the information more accessible to the electorate. from the findings and analysis of this study, it can be inferred that facial appearance of the candidates serves as a cue in mold ing the electoral decisions of the voters that have low political information. it further shows that the theories and methods on natural sciences such as biology can be adopted in social sci ences to explain certain social, political and psychological phe nomena. while the marriage of these two very different fields can be further developed, this study effectively employed geo metric morphometric as a useful tool in determining the chances of winning of the presumptive candidates and even actual candi dates in the elections. references aharon, i., etcoff, n., ariely, d., chabris, c. f., o’connor, e., & breiter, h. s. 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vol. 7 no. 3 432 personal branding of anies baswedan through facebook and twitter account: study of image grid analysis in banjarmasin society aged 17-24 years received 9 june 2016 revised 13 july 2016 accepted 6 august 2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0037 ramadhan, febrian anshari, setyastuti, yuanita, maulina, novaria department of communication science lambung mangkurat university lammpu@gmail.com, yuanita.setya@gmail.com., novaria30@yahoo.com, abstract this research aimed was the grid of personal branding image of anies baswedan through facebook and twitter account on banjarmasin society. this research used quantitative approach with descriptive type. the population was banjarmasin society aged 17-24 years old. sample that taken was 399 people, sample re-trieval techniques used cluster random sampling. the method of data collection used questionnaire and observation, while the method of data analysis used image analysis grid by kotler with the degree of trust was 95%. the results of the research, personal branding image of anies baswedan on familiarity scale is 74,44% or 297 respondents from 399 respondent of total samples, categorized on less know about anies baswedan. that means only 25,56% or 102 respondents who know him. based on favorability scale there were 76,25% or 77 respondents from 102 respondents who know anis baswedan, categorized him as a good image of personal branding. based on grid analysis model anis baswedan’s personal branding are less known and good image. that means personal brand-ing image of anies baswedan was located on grid b, that was the assessment of respondents about anies baswedan was he does not well known but he has a good image. keywords: personal branding, grid analysis, new media, social media. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisa grid personal branding anies baswedan melalui facebook dan twitter di kota banjarmasin. penelitian ini menggunakan https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2016.0037 pendekatan kuantitatif deskript if. populasi p e n i l i t i a n ad a l a h m a s y a r a k a t ba n j a r m a s i n ya n g berusia 17-24 tahun. sampel yang diambil ad a l a h 39 9 or a n g d e n g a n menggunakan teknik cluster random sampling. metode pengumpulan d a t a journal of government & politics 433 menggunakan kuesioner dan observasi, sedangkan metode analisis data menggunakn analisis citra grid kotler dengan tingkat kepercayaan 95%. hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa personal branding anies baswedan pada skala keakraban adalah 74,44 % dan masuk kategori kurang familiar. hal ini berarti hanya 25,56% yang merasa familiar dengan anies baswedan. berdasarkan skala kesukaan ada 76,25% yang mengenal anis baswedan dan mengkategorikan anis baswedan sebagai pribadi yang baik. sementara itu berdasarkan model analisis jaringan, personal branding yang dilakukan oleh anis baswedan kurang dikenal tetapi memiliki citra yang baik. hal ini berarti citra personal branding anies baswedan terletak di grid. kata kunci: personal branding, analisis jaringan, media baru, media sosial. introduction the internet was originally created for the purposes of information exchange among united states military, but in further development recently the whole society in the world could access, development of the internet rapidly and gave birth to a new medium for internet users to share and interact with one another, namely social networking is often called socmed social media. there are a wide variety of social networks, like facebook, twitter, youtube, path, instagram and much more. according to the mba rank ebiz per september 2013, today there are two very popular social media and pick the most active users in the world, facebook and twitter. the top 10 of sosial media in indonesia on january 2015 was facebook, whatsapp, twitter, facebook messanger, google+, linkedin, instagram, skype, pinterest dan line (we are social, januari 2015). based on we are social database, there are 79 million people from 88,1 million people who accesed the internet are acessed the social media (www.we are social,digital in indonesia 2016). the rapid growth of social networking users is to make a change in which social networking was originally created as a medium to interact with one another between users has now turned into a promotion of goods or services to self-marketing. self marketing is known as personal branding, according kupta in susanto (2009) is a personal image that represents a set of skills, a blrilliant idea, a belief system and the value equation that are considered attractive by others. there are many persons who manage to do personal branding in social networks and 434 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 some are failing, these successful individuals have a very strong brand, the brand is not only adhered by a product but also an identity that is inherent in each of them. among ofmany people who are currently doing personal branding through social networks, the researchers are interested in anies baswedan as a subject of research. anies baswedan is a young leaders in indonesia who have achievements both nationally and internationally. in july 2010, anis baswedan the only person from southeast asia included of 500 the most influece muslim in the world by the royal islamic strategic studies center in jordan. (wikipedia.org). twitter account which is located in @aniesbaswedan and anies baswedan fan page on facebook. his twitter account registered in 2010 it has many followers as 494 thousand and a facebook account registered in 2011 also has followers more than 100 thousand, here it can be seen that the messages disseminated or submitted by anies baswedan with social networking media will be read and known by hundreds of thousands of followers. this study will use a walker grid image analysis of kotler, the assessment by dividing the grid assessment into the grid, the grid a where a person is very well known and has a good image, grid b where someone less well known but has a good image, grid c where someone less known and has a bad image and grid d where a person is very well known but has a poor image. therefore, his study examine exactly about the grid of personal branding image of anies baswedan through facebook and twitter account on banjarmasin society within 17-24 years age. research question: how the grid of personal branding image of anies baswedan through facebook and twitter account on banjarmasin society (age 17-24 years)? reseach objective: identify the grid of personal branding image of anies baswedan through facebook and twitter account on banjarmasin society (age 17-24 years). 435 journal of government & politics theoritical framework media the mass media has an important role in self imaging. mass media can form a certain image of an event or a group and be understood as a general truth in society. symbols or terms are repeated constantly creates its self image of something in the public view (zuhra, 2012: 3). thus, the mass media are not only considered important in the dissemination of information but the mass media play an important role in the formation of the existing image that can be seen in the community, although it does not influence directly influence after the communication yet significant enough to affect a person, both in terms of cognitive, affective and behavior. facebook and twitter as new media according to flew (2005: 2), the new media is a term to describe the convergence between digital communications technology which digitalized and connected to the network. according to setiawan (2013: 8), the power of new media is the communication technology involving computers, in order to simplify and accelerate in getting information from the internet as well as its characteristics are easy to access that is easy to use anywhere without having to go to a computer, but now can be through mobile phones that have the capability internet connection was enough. so the new media is a media communications network utilizing the internet using a computer or device that can access the internet to interact with other users and can be done anywhere and anytime. take the word ‘new’ as ‘new media’ to refer to the following; new textual experiences, new ways of representing the world, new relationships between subjects (users and consumers) and media technologies, new experiences of the relationship between embodiment, identity and community, new conceptions of the biological body’s relationship to technological media, new patterns of organisation and production. some of the main terms in discourses about new media are: digital, interactive, 436 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 hypertexual, virtual, networked, and simulated. (lister, dovey, giddings, grant, and kelly, 2009:12-13) the top 10 of sosial media in indonesia on january 2015 was facebook, whatsapp, twitter, facebook messanger, google+, linkedin, instagram, skype, pinterest dan line (we are social, januari 2015). twitter could make the user to sent and receive massage from another user by automatically retweet and edited retweet. that facilities make twitter became a popular social media. (panduan optimalisasi media sosial, 2014: 80) facebook have a blocklist facilities for akun user to manage the content of their wall by setting on tab manage permissions. (panduan optimalisasi media sosial, 2014: 111) personal branding brand is a name, term, sign, symbol or design, or the combination of all of them which are enable people to identify goods and services out from the competitors(saladin in setyastuti, 2012 113). according kupta in susanto (2009), personal branding is everything that is in you that distinctiveness and sell, such as your messages, innate self and marketing tactics. meanwhile, according to montoya and vandehey (2008: 271), personal branding is something about how to take control over other people’s judgment against you before directly meet with you. so, personal branding is an interesting thing that a person, who distinguishes with others so that it becomes more and makes a person stand out from others. personal branding consist of four elements, such as attribute, the promised profits, the personality value (kapferer, 1992; keller, 1993 in plummer, 2000). personal brand is used as a tool to create others’ opinion toward us. when the personal branding is used correctly with the creativity, planning and consistency, so it can be assured that the personal branding will help you in doing three things (kapferer, 1992; keller, 1993 in plummer, 2000). ; 1), building the name and giving the description of the 437 journal of government & politics character to other people 2), giving interested action and clear explanation, 3) helping in taking control of the clients. montoya (2002) in setyastuti (2012; 121) state that there are three levels of influence in which one does personal branding: 1) advocate – associating themselves with a trend although this might be short-lived. 2).trendsetter – where they influence thinking but retain a presence in a larger sphere throughout. so that their personal brand remains even when they trend is over. 3).icon – not something that’s easy to achieve but which tends to grow organically. according to peter montoya (2002) in susanto (2009) there are eight things in the main concept is the reference in establishing a person’s personal branding. it is: 1. the law of specialization 2. the law of leadership 3. the law of personality 4. the law of distinctiveness 5. the law of visibility 6. the law of unity 7. the law of persistence 8. the law of goodwill personal branding and social media online brand activity influences the way audiences interact and perceive the brand; thus, online brand management must carefully promote brand-building qualities while also targeting preferences of consumers.(carpenter in schultz and sheffer, 2012: 65-66). alipour, jahan and somarin (2015) stated that social media creates great opportunities for personal branding efforts both for personal and corporate purposes of top level executives. this situation makes personal brand management for top level executives on social media an organized professional team job and an important part of social media efforts of the company to manage. however, the presentation of the self in media social is different, mc ewan and mease agrue that facebook and other 438 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 mass-mediated self-presentations of self to multiple audience (sivek, 2014:2). silvek also said that profesionals in many fields seek to establish personal brands through social media to advance their careers (sivek, 2014: 5). maggie (2015: 144-145) said that twitter functions more as a networking hub for micro celebrities and their branded so called authentic selves to participate in endless self promotion, fetishization of labour and lifestreaming a consitently “safe for work” self. social media could acessed by smartphone. the sudy of lieneck (2016: 198) stated that utilization of personal smart phones and online resources can assist in teaching the importance of personal branding. grid analysis of image according krisyantono (2008: 10), image (image) is an image in the public mind about the company. the image is the public perception of the company regarding its service, product quality, corporate culture, the company’s behavior or the behavior of individuals within the company and others. according argenti (2010: 78), the image is a reflection of the identity of a company. the identity of a company is the actual manifestation of the reality of the company as the company’s reputation. thus, the image is public view of the company’s good product quality, service culture and behavior of individual firms of the company that would affect the public attitude towards the company, if it supports, hostile or neutral. grid analysis of image model is an analytical tool used to measure the audience of the assessment or knowledge of a particular object. model grid image analysis initiated by philip kotler cited by rosady ruslan (2006: 81) it has 3 stages in the assessment, familiarity scale, favorability scale and grid-scale of image analysis. grid analysis of image is the withdrawal of familiarity scale and favorability scale, in this image analysis kotler grid divides the image into 4 grid like this: 439 journal of government & politics figure 1. grid analysis figure 2. reseached framework hypothesis ha: personal branding anies baswedan twitter and facebook are in grid b ho: personal branding anies baswedan through twitter and facebook accounts are not on the grid b 440 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 on the grid a is the ideal position, which has a positive image and is well known by everyone, customers or target audience, the grid and the position of the object of study has a positive image, but only preferred or recognized by a particular audience or less known, on grid c considered to have a negative image and are less well known by everyone or the audience, while the d has a negative image, but very well known by everyone, either customers or target audience logical framework personal branding of anies baswedan trough facebook and twitter account studied by 8 law of personal branding by montoya (2000). it analized by grid analysis of image by kotler in ruslan (2006) with 3 step: familiarity scale, favorability scale and grid analysis. research methods approach and research type this study uses quantitative methods in order to get an idea of personal branding assessment anies baswedan image which he did through facebook and twitter accounts it has. this type of research is descriptive. according sukmadinata (2006: 72), is a form of research that aimed to describe phenomena that exist, both natural phenomena and man-made phenomenon. in this objective of study is to obtain an overview assessment of how the image of anies baswedan personal branding through facebook and twitter accounts. research locations this research was conducted in banjarmasin, banjarmasin is one of the major cities in indonesia and also the capital of the province of south kalimantan with the balanced ratio between male and female is 1: 1 according to the association of indonesian internet service provider in 2012. 441 journal of government & politics population and sample population.the population in this study are all people of the city of banjarmasin. respondents’ criteria are the people who have twitter and facebook account and and age-appropriate active internet users between 17-24 years because according to data from socialbakers, largest internet users in indonesia are in that age range, according to data from the bps 2012 the number of people aged 17-24 years are 114.712 people. samples. according to arikunto (2002: 109), sample is number of representative of the population studied. samples will be taken using the formula slovin, namely: description: n = number of samples n = size of population e = margin of error = 5% then the number of samples obtained are: n = 114 712 = 398.6 1 + 114 712 (0.05) 2 slovin formula obtained through the calculation of sample size of 398.6, the figure is rounded up to 399 people as samples. the sample selection using r cluster andom sampling, research conducted in 5 districts and selected samples at random in accordance with the characteristics predetermined by the researcher. the characteristics of the samples referred to here is the of banjarmasin, internet users aged 17-24 tahun who have twitter and facebook accounts with the help of technical screening questions on the questionnaire. n = 399: 5 = 79.8 thus, each region will be taken a sample of 80 people variable operational definition personal branding. according to the kupta in susanto (2009) personal branding is a personal image that represents a set of skills, a brilliant idea, a belief system and the value equation that are considered attractive by others. personal branding is everything that is in you that differentiate and sell, such as your mes442 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 sages, innate self and marketing tactics. according to peter montoya (2002) in susanto (2009) there are eight things in the main concept is the reference in establishing a person’s personal branding. it is 1. the law of specialization, is a great personal branding which has a specialization that makes it different both in terms of strength, skill or particular achievement. 2. the law of leadership, a leader who comes to power and credibility will be able to position themselves as the perfect leader to be relied upon by the public. 3. the law of personality, a great personal brand should have a good personality, but is based on the figure of personality is and comes with all the imperfections. 4. the law of distinctiveness, effective personal branding need to be displayed in a manner different from the others in order to be unique and different from other brands. 5. the law of visibility, in order to be known, the branding process should continue by promoting and marketing and also using every opportunity to find and have some luck for a person or product. 6. the law of unity, personal life in line with the moral ethics and attitudes that have been determined in the process of personal branding. 7. the law of persistence, one must remain firm at the beginning personal branding which has been formed, without ever hesitating and want to change. 8. the law of goodwill, with a judgment or good image generated from personal branding will give a better results and long lasting. data collection techniques primary data collected by: observation, questionnaire and interview. secondary data is additional data that contains information related to research, such as information from facebook 443 journal of government & politics and twitter pages of anies baswedan. determination of scores scoring technique used was likert scale. the following guidelines of score: 1. familiarity scale never heard of it = 1; heard of it = 2; know a little = 3 know a fair amount = 4; know it well = 5 2. favorability scale very unfavorable = 1; somewhat unfavorable = 2; indifferent = 3; somewhat favorable = 4; very favorable = 5 data analysis techniques the data analysis used in this research is the quantitative descriptive analysis based on the value of the category average of each indicator research. in this study, researchers used grid kotler image analysis in analyzing the data. according to kotler (2000) in ruslan (2008: 81-83) there are 3 scale in determining the level of anies baswedan personal branding through social networking accounts, as shown figure 3: 1. the familiarity scale figure 3. category score of familiarity scale category 1: if the majority of respondents rating in the category 1, then anies baswedan is not well known by public 444 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 category 2: if the majority of respondents rating in the category 2, then anies baswedan is well known by the public 2. scale favorability scale figure 4. category score of favorability scale category 1: if the majority of respondents rating in the category 1, then anies baswedan has positive image category 2: if the majority of respondents rating in the category 2, then anies baswedan has poor image 3. image analysis (audience response) grid a, respondents rate anies baswedan well known and has a good image grid b, respondents rate anies baswedan less well known and has a good image grid c, respondents rate anies baswedan less well known and has a poor image grid d, respondents rate anies baswedan famous and have a poor image result characteristics of respondents in this study, researchers took account of respondents who have a facebook and twitter accounts aged 17-24 years and is a good banjarmasin people who indulge and resides in london. 445 journal of government & politics gender. based on the survey results revealed that the respondents consists of 246 men and 153 women. there were 61.7% of male respondents and 38.3% of women, aged 20-22 years with the highest percentage of 49.62%. location. based of the cluster random sampling method, researchers divided according to the number of districts in banjarmasin city which has 5 districts. the number of respondents is 80 people from west banjarmasin, south banjarmasin 80 people, 80 people subdistricts central banjarmasin, banjarmasin east 80 districts and sub-districts of north banjarmasin 79 people. age. based on the results, from the 399 respondents, there were 94 respondents (23.56%) were aged 17-19 years, 198 people (49.62%) of respondents aged 20-22 years and 107 people table 1.1 respondent answerrd distribution of familiarity scale source: primary data, spss 446 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 (26.82%) of the respondents aged 2324 years old. hypotesis analysis familiarity scale. based on researched, the result of familiarity scale was in table 1.1. based on table 1.1, describe that the highest percentation of the total respondent answeded of familiarity scale of anis baswedan personal branding was 46,23% in “never heard of it” categorized. its mean that mayority of the total respondent answeded of familiarity scale of anis baswedan personal branding was categorized as “never heard of it” favorability scale. based on researched, the result of favorability scale was in table 1.2 table 1.2 respondent answerrd distribution of favorability scale source: primary data, spss based on table 1.2, describe that the highest percentation of 447 journal of government & politics the total respondent answeded of favorability scale of anis baswedan personal branding was 41,37% in “somewhat favorable” categorized. its mean that mayority of the total respondent answeded of favorability scale of anis baswedan personal branding was categorized as “somewhat favorable” familiarity and favorability categorization on grid analysis. based on researched, the result of familiarity and favorability categorization on grid analysis was in table 1.3. table 1.3 familiarity and favorability categorization source: primary data, spss based on table 1.3 above, describe that mean of familiarity category of anis baswedan personal branding 74,44 % or 297 respondents categorized on less known, and only 25,56 % or 102 respondents categorized on well known. mean of favorability category of anis baswedan personal branding 76,75 % or 77,78 from 102 responden who well known about anis baswedan, categorized on good image,and only 25,56 % or 25,25 respondents categorized on poor image. based on the results, from 399 respondents, 105 people rate on a familiarity category of indicators of specialization, an indicator of the leadership rated by 110 people, an indicator of personality rated by 110 people, the indicator difference rated by 79 448 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 people, the indicators of visibility rated by 94 people, an indicator of the unity rated by 84 people, an indicator of persistence rated by 92 people and indicators of a good name rated by 142 people who claimed to know well about anies baswedan. grid analysis of image. based on researched, the result of grid analysis of image was in table 1.4. table 1.4 grid analysis of image source: primary data, spss based on table 1.4 above, the mean of grid analysis model anis baswedan personal branding categorized was less kown (74,44%) and good image (76,25%). that means personal branding image of anies baswedan was located on grid b, that mean that hypothesis alternative (ha) state that personal branding anies baswedan twitter and facebook are in grid b was accepted. based on all indicators, the following description of the personal branding variables based on the indicators showed that all of the indicators of personal branding was categorized in less 449 journal of government & politics known and good image. based on that category of familiarity and favorability, the grid of personal branding category of all indicators was b. discussion the study was conducted to determine how the image assesment of the personal branding in anies baswedan through facebook and twitter accounts by using familiarity scale, favorability scale and grid-scale image analysis. variable of personal branding has eight indicators, they are specialization, leadership, personality, difference, visible, unity, firmness and good name. based on the level suggested by montoya (2002), anies baswedan is at a level icon, where he was in personal branding not only follow the trends in the community, personal branding which happens for a long time and survived until now and has become an icon in the world of education by programs indonesia menyala and indonesia mengajar. alipour, jahan and somarin (2015) stated that social media creates great opportunities for personal branding efforts both for personal and corporate purposes of top level executives. this situation makes personal brand management for top level executives on social media an organized professional team job and an important part of social media efforts of the company to manage. that statement support the result of this studied who showed that most of all respondent whose know about him and his program through twitter and facebook was like about him and his program. its because the presentation of the self in media social is different. mc ewan and mease agrue that facebook and other mass-mediated selfpresentations of self to multiple audience (sivek, 2014:2). silvek also said that profesionals in many fields seek to establish personal brands through social media to advance their careers (sivek, 2014: 5). thats why the respondent who knows about his personal and program through facebook and twitter was like about his personal branding. but unfortunately, not all respondents know about his personality. anies bawsedan of personal brand450 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 ing not maximum at promote the program and the personality through twitter and facebook. even though facebook and twitter is two of top ten social media (we are social, januari 2015). the following description of the personal branding based on the 8 indicators studied: 1. specialization personal branding through familiarity scale was categorized on less know, based on favorability scale, it categorized on good image. through facebook and twitter account, he published his specialization as a rector who concerned in indonesian education. he is faonder of ‘indonesia menyala, indonesia mengajar and turun tangan” campaign program. all of the program was related to education. but unfurtunatelly only few people who known about that. peter montoya (2002) stated that specialization is a power, specialization and achievment that could made the distinvisness from another one. it focus of advantages and specialization that person. the oportunity to strength of personal branding was easy to achieve because the advantege and weakness was known. pummer (2000) said that personal branding caracterized by building the name and giving the description of the character to other people. anies baswedan have the caracteristic as a figure of education. he and his program has a specialization in education. he also known as a leader in education. 2. leadership personal branding assessment anies baswedan in leadership at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known of the leadership of a anies baswedan. the leadership anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale in the category of personal branding as good image. the leadership of anis baswedan as a rector of paramadina university, and as a head of kpk etic code. delblanco (2010) in findha (2013) stated that a person need to eksplore the power, leadership and achievement that had been acomplished to influence the trust from 451 journal of government & politics people. as a leader, personal branding help a personal figure like anis baswedan to influence and taking control of people. (kapferer, 1992; keller, 1993 in plummer, 2000) said that personal branding will help you in taking control of the clients, even when the business goes very slow to the competitors. we don’t have to join to the competition and hope the clients will come and knock our door and pay. as a leader of paramadina university, head of kpk etic code and now as a minister of culture and basic and secondary education, he need a influence to taking control of people that he lead. the personal branding could help him to influence and taking control of people. 3. personality personal branding assessment anies baswedan in leadership at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the personality of a anies baswedan. the personality anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. eisend, et al (2007) in findha (2013) stated that the strenght personality impact to brand and bussines, that could be the advantage ot that brand. in july 2010, anis baswedan the only person from southeast asia included of 500 the most influece muslim in the world by the royal islamic strategic studies center in jordan. (wikipedia.org) that makes anies baswedan had a personality value. the rerspondents who known anis baswedan mostly like about his personality. the personality value is one of the key of personal branding. plummer (2000) said that personal branding consist of four elements, such as attribute, the promised profits, the personality value. 4. distinctiveness personal branding assessment anies baswedan in distinctiveness at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the distinctiveness of a anies baswedan. the distinctiveness of anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. 452 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 peter montoya (2002) stated that distinctiveness showed something different from another that could be the specialization of personal branding. anis baswedan consist to actualisating his self to education things from he was young until now. that makes him different from other people. the program of indonesia menyala, indonesia mengajar and turun tangan also had a inovative program that different from another program. montoya and vandehey (2008: 271) said that personal branding is an interesting thing that a person, who distinguishes with others so that it becomes more and makes a person stand out from others. kupta in susanto (2009), also said so that personal branding is everything that is in you that distinctiveness and sell, such as your messages, innate self and marketing tactics. anis baswedan is a pioneer of program indonesia menyala and turun tangan. those program has different and unique because they placed in aroud the nation to teach, educate, inspiring and became a liaison of isollated population and city population. indonesiamengajar.org, acessed on march 2016) their also use the knowledge to delevoping activicy on their society, like inspired, teaching, food oriented development, smoke counter. unfortunately a lot of people not knowing about both his difference with another figure and the unique about his program. but people who knows about him and his program, has a sale value that make a people interesting of his program and like him as a pioneer. 5. visibillity personal branding assessment anies baswedan in visibillity at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the visibillity of a anies baswedan. the visibillity of anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. not every respondent known about the program from facebook and twitter account but the one who know about that indonesia menyala, indonesia mengajar and turun tangan program, mostly like it. the visibility of anies baswedan personal branding supported by sosial media espe453 journal of government & politics cially facebook and twitter. carpenter in schultz and sheffer (2012: 65-66) said that online brand activity influences the way audiences interact and perceive the brand; thus, online brand management must carefully promote brand-building qualities while also targeting preferences of consumers. online brand oh anies baswedan through twitter and facebook witch continuously manage and promote by planning. the content of indonesia menyala and turun tangan program on twitter and facebook presentations always update concistently and continuously. mc ewan and mease agrue that facebook and other mass-mediated self-presentations of self to multiple audience (sivek, 2014:2). 6. unity personal branding assessment anies baswedan in unity at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the unity of a anies baswedan. the unity of anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. unity means that what anies baswedan tried to brand was the same with his personal life in line with the moral ethics and attitudes. peter montoya (2002) stated that unity is brand that was created consist wit etics, mores, and attitude in natural life of the person. respondent who known about anis baswedan and his program, mostly stated that his branding consist with his natural of personal life. 7. percistance personal branding assessment anies baswedan in persistance at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the persistance of a anies baswedan. the persistance of anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. montoya (2002) stated that percistance is what that became a brand from the begining has never been changes. anis baswedan consisted in educational. he achieved asean student award in 1998 dan top 100 public intellectuals fom foreign policy megazine in 2008 (compas.com, october, 454 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 26th of 2014 edition) anies baswedan currently as the minister of culture and primary & secondary education. the program of turun tangan, indonesia mengajar and indonesia menyala also consisted with their goals. plummer (2000) said that personal branding is used correctly with the creativity, planning and consistency. 8. good will personal branding assessment anies baswedan in goodwill at familiarity scale showed that respondents had less known about the goodwill of a anies baswedan. the goodwill of anies baswedan on personal branding through favorability scale was categorized as good image. not much people who know about his goodwil, it because the action of him on education was not always expose by social media. plummer (2000) stated that good personal branding could giving interested action and clear explanation. montoya (2008) stated that with a judgment or good image generated from personal branding, it will give a better results and long lasting. nowadays indonesia mengajar program had more than 9000 voluntiers, turun tangan program had more than 25000 voluntiers. indonesia mengajar program recruiting fresh graduate to do teaching and leadership. they placed in aroud the nation to teach, educate, inspiring and became a liaison of isollated population and city population. (indonesiamengajar.org, acessed on march 2016) the turun tangan volunteer activity was aplied their knowledge to delevoping activicy on their society, like inspired, teaching, food oriented development, smoke counter (turuntangan.org, accesed on january 2015). the voluntiers was known as a “zero rupiah voluntiers” becouse they was not paid. that program and personal branding of anis baswedan made his image was more araise in public. (turuntangan.org, accesed on january 2015). conclusion based on the analysis performed in this study it can be con455 journal of government & politics cluded that: 1. the study uses a model-familiarity scale of the majority of respondents (74,4%) claimed the personal branding of anis baswedan trough twitter and facebook account was less known. the study used a favorability scale state majority of respondents (76,25%) claimed that anies baswedan personal branding through facebook and a twitter account into the category of a good image. the mean of grid analysis model anis baswedan personal branding are less kown and good image. that means personal branding image of anies baswedan was located on grid b. so hypothesis alternative (ha) was accepted. in parsial, all of the indicator of anis baswedan personal branding also located on grid b. 2. personal brand management for top level executives on social media an organized professional team job and an important part of social media efforts of the company to manage. most of all respondent whose know about him and his program through twitter and facebook was like about him and his program. its because the presentation of the self in media social is different. mc ewan and mease agrue that facebook and other mass-mediated self-presentations of self to multiple audience (sivek, 2014:2). silvek also said that profesionals in many fields seek to establish personal brands through social media to advance their careers (sivek, 2014: 5). thats why the respondent who knows about his personal and program through facebook and twitter was like about his personal branding. but unfortunately, not all respondents know about his personality. anies bawsedan of personal branding not maximizing at promote the program and the personality through twitter and facebook. even though facebook and twitter is two of top ten social media (we are social, januari 2015). references alipour, hossein., hazrati jahan, mehdi, and somarin, shahzad jamaati-e(2015). a 456 vol. 7 no. 3 august 2016 review on personal branding and social media. journal of current research in science. vol. 3, no. 6. page 9-21 argenti, p (2010). komunikasi korporat. jakarta. salemba humanika. arikunto, suharsimi (2006). prosedur penelitian: suatu pendekatan praktik, edisi revisi vi. jakarta: pt. rineka cipta. bhalotia, nitish. 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through banjarese local culture approach. icmcc proceeding:rethinking multiculturalism: media in multicultural society.. yogyakarta. sivek, susan currie (2014). your brand, their product: a critical look at teaching personal branding in journalism education. teaching journalism & mass communication vol. 4, no. 2, pages. 1-10 sugiyono (2004). statistik non parametris. bandung: alfabeta sukmadinata, nana saodih (2005). landasan psikologi proses pendidikan.bandung: rosdakarya susanto, ronald (2009) brand equity yang dibangun melalui personal branding studi kasus: rhenald kasali dengan mmui dan hermawan kartajaya dengan markplus. zuhra (2013). citra homoseksual dalam media massa online nasional (analisis framing tentang citra homoseksual dalam tempo.co dan republika). fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu sosial universitas sumatra utara http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8150 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 48 received 19 novembre 2016 revised 15 december 2016 accepted 02 january 2017 moving towards a normalised path: political islam in contemporary indonesia ridhoal-hamdi department of government affair and administration, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. indonesia ridhoalhamdi@umy.ac.id abstract as the largest predominantly muslim country of the globe, indonesia nearly achieves two decades of its democratisation wave since the downfall of the au thoritarian rule in 1998. most scholars argue that the democratisation in indo nesia today is situated by the fact that it is unlikely to suffer a regression, but its developments have slow paces towards an embedded democracy for years to come. political parties, one of the crucial democratic institutions, have a signifi cant responsibility to maintain the democratic system as they are the sole official representatives to create leaders and policies in the government. in accordance with this, political islam nonetheless has its strategic role to establish the fate and future of indonesia as a muslim state outside the middle east and north africa (mena) countries. this paper portrays the trajectory of political islam in indonesia particularly islam-based parties slightly under two decades since post new order regime. islam-based parties have a potential to be a moderate-offi cial force in the government. it could be proven by the threefold indicator. first is the ripeness of islam-based parties in coping with both internal and external stimuli such as the leadership change and elite conflicts, the constitutional re form and the electoral result. second is the role of muslim political forces in the parliament particularly inaddressing the policy-making of controversial bills. third is the involvement of islam-based parties in the administration cabinet. to sum up, by applying the analytical framework on the party goal, political islam in indonesia has three distinctive features: as “the vote-seekers” in the election, as “the issue-advocates” in the legislature and as “the office-seekers” in the execu tive. these denote to a normalised path of political islam in reaching out the embedded democracy. keywords: islam-based parties, democratisation, normalisation, indonesia abstrak sebagai suatu negara dengan mayoritas muslim terbesar di dunia, indonesia hampir mencapai dua dekadegelombang demokratisasi sejakjatuhnya peraturan kewenangan otoriter pada tahun 1998. sebagian ulama berpendapat bahwa demokratisasi di indonesia saat ini terletak oleh fakta bahwa itu adalah mailto:ridhoalhamdi@umy.ac.id kemungkinan untuk mundurnya kemenderitaan, tetapi perkembangan perusahaan memiliki langkahlambat untuk menuju tertanamnya demokrasi selama bertahun-tahun yang akan datang. partai politik, salah satu lembaga demokrasi yang penting, tidak memiliki jawaban signifikasn untuk mempertahankan sistem demokrasi karena mereka adalah perwakilan resmi tunggal untuk menciptakan pemimpin dan kebijakan pemerintah. oleh karena itu, politik islam tetap memiliki peran strategis untuk membangun nasib dan masa depan indonesia sebagai negara muslim di luar timur tengah dan negara-negara afrika utara (mena). makalah ini menggambarkan lintasan islam politik di indonesia sebagai pihakyang tertutamaberbasis islamsedikit dibawahrezim pascaorde baru.partai berbasis islammemilikipotensiuntukmenjadikekuatanresmimoderatpemedalampemerintahan. hal ini dapat dibuktikan dengan indikator tiga kali lipat. pertama, adalah kematangan partaiberbasis islamdalammenghadapistimulusinternaldaneksternalseperti perubahan kepemimpinan dan konflik elit, bentuk ulang konstitusi dan hasil pemilu. kedua, adalah peran kekuatan politik islam di parlemen khususnya dalam menyikapi pembuatankebijakan kontroversial. ketiga, adalah keterlibatan partai berbasis islam dalam kabinet pemerintahan. singkatnya, dengan menerapkan kerangka analisis pada tujuan partai, politik islam di indonesia memiliki tiga ciri khas: sebagai “pencari-suara” dalam pemilu, sebagai ‘ isu pendukung” di legislatif dan sebagai “ pencari kantor” di lembaga eksekutif. ini menunjukkan jalur normal politik islam dalam menjangkau demokrasi yang diterapkan. kata kunci; politik islam, demokrasi, normalisasi, indonesia introduction despite late, indonesia had met huntington‟s democratiastion wave in the end of 1990s by the downfall of the new order regime. therefore, the least democracy can be defined as the death of dictatorship regime by replacing with democratic re gime to establish free and fair elections where people could choose its political leaders to achieve stability at all degrees of life. at the simplest level, democratisation comprises three stages: the end of an authoritarian regime, the installation of a democratic regime and the consolidation of the democratic regime (hun tington, 1991: 9-12, 35). in the case of indonesia, as was depicted by feith (1962: xi), the democratisation waves can be traced back to the era of par liamentary democracy in 1949-1957. this period however is not a part of the study analysis. the following democratisation was occurred on may 21, 1998 as a sign of the downfall of soeharto as the second president through a reformation movement. ap plying schumpeter‟s (2008) theory that the procedural standard of democracy is “free competition for a free vote” and dahl‟s (1972) criteria on democracy are related with contestation and jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 49 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 50 inclusiveness, this study believes that indonesia passed the first and second stages of democracy. most scholars concur that the development of democratisation in contemporary indonesia is going to move slowly towards con solidation. it is caused by, on the one hand, it has a lot of pro gresses, but, on the other hand, it is still fraught with many weak nesses (hefner, 2000: xviii; abuza, 2007: 35; abdulbaki, 2008: 242-244; bünte and ufen, 2009: 22-23; ufen, 2009: 153; 221; hefner, 2009a: 27-28; hefner, 2009b: 281-298; mujani and liddle, 2009: 575-590; hilmy, 2010: 65; aspinall, 2010: 103-123; liddle, 2013: 83; aspinall, 2013: 126-146; liddle and mujani, 2013: 25-50; winters, 2013: 11-33; magnis-suseno, 2013: 30-35; mietzner, 2014: 124). thus, some scholars give different labels to indonesia. ragame (2007: 152) classifies indonesia in 2006 as “a normal country” and quite strong on the politics, security and democracy. hadiwinata and schuck (2007: 18-19) postulate that indonesia is “oscillating between a defective and an embed ded democracy”. merkel (2007: 46-47) prefers to categorise in donesia into “domain democracy” which reveals that „veto pow ers‟ such as the military, guerrillas, militia, entrepreneurs, land lords, or multi-national corporations take certain political do mains outside the hands of democratically elected representa tives. meanwhile, according to mietzner (2009: 124-146), “low quality democracies” is a precise name for indonesia. these dis tinctive epithets denote to the fact that democracy in indonesia today is in the scenario of stability (merkel and croissant, 2004: 207-211) where it is unlikely to suffer a regression or rollback, but its developments have slow paces towards an embedded de mocracy for years to come. these indonesianists were mentioned above, nonetheless, have no doubt that indonesia will meet to the embedded de mocracy as quickly as possible. in spite of a regression by reach ing the status “partly free” in 2014, freedom house already rated indonesia as “free” in 2010 and called it as the most consoli dated democracy in southeast asia. in addition, the freedom house‟s finding stated that indonesia is still a leading state for political rights category in southeast asia in 2014. thus, indo nesia more or less shall be considered to be the largest muslim democratic country in the world.1 it also denotes to the success ful compatibility between islam and democracy. in accordance with this study, political islam within the country plays a vital responsibility and will be examined on to what extent its role in underpinning democratisation process nearly two decades since 1998. islam-based parties as the sole official representatives of political islam in the constitutional manner are the main con cern of the study. methodologically, this study applies qualitative research. more specifically, the case study is more appropriate for its analysis. for data-gathering, the study utilises the documentary analysis. there are three steps of data analysis: reducing data, displaying data and drawing and verification. moreover, the study aims to present the trajectory of political islam in indonesia by explain ing islam-based parties since post-new order regime until present. although a number of muslim radical movements and local sepa ratist deeds seemingly tend to cultivate their anti-democratic agen das, conversely, islam-based parties have a potential to be a mod erate-official force in the government. it is appealing to be exam ined further why they are able to participate with the rule of the game of the democratisation. politicalparty anditschangeandgoals:theoreti cal and analytical framework plenty of political scientists have a similar concept that the political party is groups of people who bounded by similar be lief, interests, commitment to struggle their ideal goals whether offering an alternative policy for the administration or occupy ing vital public positions in a constitutional manner (ostrogorsky, 1902; michels, 1915; neumann, 1963: 352-353; eldersveld, 1964: 1; sartori, 1976: 41; mainwaring, 1991: 41; maor, 1997: 10-14; scarrow, 2006: 21-22). moreover, randal (1988) and mainwaring jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 51 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 52 (1991: 21-43) presume that studies on the political party in devel oping countries correlates with issues around democratisation, ideology, party system, and institutionalism. political parties in indonesia broadly are quite in line with democratisation values and they can participate in the elections peacefully. nonethe less, ambardi (2008: iii, 327-328) posits that in the era of new democracy with multiparty system the party competition will end after the election and would be followed by the creation of a cartel. the origin of the cartelised party system is the parties‟ collective dependence on rent-seeking to meet their financial needs. therefore, ufen (2009: 160-168) posits that islamist par ties are no longer actively support the introduction of islamic sharia or the establishment of an islamic state. the term “islam-based parties”2 which employed in this study indicates an obvious definition that the party related to a reli gious ideological foundation, to a set of symbols of islam, to the history of its establishment and to muslim society as their func tionaries, supporters and members. more clearly, applying al hamdi‟s (2013: 19) concept, the islam-based party can be de fined as an organisation which strives a set of islamic values and muslim society‟s interests through occupying the government institutions both legislative and executive wings in the constitu tional manner. gaining power can be earned by participating in the election encompassing doing political campaign, expanding popular supports and votes, and promoting various programmes and agendas which based on islamic teachings. this study intends to categorise islam-based parties into two main groups. first is the nationalist muslim parties.3 this group uses religious values as the political base. its supporters, mem bers and functionaries are coming mainly from two major mus lim organisations: muhammadiyah and nadlatul ulama (nu) due to historical reasons. nevertheless, the party prefers to imple ment the substance of islamic universal values rather than for malistic-symbolic ways. despite employing islamic tenets and symbols to attract popular votes, the party obviously rejects the establishment of sharia. therefore, it adopts pancasila4 as its ideo logical foundation and establishes more inclusive platforms. sec ond is the nationalist islamist parties.5 the party evidently adopts islam as its ideological foundation, but it no longer imposes sharia as a main goal. it in turn prefers to underpin democratic and governance issues and revises its image by focusing on the issues of prosperity and justrice, corruption eradication, religious tol erance, bureaucratic reform and the like. their main lingkage are jemaah tarbiyah, the islamic union (persis) and a few in muhammadiyah and nu. in this context, islam-based parties will be scrutinised by a theory which introduced by harmel and janda on the change and goals in a political party. harmel and janda (1994: 275) de fine party change as any variation, alteration, or modification in how parties are organised, what human and material resources they can draw upon, what they stand for and what they do. thus, harmel and janda (1994: 266-268) convincingly provide three driving variables which determine a change in the party. first is leadership change. the shifting in party elites may be part of main indicator to change, where new leadership is considered to ac complish changes which have already been decided upon. sec ond is change in dominant factions. all parties have identifiable factions within them. even some parties are partially can be clas sified as groups of rival factions. however, although the leader ship change can occur without factional displacements, rather, the factional displacement cannot occur without changes in the leadership. in brief, the factional displacement is a result of the leadership change. third is external stimuli. it denotes to an exter nal shock which immediately correlated to performance consid erations on a party‟s main goal which it causes the party‟s deci sion makers undertake a vital re-evaluation of the party‟s effec tiveness on that goal dimension. it embraces a range of factors in environmental changes outside the party such as constitutional reforms, provision for public funding, birth of relevant new par ties and changes in the proportions of votes and seats obtained jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 53 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 54 by the party (electoral or parliamentary threshold). regarding the party‟s goals, combining the thinking of strom (1990: 570), downs (1957: 35), deschouwer (1992: 9, 16) and price (1984: 112, 205-206), harmel and janda (1994: 269-271) employ a fourfold treatment of possible primary goals for politi cal parties: vote maximisation, office maximisation, policy advo cacy, and intraparty democracy maximisation. firstly, for vote maximisers. the most obvious shock wave for the party is the electoral failure. the impact is the party will debate on how to wake up from dismal situations and seek another way to improve the party‟s achievements. secondly, for office maximisers. it is only occurred in a country which adopts multiparty systems, not in pure two-party systems. if in the latter system, one cannot distinguish between vote maximisers and office maximisers as winning the election embraces controlling the government. of fice maximisers focus on reaching power in a coalition govern ment. thirdly, for policy/issues/ideology advocates. in fact, the shock directly related to the party‟s policy positions is more im portant than the electoral failure and loss of participation in the administration. such a shock can cause the alteration of the party‟s identity and the losing of the party‟s confidence. fourthly, for intraparty democracy maximisers. the source of change for these parties occurs in their choice as an active representation which articulates members‟ majority wishes. external changes such as societal or party system changes could alter the makeup of the party‟s membership. as the result, harmel and janda (1994: 272-273) identify four party goals. first is winning votes/elections. the victory in vote seeking is measured by the percentage of votes or seats which the party wins in the legislative elections. second is gaining executive office. there is distinction between winning elections and gain ing executive office. for an illustration in indonesia, the golar party won seat majorities in the parliament for period of 2004 2009, but it lost its president candidate. the success of office seeking typically is measured by participation in the administra tion cabinet and by numbers of ministries held. third is advocat ing interests/issues/ideology. someparties pursue the officewhether through a coalition or not as a means of influencing policy. fourth is implementing party democracy. as a matter of fact, only a small set of parties which want to do this goal. the german green party in 1980s and the us democratic party in 1972 are instances for this goal. it could be called also as democracy-seeking. by applying harmel and janda‟s (1994) theory on the party goal as the analytical framework, the following discussions will examine the feature and role of islam-based parties in three dis tinctive democratic arenas: election, parliament and administra tion. the rise of islam-based parties and its development in indonesia 1998-2015 the aftermath of the breakdown of authoritarian rule in 1998, plenty of islam-based parties emerged in the political stage. according to salim (1999: 7), there were at least forty-two islam based parties in 1999 with different features. nevertheless, the election committee (kpu) decided merely twenty islam-based parties which can be allowed to participate in the 1999 election, seven parties in the 2004 election, nine parties in the 2009 elec tion and five parties in the 2014 election. during these four cycles of election, islam-based parties were came on gone, because their fate is determined primarily by the required electoral or parlia mentary threshold. it reveals that indonesia‟s islam-based par ties have no vigorous influences to attract muslim communities across the country despite million muslims within. in the elec toral performance, they are unable to dominate majority votes for more than 50 percent. it can be proven that islam-based par ties reached merely 37.53 percent in 1999, 38.35 percent in 2004, 29.21 percent in 2009, and 31.41 percent in 2014. as the analysis object, this study selects five major islam-based parties: the national mandate party (pan), the national awak ening party (pkb), the united development party (ppp), the jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 55 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 56 justice and prosperous party (pks), and the star and crescent party (pbb). the considerations are based on a twofold plau sible reason. firstly, they represent major forces of political is lam and muslim political aspirations in post-new order regime. secondly, they participated in four cycles of election respectively and have seats repeatedly in the parliament. pan was set up on august 5, 1998 and in turn declared itself in jakarta on august 23, 1998 (www.pan.or.id). due to promot ing inclusive and nationalism principles, this party adopts pancasila as its ideological foundation. the party relies itself on muhammadiyah linkages both at national and regional levels.6 the current development shows that, based on the 2014 elec tion result, the voter base of pan is prevalent in almost majority districts across the country. the kpu‟s data proved that pan in the 2014 election is the ruling party in southeast sulawesi. in spite of not dramatic, the electoral performance of this party declined during two cycles of election respectively by earning 7.12 percent in 1999, 6.44 percent in 2004 and 6.03 percent in 2009, but it rose slightly by 7.59 percent in 2014. pkb was founded and declared in jakarta on july 23, 1998 (www.dpp-pkb.or.id). with regard to its supporters and mem bers, pkb tends to rely with nahdhatul ulama (nu) particu larly from poor and lower-class people in rural areas of central and east java (evans, 2003).7 despite encouraged by nu, the party officially adopts pancasila as its ideological foundation. therefore, pkb disseminates universal values of inclusivism, nationalism and humanism. with regard to its voters, the 2014 election depicted that major voters of pkb were remained centralised in east and central java. since the early 2000s, this party frequently suffered internal conflicts and elite leadership changes. consequently, the electoral performance of pkb de creased dramatically during two cycles of election by reaching 12.61 percent in 1999, 10.57 percent in 2004 and 4.95 percent in 2009, but it increased significantly by 9.04 percent in 2014. ppp was established on january 5, 1973 (www.ppp.or.id) and islam is its ideological foundation. the party obtains popular votes from muslims who already enrolled with the nu party, parmusi, psii and perti (aziz, 2006: 92-93). moreover, based on the 2004 and 2009 elections, it could be identified that the voter base of ppp is highly fragmented among elderly muslim men scattered throughout rural and urban areas both in java and outside java (hwang, 2014: 68). the 2014 election demonstrated that ppp was the dominant party in madura islands. in the elec toral performance, the party obtained popular vote by 10.71 per cent in 1999, but it decreased in two following elections by 8.15 in 2004 and 5.33 percent in 2009. by 2014, its vote improved slightly by gaining 6.53 percent. pks is a metamorphosis from the justice party (pk) which was created on july 20, 1998 and did not succeed to pass the required 2.5 percent electoral threshold in the 1999 election. due to the influences of egypt‟s muslim brotherhood, the party adopts islam as its ideological foundation (damanik, 2002; 2004; machmudi, 2006; permata, 2008; noor, 2012). by 2002, pk re invented itself with a new name pks which founded on april 20. the party is identical to young people, urban, educated, pi ous middle classes and students (hamayotsu, 2011b: 971-972, 975; hassan, 2009: 25). since 2004, it made inroads among working class voters in urban and rural areas particularly in cen tral and east java. although it declared itself as an open party in 2008 and invited non-muslims to join, there is no evidence to date that non-muslims are enrolling within the party in signifi cant numbers (hwang, 2014: 67). the 2014 election reveals that the voter base of pks can be found in urban areas of java and outside java. in the electoral performance, the party succeeded to increase its popular vote spectacularly from 1.4 percent in 1999 to 7.3 percent in 2004 and 7.89 percent in 2009. sadly, in the 2014 election, its vote decreased slightly by 6.79 percent. pbb was instituted on july 17, 1998 and was declared on july 26, 1998 in jakarta (www.bulan-bintang.org). to find out its sup porters, the party relies on former members of masyumi and jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 57 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 58 members of persis particularly in rural areas of west java, sumatera and kalimantan (evans, 2003; king, 2003: 105-120). the party also claims that itself is the only successor of the masyumi party. due to compelling the establishment of an is lamic state and the implementation of sharia, this party accepts islam as its ideological foundation (platzdasch, 2009: 40-46). the 2014 election demonstrated that major voters of pbb came from west java, south and north sumatera, west nusa tenggara and south kalimantan. this party obtained 1.94 percent in 1999 and 2.62 percent in 2004 and earned parliamentary seats. un fortunately, the party merely gained 1.79 percent in 2009 and 1.46 percent in 2014 and was unable to pass the required 2.5 percent of parliamentary threshold. generally speaking, there are some appealing perspectives concerning these five islam-based parties. sukmajati (2011: 246 263) believes that under a democratic system, islam-based par ties have hybrid features and rely on rational calculations rather than ideological considerations when they organise the party. because of its rational calculations, woischnik and müller (2013: 78-79) presume that islam-based parties have a potential to trans form into democracy-friendly political actors and have a respon sibility in democratic institutions. they also tend to tolerant and open to democratic principles as well as seek out partners in the area of party cooperation. as a result, priamarizki (2013: 1) as sumes that the formal establishment of sharia eventually is no longer a primary objective in islamist parties‟ goals. these evi dences, according to lee (2004: 101-104), affect to the collapse of islam-based parties in gaining majority votes. the driving fac tor is the incapability to manage and solve two main issues faced by indonesian people: economic weakness and political turmoil. afterwards, mustarom and arianti (2009: 2-3) posit that there are other determining factors which can be attributed to the de creasing of islam-based parties in the electoral performance. first is the separation of piety and politics in indonesia. second is that the channel to implement islamist agenda is not merely found in political parties but also it can be earned through civil society and islamic movements. tabel 1. the electoral performance of five major islam-based parties in indonesian elections, 1999-2014 no name of party jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 59 source: www.kpu.go.id. in other perspective, tanuwidjaja (2010: 44) explains that the defeat of islam-based parties in the electoral competition is not caused by the declining influence of religion in politics but in stead by the increasing influence of religion in politics in where some nationalist parties are more accommodative to religious agendas and policies and by doing so they are able to capture the support base of islam-based parties. in the context of electoral contest, buehler (2009: 60) argues that islam-based parties have been weakened by fierce intra-party competition which triggered by the most-open party list system. consequently, islam-based parties in many regions will likely come and go, their fates are determined primarily by the individuals and families to whom they hook their carts. nevertheless, the electoral decline of is lam-based parties, according to woischnik and müller (2013: 79), are not meaning that political islam is losing generally. a number of factors can play a role here, from the increasing islamisation of formerly secular-nationalist parties to the loss of credibility due to entanglement in scandals. in the different view, nasr (2005: 13) precisely views these phenomena as a blessing in disguised on the rise what he called as “muslim democracy” in a number of muslim countries out side arab land since the early 1990s. muslim democrats tend to enroll other secular parties‟ coalition to serve collective interests http://www.kpu.go.id/ vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 60 as well as do not seek to enshrine islam in the politics. thus, nasr (2005: 26) suggests that the model of muslim democracy as a moderation way should be implemented in the muslim world. this model offers the whole world as the best hope for an effec tive bulwark against radical and violent islamism. nevertheless, in the case of the triumph of pks particularly in the 2004 and 2009 elections attracts some scholars to examine entirely. hadiz (2011: 17-18) and hidayat (2012: 3) portray the victory of islam based parties in indonesia (represented by pks) compared with turkey (represented by akp) although they have different con texts of social and political environments. both parties princi pally can adjust themselves with political systems within the coun try. they are relatively successful in convincing their members to trust the party and its leaders in different ways. institutionally, hamayotsu (2011a: 133) demonstrates that islam-based parties in modern indonesia grew as a product of the permeation of personality-based clientelistic and ascriptive relations as well as lack of party institutionalisation as revealed by pkb. on the other hand, islam-based parties succeeded to invent organisational cohesion achieved through party institutionalisation. it can be shown by the political survival of pks. in the same vein, noor (2012: 2) postulates that the more a party has been institutionalised there is a bigger chance of the party to preserve its cohesion. in contrast, the less a party has been institutionalised there is more possibility for the party to be fragmented. in the local stage, fionna (2013: 187) posits that the organisational superiority of one party over another depends on the commitment and skills of local party elites and resources. more institutionalised party branches have greater capacity to conduct the party‟s agendas and provide channels for political participation. meanwhile, less institutionalised branches, simi lar to the disfunctional new order parties, tend to be passive and ineffective. from empirical data, indeed that among other islam-based parties, pkb is the party which frequently suffered internal clashes by at least three main moments, i.e. between abdurrahman wahid or gus dur and matori abdul jalil in 2002, between gus dur and alwi shihab in 2005 and between gus dur and muhaimin iskandar in 2008. moreover, ppp also has a critical conflict after the 2014 election between suryadarma‟s faction and romahurmuziy‟s faction. meanwhile, pan and pbb are more stable which indicated by neither significant conflicts nor leadership change outside the congress. with regard to pks, al though this party never suffered crucial conflicts and could be categorised also as a consolidated party, but some concealed con flicts are a tangible e.g., critical attitudes of yusuf supendi (2013), one of the pks founders and the case of beef bribery which suffered by lutfhi hasan ishaq in the early 2013 which influ ences to vague internal circumstances of the party. moreover, permata (2008: 275) depicts that the discrepancy between the islamist party‟s ideological aspirations and its ac tual behaviors as shown by pks is not a result of a deliberate plan or hidden agenda to cheat democratic game. but, conversely, it indicates an unavoidable influence of institutions on the be haviors of rational actors. likewise, machmudi (2006: xvii-xviii) trusts that islamist parties prefer to choose pragmatic ways in order to attract popular supports. they no longer impose sharia but, rather, it attempts to revise its image by focusing on the issues of prosperity and justice. thus, as was studied by nurdin (2009: 251-263), the islamist party like pks admits that democ racy is the precise way for current indonesia. as the result, politi cal participation of islamist parties in indonesia increasingly normalised. according to hwang (2014: 82-83), there are some indicators of islamist normalisation. all islamist parties partici pate regularly in elections, often forming electoral and legisla tive coalitions with nationalist parties to increase the likelihood of winning elections and to leverage their influence in the legis lature. thus, baswedan (2004: 690) proposes four variables which will shape the future trajectory of islam-based parties. first, the party should keep the distance from certain national figures. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 61 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 62 second, the party has to emphasise on party‟s activities rather than pragmatic deeds. third, the party must involve its mem bers and supporters in mobilising party‟s forces. fourth, the party has to make an obvious position to the agenda regarding sharia. baswedan believes that islam-based parties are able to retain their majority in future elections. from the data and analysis which were presented earlier, ideo logically speaking, islam-based parties in contemporary indone sia can be classified merely into two main groups. first is “the nationalist muslim parties”. pan and pkb can be embraced in this group. second is “the nationalist islamist parties”. they are ppp, pks and pbb. nowadays there are no longer so-called as islamist parties in indonesia. nationalist muslim parties nationalist islamist parties figure 1. the ideological spectrum of islam-based parties therefore, it can be concluded that there are some features of islam-based parties in contemporary indonesia. firstly, they have hybrid features. secondly, they rely on rational calculations rather than ideological considerations. thirdly, the introduction to sharia and the establishment of an islamic state are no longer their main objective. fourthly, they are potential to become de mocracy-friendly actors. in addition, it is also important to men tion that although islam-based parties tend to be “the vote-seek ers” in the electoral arena, the fact demonstrated that islam-based parties are unable to be the ruling party so that applying feith‟s (1957: 61) theory on the degree of parties, “the middle player” is a precise epithet for them. with respect to the driving factors of inability of islam-based parties in leading in the election, this study provides a fivefold reason. firstly, they are unable to deal with two main public is sues in indonesia: economic weakness and political turmoil. secondly, secular-nationalist parties are more accommodative and supporting to muslim and islamist agendas. in fact, muslim elites enroll not merely with islam-based parties but also with other potential parties. thirdly, the channel to implement islamist agendas is not only in islamist parties but also it can be obtained through civil society and muslim organisations. fourthly, in the electoral stage, islam-based parties have been weakened by fierce intra-party competition which caused by the most-open party list system. fifthly, elites in islam-based parties no longer have cred ibility and charisma because of the entanglement in scandals whether material or moral. in the context of the party institutionalisation, this study clas sifies islam-based parties into three sorts of group. first is the failed party namely pkb and ppp. second is the successful party. they are pan and pbb. third is in a vague circumstance. it denotes to a situation that in particular cases the party is solid and consolidated but in other circumstances they are unstable. pks could be encompassed in this group. thus, more institutionalised, parties have greater chances to carry out party‟s agendas. in contrary, less institutionalised, parties tend to be passive and ineffective. nevertheless, the normalisation of mus lim politics in recent developments draws a positive impact for democratisation in indonesia as a democratic-muslim state. relaying on issues: muslimpoliticalforces in the parliament broadly, the percentage of seats of islam-based parties in the house of representative (dpr) was 35.40 percent for 1999-2004, 42.60 percent for 2004-2009, 30.16 percent for 2009-2014, and 31.24 percent for 2014-2019. comprised with secular parties, indeed, muslim political forces did not yet dominate the parlia ment. more specifically, table 2 depicts that among islam-based parties, ppp was the dominant party than others in two first periods of dpr while pks and pan were dominanting in 2009 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 63 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 64 2014 and 2014-2019 respectively. although pkb was the leading party in obtaining popular votes in three different elections, in truth, its dominant votes were primarily from east and central java, not prevalent in all electoral districts across thecountry. tabel 2. the parliamentary seats of five major islam-based parties, 1999-2019 the amount of seats name no 1999-2004 2004-2009 2009-2014 2014-2019 of party seat seat seat seat 1 pan 34 7.36 53 9.63 46 8.21 48 8.57 2 pkb 51 11.04 52 9.45 28 5.00 47 8.39 3 ppp 58 12.55 58 10.54 38 6.78 39 6.96 4 pk/pks 7 1.52 45 8.18 57 10.17 40 7.14 5 pbb 13 2.81 11 2 note: there are 462 parliamentary seats in the 1999 election, 550 seats in the 2004 election, 560 seats in the 2009 and 2014 elections respectively. source: www.kpu.go.id. muslim political forces in 1999-2004. the 1999 election was followed by forty-eight parties. of them, twenty were islam-based parties. pdip was the winner of the election by reaching 33.74 percent. the total of parliamentary seats were 462 which con sists of twenty-one parties. of the parties, ten were islam-based parties. they were pkb, ppp, pan, pbb, pk, pnu, pp, ppii masyumi, psii and pku. for the last four parties, each of them obtained merely one seat. although pdip earned dominant votes and seats in the parliament, it was unable to gain any positions whether as the spokesperson of dpr or mpr. to create a fraction in dpr, some parties have to unite them selves with other parties. as a result, ten fractions were made: pdip, golkar, ppp, pkb, reform, military-police, pbb, kki, pdu and pdkb. the last fraction dissolved itself after it suf fered internal conflicts and cannot fulfilled the dpr rules which should each fraction has minimum ten parliamentarians. thus, during this period, dpr eventually has nine fractions. of the fractions, five were muslim political forces: ppp, pkb, pbb, re form-fraction (pan and pk) and pdu encompassing pnu, psii http://www.kpu.go.id/ and pku. meanwhile, two others islam-based parties (pp and ppii-masyumi) united themselves to kki. it is important to be stressed that the role of amien rais, a central figure surrounding the 1998 tragedy, was extremely sig nificant in controlling and maintaining muslim fractions‟ move ments in dpr. it can be seen in the case of the rise and downfall of gus dur as the president. through a strategic coalition „poros tengah„ movement, amien rais et al were able to rise gus dur as the elected president and defeated megawati as other candidate. refers to most scholars, the rise of a number of muslim elites in the national political stage demonstrated the political resurgence of santri group after for roughly four decades was alienated by previous regimes. however, in the middle 2001, a terrible mo ment suffered by muslim forces when gus dur was impeached through mpr due to his guilty in the case of bulog. in the same vein, it is undeniable that muslim political forces in dpr had different thoughts in the debate of the amendment of the 1945 constitution article 29 on religion. on the one hand, the islamist fraction comprising ppp and pbb concurred to apply the jakarta charter in the constitution because not only indonesia as the most populous muslim country of the world but also sharia is an alternative way to solve public problems such as corruption, prostitution and casino. they proposed that “the state shall be based upon belief in the one and only god with the obligation upon muslims to carry out islamic laws”. on the other hand, the combination factions between nationalist-muslim par ties and secular parties refused the jakarta charter as this no tion is no longer relevant with current indonesian circumstances. the last group believed that the implementation of the charter merely destroys indonesian unity and creates disharmony among people who have distinctive beliefs. the notion was supported by major fractions: pdip, golkar, pkb, and the reform-frac tion (sumarjan et al, 2002: 37, 42; badan pekerja mpr, 2000). it is appealing to be noted that pk which has minor seats in the reform-fraction is imposed to reject sharia although this deci jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 65 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 66 sion is contrary with its main goal. pk at the time suffered a dilemma. muslim political forces in 2004-2009. there were twenty-four parties which involved in the 2004 election. of them, seven were islam-based parties: pkb, ppp, pks, pan, pbb, pbr and ppnui. golkar reached the highest votes in the 2004 legislative election by 21.58 percent. it automatically led dpr 2004-2009. the total of parliamentary seats were 550 encompassing seventeen par ties. however, to create a fraction in the parliament, some par ties have to unite themselves with other parties. consequently, ten factions were made: golkar, pdip, ppp, democrat, pan, pkb, pks, bpd, pbr and pds. it could be seen that there were six muslim fractions in dpr for the period of 2004-2009 which represented by pkb, pan, pks, ppp, pbr and bpd. especially for the last faction, despite led by pbb, this fraction embraced five multi-color parties: pbb by eleven seats, ppdk by four seats, the pelopor party by three seats, ppdi by one seat and pnim by one seat. in addition, pbr is a new party headed by zainuddin mz, a prominent muslim elder, and instituted on january 20, 2002. as this party was the result of internal conflicts within ppp, its ideological founda tion is islam. the party succeeded to obtain fourteen seats in dpr. a sparkling achievement. nevertheless, this party was un able to maintain its political performance in the following elec tions due to not reaching the required 2.5 percent parliamen tary threshold. during this period, muslim fractions created a dominant coa lition in dpr along with democrat and golkar under the lead ership of sby-jk who succeeded in winning the 2004 presiden tial election. thus, in the case of the bill of pornography be tween 2005 and 2008, although two other fractions (pdip and pds) rejected this bill, all muslim political forces in dpr force fully concurred with this policy due to a fivefold reason. first is maintaining social moral and glorious human values. second is perpetuating the values of cultures, customs and religious wor ship. third is educating people on the importance of morality. fourth is providing legal certainty for citizens from pornography particularly for children and women. fifth is preventing the in crease of pornography and sexual commercialisation among so ciety (risalah resmi dpr ri, 2006). this coalition nevertheless does not run very well. in particu lar cases there are distinctive views among of them. it can be seen when sby‟s administration decided to increase the fuel price in 2005. various attitudes and responses emerged in dpr. in the commencement, seven fractions (pdip, pkb, pan, ppp, pds, pks and pbr) rejected the increase of the fuel price. the rest (pd, pg, and bpd) approved this policy. however, the real poli tics in fact is always changing every time. some fractions altered their policy. pdip, pds, pan, pkb and pbr vehemently refused the increase, conversely, only pd and bpd were in the approval side. meanwhile, pg, pks and ppp were in a vague position. the last three parties, on the one hand, criticised the govern ment policy, but, on the other hand, they can understand this controversial policy (www.detik.com, 15 march 2005; www.balipost.co.id, 16march 2005; www.suaramerdeka.com, 22 march 2005; press release pks, 22 march 2005). muslim political forces in 2009-2014. there were thirty-four par ties and four local parties only in aceh which participated in the 2009 election to pursue 560 seats in dpr. of the parties, nine were islam-based parties: pks, pan, ppp, pkb, pbb, pknu, pbr, pmb and ppnui. the highest votes in the 2009 legislative election was reached by the democrat party. it earned 20.85 percent. consequently, dpr 2004-2009 was headed by this party. the total of parliamentary seats were 560. due to the different of the rule of the game with previous elections that each party has to fulfil the minimum requirement 2.5 percent of the parlia mentary threshold, nine parties succeeded to pass this thresh old. they, in turn, automatically can make their own fractions. as a result, nine factions were made: democrat, pdip, golkar, pks, pan, ppp, pkb, gerindra and hanura. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 67 http://www.balipost.co.id/ http://www.suaramerdeka.com/ vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 68 four muslim political forces in dpr re-invented the same coalition with the ruling party, i.e. the democrat party (includ ing golkar party) under the leadership of the elected president sby. although this dominant coalition has made a common headquarters and regular coordinations, internal conflicts were frequently suffered by them in particular cases such as in the century bank gate and the rise of fuel price. in the case of the investigation to the century gate in 2010, there were at least three kinds of view in dpr. first are democrat and pkb. they be lieved that the policy to give the short-term loan facility (fpjp) is appropriate with the regulation based on perppu no. 2/2008 where the bank of indonesia has its own right to make and change its policy so that indonesia succeeded to pass the economic cri sis. second are pks and ppp along with golkar, pdip, gerindra, and hanura. they found empirical evidence concerning the in dication of engineering in providing fpjp to the century bank. in fact, this way is not fulfilling the prerequisites in providing fpjp so that it eventually violates to the regulation. third is pan which argued that principally providing fpjp to the century bank is a proper way, but any deviation in the implementation (risalah resmi dpr ri 2010). by 2013, in the following case, muslim political forces dealt with different attitudes concerning the rise of fuel price. on the one hand, six fractions were pan, pkb, and ppp along with democrat, golkar, and gerindra agreed with the increase of fuel price. on the other hand, pks as well as pdip and hanura were in the refusal position (www.viva.co.id, 14 june 2013). muslim political forces in 2014-2019. the number of parties which participated in the 2014 election were twelve parties (na tional level) and three local parties in aceh province. they com peted to pursue 560 seats. the winner of the election was pdip by reaching 18.95 percent. nonetheless, this party can not hold the spokesperson of dpr because majority of members in dpr which dominated by the kmp-coalition concurred to elect setya novanto (golkar). it was a terrible tragedy which suffered twice http://www.viva.co.id/ by pdip. of the twelve parties, ten were passed the required 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold. they were pdip, golkar, gerindra, democrat, pkb, pan, pks, ppp and nasdem. there were four muslim political fractions in dpr 2014-2019. these four fractions nonetheless are in different coalition. on the one hand, pan-fraction and pks-fraction unite themselves with the kmp-coalition together with gerindra, golkar and democrat. on the other hand, pkb and ppp move closer to the kih-coalition along with pdip, nasdem and hanura. although they are in the opposite coalition, in particular cases they have similar views and attitudes. for an instance, in the case of the proposal of the head of indonesia‟s police around january 2015, they are in fact having a similar position to propose the sole candidate budi gunawan. from ten fractions in dpr, gerindra is the sole fraction which rejected the candidate. it can be glimpsed that in distinctive cases, islam-based par ties in the parliament tend to give a decision relying on an issue/ interest. it denotes to the fact that there is no eternal in politics embracing coalition in political parties. each party has its own policy in different issues. it could be that islam-based parties have a similar policy in particular case, but it is likely if they have an opposite decision in another case such as in the case of the jakarta charter, the increase of the fuel price, and the century gate. this fact also underlines to the importance of the party‟s identity which differentiate itself from other. as the result, it is a positive remark that the democratic system within the party moves in a good way, they have an autonomous attitude and do not usually rely on the big coalition, although they utilise “people power” as a legitimate trick for their last decision. the office-seeker: theinvolvementin theadminis tration during reformation era islam-based parties in general are a part of the government actor. compared with other administra tions, islam-based parties reached the highest number of seats in jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 69 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 70 the cabinet is under gus dur‟s administration. the following is under sby by eleven ministers in both volume i and volume ii respectively. meanwhile, the least number is under megawati and jokowi by five ministers each of them. under gus dur‟s admin istration, the ministry of islam-based parties was dominated by pkb‟s cadres by eight of fifteen ministries. afterwards, pks in fact does not involve into the government when the elected presi dent was originated from pdip. it can be seen by the absence of its cadres in the megawati and jokowi‟s cabinet. meanwhile, pkb and ppp consistently seem to involve in the cabinet. in addition, due to its inability in maintaining the electoral performance since 2009, pbb never gained any positions in the administration under sby volume ii and jokowi. although it can not to be generalised since the political weather among political parties can shift rapidly, as a matter of fact, there is a common tendency in formulating the cabinet. islam-based parties broadly tend to obtain the ministry of labour and transmigration (except under megawati), the ministry of social affairs (except under gus dur) and the ministry of reli gious affairs. especially for the last ministry, the government in clines to approve a minister which originated from nu, pkb or ppp, as they have close linkages each other. in can be seen that tolchah hasan, said agil husin al munawar, maftuh basyuni, suryadharma ali and lukman hakim syaifuddin who already headed this ministry were affiliated structurally and culturally with nu. likewise, for the ministry of education, the govern ment tends to appoint a minister which originated from muhammadiyah or pan. in can be shown that yahya muhaimin, abdul malik fadjar, bambang sudibyo and muhadjir effendi who already headed this ministry were functionaries in the cen tral board of muhammadiyah. more specifically, pkb and ppp tend to chase lower and poorer class-oriented ministries. it can be proven by pkb‟s experiences in the ministry of labor and transmigration and in the ministry of the development of disadvantaged regions. these two posi table 3. the involvement of islam-based parties in the cabinet, 1999-2019 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 71 owned enterprises c people welfare sectors coordinating ministry of people 16 √ – √ – – source: compiled by the author. vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 72 tions were under the administration of sby volume i and ii respectively and jokowi. meanwhile, ppp‟s experiences were in the ministry of cooperative and middle and small enterprises (under gus dur, megawati and sby volume i) and in the minis try of social affairs (under megawati and sby volume i). unde niably, the ministry of religious affairs was theirs by turns, under gus dur was belonging to pkb and under sby volume ii and jokowi was belonging to ppp. this tendency cannot be separated from the social background of their main devotees which origi nated from lower and poorer people particularly in rural areas. on the other hand, pan and pks prefer to obtain middle and educated class-oriented ministries. it can be shown by pan‟s experiences in the ministry of education (under gus dur and sby volume i), in the ministry of law and humanrights (under gus dur and sby volume ii), in the ministry of research and technology (under megawati‟s administration), in the ministry of state secretary and in the ministry of transportation which both under sby‟s administration volume i as well as in the co ordinating ministry of economy, in the ministry of forestry, and in the ministry of administrative and bureaucracy reforms. the last three positions were under sby‟s administration volume ii. meanwhile, pks‟ experiences were in the ministry of research and technology and in the ministry of communication and in formation (both under sby‟s administration volume ii), in the ministry of agriculture (under sby‟s administration volume i and ii respectively), and in the ministry of forestry and planta tion (under gus dur‟s administration). meanwhile, pbb‟s expe riences were more or less similar with pan and pks. pbb gained the ministry of law and human rights under gus dur and megawati‟s administration as well as the ministry of state secre tary and the ministry of forestry both under sby‟s administra tion volume i. this trend indicates the reality that pan, pks and pbb prefer to approach middle and educated people who dwell in urban areas. to find out the involvement of islam-based parties in the cabi net, they have been reaching twenty-four kinds of ministry by fifteen ministries in gus dur‟s administration, five ministries in megawati‟s administration, seventeen ministries in sby‟s admin istration and five ministries in jokowi‟s administration. there are four sorts of ministry sector which already led by cadres of islam-based parties as was displayed in table 3. in summary, this section portrays that islam-based parties re peatedly took a part in the big coalition of government. in doing so, applying harmel and janda‟s theory (1994) on the party‟s goal, islam-based parties can be typified as “the office-seeker”. it denotes to a tangible proof that under democratic system islam based parties prefer to involve themselves with the administra tion cabinet rather than in the opposition side or outside the power. concluding remarks by applying the analytical framework as was explained earlier, this study provides three main findings. first is the rise of five major islam-based parties in post-authoritarian rule 1998 and its development nowadays. it shall be simplified that islam-based parties in indonesia can be categorised into two main groups: the nationalist-muslim parties (pan and pkb) and the nation alist-islamist parties (ppp, pks and pbb). therefore, there are no longer islamist parties in contemporary indonesia and they are in turn in a nomalised situation. additionally, due to its inability to become the ruling party in the electoral performance, islam based-parties are middle players in indonesian democratisation process. second is concerning muslim political forces in the parlia ment. although all fractions of islam-based parties are continu ously together with other secular parties in the big coalition, in fact, they have a different decision in loads of controversial is sues such as the establishment of the jakarta charter, the rise of the fuel price and the century gate. each fraction has a distinc tive attitude in each issue. it also demonstrates that intraparty jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 73 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 74 democracy can be found in islam-based parties. third is the engagement of islam-based parties in the govern ment cabinet. during four distinctive presidents since 1999 un til 2019, islam-based parties continuously earned seats in the cabinet. thus, it can be underlined that islam-based parties have a power-oriented paradigm in the political stage. in other words, islam-based parties in current indonesia are office-seekers and have no potential to become the opposition fighters. these find ings also demonstrate that harmel and janda‟s theory is relevant in developing countries especially in indonesia. all in all, this paper concludes that islam-based parties have three features in three different political arenas. in the electoral arena, they tend to become “the vote-seekers”. in the parliament, they are “the issue/interest advocates”. in the meantime, they prefer to play the role as “the office-seekers” in the government. those imply to the fact that political islam in contemporary in 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(2010). “political islam and islamic parties in indonesia: critically as sessing the evidence of islam’s political decline”, contemporary southeast asia, vol. 32, no. 1, pp. 29-49 ufen, andreas. (2008). “political party and party system institutionalization in southeast asia: lessons for democratic consolidation in indonesia, the philippines and thai jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 77 http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/as.2009.49.issue-4 http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-%e2%80%9cmuslim-democracy%e2%80%9d http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/rise-%e2%80%9cmuslim-democracy%e2%80%9d http://www.rochelleterman.com/comparativeexam/sites/default/files/bibliography%20and%20summaries/strom%201990.pdf https://www.jstor.org/stable/41288802 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 78 land”, the pacific review, vol. 21, no. 3 (july), pp. 327-350 ufen, andreas. (2009). “political parties and democratization in indonesia”, in marco bünte and andreas ufen (eds.), democratization in post-suharto indonesia. london and new york: routledge webber, douglas. (2007). “a consolidated patrimonial democracy? democratization in post-suharto indonesia,” in frédéric volpi and francesco cavatorta (eds.), democra tization in the muslim world: changing patterns of power and authority. london: routledge winters, jeffrey a. (2013). “oligarchy and democracy in indonesia”, indonesia, no. 96, special issue: wealth, power, and contemporary indonesian politics (october), pp. 11-33 woischnik, jan and philipp müller. (2013). “islamic parties and democracy in indonesia: insights from the world’s largest muslim country”, international reports (14 octo ber), pp. 59-79 yildirim, abdulkadir. (2010). muslim democratic parties: economic liberalization and is lamist moderation in the middle east. phd dissertation, the ohio state university websites www.balipost.co.id www.bulan-bintang.org www.detik.com www.dpp-pkb.or.id www.kpu.go.id www.pan.or.id www.ppp.or.id www.suaramerdeka.com www.viva.co.id http://www.balipost.co.id/ http://www.bulan-bintang.org/ http://www.detik.com/ http://www.dpp-pkb.or.id/ http://www.kpu.go.id/ http://www.pan.or.id/ http://www.ppp.or.id/ http://www.suaramerdeka.com/ http://www.viva.co.id/ jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other 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affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi 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highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8149 do productive government expenditures affect economic growth? evidence from provincial governments across indonesia rosdiana sijabat faculty of business administration and communication sciences, universitas katolik indonesia atma jaya, jakarta. indonesia rosdiana.sijabat@atmajaya.ac.id abstract this study is intended to examine the impacts of productive expenditures on economic growth on the 25 provinces found in indonesia before fiscal decen tralization (covering 1994–1997) and 33 provinces after decentralization over the period 2011-2015. the empiric approach has been implemented through a panel data approach and regression model estimated to follow the endogenous growth model of barro (1990). the main findings of this research show that: (1) provincial governments’ productive expenditures in education promoted eco nomic growth in the 25 pre-decentralization provinces; and (2) productive ex penditures in the security and public order sector, health and education sector have promoted economicgrowthinthe 33 post-decentralization provinces. from these results, it can be concluded that this study has contributed to economic literature by indicating that different types of productive government expendi tures offer different impacts on economic growth. the policy implications which can be formulated from the results of this study are that provincial governments should promote and provide incentives for private investments in the public sec tor because only the education sector (before fiscal decentralization) and the security and public order sector as well as the education sector (after fiscal de centralization) have a statistically significant role in promoting economic growth. this can be realized through public–private partnership, which has greatly in creased the performance of public-sector investment around the world. future research, using relevant control variables to estimate the effects of productive expenditures on economic growth, will provide a greater empiric contribution to the literature. keywords: productive expenditures, economic growth, fiscal decentralization. jel classification: h11, o40, h5. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 1 received 09 november 2016 revised 25 december 2016 accepted 25 january 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8149 mailto:rosdiana.sijabat@atmajaya.ac.id vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 2 abstrak penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menguji dampak dari produktivitas pertumbuhan ekonomi di 25 provinsi yang ada di indonesia sebelum desentralisasi fiskal (meliputi 1994 1997) dan 33 provinsi setelah desentralisasi selama periode 2011-2015. pendekatan empiris ini telah dilaksanakan melalui pendekatan data panel dan model regresi yang diperkirakan mengikuti model pertumbuhan endogen barro (1990). temuan utama dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa: (1) pengeluaran produktif pemerintah provinsi dalam pendidikanmempromosikanpertumbuhanekonomidi25provinsipra-desentralisasi;dan (2) produktif penditures dalam keamanan dan ketertiban sektor publik, kesehatan dan sektor pendidikan yang telah mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi di 33 provinsi pasca desentralisasi. darihasil tersebut, dapat disimpulkan bahwa penelitianini telah memberikan kontribusi terhadap literatur ekonomi dengan menunjukkan bahwa berbagai jenis tulisan peerintah secara produktif mengeluarkan tawaran dampak yang berbeda terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi. implikasi kebijakan yang dapat dirumuskan dari hasil penelitian ini adalah bahwa pemerintah provinsi harus mempromosikan dan memberikan insentif bagi investasi swasta di sektor publik karena hanya sektor pendidikan 9sebelum desentralisasi fiskal) dankeamanan dan ketertiban umumsertasektorpendidikan (setelah desentralisasi fiskal) yang memiliki peran signifikan secara statistik dalam meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi. hal ini dapat diwujudkan melalui kemitraan sektor privat yang telah sangat sangat berpengaruh pada kinerja sektor publik di dunia. penelitian kedepannya, dapat menggunakan variabel kontrol yang relevan untuk memperkirakan efek dari pengeluaran produktivitas terhadap pertumbuhan ekonomi yang akan memberikankontribusi empirislebih besar untukliteratur. kata kunci: belanja produktif, pertumbuhan ekonomi, desentralisasi fiskal. jel classification: h11, o40, h5. introduction the role of government in promoting economic growth has long been the subject of discussion within the field of public economics. for years, empirical literature has discussed this fun damental question, which is frequently subject to debate: how can government expenditures promote economic growth? gov ernment expenditures1 refer to the financial resources allocated by governments to fund development and economic activities (world bank, 1997). meanwhile, economic growth is well-un derstood as an indicator of the economy‘s efficiency at the macro level and refers to additional aggregate output in the economy. economic theory indicates that government expenditures have an important role in promoting economic growth through fund ing and the allocation of public resources, which ultimately pro motes increased aggregate demand in the economy. furthermore, expansionary fiscal policy, be it through increased government expenditures or through tax cuts, will also increase productive economic activities. much research has examined the relationship between public expenditures and economic growth. these include the impor tant findings regarding how government expenditures promote economic growth made by barro (1990) and barro and sala-i martin (1995). the research of barro (1990), known for intro ducing the ―endogenous growth model‖, is a pioneering work of economic research into the effect of public sector expenditures on economic growth. it finds that increased government expenditures for non-productive sectors correlate with low per capita income, whereas productive government expenditures have a positive correlation with long-term economic growth (barro, 1990, barro & sala-i-martin, 1995). based on their findings, it can be concluded that governments can use public/government expenditures as policy instruments for promoting economic growth. indonesia introduced decentralization policy in 1999 through the enactment of two laws: law no. 22/1999 regarding local governments and law no. 25/1999 on fiscal decentralization2. the first law grants greater autonomy and devolves responsibili ties to local governments in all fields except foreign policy, de fense and security, justice, monetary, debt, fiscal matters, and religious affairs. the latter law sets a new direction on intergov ernmental financial relationship between central and local gov ernment in indonesia (brojonegoro & asanuma, 2003; suharyo, 2009). theory provides two arguments for fiscal decentraliza tion: (1) economic efficiency and (2) a better provision of public goods and services. first, fiscal decentralization creates economic efficiency because local governments are better positioned than national governments to deliver public services given their infor mation advantage; this is known as the preference-matching ar gument. tiebout (1956) and oates (2008) divided the basic eco nomic argument on fiscal decentralization into twostrands. first, decentralization will increase economic efficiency because local governments are in better positions than the national govern jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 3 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 4 ment to deliver public services because of the information ad vantage. as a result, local governments are more capable than central governments in getting the information on local prefer ences and needs (faguet, 2001). second, under decentralization, population mobility and competition among local governments for delivery of public services will ensure the matching of prefer ences of local communities and local governments (oates; 1972; tiebout, 1956, as cited in davoodi & zou, 1998, p.244). this matching of preferences may improve allocative efficiency because public services provided by the local government will be better matched to the preferences of the residents of those localities (lockwood, 2006). literature on fiscal federalism suggests one of the measure ments of fiscal decentralization is the expenditure assignment to local governments. expenditure assignment means how spend ing should be spread among levels of government, or what ex penditures should be retained by the central government, and what expenditures should be transferred to sub-national levels of government. what is clear in the literature is that the assign ment of expenditure responsibility should precede revenue au tonomy, particularly taxing power. this is because the division of taxing power, besides being based on principles of tax assign ment, should be determined by the requirements of different spending agencies. decentralization of tax powers based on ex penditure responsibilities is desired so that sub-national govern ments do not have to rely exclusively on intergovernmental trans fers to finance their expenditures. the linking of revenue and expenditure decisions at lower levels of government is consid ered important to preserve the incentive to provide public ser vices in a cost-effective manner (shah, 1994). sidik (2007, pp.190 192) provided two different approaches in expenditure assign ments: the ‘expenditure-led‘ approach, and the ‗revenue-led‘ approach. under the first approach, functions are first designated as the clear responsibility of one or another level of government on a mutually exclusive basis. the designation is based on objec tive criteria such as the degree of local impact of the function in question, considerations of policy and administrative uniformity, general technical and managerial capacity, the existence of spa tial externalities or spillovers associated with the function, and of economies of scale, among otherconsiderations. the implementation of fiscal decentralization in 2001 gave regional governments in indonesia great authority to determine their own budget policies. regional governments at both the provincial and regency/municipal level thus have broad author ity and power in implementing budgets appropriate for the pro motion of economic growth and development within their juris dictions. one implication of this decentralization is that regional economic growth has become increasingly vital. the fiscal poli cies examined in this study are those regarding public expendi tures policies for the productive sectors that may influence eco nomic growth at the provincial level. if stable economic growth is realized, through the spending multiplier regional economic growth will likewise be ensured. as such, the research questions which will be answered are as follows: 1. what were the trends of provincial government productive expenditures in indonesia before and after decentralization? 2. what were the impacts of provincial government productive expenditures on public service; (2) security and public order; (3) economy; (4) environment; (5) housing and public facili ties; (6) health; and (7) education sector on economic growth on economic growth before and afterdecentralization? this study is intended to examine the effects of productive public expenditures on economic growth across provinces in indonesia. more specifically, this study focuses on these two goals; (i) to investigate the trends and compositions of productive gov ernment expenditures in indonesia before and after decentrali zation, and (ii) to analyze the impacts of provincial government productive expenditures on public service, security and public order, economy, environment, housing and public facilities, jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 5 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 6 health, and education sector on on economic growth before and after decentralization in indonesia. previous research into pub lic expenditures and economic growth in indonesia has focused more on the relationship between central government expendi tures and national economic growth (among others nurlina, 2015; ramayandi, 2003). to the best of the author‘s knowledge, no study has analyzed the relationship between government ex penditures and economic growth at a local level, especially after decentralization. such research is important because, after de centralization in 2001, local governments (at the provincial and regency/city level) have maintained their own fiscal authority and responsibility. theoretically, fiscal and revenue assignment handled by local governments should have a positive contribu tion on regional economic growth, as decentralization will allow for more efficient regional economies and for regional govern ments to ensure fiscal efficiency in providing public services (oates, 1972, 1992). as such, the results of this study will con tribute greatly to provincial governments in indonesia by reveal ing the different effects of productive government expenditures on local economic growth, both before and after decentraliza tion. in other words, the results of this study will reveal the effec tiveness of provincial governments‘ fiscal policies in promoting economic growth before and afterdecentralization. studies by nurlina (2015) and ramayandi (2003) analyzed the effect of total government expenditures on economic growth in indonesia, rather than at the provincial government level. as such, their findings do not reveal any of the implications of fis cal decentralization implementation for public financing. from an econometric perspective, these previous two studies used the time series and error correction models, neither of which is ca pable of reflecting regional heterogeneity. recognizing the short comings of previous research, this study applies the regression approach and the panel data analytical method. this approach allows province-specific related and cross-province analysis which makes it possible for the implications of fiscal decentralization in indonesia to be revealed. this study utilizes the advantages of panel data, accounting for unobserved individual (provincial) heterogeneity, reducing collinearity, improving efficiency, reli ability and stability of econometrics estimates, and identifying and measuring effects not detectable in a cross-sectional or a time-series methods. failure to use panel models when appropri ate is a model misspecification error resulting in biased estimates and unreliable diagnostic statistics (baltagi, 2008; greene, 2008; wooldridge, 2002). hence, the use of panel regression also dis tinguishes the present study from that of nurlina (2015) and ramayandi (2003) and helps improve the knowledge and under standing of the association of productive expenditure and eco nomic growth in the context of fiscal decentralization in indo nesia. theoretical framework role of government in the economy governments can influence the economy through various economic policies, including fiscal policies. fiscal policies are those policies which are partly implemented by governments by budgeting specific expenditures to achieve macro-economic goals such as job creation, sustained economic growth, and price level stability (parkin, 2014). gwartney, lawson and holcombe (1998) find that governments‘ main functions in the economy are to create economic efficiency and promote economic growth. these main functions can be divided into two categories: the protec tive functions of government and the provision of publicgoods (lin, 1994, anomaly, 2015). the functions of governments are discussed comprehensively by musgrave (1959), who identifies three main government functions: stabilization, distribution and allocation. stabilization and distribution functions are usually beyond the control of the state or local government and are managed at the national level of government, while the alloca tion function is the basic concern of the local government. the governments act beyond these three functions to affect the jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 7 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 8 economy (gwartney, lawson, & holcombe, 1998). more impor tantly, the government performs these functions in order to over come market failure and market imperfections and to ensure equality by insisting on the basic rights of citizens to receive cer tain services, the last being called the ‗welfare roles of govern ment‘ (aulich & nutley, 2001, pp.2-4). viewed as institutional units, the principal functions of gov ernment are to assume responsibility for the provision of goods and services to the community or to individual households and to finance their provision out of taxation or other incomes, to redistribute income and wealth by means of transfers, and to engage in non-market production (european communities, et al., 2009: 436). according this definition, a government unit has the authority to raise funds from taxes or compulsory trans fers from other institutional units, and it has authority to dis burse such funds in the pursuit of its policy objectives (euro pean communities et al. 2009, p.436). however, if governments take too great a role outside of their main function of governance, then this involvement can have negative implications for the economy. this may occur, for in stance, if governments implement fiscal policies such as increas ing taxes or loans; both acts can cause economic distortion. too large a government, realised through high government spending (particularly if allocated for non-productive sectors) will lead to negative economic returns and slow economic growth (gallaway & wedder, 1998; gwartney, lawson & holcome, 1998). gov ernments can use their expenditure budgets, also known as pub lic sector spending, or government purchases, to fulfill their func tions. according to gwartney, lawson, and holcome (1998:4), the allocation of government expenditures for infrastructure which supports the economy and provision of certain public goods can promote conducive economic growth. however, the allocation of too many government expenditures, when funded through a rise in taxes and increase in loans, will result in dimin ishing returns. likewise, if an increase in government expendi tures is more influenced by political factors than economic con siderations (i.e. market forces), government expenditures will result in negative economic growth. the concept of diminishing returns can be used to explain how increased government expen ditures can have negative implications for the economy. govern ments that focus initially on the productive sector and attempt to create an efficient market can maximally promote economic growth. meanwhile, governments which use their expenditures to provide public needs that are already handled by the private sector, such as food, housing, and healthcare, will ultimately ex perience negative returns. the channel through which government ex penditures and fiscal decentralization af fects economic growth economic growth is one of indicators of the efficiency of a country‘s economy, as measured by gross domestic product (gdp) and gdp per capita. high economic growth indicates a country‘s increased ability to produce goods and services and, in turn, causes an increase in that country‘s output and revenue (todaro & smith, 2003). governments, through their economic policies, have an important role in promoting the capacity and rapid growth of the economy. governments‘ contributions through expenditure policies are best discussed by wagner and weber (1997) and keynes (1936). adolph wagner, a german economist, was the first to find a positive relationship between government expenditures and economic growth. his findings are known as wagner‘s law, the law of increasing state activity or the law of the expanding state role. even today, wagner‘s law remains a common theoretical point of reference in efforts to explore the association between government expenditures and economic growth. according to wagner, increases in public expenditures are a natural consequence of economic growth, when said economic growth outpaces growth in total output. increases in a country‘s jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 9 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 10 per capita income may occur because of urbanization, modern ization, and industrialization. these processes promote growth in the public sector because, when they occur, governments must improve the availability of public goods and services. conse quently, governments intervene in public funding (abizadeh & gray, 1985; bird, 1971). furthermore, wagner views economic growth as being the fundamental determinant of public sector growth. in other words, public expenditures are endogenous to economic growth because urbanization, modernization, and in dustrialization are all external factors which promote increased public expenditures. this may be expressed mathematically through the formula g = f (y ), in which g is government ex t t penditures as a measure of the public sector, y is economic effi ciency, and t is time. increased revenues in a country will be followed by increases in the public sector as well as developments in culture and the economy. governments must, as these devel opments occur, improve public services such as education, infra structure, and transportation (figure 1). figure 1.the association of government expenditure and economic growth source: author’s view based on wagner’s law, cited in sijabat (2015). the keynesian approach to the government‘s role in the economy is rooted in the concept, first introduced by j.m. keynes (keynes, 1936), that is known as ―general theory‖. keynes ar gues that fiscal policy, through increased government expendi tures, will contribute positively to economic growth. increased expenditures affect economic growth through the multiplier ef fect, as increases in government spending will mobilize the pri vate sector, create new jobs, and ultimately promote increased aggregate demand. for keynes, state activity is an exogenous factor that contributes to economic development. keynes‘ ap proach may be written mathematically using the formula gdp = c + i + g for a closed economy, with gdp being the national income/output, c being household consumption, i being pri vate-sector activities, and g being government activities. from this formula, it is apparent that income/output is the total of c, i, and g. consequently, increased government expenditures (g) will promote increased aggregate demand (gdp). public policy, through increased government expenditure or decreased taxes, promotes increased economic activity, particularly in economies which have slowed. fiscal policies‘ effect of increasing aggregate demand will promote increased production capacity, thus lead ing to job creation and ultimately increased household revenue and consumption. as such, the keynesian approach emphasizes that public policy will promote increased short-term economic stability and long-term economic growth (snowdon & vane, 2005). the association between government expenditures and eco nomic growth may also be examined using the armey curve, first introduced by richard armey (1995). according to armey, the relationship between government expenditures and economic growth is parabola-shaped or an inversely u-shaped. the u shaped occurs based on the law of diminishing returns in ex plaining government roles in economy, if government plays no role in the economy, then the output produced will be low and lead to zero economic growth. however, if the government in creases its expenditures, positive economic growth will be real ized, as shown by mavrov (2007) and arpaia and turrini (2008). jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 11 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 12 increased government expenditures promote economic growth because expansive fiscal policies offer an incentive to the economy. economic growth will be most rapid at the beginning, then slow and ultimately peak. once economic growth has peaked, increased government expenditures will slow economic growth. this is known as the law of diminishing returns (facchini & melki, 2011; mavrov, 2007; magazzino, 2014). figure 2. the armey curve source: armey, 1995; mavrov, 2007. the literature on fiscal decentralization discusses the impact of fiscal decentralization on economic growth through the allo cation of public resources as argued in tiebout (1956) (cheikbossian, 2008). tiebout suggests that the allocation of public resources would be efficient if such services are provided and financed by the governments responsible for those resources. tiebout proposed his arguments based the following assump tions: (i) given that tastes and willingness to pay differ for geo graphical, cultural and historical reasons, demand for local pub lic services varies across locations (however, local preferences are reasonably homogeneous). if these assumptions are valid, the central provision of local public goods (if it tends to be uniform across the country), is unlikely to please anybody; and (ii) decen tralization would result in every local government providing a different bundle of local public services, each such service bundle reflecting local preferences. tiebout‘s argument implies that mobility of voters is sufficient to ensure efficient allocation of public resources. in tiebout‘s analysis, taxpayers move in order to avoid higher taxes and to advantage themselves through inter-jurisdictional competition, thereby limiting the excessive taxing powerof gov ernments. assuming people are mobile, therefore, competition for mobile people should match bundles of public goods to citi zens‘ preferences. tiebout claimed that in a system with many jurisdictions, competition among local jurisdictions would en sure efficiency in the production of local public goods and also in the distribution of total population over communities. tiebout‘s theory on fiscal federalism also focuses on the eco nomic efficiency of intergovernmental relationships. in his theory, tiebout provided an explanation of the advantages of distributing power to the lowest level of government. by distrib uting some functions to the lowergovernment levels, for example the provision of public services, the degree of efficiency in the allocation of resources would increase. over the long term, effi ciency gains from the local delivery of public services would lead to faster local, as well as national, economic growth (oates, 1972). in addition, theory explains that fiscal decentralization will create inter-jurisdictional spillover, also known as spillover ef fects. according to this view, more resources should be allocated to regions that undertake public expenditures benefiting resi dents of other regions and not only their own residents. this is with particular regard to the provision of public services. if travel costs are low, public goods are non-excludable where residents can obtain utility from the public goods provided in their own municipality as well as from those supplied in neighboring mu nicipalities. consequently, all residents of that municipality are able to consume the full benefits of the public goods provision because they cannot be excluded from the benefits. thus, if there are spillovers from local public goods provision, residents of one jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 13 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 14 municipality may migrate outside their municipality and enjoy the services provided elsewhere. a key point in spillovers litera ture suggests that spillover benefits that may occur from fiscal decentralization can be achieved when lower-level jurisdictions of government ensure cooperation among one another in pro viding public goods and services. such cooperation is important to avoid free riding in the provision of public services, thus en hancing local economicdevelopment. empirical evidence from previous studies above, it has been explained that government expenditures may have a negative or positive association with economic growth. empirical studies have proven this. positive associations between government expenditures, specifically productive ones, and eco nomic growth have been shown by, among others, barro (1990), monteiro and turnovsky (2008), and alshahrani and alsadiq (2014). components of productive expenditures with a negative association to economic growth have been examined by mura (2014), bergh and henrekson (2011), and saad and kalacech (2009). as stated above, no research project to date has focused spe cifically on the contributions of productive government expen ditures to economic growth in indonesia. however, two research projects have examined the effects of government expenditures in general on economic growth in the country, namely thoseby nurlina (2015) and ramayandi (2003). in her study, nurlina (2015) examines the effects of government expenditures oneco nomic growth between 2004 and 2013 using an ols approach, with the gdp as the dependent variable and government expen ditures (both capital expenditures and routine expenditures) as the independent variables. nurlina shows a significant positive association between government expenditures and economic growth. similarly, ramanyandi (2003), who uses time series econometrics with a cointegration approach and an error correc tion model, analyzes the effects of government expenditures (pro ductive and non-productive) on economic growth. ramayandi shows that non-productive government expenditures have a nega tive effect on economic growth. alshahrani and alsadiq (2014) also examine the impact of government spending on economic growth by using a macroeco nomic model covering two sectors, private (p) and government (g). they examined government expenditures‘ effects on eco nomic growth between the years of 1969 and 2010. using the model developed by ram (1986), they showed that the government‘s output is determined by the total labor force (l) and capital (k), whereas private-sector output is determined by external factors within the public (government) sector. this study shows that public expenditures, in the form of domestic invest ments, public investments, and healthcare investments have a positive effect on economic growth in the long term. meanwhile, housing expenditures have a positive effect on economic growth in the short term. using a multivariate cointegration analysis, saad and kalacech (2009) estimate the long-term and short-term effects of govern ment expenditures—specifically, spending on health, the military, education, and agriculture—on economic growth in lebanon between 1962 and 2007. their study indicates that government expenditures on education have a positive effect on economic growth over the long term, but a negative effect in the short term. meanwhile, government expenditures have a negative effect on economic growth over the long term and no significant effect over the short term; this holds true for expenditures on health as well. based on these results, saad and kalacech emphasize the importance of increasing public expenditures on education, as this sector has been shown to promote economicgrowth. the influence of government expenditures on economic growth was also examined by andres and guerra (2005), who surveyed public expenditures on health in 52 countries in eu rope, the americas, and asia between 1970 and 1990. this study used the ordinary least square and generalized least square jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 15 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 16 approaches to investigate the effects of these government expen ditures on economic growth. their survey results indicated that fiscal policies involving government expenditures for health are important for economic growth. monteiro and turnovsky (2008) analyze the influence of productive public expenditures allocated as public investment in education and infrastructure. produc tive expenditures in these sectors increase final economic out put, as they promote increased productivity (human capital). monteiro and turnovsky use an endogenous model of economic growth with two sectors: physical capital and human capital funded by public expenditures. they identify physical capital as the final output produced through the use of human capital, physical capital, and government expenditures in public infra structure. human capital, meanwhile, is produced in the educa tion sector using human capital, physical capital, and also gov ernment expenditures in the education sector. investments in human and physical capital will increase productivity. in this study, monteiro and turnovsky apply the concepts of welfare maximizing expenditure and growth-maximizing expenditure and find a long-run growth-maximizing and welfare-maximizing ex penditure rate as well as an allocation of government expendi tures for productive capital. the welfare maximizing rate is lower than growth-maximizing expenditure rate, as are government expenditures. the two-sector model applied shows steady state growth rates and steady state welfare rates, funded both through taxation and through public spending. this indicates a trade-off between economic growth and welfaremaximization. bergh and henrekson (2011) research the association between government expenditures and economic growth and find that a 10% increase in public expenditures, in the form of government size, will lead to 5% to 10% negative economic growth. these findings thus indicate that productive expenditures experience decreasing returns. public funding, using taxation, has negative effects on economic growth. this occurs because, to increase public expenditures, governments must increase taxes or take government & politics) table 1. summary of selected empirical literature jurnal studi pe me rinta han no author(s) type of expenditure impact on economic growth (journal of 1 nurlina (2015) total government expenditures total go vernme nt ex penditur es have p ositive im p act on economic growth 2 mura (2014) public exp enditures on government expenditures on education, r&d and educati on, health, r&d, infrastru cture h ave a positi ve correl ation with econo mic 17 infrastru ctu re growth. health expenditures have a negative impact on economic growth 3 alshahrani & public expenditures on domestic public expenditures on domestic investments, public alsadiq (2014) private investment, public investments, and healthcare investments have a positive investment, health and housing effect on economic growth in the long term. housing expenditures have a positive effect on economic growth in the short term 4 bergh & productive expenditures public expenditures have a negative effects on economic henrekson growth (2011) 5 sa a d & kal acech publi c ex p en ditures on mili tary public expenditures on education have a positive impact (2009) sector (d efe nse), educati on on economic growth on economic growth in the long run, agriculture, and health but negative in the short run public expenditures on defense have a negative impact on economic growth in the short run 6 mon t eiro & public expenditures on physical public e xp en ditures on p hy sic al ca pital a nd human turnovsky c a pital and human ca pit al c apital h ave positive im p ct on cono mic growth (2008) 7 bos e, ha qu e, & c a pital ex pe nditures productive ex pe nditur es on pu blic c apital an d educa tion os born (20 07) hav e a positive effect o n ec ono mic growth 8 ramayandi nonprod uctive ex pen diture s non-productive expenditure has negative impact on (2003) productive expenditures economic growth 9 d evar ajan et al nonprod uctive ex pen diture s government expenditure on health, transportation, and (1996 productive expenditures c ommunic ation hav e p ositi ve impac ts on e conomic growth 10 barro (1990) nonprodu ctiv e ex penditu res productive ex pe nditure is ass op ciated with higher productive expenditures ecomomic growth, whereas non-productive expenditures o ne are co nverselty related with e conomic gro wth source: own table based on various literature. loans, both of which are disincentives for workers and decrease aggregate demand. using panel data collected from thirty devel oping countries between the 1970s and 1980s, bose, haque, and osborn (2007) analyze the effects of government expenditures on economic growth with recognition of government budget constraints. this study examines disaggregated government ex penditures and finds that productive expenditures in public capi tal and education have a positive effect on economic growth, whereas expenditures for transportation, communication, and vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 18 investment have no significant impact on economic growth after controlling for government budget constraints. devarajan, swaroop, and zou (1996) use a broader sample of 43 developing countries to analyze the effects of government expenditures be tween 1970 and 1990. in their study, they argue thatproductive and nonproductive public expenditures can influence economic growth over the long term because these expenditures improve the economic efficiency of the private sector. their study indi cates a positive relationship between nonproductive expenditure and economic growth. the results of their study indicate that government expenditures in education and healthcare have a negative effect on economic growth this due to excessive use of productive expenditure may have been misallocating the produc tive expenditure. using data panels, mura (2014) analyzes the effects of pro ductive expenditures on economic growth in six european union member states from eastern european between 1990 and 2013. this study shows that public expenditures for education, research and development, and infrastructure have a positive effect on economic growth, while public expenditures on health have a negative effect. research conducted by barro (1990) into the ef fect of government expenditures on economic growth has often been referenced. in his study, barro uses an endogenous growth model and cross-section data. data is classified as productive expenditures, referring to expenditures which promote economic growth, and non-productive expenditures, referring to expendi tures which are growth-retarding. barro finds that productive government expenditures are capable of improving production and labor efficiency, and, consequently, promoting economic growth. this occurs because economic expenditures allocated for public capital lead to an increase in marginal productivity. conversely, non-productive expenditures, which take the form of consumer services, limit economic growth. these findings are rather important, given that they differentiate between govern ment expenditures‘ effects on economic growthwithin developed nations (advanced economies) and less advanced economies. in less advances economies, barro finds that government expendi tures are high-return, while in relatively advanced economies public expenditures have low returns in economic growth and may, in fact, decrease privateinvestment. research hypotheses two main schools of thought have been consulted to under stand the association between government expenditures, particu larly productive expenditures, and economic growth: wagner‘s law and the keynesian approach. both schools of thought hold that public expenditures can have a positive influence on eco nomic growth. however, different empirical studies have had inconclusive results regarding the association of productive ex penditures and economic growth. as found by barro (1990), eco nomic growth depends greatly on stocks and capital. an increase in productive expenditures, accumulated in the form of stocks and capital, will increase the amount and size of investments and promote job creation. through the spending multiplier, the increase in stocks and capital will promote economic growth in the various regions (barro, 1990). as such, under barro‘s view, the regression coefficient of all productive expenditures is ex pected to be positive. focusing on the theory and empirical evi dence surrounding government expenditure and economic growth, this study posits the followinghypotheses: h0: β1 = β2 = β3 = β4 = β5 = β6 = β7 = 0 there is no positive association between productive govern ment expenditures for (1) public service; (2) security and public order; (3) economy; (4) environment; (5) housing and public fa cilities; (6) health; and (7) education sector on economic growth of provinces being studied. h1: β1 = β2 = β3 = β4 = β5 = β6 = β7 ≠ 0 there is a positive association between productive government expenditures for (1) public service; (2) security and public order; jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 19 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 20 (3) economy; (4) environment; (5) housing and public facilities; (6) health; and (7) education sector on economic growth of prov inces being studied. the hypotheses are tested by comparing the estimated value and the critical value of t-statistics and f-statistics obtained from the panel regression model. f-statistics are used to determine if all independent variables together statistically affect the depen dent variable. while t-statistics are employed to see if each inde pendent variable individually associates with the dependent vari able, and it plays a predominant role in multivariate regression. the hypothesis testing is stated as follows: the null hypothesis cannot be rejected if the estimated test statistics value is d‖ criti cal value. on the other hand, the null hypothesis can be rejected if the estimated test statistics value is > the critical value. research method this study adopts a quantitative approach because of its na ture in testing hypotheses that develop a statistical association among the variables of numerical data. the endogenous theory of economic growth emphasizes the importance of differentiat ing between different classes of government expenditures, be tween productive expenditures and non-productive expenditures, to better examine the effects of these expenditures on economic growth (barro, 1990: mura, 2014; christie & rioja, 2011). pro ductive expenditures are defined as expenditures which promote the production process and increase marginal productivity, thus ensuring long-term economic growth. non-productive expendi tures, meanwhile, are defined as expenditures with no direct ef fect on the production of goods and services (barro, 1990). pro ductive expenditures are expenditures which can create efficiency within the private sector and have a positive effect on such pro duction factors as capital and labor (barro, 1990; barro & sala i-martin, 1992; mura, 2014). productive expenditures may have positive effects because they are included within the function of private production (mura, 2014; zimèík, 2016). the samples for this research are the 25 provinces which ex isted in indonesia before decentralization and the 33 provinces which exist at present, after decentralization3. financial data was collected from the directorate general of financial balance of the indonesian ministry of finance4. to compare economic growth performance, this analysis has been divided into two pe riods. the first is before fiscal decentralization, meaning before 1998; the period 1994–1997 has been chosen to represent this period. second is after fiscal decentralization, for which the years 2011 to 2015 have been chosen for analysis. as stated above, fiscal decentralization was implemented in 2001, with the legal framework being ratified by the government in 1999. as such, the pre-decentralization period covers several years before this law was passed. the period after fiscal decentralization covers 2001 to 2016, but considering the availability of data and the creation of new provinces, analysis has been limited to the pe riod between 2011 and 2015. this selection is expected to give the most up-to-date portrait of provincial fiscal policies‘ effects on economic growth in the various provinces. this period was selected purely for the availability of data and in recognition of resource limitations. although the analysis period is not lengthy, it is hoped that it will provide a general understanding of eco nomic performance and government expenditures both before and after fiscal decentralization was implemented in indonesia. the budget data used is divided into two analysis periods: before decentralization (1989–importantly, these periods will offer a comprehensive understanding of expenditures beforeand after fiscal decentralization. data on the gross domestic re gional product (gdrp)5 originates from the census bureau, both at the national and provincial level. for the purpose of this study, productive government expenditures classification is used based on the classification of the functions of government (cofog)6. according to cofog, government expenditures are divided into two types: productive expenditures and non productive expenditures. productive expenditures consist ofgen jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 21 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 22 eral public services, defense, public order and safety, economic affairs, environmental protection, housing and community amenities, health, and education. based on local government budgetary system in indonesia, total government expenditures are categorized as: (1) operational (current) expenditures, and (2) capital expenditures. local government expenditure data in this study is constructed from two versions of local budget re ports, one structured according to governmental accounting standards (standar akuntansi pemerintahan) and the other struc tured according to a regulation of the ministry of domestic af fairs. the first type of budget divides total expenditures into operational (current/routine) and capital expenditures, while the second classifies expenditures as direct expenditures and indi rect expenditures. based on the cofog categories and regional budget structures mentioned above, the productive expenditures analyzed here are expenditures for (1) public service; (2) security and public order; (3) economy; (4) environment; (5) housing and public facilities; (6) health; and (7) educationsector. all nominal expenditure used in the analysis did not indicate actual changes in expenditure. for this reason, all nominal ex penditure was first converted from nominal values to real values by dividing nominal values with the consumer price index (cpi)7. the cpi was used because it indicates cost of living or cost of maintaining the same standard of living in certain period of time. by converting the nominal value of expenditure into their real value, real improvement or deterioration in the expenditure can be seen throughout the analysis (parkin, 2014; trotman, 1997). regression model most studies into the effect of government expenditures on economic growth use an econometric time series or cross-sec tion approach. neither of these, however, is able to indicate in dividual heterogeneity. as such, panel data analysis was used here to take advantage of the techniques ability to examine provincial heterogeneity. the influence of productive expenditures on eco it it 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 it it it i it nomic growth will be estimated following the balanced panel data model (baltagi, 2008). this model is used because numer ous observations in different provinces have been adjusted to ensure that each cross-section (i.e. province) has the same regu lar frequency of data. the econometric model to be estimated is adapted from the studies of barro (1990) and mura (2014), as follows: y  β  x β  u  v  it 0 it it it (1) in which y is a dependent variable, covering provincial area (i) in a specific period (t); x is a vector of the independent vari able; ß , ß , ß , ß , ß , ß and ß are coefficients of regressions, and å is a stochastic disturbance term with standardproperties.  it  (ui  vit ) is a composite error, in which ui is a time-invariant effect of the individual province and vit is idiosyncratic error. based on equation (1), the ols estimator will be consistent with the condition e(x‘  )=0 in which  =u +v is a composite error. as such, e(x’ v )=0 and e(x’ u )=0 are required. equation (1) it it it it can be written more specifically by entering the dependent vari able and all independent variables, namely to actual gdrp as a measurement of economic growth and each province‘s produc tive expenditure components, asfollows: rgdrpi,t = ß0 + ß1publicit+ ß2securityit + ß3ecoit+ ß env + ß house + ß health + ß edu + ß 4 it 5 it 6 it 7 it it 2) in which rgdp refers to real gross domestic regional prod uct, public denotes expenditures on public services, secu rity is expenditures on security and public order, eco refers to expenditures on economy, env is expenditures on environ ment, house is expenditures on housing and public facilities, health refers to expenditures on health and edu is public expenditures on education. equation (1) is named as model (1) which the equation to estimate the impact of productive expen jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 23 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 24 ditures on economic growth before the fiscal decentralization era that covers 1994-1997, and the other one is model (2) esti mates the impact of productive expenditures on economic growth before after fiscal decentralization era which selected for the pe riod of 2011 and 2015. table 2. summary of regression variables: dependent variable is gdrp source: own table. econometric procedures the basic model used for panel analysis is the linear model. to determine whether a linear or nonlinear test is appropriate, the mackinnon, white, and davidson test(mackinnon, white, & davidson, 1983) was employed to determine whether the pre ferred model is a linear function form or a log-log function form. the hypothesis tested under mwd test is written as follows: h0: the suitable model is a linear regression model, or the de pendent variable is a linear function of the independent vari ables. h : the suitable model is a log-log regression model, or the de 1 pendent variable is a linear function of logs of the indepen dent variables. after obtaining the appropriate model specifications, a diag nostics test was run to ensure that the estimates obtained through regression fulfil the gauss-markov conditions; namely, the esti mates are best linear unbiased estimates (blue) (greene, 2008; gujarati, 1995). properties of the blue estimator are (1) fol lows a normal distribution where the mean values are equal to the real values of the regression coefficients; (2) has minimal variance; (3) is linear where each of its element is a linear func tion of the dependent variable (gujarati, 1995). the gauss markov conditions assume independent and identically distrib uted errors, so that the errors have an expected value of zero, a constant variance, and are uncorrelated with each other (greene, 2008; gujarati, 1995). heteroskedasticity occurs most often in cross-sectional data, but heteroskedasticity may also arise in this study since the vari ance of each province may not be constant. heteroskedasticity in regression arises if the variance of the errors varies across ob servations. if this exists, the homoskedasticity assumption, that is, is violated. under homoskedasticity, the average relationship between dependent variables and independent variables is the same throughout the sample. when the homoskedastic assump tion is violated (i.e. s2 is not constant across the sample) ols estimates are unbiased but the estimators become inefficient. heteroskedasticity occurs most often in cross-sectional data, but heteroskedasticity may also arise in this study since the variance of each province may not be constant. white‘s test (1980) is used for heteroskedasticity is used to detect the presence of heteroskedasticity in the regressionmodel. white‘s test on the error distribution is run by regressing the squared residuals on all distinct regressors, cross-products, and squares of regressors. the test statistic is distributed x2 (chi jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 25 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 26 squared) under the null hypothesis ofhomoskedasticity. white heteroskedasticity consistent standard errors and covariance or newey-west hac (newey & west, 1987) will be used if panel models encounter heteroscedasticity. white‘s hc calculates the standard errors of estimation using the white correction for heteroskedasticity. newey-west‘s hac use general variance-co variance estimation to account for heteroskedasticity and autocorrelations which are particularly appropriate when the nature of heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation are unknown. in this study, the application of white hc and newey-west hac is appropriate because the precise nature of the heteroskedasticity in the regression models is unknown. although the use of white hc and newey-west hac do not solve the heteroskedasticity and serial correlation in the regression models, estimators ob tained from white‘s hc and newey-west‘s hac lead to more valid inferences about the coefficients of regression (see, west& agbola, 2005). the coefficients obtained from newey-west hac remain unchanged, they enable the calculation of standard er rors in a way that is intended to remove homoskedasticity and serial-correlation in the error terms in the regression models (gen erally, the newey-west estimator produces larger standard errors). furthermore, the hausman test (hausman, 1978) was con ducted to determine whether the fixed effects model (fem) or the random effects model (rem) was the appropriate regres sion panel model. the rem assumes the individual effects, (ái), is uncorrelated with all independent variables, xit, and combines the individual specific effects with the error term to form a com posite error term (ái + uit). time-invariant unobserved effects in the error term cause the composite errors to be serially corre lated. to deal with this problem, the rem uses the generalised least squares (gls) regression method. the main problem with the rem approach is that when the individual specific effects are correlated with any of the independent variables, the esti mates are not consistent. whereas in fem, the individual ef fects, ái, are allowed to be correlated with the observed indepen dent variables. in the fem procedure the individual effects are estimated. the hausman test compares the fixed effects to the random effects models by testing the null hypothesis that the coefficients estimated by the efficient random effects estimator are the same as the ones estimated by the consistent fixed effects estimator. or in simple words, it checks whether the unobserved provinces‘ effects are correlated with the independent variables. findings descriptive evaluation on government expenditures and economic growth in provinces before and after fiscal decen tralization the performance of fiscal policies implemented by provin cial governments can be seen through the economic growth at tained by said provinces. meanwhile, a high gdrp is indicative of increased production capacity in a region, which is followed by increased per-capita income and standards of living in the provinces studies. based on table 3, real gdrp growth before fiscal decentralization policies tended to be higher than after fiscal decentralization policies were implemented. it is shown that, between 1994 and 1995, the average real economic growth at the provincial level was above 4%, and reaches 7.1% and 8.3% in 1994 and 1995 respectively; such an economic growth rate was not achieved in the years after decentralization examined (i.e. 2011–2015). the average real economic growth rate in that period has not exceeded 4.5% over the past five years. the high est economic growth rate at the provincial level was 4.4% in 2012, while the lowest was 3.9% in 2014. meanwhile, before fiscal de centralization, the economic growth rates were less than 5%. real economic growth at the indonesian provincial level be fore and after fiscal decentralization can be seen in more detail in table 4. between 2011 and 2015, the provinces which attained the greatest economic growth were those in eastern indonesia— central sulawesi, with an average economic growth of 9%, fol lowed by south sulawesi (6.7%), west sulawesi (6.6%), south jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 27 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 28 east sulawesi (6.5%), and gorontalo (5.6%). if compared to the period before decentralization, then the provinces with the great est average economic growth were also found in eastern indone sia: irian jaya (9.5%), south-east sulawesi (7.9%), and north sulawesi (7.7%). as such, there has been no significant shift in the division of economic performance as viewed from real eco nomic growth. table 3. real gdrp growth before & after fis cal decentralization (%) before decentralization after decentralization 1994 6.5 2011 4.1 1995 4.0 2012 3.9 1996 8.3 2013 4.3 1997 7.1 2014 4.4 2015 4.2 source: author’s calculcation. as explained above, government expenditures are financial policy instruments that play an important role in promoting eco nomic growth. increases and decreases in expenditures can be used as a measure for economic expansion and contraction, as realised through gdrp. this can be examined in more detail by comparing total provincial government expenditures with prov inces‘ gdrp. table 5 below shows trends in provincial govern ment expenditures in ratio with gdrp before and after the imple mentation of fiscal decentralization. the higher ratio of govern ment expenditures to gdrp since decentralization indicates a tendency towards implementing expansive financial policies at the provincial level. this table shows that the lowest average ra tio of government expenditures to gdrp (1.3%) was found in east java, with the highest (10%) in aceh. following aceh, the provinces with the highest total expenditures as a percentage of the gdrp are almost all outside java—west nusa tenggara (9.7%), papua (7.6%), north maluku (7.2%), north kalimantan (7%), west papua (6%), and maluku (5.9%). provinces with low total expenditures as a percentage of the gdrp (less than 2%) table 4. provinces ranked by real gdrp growth before before de c e ntraliz ation aft er d ec e ntralizatio n jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 29 source: author’s calculation. are north sumatra (1.9%), central java (1.7%), and west java (1.6%) total provincial government expenditures, as shown in fig bali vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 table 5. provinces ranked by total expenditure as % of real gdrp before decentralization after decentralization 30 source: author’s calculation. ure 3, consist of routine expenditures and capital expenditures, or direct expenditures and indirect expenditures. based on their function, expenditures are divided into 33 different sectors8. fig ure 3 shows a trend in total provincial government expenditures and gdrp growth from 2011 to 2015. on average, provincial government expenditures increased by 14.8%, while gdrp growth was only 0.1%. in the provinces analysed, the greatest growth in provincial government expenditures was in 2012, reach ing 42%. this was a drastic increase over 2011, whenprovincial government expenditures saw negative growth of 11%. however, in that year the gdrp saw negative growth of 8.8%. negative gdrp growth was also found in 2015, reaching -4.4%. gdrp growth in 2012, 2013 and 2014 were respectively 4%, 4.9%, and 4.7%; during this period, provincial government expenditures increased by 42%, 19.6% and 13.8%. figure 3. gdrp growth and government expenditure growthbefore and a fter fiscal decentralization, average (%) despite no clear pattern of government expenditure growth in response to fiscal decentralization, the increase in government expenditures in the early years of fiscal decentralization show no marked changes. however, in later years, increases in govern ment expenditures indicated that the implementation of fiscal decentralization had led to sharp increases in provincial govern ments‘ spending, particularly in 2012 and 2013, before shifting to negative in 2015. from this trend in provincial governments‘ jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 31 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 32 expenditures and the gdrp growth, it cannot readily be con cluded that government spending has a significant role in stimu lating economic growth, for the marked increase in expenditures in 2012 was not followed by marked economic growth that year. mackinnon, white and davidson test the mwd test was run to check if either linear functional form or log-log was more appropriate for the panel data used in the study. the results are reported in table 6. the table shows that almost all of the linear estimates (z ) and logarithmic trans 1 formation (z ) are significant, suggesting that both linear and 2 log-log functional forms are appropriate. based on these results, the log-log functional form was used to maintain consistency with previous cross-sectional analysis. table 6. result of the mwd test for model 1 and model 2 z1 (linear) z2 (non-linear) decision model1 (12.0810)* (1.9753)** (0.0685)* (1.9753)** significant model2 4.0242* 1.2086* significant 1.9864** 1.9864** note: number of observation = 165, k = 9; * t-statistics; ** t-table. source: own calculation using eviews 8. based on the results of the mwd test, it was determined that the most appropriate regression model was the non-linear func tional form model, or log-linear. as such, equation (2) can be rewritten as: lrgdrpi,t = β0 + β1lpublicit+ β2lsecurityit + β3lecoit+ β4lenvit + β5lhouseit + β6lhealthit + β7leduit + εit (3) afterwards, an appropriate panel model selected was under taken, with the choice being between the fem (fixed effect model) and rem (random effect model). the fem assumes a correlation between unobserved province-specific heterogeneity with the independent variables researched, and can be formu lated e(xiti ëi) = 0. meanwhile, rem assumes no correlation between unobserved province-specific heterogeneity and inde pendent variables, or e(xiti ëi) ‗― 0. if the unobserved provincespecific heterogeneity correlates with the independent variables, then the most appropriate regression model for panels is fem. however, if unobserved province-specific heterogeneity does not correlate with independent variables, then rem is the most appropriate. the hypothesis used in the hausman test is as follows: h0: individual effects and independent variables are not correlated; e(xitiλi) = 0 h1: individual effects and independent variables are correlated; e(xitiλi) ≠ 0 hausman test to test whether or not unobserved province-specific hetero geneity correlates with independent variables, the hausman test was run; the results are summarised in the table below. if the hausman statistic value is significant, then the null hypothesis which states that unobserved province-specific heterogeneity in the regression model has no correlation with the independent variables is rejected. however, if the hausman statistic value is not significant, then the null hypothesis is irrefutable. based on the hausman test, as shown below, it was concluded that the chi-squared and p-value were significant at á = 5%. as such, fixed effects estimators are the most appropriate for use in model (1) and model (2). table 7. summary of the hausman tests results jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 33 test chi-squared prob> chi squared results model 1 fixed-effects vs. random-effects 14.644 0.041 rejects h0 model 2 fixed-effects vs. random-effects 14.942 0.036 rejects h0 source: own calculation using eviews 8. vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 34 as shown above, in general the data panels showed hetero scedasticity, namely e(å 2); in other words, the error terms did it not have a constant variance. if the variance of the error term was constant, or vj(å ) = ó2, for all i (provinces), then the appro priate model would be homoscedastic (williams, 2015:1). the data panels also experienced the issue of serial correlation owing to the involvement of the time dimension (or cross section di mension) in the data; as such, the effects of dependent variables were distributed among several time periods (baltagi,2008). in the estimated model, heteroscedasticity could occur be cause of differences in the subpopulations or the other effects of interactions. for instance, the influence of provincial govern ments‘ productive expenditures on economic growth differed for different groups of residents or residents in different districts and sub-districts (see for instance williams, 2015). to test whether or not the panel model used contained heteroscedasticity, the breusch-pagan-godfrey test (breusch & pagan, 1979) was applied with both a null hypothesis—that the model was homoscedastic— and an alternative hypothesis—that the model was heteroscedastic. the results of this test indicated issues heteroscedasticity and serial correlation. based on the results of this test, regression model (1) and model (2) were applied using white cross-section standard errors & covariance estimators, which are designed to accommodate arbitrary heteroscedasticity and cross-section se rial correlation (see also, curto, pinto, morais, & lourenço, 2011). table 8 below shows the results of the panel regression using white robust estimators for model (1) and model (2). briefly, it can be seen that the panel regression model used is relatively good. based on a test of joint significance using the f-statistic of model (1) and model (2), it can be seen that the f-statistic > f table. this indicates that all independent variables, all produc tive expenditures, have a predictive power to explain variations in economic growth as a dependent variable owing to the signifi cant f-statistic. in other words, all independent variables together statistically affect the dependent variable. the panel regression results for model (1) cover the period selected to examine the effects of seven productive expenditures on economic growth before fiscal decentralization. these results show that, of the seven types of productive expenditures esti mated, five have negative regression coefficients: expenditures for public services (public), expenditures for economic growth (eco), expenditures for the environment (env), expenditures for housing (house), and expenditures for healthcare (health). these negative regression coefficients indicate a re verse direction connection between economic growth and these five types of productive expenditures. although, based on the t test, it can be concluded that these five variables are not statisti cally significant in explaining variations in economic growth, the negative signs of these five coefficients go against the expect posi tive signs/direction. next, using a t-test with á = 5%, a t-table value of 1.655 was attained. if compared to the t-statistic value of all independent variables in the formulated regression, only the t-statistics from education expenditures are significant, reaching 2.041. this in dicates that, of the seven productive expenditures predicted to have a positive relationship and be statistically significant, only productive expenditures in education had a statistically signifi cant effect on economic growth at the provincial level before fiscal decentralization in the period studied (1994–1997). the negative signs obtained from five types of productive expendi ture are at odds with expectations, because this implies that those productive government expenditures are associated with a rela tively lower rate of economic growth. this finding does not sup port the theoretical expectation that productive expenditures in these sectors have a positive association witheconomic growth. this regression coefficient of public expenditureswithin the education sector can be understood as meaning that every in crease of one unit in public expenditures within the education sector led economic growth of 1.859% between 1994 and 1997. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 35 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 36 this indicates that government expenditures in the education sector are capable of promoting greater human capital develop ment, and this was the sole important factor in realizing eco nomic growth before fiscal decentralization was implemented. similar results can be found in several previous studies, includ ing those of saad and kalacech (2009) and mura (2014). the coefficient of government expenditures for security and public order was also positive, but not statistically significant. in model (2), unlike in the period before fiscal decentraliza tion, public expenditures in security and public orderwereshown to have a positive and statistically significant association with economic growth after fiscal decentralization. the regression coefficient obtained was 4.869; as such, it could be said that every additional share of provincial expenditure on security and public order will expand economic growth by about 4.9%. simi lar results were found by (chairil, sinaga, & febrianti, 2013), whoshowed that, in indonesia, government expenditures on the military had a positive effect on economic growth. although the allocation of public expenditures for security and public order is connected only indirectly to the activities which create economic growth, the regression results show that provinces with larger public expenditures on security and public order enjoy greater economic growth. expenditures in this sector canpromote eco nomic growth because they support the recognition and protec tion of property rights, leading residents to conduct more pro ductive activities that create capital accumulation (mylonidis, 2008). the positive association between expenditures for secu rity and public order, including military expenditures,has been shown to involve a co-integration and unidirectional relation ship between said expenditures and a country‘s economic growth, such as in turkey (gokmenoglu, taspinar, &sadeghieh, 2015). as found in alshahrani and alsadiq (2014) as well as in devarajan et al., (1996), government expenditures on health sec tor is found to be a driver of economic growth across provinces. this result implies a 1% change in government expenditure on health sector causes an approximately 2% increase in economic growth across provinces, ceteris paribus. the positive association between expenditures in the education sector and economic growth is also confirmed in model (2), namely for the period after fiscal decentralization. in this period, education expendi ture is significant with a bigger magnitude of about 4.441 at the 1% level; a 1% in expenditure on education is associated with a 4.441% change in the economic growth of the 33 provinces be ing studied, other things being equal. one important possible explanation for such encouraging findings is law no 20 of 2003 on the national education system, which establishes education as an obligatory function of local government following decen tralization. according to chapter xiii, article 49, of this law, local governments must allocate a minimum of 20% of their budget to finance education. the regression results of model (2) also indicate that public expenditures for public services, public expenditures for economic growth, public expenditures for the environment, public expen ditures for housing, and public expenditures for health have no significant influence on economic growth, as also seen in model (1). empirically, this finding can explain the potential for leak table 8. summary of panel regression results dependent variable is economic growth (lrgdrp) jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 37 constant lpublic lsecurity leco lenv lhouse lhealth ledu model 1 2.044 -0.027 1.5 -0.318 -3.423 -0.052 -2.663 1.859 (before fiscal decentralization) -24.7 (-0.292) -0.206 (-0.141) (-0.617) (-0.062) (-1.219) (2.041)* adjusted r2 = 0.275; f-statistic = 52.201; number of observation = 99 model2 1.399 -6.289 391.439 3.294 -104.432 -16.935 33.776 32.838 (aft er fisc al d ec ent ralizatio n) -103.017 (-3. 85 7) (4.869)* -0.295 (-5.740) (-1.755) (2.008)* (4.410)* adjusted r2 = 0.819; f-statistic = 18.872; number of observation = 155 * significance at 1% levels; numbers in parenthesis are the t-statistics. source: own calculation using eviews 8. vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 38 age in government expenditures as well as market distortion, including corruption, bribes, mark-up in public acquisitions, as well as the acquisition of low-quality items; all of these lead to low returns on public-sector investments (ghosh & gregoriou, 2008:5). leakage reduces9 the efficiency of provincial economy and also distortion of the market and incentives system (ghosh & gregoriou, 2008; afonso & jalles, 2011). furthermore, ac cording to the findings of devarajan et al. (1996), productive expenditures may have no significant and positive effect on eco nomic growth because of excessive use of public funds, leading to an excessive amount of resources being allocated or misallocated. discussion though imbalances in economic development between the island of java and other islands in the indonesian archipelago have long been subject to discussion, descriptive analysis has shown that provinces in eastern indonesia, including irian jaya, central sulawesi, south sulawesi, and west sulawesi tend to have higher economic growth rates than other provinces (table 4). from these results, it can be assumed that the intensity of economic activity in indonesia‘s eastern provinces is relatively higher than elsewhere in the country. following the results of the study by matsui (2005:178), since the implementation of decentralisation the gdrp and regional government earnings have increased in western indonesia, namely in java. however, investment and banking (such as loans and savings) have also seen sharp increases outside of java. this increase has been fol lowed by an increase in bank financing and business activities outside of java. the islands in eastern indonesia, including papua and sulawesi, are producers of mining, forestry, and agricultural products that are managed by large companies. indonesian prov inces that have natural resource endowment, including oil and gas, tend to have a higher gdrp per capita than provinces in java that depend on manufacturing and labour-intensive handi crafts production (nasution, 2016:16). comparing total provincial government expenditures before and after decentralisation, it can be seen that the jakarta capital region and east java have the highest total expenditures com pared to their gdrp. one factor behind this is these provinces‘ large populations. as grants and subsidies are determined by provincial population, the governments in these provinces re ceive more grants and subsidies from the central government (nasution, 2016:6). since decentralisation, there has been a shift in patterns. five provinces in eastern indonesia are recorded as having the greatest public expenditures as a percentage of their gdrps. this can be linked to fiscal decentralisation policy, in which the central government allocates large intergovernmental transfers in the form of general and special operations funds for areas with high levels of poverty, including papua and other parts of eastern indonesia (world bank, 2007). this empiric analysis, examining the effects of productive provincial government expenditures on economic growth using a model based on that of barro (1990) and mura (2014), has found that expenditures in the education sector promoted health before decentralisation, whereas, since decentralisation, three types of government expenditures have been positively associ ated with economic growth at the provincial level: education, health, and security and public order. based on this analysis, it can be said that the implementation of fiscal decentralisation has allowed provinces to better enjoy the results of expenditure allocation. this finding can be linked to regional governments‘ priority in allocating public funding: regional governments have positioned the education sector as central to regional develop ment (usaid, 2006). this finding also reflects the fact that pro vincial governments have positioned the education and health sectors as motors for regional development. the positioning of the education sector as a funding priority is inexorably linked to the division of authority between the central government and regional governments, in which education is considered an obliga jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 39 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 40 tory function of the regional government under law no. 22 of 1999 and law no. 32 of 2004. the government‘s commitment to the education sector is managed specifically under law no. 20 of 2003, which stipulates that funds for education (excluding teaching staff wages and training) must represent a minimum of 20% of the total regional budget; this establishes minimum stan dards to be followed by regional governments in providing edu cation. in the early years of decentralisation, the greatest alloca tion of development funds from the central government was for the education sector. since 2003, special funds from the central government have been available to regional governments in the form of fiscal trans fers to use to finance education facilities, as well as health facili ties. provincial and city/regency governments have also increased their allocation of development funds for the education sector significantly; in fact, the education sector receives the most funds after the transportation sector and the government apparatus sector. education offices at the regional level manage approxi mately 30% of total regional budgets (toyamah & usman, 2003). the positive association between education sector expenditures and regional economic growth is also linked to the nine years obligatory education policy, which is intended to promote an increase in human resource quality as mandated by article 3 of law no. 20 of 2003. in article 34, paragraph (2), it is stated that the central government and regional governments will ensure that such a minimum obligatory education is realized. to sup port this policy, the government began offering school opera tional aid (bantuan operasional sekolah, bos) in 2005 (rosser, joshi, & edwin, 2011). of the special funds allocated to regional governments between 2003 and 2006, approximately 70% were allocated for education, health, and road construction. similar with the education sector, the health sector is an obliga tory function of each regional government. as such, the central government has pushed provincial governments to provide ad equate health services to their populations, with a specific focus on primary health services, clean water, and sanitation (usaid, 2006). this is thought to contribute to health sector expendi tures‘ positive and significant effect on economic growth at the provincial level. as found by heywood and choi (2010), despite significant increase in health sector expenditures in indonesia, the sector‘s performance has only increased slightly since decentralisation as various regions have numerous structural is sues in their health sector management systems. nevertheless, since decentralisation there has been a fundamental change in the management of health services. since decentralisation, re gional governments‘ control in managing human resources has been minimal; for example, the recruiting of civil servants for the health sector remains controlled by the central government (heywood & choi, 2010:10). instead, since decentralisation re gional governments have hired contract employees and had them promoted to civil servant, with their wages being paid by the regional government. as a result, much of the expenditures in the health sector are allocated for the wages of civil servants ac tive in that area. operational funds, thus, are lacking. though the health sector is an obligatory function of the regional gov ernment, the central government continues to control the main policies related to health sector employment; this control has limited regional governments‘ capacity to develop their human resources in the health sector (heywood & harahap,2009). empirical analysis has also shown that public expenditures for the security and public order sector are significant and posi tively associated with provincial economic growth. expenditures in the security and public order sector are not related to military expenditures; under law no. 22 of 2009 and law no. 32 of 2004, as well as government regulation no. 38 of 2007, de fence and security are the authority and responsibility of the cen tral government. however, the positive association between pub lic expenditures for the security and public order sector and pro vincial economic growth may be understood as indicating that regional governments provide funds for other matters, such as jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 41 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 42 conflict and potential conflict management, which has commonly been required since decentralization was implemented. conflict in sulawesi (poso and donggala), for example, has been triggered by ethno-religious factors as well as other factors, including the direct elections for regional leaders (pilkada10) that have been held since decentralisation (diprose & ukiwo, 2008). these direct elections have frequently been coloured by violence and con flict, perpetrated by specific candidates‘ proponents and oppo nents. extensive diversity has also contributed to communal con flict in various regions, including that caused by radical move ments based in religious and ethnic identity (gindarsah, 2014). furthermore, one characteristic of the conflicts that have oc curred since decentralisation is said conflicts being linked to natural resources; these include, for example, land disputes as well as conflicts over elections (bazzi & gudgeon, 2016). this indicates that the security and public order sector requires re gional government attention, particularly since decentralisation was implemented (gindarsah, 2014). conclusion and implication this study investigated the impacts of public expenditures on economic growth. previous empirical findings and existing lit erature indicated that productive government expenditures had both positive and negative associations with economic growth. based on these previous findings, the researcher has conducted panel regression analysis on seven categories of productive ex penditures using cofog categorisation—(1) public service; (2) security and public order; (3) economy; (4) environment; (5) housing and public facilities; (6) health; and (7) education—to find their effect on economic growth in the 25 indonesian prov inces that existed before fiscal decentralization was implemented and the 33 provinces that exist after fiscal decentralization. the regression model used followed barro (1990) and mura (2014). study coverage separated the sample into two periods: before fiscal decentralization (1993–1997) and after decentralization (2011–2015). based on the theoretical model used, the empiri cal results indicate that productive government expenditures‘ impact on economic growth is not straightforward. findings from this study have offered some new evidence for provinces in indonesia on the impact of government expendi tures on economic growth. in particular, the regression results for the period before fiscal decentralization revealed that only expenditures in the education sector were capable of creating economic growth in the 25 provinces analysed. since fiscal de centralization, public expenditures in education have also had a positive association with economic growth. furthermore, gov ernment expenditures on health sector and also expenditure on security and public order have also had a positive effect on eco nomic growth in indonesia‘s 33 provinces. these results indi cate that the main driving force for economic growth before de centralization was the education sector, whereas, following fiscal decentralization, government expenditure on education, health and security and public order sectors have promoted economic growth at the provincial level. the research results have several policy implications, particu larly for provincial governments in indonesia. first, provincial governments should promote private investment in public sec tors such as public service, economic development, the environ ment, housing, and healthcare, as the governments‘ roles in all of these sectors appears to be sub-optimal. this private-sector participation may take the form of public–private partnerships, which have been shown to greatly improve public-sector perfor mance abroad (ahmad, bhattacharya, vinella, & xiao, 2014). second, control variables should be included into estimations. given the findings of this study, further research could be ex panded by undertaking robustness estimation, for instance, by including some control variables in the regression models. rel evant control variables may also influence the direction and magnitude of the association between specific productive expen jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 43 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 44 ditures and economic growth. the author leaves these for future research. endnotes 1 government expenditures are used interchangeably with public expenditures through out this study. 2 both laws were amended into law no. 32/2004 and law no. 33/2004. 3 number of province prior to the implementation of fiscal decentralization was 26, whereas following decentralization, there are 34 provinces across in indonesia due to proliferation (pemekaran). pemekaran is a term indicating the formation of new jurisdictions across the various levels of loca government in indonesia as part of the decentralization law. considering data availabity, 25 provinces before fiscal decen tralization and 33 provinces after fiscal decentralization were included in the estima tion. 4 local budget (apbd) was made on available from www.djpk.depkeu.go.id. 5 gdrp is conceptually equivalent to gross domestic product (gdp). gdrp is the num ber of goods and services produced by all units of economy within a jurisdiction during one fiscal year.gdrp per capita is calculated from total gdrp divided with the number of population in each jurisdiction. 6 cofog is developed by the united nations and imf (https://www.oecd.org/gov/ 48250728.pdf) 7 the real value of expenditure is obtained by dividing nominal values by the price index for that same time period as seen in the following formula: 8 in 2015, these 33 expenditure sectors consisted of education, agriculture, forestry, health, energy and mineral resources, public works, tourism, oceans and fisheries, spatial management, trade, development planning, industry, transportation, trans migration, environment, defence, demographics and civil registry, women’s empow erment and children’s protection, family planning and welfare, social affairs, labour, cooperatives and micro/small industry, capital investment, culture, youth, and sports, nationalunityanddomesticpolitics, regionalautonomy,generalgovernance,regional financial administration, regional infrastructure, staff, food sustainability, social and village empowerment, statistics, archives, communication, and information, and fi nally libraries 9 reinikka and svensson (2001) find that leakage occurs in public expenditures be cause public officials allocate their expenditures to sectors with no connection to the public interest to further theirownprivateinterests. 10 direct elections are an implication of regional autonomy, as stipulated in law no. 32 of 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(2007). spending for development: making the most of indonesia’s new opportunities. jakarta: world bank. legislation law no. 22 of 1999 law no. 25 of 1999 law no. 32 of 2004 law no. 33 of 2004 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 47 https://www.ntanet.org/ntj/61/2/ntj-v61n02p313-34-evolution-fiscal-federalism-theory.html https://www.ntanet.org/ntj/61/2/ntj-v61n02p313-34-evolution-fiscal-federalism-theory.html https://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/plsc541_fall08/tiebout_1956.pdf https://www.unc.edu/~fbaum/teaching/plsc541_fall08/tiebout_1956.pdf http://www.jstor.org/stable/41862113 https://www3.nd.edu/~rwilliam/stats2/l25.pdf layout februari 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8152 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 96 received 30 december 2015 revised 10 novembre 2016 accepted 10 january 2017 strongmen of political party at local level: a case study on fight between and elites in partai amanat nasional in malang, indonesia jainuri1, solahudin2 department of governmental science universitas muhammadiyah malang, indonesia jainurijai@gmail.com abstract the study aims to describe the political party’s local elite in malang, east java, indonesia. previous researchers found outthatthere were variation, relation and interaction among political elites at the local level. in malang, a district of east java province, there are some local power of politics in practice namely blater elite and lora elite. blater is a group of local strongmen who has strong collabo ration with the elite oligarchy at the level local. both of them have done unfair practice of nepotism in the field of politics to achieve power of partai amanat nasional (pan) at the local level. on the other hand, lora elite is a group of local strongmen, working together in synergy with the democratic elite to have access to power of the political party. in short, both of the political elites have been competitive to get the power of pan. in order to describe the dynamics of politi cal party local elites, the requirement is to fulfill a research methodology that would result in descriptive data in the form of words or utterances from indi viduals or behavior being observed. interviews, focus group discussions, and documentary data were applied. the following are the findings of the research: 1) the existence of political party strongmen shows that the capacity of indi vidual of the elites has the authority to determine various power context of the political party; 2) in the context of power, the existence of political party strongmen can limit and reduce the implementation of the political party regulation in the internal dynamics of the local inner circle of political party; and 3) close relations depends upon a symbiotic relationship and the expression of mutual interest between the strongmen blater and the oligarchy so that patron-client relation could take place. keyword: political party, local strongmen, democratic party, authority elite. abstrak penelitian inibertujuanuntuk menggambarkan elite lokal partaipolitik di malang, jawa timur, indonesia. peneliti sebelumnya menemukan bahwa ada variasi, relasi dan interaksi antar elit politik di tingkat lokal. di malang, sebuah kabupaten di mailto:jainurijai@gmail.com provinsi jawa timur, ada beberapa daya lokal politik dalam prakteknya yaitu blater elite and lora elite. blater elite merupakan sekelompok oranglokal yang memiliki jatahlaborasi kuat dengan elit oligarki ditingkat lokal. keduanya telah melakukan praktik yang tidak adil dari nepotisme dalam bidang politik untuk mencapai kekuasaan dari partai amanat nasional (pan) di tingkat lokal. disisi lain, lora elite adalah sekelompok orang kuat di lokal, bekerjasama secara sinergis dengan elit demokrasi untuk memiliki akses kekuatan partaipolitik, singkatnya, baikdari elit politiktelah kompetitif untukmendapatkan kekuatan pan. dalam rangka untuk menggambarkan dinamika partai elit politik lokal, kebutuhannya adalah untuk memenuhi metodologi penelitian yang akan menghasilkan data deskriptif berupa kata-kata atau ucapan-ucapan dari individu-individu atau perilaku yang diamati. wawancara, diskusi kelompok dan data dokumenter yang diterapkan. berikut ini adalah temuan daripenelitian: 1) adanya orang kuat daripartaipolitik yang menunjukkan bahwa kapasitas individu dariparaelitmemilikikewenanganuntukmenentukan berbagai kekuatan konteks partai politik; 2) dalam konteks kekuasaan, keberadaan orang kuat partai politik dapat membatasi dan mengurangi pelaksanaan peraturan partai politik dalam dinamika internal pada lingkaran partai politik lokal; dan 3) tutup hubungan tergantung pada hubungansimbiosis danekspresi kepentngan bersama antara blater orangkuatdanoligarki sehingga hubunganpatron-klien dapatterjadi. kata kunci: partai politik, kekuatan orang lokal, partai demokrat, otoritas elite. introduction elite as formulated by haryanto (1990) refers to an individual or group with certain privileges, where the privilege allows the individual or the group to perform particular roles influential to a certain branch of life. meanwhile, in order to identify roles of the elites in policy making, some experts such as lasswell, lerner, and mills (2000), rothwell (1952), and putnam (1976) see it from various different dimensions. according to laswell et.al (1952), elite is a group of individuals who achieve the highest value in the society because of their capabilities to actively participate in decision making. on the other hand, mills (2000) argues that the elite has the role in policy making because they hold the highest position in their institutions, while putnam classifies elite into two categories, the elites with direct access to policy-making process and those with non-direct access to theprocess. even though the definition of the concept of elite varies, the similarity lies in the fact that elite is a group of people who has primary position in the society and they play such pivotal role in social life. elite superiority over the society completely depends upon their success in manipulating their environment through jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 97 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 98 symbols, goodness and actions. the elite is an organized group with political authority. the group consists of organized minorities who force their will through manipulation or violence, especially in democracy. related to the elite and authority, varma (2001) argues that what drives the political elite and elite groups to play an active role in politics is the political theorist’s statements that there (constantly) is inevitable and unavoidable humanitarian impulse to achieve some power. politics, according to the theorists, is a game of power. therefore, individuals involved should take some responsibilities to socialize and instill some values to find some expressions that enable the accession to power. the desire for power and effort to have more authority is the cause of political clash among elites in political arena. several researchers revealed that in political processes provilege classes carried out competi tion or conflict among them to gain the authority of political groups (mitra, 1991; eyoh, 1998). the purpose of the study is to describe the political party’s local elite, particularly in partai amanat nasional (pan) at the local level, in malang, east java, indonesia. the researcher found out that there are some elites of pan who have shown conflict among them to get the power of the political party. these elites are blater, oligarchy, lora, and democracy elites. all of them have different forms of variation, relation and interaction among them. blater is a group of local strongmen who has nepotism collaboration with the oligarchy elite. both of them have done unfair practice of nepotism while lora is a group of local strongmen who work together in synergy with democratic elite to obtain access to the power of the political party. these groups then apply their strategies to get, run and retain power in an organized manner in political parties democratically or not. literature review elite theory assumes that there are two categories in each so ciety; the first is a small group of individuals with capabilities and therefore these individuals have governing positions. they are divided into two groups, authority and non-authority. the second category is a bigger group of individuals who are des tined to be governed by the first group (varma, 2001).govern ing elite is relatively small in number and has capabilities and superiority to make use of power; the governing elite handle all political power and monopolize power so that they can use it for good causes for example public welfare, improvement of educa tion, expansion of employment opportunities, and public health improvement. however, the power can also be used for negative causes such as to get more money for themselves, strengthen the position of oligarchy, get their clans or family member govern ment job, and even join power to suppress the opposition. non governing elite have second-class position in elite power strata; they will substitute individuals whose position is above them in case the governing elite fail to control the government. non-gov erning elite also becomes competitor of the governing elite when they are not able to perform their task to control the power. putnam (1976) analyzes the role and influence of elite from three different perspectives, position, reputation and decision making. the differences among the three are as follows: the position’s perspective supposes that: (1) an individual who has an authority among a group of elite is the one with the highest position in the formal organization; (2) power correlates fully with position in an organization; (3) analysis of position is the easiest and most commonly used technique to find out who is the person with the most authority in an organization; (4) the analysis assumes that users have got previous knowledge who the important politician is and which institutions with fake in fluence, and (5) position analysis is effective only when it is ap plied to the society or organization with uneven distribution of power, while the analysis will not be effective when it is applied to a well-balanced society or organization. in short, the assump tion of the analysis is “whoever is sitting at the top of an organi zation has the main role and huge influence in all movement of jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 99 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 100 the organization.” there are two theoretical frameworks commonly used to de scribe the phenomenon of local strongmen, the term coined by migdal (1988) or bossism, the term coined by sidel (1999). ac cording to migdal (1988), all groups of the society have leader where the leader is relatively autonomous from the government. furthermore, each society has social capacity that enables them to set their own rules with government intervention. when the government’s capacity to control weakens (weak state), local strongmen are going to step up and show their capability for authority. furthermore, migdal (2001) mentions the triangle of accommodation strategy as the strategy strongmen use to sur vive. it means that the presence of strongmen is the reflection of how strong the society is. migdal (2001) argues that the reason why local strongmen can achieve success is their influence instead of the regulations made by the government using the statement “why local strong men have, through their success at social control, often effectively cap tured parts of third world states.” they are successful in getting im portant positions and making sure of local resource allocation due to their influence (own rules), and not because of rules offi cially designed. according to migdal (2001), there are three ar guments to describe successful phenomenon of local strongmen, namely: a. local strongmen have resurrected web-like societies through autonomous organization owned by socially fragmented con dition of the society. b. local strongmen carry out social control through the distri bution of components called strategies of survival from the local society. it results in the pattern of personalism, clientalism and patron-client relation. c. local strongmen control state agency and resource so that policy becomes the result of compromise with local strongmen’s agenda. local strongmen perform control and limitation on government autonomy and capacity and are successful in reducing the dominance of the government to achieve the purpose of social change. based on his study on local elites in the philippines, sidel (1999) states that the concept of bossism refers to “predatory power brokers who achieve monopolistic control over both coer cive and economic resources within given territorial jurisdictions or bailiwicks. the factors that guarantee the continuation of bossism in the philippines are: (1) the structure of government institution; (2) the concentration of private capital in the local level as a part of the government policy; (3) us legacy in the form of the philippines’ election system, and (4) government apparatus involvement in the early stages of capitalist develop ment. sidel (1999) concludes the existence and continuation of bossism is the reflection of government power. it is the opposite of migdal’s strong society and weak states thesis. local strongmen maintain power by collaborating with the government and gov ernment political party and carrying out stationary bandit as well as rowing bandit (criminal act). migdal(2001) also states that local strongmen can survive as long as they are willing to have collaboration with the govern ment and government political party, and based on the collabo ration triangle of accommodation is established. ironically, the triangle allows using the national resources to support local strongmen and their organization which manages the game of conflict. furthermore, migdal (2001) argues that the local strongmen’s existence also depends upon the government au thority to control them; they learn to accommodate popular lead ers to attract government organizations in a lower level. sidel (1999) claims that the use of coercive violence to is the strategy the philippines’ boss use to survive. studies on political party local elite the word elite, in the previous explanation, can refer to an individual, for example a political party strongmen or a group of jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 101 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 102 individuals, such as elite oligarchy. they play an important role in the allocation of power sources as well as giving influence to control a political party. their participation in local political party can be seen from three political dimensions, namely: (1) the method they use to gain control; (2) the one they use to run power, and (3) the one they use to retain power (varma, 2001; putnam, 1976; migdal, 1988, sidel, 1999). the elaboration of the local elite of some political parties, whether he is an indi vidual or s/he belongs to a group, is presented as follows: individual elite: local strongmen of political party in the dynamics of local political party, we are going to find the party strongmen, an individual with power to determine the direction and policy of the political party. keller (1991) uses the term decision maker elite to describe the individual. as an indi vidual, the strongmen is able to express his/her influence and make sure the distribution and allocation of power sources tak ing place because of his/her one-of-a-kind role in the party; al though she/he is not the leader of a political party, she/he has the adequate capacity to determine to the distribution and allo cation of power sources, one bigger than what the other mem bers have, which makes him or her an important individual in the political party. the strongmen can even trespass some of the boundaries set by a political party and decide the policy of the part since they have the privilege other members do not. adopt ing putnam’s terminology in the analysis of the elite, such indi vidual is called political party strongmen because they have big ger reputation and decision-making contribution compared to their position in political party (putnam, 1976). besides keller’s and putnam’s conception above, migdal (2001), sidel (1999), and olson’s (2004) theories about local strongmen and bossism are relevant to use to construct the conception of political party strongmen. political party strongmen can exist due to certain privileges they have; the privilege to control and give orders can be used for positive cause but may also be used for negative ones. there are bad strongmen who influence political party negatively and good strongmen who give positive influence to the party. bad strongmen are people who appreciate their authorities in political party. bad strongmen are people who appreciate their authorities in political party using non-democratic methods and do not avoid criminal acts to achieve their desire. on the other hand, good strongmen are the strongmen who implement demo cratic methods to appreciate their authorities and avoid violence in getting what they desire (pareto, 1991). in the political arena, the strongmen work together with a group of individuals who unify, and have similar characteristics similar to pareto (1991), bratton (1994) and mosca (1939) also said,”internally, the elites are homogenous, unified and have group awareness. individuals belong to the elite group know each other well, has similar background, value, loyalty and need.” elite oligarchy: political party local elite group oligarchy is derived from the greek word “oligarkhia” which means several and oligarchy literally means a country or political system authorized by several individuals. oligarchy as political system was known during the ancient greek era in a city-coun try called polis. soehino (2001) mentions aristotle’s definition of oligarchy as “is a bad form of government as the ruling faction governs solely in its own interest, disregarding those of the poor.” therefore, oligarchy is a form of government whose authority is in the hand of people who appreciate their power negatively; the power they have is violated for the sole purpose and interest of an individual or particular groups. elaborating aristotle’s definition on oligarchy, it is the form of government where the authority has two notorious character istics, “negative attitudes” and “individual or group interest.” local oligarchic party is a group of individuals who rules their party purely for the sole interest of herself or his groups. these people use these methods for the reason of the following: to con sider access, asset and network their parties own as their own jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 103 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 104 (political party personalization); to rule the party in authorita tive manners; less openess to criticism (the absence of political control); being unconstitutional by putting aside “fatzon” and regulations of the party; to give no chance for individuals willing to become the elites or prohibit competitors; when they see indi viduals who can potentially be their competitors, they are going to take any measure to hinder or even end the individuals’ ca reer in politics (predatory); may commit criminal act to retain power (coercive); and at last, oligarchic party is a group of indi viduals who attempts at taking, running, and retaining their power using any measure regardless it is considered as criminal act (winters, 2011; zuckerman, 1977; graham, 1999; bourguignon and verdier, 2000). democratic elite in the dynamics of local politics, we are going to encounter political party elite who runs the party in democratic manner. the characteristics of democratic elite are: consider the owner ship of his/her political party of the access and assets they have, and therefore think those should be managed by the regulations of the party; to involve various groups of individuals as the au thorities (democratic); open to criticism and do not avoid politi cal control; being constitutional by consistently paying attention to fatzon, rules and regulations of the political party; give chance for individuals willing to become the elites and treat them as partners; when they see individuals who can potentially be their competitors, democratic elites will give the individuals flexibil ity as well as developing their own capabilities to establish healthy competition; persuasive methods, dialogues and other non-coer cive methods are carried out to retain power;and finally, demo cratic elites are a group of individuals who attempt at taking, running, and retaining their power by paying attention to fatzon and the order of the political party (for examples see etzioni and halevy, 1990; steelman, 2001; sørensen, 2002; and higley and pakulski, 2012). methodology in order to describe the dynamics of political party local elites, the requirement to fulfill is a “research methodology that results in descriptive data in the form of words or utterances from indi viduals or behavior being observed”. using observation as data collection method as well as documentation, the researcher was able to obtain secondary data that is relevant to the topic of the discussion. on the other hand, interview and small group dis cussion are the data collection methods to obtain accurate and relevant data primary data for the book. in order to get such kind of information, trustworthy individuals and understand ing to the topic of the discussion are important. the sources of information in the study are: (1) subject 1, the current strongmen of partai amanat nasional in malang, east java; (2) subject 2, the former chairman of the regional repre sentative council of “partai amanat nasional” in malang, east java; he was the chairman in the previous running year; (3) sub ject 3, the chairman of the branch councils of partai amanat nasional in lowokwaru, malang, east java; (4) subject 4, the chairman of the branch councils of partai amanat nasional in kedung kandang, malang, east java; (5) subject 5, the vice chair man of the regional representative council of partai amanat nasional in malang, east java; (6) subject 6, an activist in partai amanat nasional in malang, east java; (7) subject 7, the vice secretary of the regional representative council of partai amanat nasional in malang, east java; (8) subject 8, an activist in partai amanat nasional who is closely related to the komsi; and (9) subject 9, the pioneer of partai amanat nasional youth ranks in malang, east java. the study utilized qualitative data analysis which according to faisal involves: (1) note-taking that results in field note (data reduction) in the form of well-elaborated reports; the reports have certain codes that allow the researcher to trace down the sources of data; (2) coding, scoring, collecting, selecting, classify ing, synthesizing, drawing conclusion and making index, and jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 105 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 106 (3) analyzing and interpreting the data, thought process by clas sifying the data into meaningful category, seeking and finding out patterns and relationship as well as making general findings (moleong, 2002). results and discussion the local strongmen roles of political party strongmen may not be official members of formal organiza tion and they are not part of the government structure either. if the strongmen are sitting in the formal structure of authority, they will be very powerful and respected. when they are sitting in non-formal structure of authority, strongmen will have such immense influence in policy-making and how the policy is ap plied. sometimes, the strongmen are the ones behind all poli cies made by the official leader; the strongmen’s contribution, interest and thought are involved in thepolicy. the point is since the strongmen have some privileges other people around them do not have, they are given certain rights applicable in particular environment, for example the rights to implement and design certain rules, the rights to control eco nomic resources, the rights to claim validity or decide whether a regulation and action is true or not true among the society. the privilege the strongmen have enables them to bring positive change to the society and such huge capabilities and influence can be used for positive acts. the shortcoming is the strongmen may potentially be really dominant and their roles may not show democratic roles in running their power (varma, 2001; putnam, 1976; migdal, 1988, sidel, 1999). in line with the strongmen’s political characters, a similar phenomena has been taking place in the regional representa tive council of partai amanat nasional in malang, east java, indonesia. the political party strongmen exists because they have certain privileges; the privileges are used to control and run the political party, bring positive changes to the party but may also be used to bring negative influence to the party. there are two types of strongmen, bad strongmen and good strongmen. bad strongmen are people who appreciate their power in partai amanat nasional using non-democratic methods, uses violence to get what they desire, and are going to take any measure to achieve their goals while good strongmen are people who appre ciate their power in the party using democratic methods, and avoid violence to get what they desire. the characteristics of partai amanat nasional malang strongmen are the following: (1) individuals who are not the of ficial chairperson of the party, but due to their strong role and influence become dominant figures in various policies of the party, for example ability to decide the chair person and secre tary of the party, the board of administrators of the party, the candidates for the legislative, as well as to determine the distri bution and allocation of power sources; (2) in various contexts, the individual role of the strongmen is to decide some of the policies the party has problems in terms of the collective collegi ality of the board of regional representative council of partai amanat nasional in malang, east java; (3) in a particular politi cal context, the desire of the strongmen can defeat the board of administrators’ decision in the management of the organization, and (4) there is a patron-client relation between the political party strongmen and elite groups around them. the background of political elites: blater elite and lora elite based on the result of discussions conducted by the researcher, the researcher draws a temporary conclusion that according to his colleagues bad strongmen and good strongmen are not the suitable terminologies to identify political behavior of komsi (he is a political elite of pan in malang district) and ali ja’far (he also is a politician elite of pan at the local level). since the ter minologies have gotten into the area of political philosophy and ethics; the concept of good and bad in politics is vague and the most important aspect in politics is how to get power. even though jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 107 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 108 the researcher’s colleagues do not completely agree with the researcher’s opinion, the researcher tried to find the most suit able references to use as a metaphor for the strongmen of partai amanat nasional in malang. it seems that the suitable docu ment to map the strongmen ofpartai amanat nasional is the one about kyai and blater. in this case, komsi is a elite politician of pan that is representative blater elite while komsi is a privi lege class of pan that is called as kyai elite. blater is an individual or a group of individuals with capabili ties to solve problems using physical force of carok the popular term to describe madurese whiz. rozaki (2004) conducted an in depth study about the phenomenon of blater. his study revealed that the local politics which has so far been identified with the role of kyai and ulama, the religious leaders is actually influenced by blater; the local political elites such as klebun or the head of the village are dominated by blater, and therefore both kyai and blater have strong influence and at the same time compete against each other in madura area, mainly bangkalan district and sampang district, indonesia. rozaki (2006) then writes a book entitled “menabur kharisma menuai kuasa: kiprah kiaidan blatersebagairezimkembar di madura.” in one of his writings, rozaki (2006) also discusses that the current regent of bangkalankyaifuadimron is known as kyai blater because he combines two very different traditions, kyai and blater. the re gent who came from partaikebangkitanbangsa is the son of madurese’skyaicholil however he socializes with blater in bangkalan when he was young. blater in madura and the eastern part of east java (jawa timur province, indonesia) including pasuruan, probolinggo, lumajang, jember, situbondo, bondowoso and banyuwangi or known as tapalkuda area also has their own environment, com munity, network, relation and tradition different than those of other communities like santri, a group of students studying is lam. the traditions of blater are: (1) remoh or a tradition where blater gathers and have tayub as well as tandak/ sinden, female dancers and singers. alcoholic drink is a part of the tradition. the host of tayub will gain higher social status when more people attend the event; (2) carok or physical fight using todek, monteng, and arek to defend himself or his family’s integrity. in carok, it does not matter whether the blater involved are right or wrong (rozaki: 2005), the blater fights individually or in group. the most important thing in carok is to be courageous and win because the winning blater will have higher social status and acknowledgment from the society; (c) cock fight, martial arts and bull-race are other traditions conducted when blater gathers. geopolitically, malang was once considered as mentaraman area which stretches from malang to the west. mentaraman area typologically is influenced by mataram culture and it has a strong abangan society and javanese influence as well as dominated by the nationalist party. furthermore, pasuruan to the east until banyuwangi are the areas with a moslem majority who are influ enced by the tradition of santri and the dominant party is the islamic party. based on the researcher’s observation, the eastern part of malang is not categorized as mentaraman area. however, religiopolitically, the area has similar characteristics to the tapalkuda area since it has strong santri culture and madurese is the dominant ethnic group in the area. therefore, the researcher feels that he needs to mention madurese culture and the tradi tion of keblateran in the east of malang which becomes the re gional setting of the study because the existence of the culture and tradition can still be traced back until now. in the tapalkuda areas, there is a legend about blater who until now is still considered as tuturtinular called sakerah. sakerah is a blater from pasuruan known for his struggle to fight against the dutch army who treats the sugar cane farmer violently; he is famous for wearing his loose shirt, white-and-red stripes t-shirt, udeng or a traditional head piece and clurit, madurese traditional weapon. sakerah is the manifestation of local heroic figure that relies on his physical ability carokto, to defend justice and re jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 109 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 110 spect. he is the role model of those having the blater tradition. based on the observations, the researcher found out that the existence of blater in the political events in malang is solely as political accessory. they become security person, pengandel or people showing courage, mass getter, as well as showing their physical abilities in martial arts as the attraction in various cam paigns or events. therefore in political context, blater functions as: (1) political bumper which means by working together with blater, political party, candidates of the legislative, mayors or vice mayors feel that they have security groups that can protect them from any disturbance from their competitors since blater can dis play their physical abilities and carok can act as bumper in the case of sudden physical contact; (2) pengandel which means by working together with a group of blater, political party, candi dates of the legislative, mayors or vice mayors feel that they have support groups so that they are more courageous to move fur ther in answering various sudden, unpredictedpolitical challenge and risks; (3) mass and vote getter which means with the rela tion they have, blater has pretty stable environment, community, as well as social, economic and political network. therefore, us ing blater is actually similar to taking advantage of them and all entities they have to get mass and voters; (4) political accessories which means the ability of blater in martial arts, and other tradi tional arts such as bantengan, kuda lumping, tunil and many oth ers help in reducing the tension of political situation which some times is heated and full of intrinsic sand competitions. not only is the strongmen blater become the focus of the study political accessory, but they can also conduct the penetration of power, dominate political party and appreciate authority with the capacities they have; however they can also turn into antago nistic elites who bring conflict to the political party. in context of political party confict, they are usually composed of people with divergent interests and orientations. komsi based on the character is similar to people with the culture of blater. he was born as madurese and he was once the leader of a region and has been fond of physical violence as prob lem solving method since his younger age. he has some influ ence in blateran area in kedungkandang (a sub district of malang area) which can sometimes be mobilized by komsi. kedungkandang is an area located in the eastern part of malang. in the past, madurese was the dominant ethnic group in the area and according to an informant, blater is a familiar terminol ogy for individuals living in the area. in fact, the origin of madurese people in the area can be traced to bangkalan and sampang in which both of them are madua area. in madura, according wiyata (2006) there are three social strata in madurese islamic boarding schools: firstly, keyae, who refers to religious leaders with vast amount of religious knowl edge; secondly, bhindhara, who refers to individuals that have graduated from islamic boarding schools but their knowledge about islam is not as much as one of the keyae, and thirdly, santre who are students of islamic boarding schools who also stay in the schools. different from wiyata’s explanation, three people from sumenep, madura ira, imam and syaiful (three of them are key informans of this research) have mentioned the social strata in madurese islamic boarding schools and therefore can be illus trated in the form of the following pyramid, namely: (1) kyai is the owner, educator and manager of islamic boarding schools. kyai is responsible for transforming islamic knowledge such as jurisprudence, hadish and tafsir or known as the yellow book to his students; (2) lora has several definitions namely: (a) the sons of kyai (rozaki: 2005) or gus in the tradition of javanese islamic boarding schools; (b) the sons of kyai who have yet become or want to become kyai; (c) anyone, either he is the son of kyai or not, whose responsibility is to manage islamic boarding schools for instance build some constructions, expand the area of the schools, establish network with other islamic boarding schools, facilitate kyai and his families, synergize components of the schools and many others, and (d) individuals who gain the trust jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 111 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 112 of kyai or his aides who always obeys him and his orders; (3) bindere or senior students of islamic boarding school whose re sponsibilities are to study islam as well as assisting kyai in teach ing their juniors, and (4) santre is student of islamic boarding school who stays in the school for certain period of time in or der to study the yellow book. islamic boarding schools have their own tradition and environment, but they can also influence the social environment of the society around them. in madura, areas of islamic boarding schools have strong religio-political influence and people living around the schools are influenced by any religion and political party thus becoming the affiliation of the schools. it means when kyai has an affilia tion with particular political party, automatically his students as well as people living around the school will follow what he has been doing. the following political party strongman, ali ja’far, has almost the same characteristics as individuals with the cul ture of lora in the tradition of madurese islamic boarding schools. he is the leader of munawarroh, an islamic boarding school in kedungkandang and when he was younger, he went to an is lamic boarding school in sidogiri, pasuruan. he likes to build and expand islamic boarding schools, is extremely obedient to kyai, and able to synergize various components of islamic board ing schools. in short, ali ja’far has established a strong tradition among the students in islamic boarding schools. the following problem that emerged was how komsi as blater and ali ja’far as lora can transform their experiences about life into the dynamics of political party, especially partai amanat nasional in malang, east java. oligarchy versus democratic elite of “partai amanat nasional” malang in addition to blater and lora elites as described above, there are other elites of pan that apply pivotal and strong power in pan that is an oligarchy and democratic elite. in pan at the local level in malang, elite oligarchy can be defined as a group of individuals with power and therefore attempts at retaining the power they have. the methods of the elite oligarchy uses to main tain their power are (a) increase solidarity among the elite oligar chy of “partai amanat nasional,” (b) give smaller room and power circle for new elite who wants to be involved in the oligarchy, (c) eliminate potential elites and competitors so that they will not become such threats, (d) eliminate individual, groups and force in the political party whom they consider as the embezzlers for their power through intimidation, pressure, character murder, sabotage, quarrel and physical abuse.in which case, oligarchy is a part of government whose power is in the hand of people who appreciate their power negatively; the power they have is violated for the sole purpose and interest of an individual or particular groups (soehino, 2001; winters, 2011; zuckerman, 1977; gra ham, 1999; bourguignon and verdier, 2000). in contrast, based on the result of indepth interview with some elites of pan, democratic elite of the political party also attempts at maintaining their power and some of the methods they use are (1) improve their leadership capacity so that it is in line with that of the party and the dynamics of the interest of the constituency, (b) improve the network capacity of the party both vertically and horizontally because when the political party gains more popularity, their popularity will also be increased as well, (c) carry out the agenda of the political party that ensure the development of the party, and (d) carry out healthy competition to get and retain power in the party. in this regard, the character istics of democratic elite are considered as beneficial for the po litical field as mentioned by etzioni and halevy, 1990; steelman, 2001; sørensen, 2002; and higley and pakulski, 2012. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 113 blater and oligarchy elites in top power of pan: bad politics management the existence of political party strongmen shows capacity of an individual who has the authority to determine various con text of authority in political party. a democratic party proposes vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 114 its leaders collective collegiality to determine the various con texts of the party. therefore, the existence of the strongmen in a political party like “partai amanat nasional” in malang becomes problematic. because of the involvement of the strongmen in the political party, the issues that arise are (1) initially, the role of the strongmen “blater” in the party are as mass and vote get ters, bumpers, and “pengandel” when the party has to have an encounter with the external sides of the party. it has been men tioned previously that “blater” as both an individual and groups has pretty stable environment, community as well as economic and politic social network so the existence of the strongmen in the party is going to add more value to increase the constituency of “partai amanat nasional.” however, when “blater” dominates the political party with such massive advantage, the party is going to lose much sympa thy from its constituency; (2) the existence of the political party strongmen has some weaknesses; one of them is that the elites who have some desire to get as much power as possible without having to go through a fair competition will make use of the strongmen’s individual authorization in policy-making as a bumper. such elites are going depend upon the relation and the close relationship the strongmen have to get the distribution and allocation of power sources, for example the 1999 and 2004 elec tion. in short, the involvement of the strongmen in political party can limit as well as reduce the implementation of political party regulation in the dynamics of the local political party’s internal sides. such close relation is a symbiotic relationship and an expres sion of mutual interest between the strongmen “blater” and oli garchic party results in a patron-client relationship. the relation ship is the recipe for success for the regional representative council of “partai amanat nasional” in several contexts of au thorities, such as (1) the party’s success in introducing presidium leadership and eliminating the legitimate leadership of the re gional representative council; (2) its success to secure its candi dacy by placing an individual from their circle as the secretary of the committee of regional election region ii (“panitiapemilihan daerah ii”) of which role is to carry out the election in malang, (3) its success to place four individuals they are close to in the local parliament of malang from 1999 to 2004; (4) its success in conducting the first regional discussion of “partai amanat nasional” in 2001 by positioning “ucik” and “manaf”. both of them are mentioned as blater elite and as chairman and secre tary of the regional representative council, (5) it success in supporting sulton amin as the chairman in the east java pro vincial discussion of “partai amanat nasional” in 2001. unfor tunately, their success in appreciating the authority through nativism has contributed to a negative impact to public impres sion of the political party. in general, the results of the discussions the researcher had with some informants showed some implications of the author ity appreciation between the strongmen “blater” and oligarchic party. some examples of the implications are a) the change in operational system and mechanism of the party, b) the decrease in the collective roles of the chairman of the party, c) the limita tion of control from the structure of organization from the re gional representative council, d) the limitation of the imple mentation of regulations of the party, e) the elimination of con trol and aspiration network from the branch representative council. some of the consequences of the authority appreciation be tween “blater” and oligarchic party in the regional representa tive council of “partai amanat nasional” from the year 1999 to 2004 are: (a) the system and party mechanism does not run nor mally; (b) the collective collegiality in the management of the party is substituted by the dominant individual from the strongmen; (c) the east java regional representative council of “partai amanat nasional” is not capable to overcome the situa tion; (d) the candidates for the members of the legislative are not selected based on the procedures and regulations of the party, jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 115 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 116 instead the selection relies on the decision of the strongmen; (e) the implementation of power sources such as finance, facilities, position is carried out in an exclusive, non-transparent method; (f) there is no room to develop healthy competition for individu als who have willingness to be the elites; (g) a number of elites and vote-getters are no longer the members of “partai amanat nasional.” in short, nativism or the appreciation of power between the strongmen “blater” and the oligarchic party results in a “decline” at various dimension of the political party namely the temporary stop in the system and mechanism of the party, the conflict be tween the elites and the board of administration, and the de cline in the number of votes. however, no matter how strong the elite’s effort in their attempt to retain power is, they will eventually be substituted by other elites with the actual capabil ity. the strongmen “blater” who gain, appreciate and retain their power using violent method will be forced to give up their posi tions through violent method as well. the power of blater move to the lora elites: democratic politics management political party elite circulation can be classified into two pos sibilities; the first is the turnover happens through violent, coer cive, and non-democratic acts. some of the impacts of the non democratic methods are (1) the harmonious relationship among the internal parts of the party is disturbed; (2) there is a radical change in the mechanism of the political party from democratic to non-democratic. the second possibility is the turnover in the political party elite occurs through persuasive and democratic acts. some of the implications are (1) the political party experi ences gradual change; (2) the harmonious relationship among the internal parts of the party remains stable; (3) the democratic mechanism of the party can be maintained. in conclusion, the influence of political party elite turnover towards the change in system and the political party mechanism depends on (1) the methods use in the turnover and (2) the new elite who substi tuted the previous one. the turnover from the strongmen “blater” to the strongmen “lora” in the top of “partai amanat nasional” pyramid of au thority occurs because the first group of strongmen has lost their power to rule and control the party, while at the opposite the latter group of strongmen has gotten only one. ali has more capacity to take advantage of the authority than komsi as the result of political contest among the conflicting elites in the po litical party. elite circulation from the strongmen “blater” to “lora” has grown some motivation to have democratic consolidation in the internal parts of the party. the background character of the political party strongmen is an egalitarian that is open-minded, polite, non-violent, and extremely obedient to “kyai” or other respected leaders. with the capacity s/he has, the strongmen are capable of creating the synergy and influence the elites around them to be more open-minded about the democratic behavior, particularly in the management of the political party. the change of behavior gives some limelight to change the work ethic of the regional representative council of “partai amanat nasional” to be better. the changes the strongmen “lora” did with the inner circle of “partai amanat nasional” malang are (1) changing discourse and violent acts into persuasive political process in the form of dialogue, (2) expanding the capacity of both internal and exter nal political network, (3) conducting internal consolidation in the regional representative council of “partai amanat nasional” so that the party is getting more solid, (4) conducting political education program to change the behavior of the party elite so that they have democratic behavior, and (5) giving discretion to the political party elite to compete for power. the change in dis course and action is carried out so that “partai amanat nasional” becomes more open to the idea of the democratic party so as to avoid conflicts, with the expectation that the party can be more appalling to plural society in malang. one important thing to jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 117 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 118 highlight is the strongmen “lora” have implemented non-violent politics since 2004 to the present. without having to carry out any violent act, the strongmen “lora” have been successful in numerous cases, such as (1) ali musallam mahri has been successfully elected as the chairman of the regional representative council of “partai amanat nasional” to substitute oetojo sardjito who resigned from the position without the extraordinary regional deliberation; (2) four individuals who have close relationship to the strongmen “lora” have been successfully elected as the members of the legislative in malang between the years 2004 to 2009; (3) mohan and pujianto have been elected as the chairman and secretary of “partaiamanatnasional” malang, east java. in general, they are also called as democratic elites of pan. in summary, all of the discussions above show that there is a framework in the political relationship among elites of pan and that is to get or to keep the power and authority among them. in breaf, form of the partnership and interaction among elites in pan at the local level, in malang district, can be conluded as follows. based on the picture, (1) the main goal of political contest among political party local elites is power; (2) political contest to take power in political parties involve good strongmen, bad strongmen, democratic elite and elite oligarchy; (3) democratic elite has synergic relationship with good strongmen (lora elites), while elite oligarchy and bad strongmen(blater elites) carry out the act of nepotism, (4) these two groups have conflicting behav ior and both have desire for power dominance so that antagonis tic relation and inter-relation appear as theconsequences. conclusion finally, the lesson learned from the case of this research as revealed above are: firstly, the existence of political party strongmen shows the capacity of individuals who have the authority to de termine various contexts of power; secondly, in the context of power, the existence of political party strongmen can limit as well as reduce the implementation of the political party regula tion in the internal dynamics of the local inner circle of political party; and thirdly, close relations depends upon a symbiotic rela tionship and the expression of mutual interest among elites of pan. regarding with the relationship among elites of pan, blater has nepotism interaction with oligarchy elites. they are success ful in various power contexts in the regional representative council in partai amanat nasional malang, from 1999 to 2004. however, the relationship had been build based on nepotism politics between blater and oligarchy elite. therefore, the nepo tism had created a bad politics management in pan. on the other hand, the strongmen lora has a good relationship with democratic elites of pan. both of the elites had been successful in controlling the political party and support people they are closer with to become the members of the local legislatives using non-violent acts. in fact, lora introduces non-violence when they and people they are close to dominate the political party. references bourguignon, f.,&verdier,t.(2000). oligarchy,democracy, inequality andgrowth. journal of development economics, 62(2), 285-313. bratton, m. 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(2011). oligarchy. john wiley & sons, ltd. wiyata, a. latief. 2006. “manusia madura: pandangan hidup, perilaku, dan etos kerja. pemetaan kebudayaan di provinsi jawa timur: sebuah upaya pencarian nilai-nilai positif. ayu sutarto (eds). biro mental spiritual pemerintahprovinsi jawa timur bekerja sama dengan kompyawisdajember. zuckerman, a.(1977). the concept” political elite”: lessonsfrom mosca and pareto. the journal of politics, 39(2), 324-344. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 121 http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/jop/1977/39/2 http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/jop/1977/39/2 layout desember 2008 existence of double and multi-managers leads to the forest resources being degraded radically. conflict is a difference in perspective that can appear in the form of complaints, war and violence (wulan 2004). conflict can be seen as social phenomena and can be analysed by deferent perspective specially in environmental and natural resource policy decision making and conflict management (daniels and walker 2001). consequentially, the next section of this paper explains the conflict of forest resources in indonesia, particularly focusing on how the communities can deal not only with the state interest but also market needs. further, in this paper it will be discussed how indonesia’s government developed the cbfm policy, how this policy changed over time and how the communities adopted it. the cbfm policies is a policy of indonesian central government that give rights to communities gaining access to the state forest and attempt to reduce community poverty by sharing resources and preserving the forest sustainability. this paper is crucial to understand what the benefit of cbfm is for the communities and then how they can utilise this programme sustainably. forest degradation and conflict over forest resources can create forests vulnerable and their management less sustainable. on the other hand, there was a grass root movement and political change in indonesia for instances, the authoritarian regime of soeharto moved to the reformation or democratic regime. these situations made the natural resource policy to continue changing dramatically. after soeharto stepped-down, central government could not maintain the resources and they should decentralise it. the idea of decentralisation allowed the central government to distribute their authority. it supported the shifting of policy from state centre not only to region government but also to community-based institutions. the last section will discuss the emergence of cbfm in indonesia particularly in the selected areas. this study focuses on cbfm, a programme –initiated by indonesian central government and is implemented by communities in selected state forest areas. therefore, analysing the cbfm’s eko priyo purnomo1 p.b anand2 1 lecturer at the department of governmental studies and a fellow at jusuf kalla’s school of government (jksg), universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta (umy), indonesia. he cans be contacted by e-mail: eko@umy.ac.uk. 2 reader and the head of bradford centre for international development, university of bradford, uk, email: p.b.anand@bradford.ac.uk. bradford, uk, email: j.weiss@bradford.ac.uk. the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 abstract the forest tenure policy remains a controversy in indonesia specially, on the issues of how to maintain forest on sustainable way and at the same time how to share of benefit of forest resources to the local communities. yet, the state is the main actor on forest tenure in indonesia could not succeed to do so.. this paper discusses the community based forest management (cbfm) programme in indonesia with some details relating to the indonesian political and legal basis on land and natural resources. this paper also describes the conflict of forest resources and the state’s failure in forest resources management in indonesia. cbfm can be used as an alternative to share resources and conserve the forest by engaging local communities. key words: conflict of resources, forest tenure, forest management and cbfm. introduction the first section of this paper describes a legal and political analysis of the forest tenure in indonesia. understanding the land ownership and resources, mainly in the forest areas, can be useful to explain the cbfm implementation . in particular, this paper has the aim to clarify who are the main actors and who control, maintain and classify the forest. for example, conflict and tension between state and community with regard to ownership, regulation and use of forest resources is a common problem in indonesia. because of unclear forest boundary, some areas could be owned and maintained by many parties. besides, the ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 21 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 implementation should rely on the legal and political system in indonesia. there are several arguments why those frameworks are important. first of all, in indonesia the state has absolute rights to own and control land, water, and resources (2000). according to the constitution of indonesia 1945 article 33 (3), state has the rights to control and utilise the earth, water, and airspace including any resources on it (2000). secondly, the state holds and occupies around 60 percent of forest(fay and sirait 2005; safitri 2010). in this context, positioning and policy of the ministry of forestry as the state’s representative must be understood clearly. thirdly, indonesia is a unitary state whereby the central government directs the provincial and districts governments strongly. to understand the above arguments, it is necessary to explore some issues such as, the legal basis of state’s right of land and resources, the interpretation of the state‘s rights and the implication of state’s rights on forest community (safitri 2010). it is also important to elaborate the conflict and friction on forest resources management in indonesia by analysing the overlapping policy and law in these issues. by understanding the legal and political basis of the forest tenure, mapping of conflict of forest resources between state and community, providing the state‘s failure on forest resources, this research could develop a strong argument why the community can be the best actor to maintain forest resources and to support that, cbfm programme should be applied. forest tenure and forest management in indonesia in the the indonesian 1945 constitution contains explicit or implicit views and fundamental values, so the 1945 constitution is not only the political constitution but also an economic constitution and the social constitution (asshiddiqie 2005). the constitution is not just related to the regulation by the state and the structure of governance but also has dimensions of economic and social welfare arrangements no author???(2000). these ideas were stated in article 33 of the constitution. the article is the basis for the economic system of pancasila, which is better known as the economic democracy (mubyarto, boediono et al. 1981). this article is also used as a base where state has a right to control indonesian natural resources. following is the article: (2000): “section (1) says; economy is structured as a joint venture based on the principle of kinship, section (2); branches of production which are important for the state and the welfare of the people majority controlled by the state, subsection (3) states; land, water and natural riches contained therein controlled by the state and used for the prosperity of the people, subsection (4), organized a national economy based on economic democracy with the principles of togetherness, efficiency of justice, sustainability, environmental friendliness, independence, and balancing progress and unity the national economy.” in terms of legal basis of the state’s right over land and resources, indonesian constitution on article no 33, as the highest legal basis for state’s rights, states that the land and the water as well as the natural riches therein are to be controlled by state and to be exploited for the greatest welfare of the people no author(2000). safitri (2010) points out that this stand of views was followed by the basic agrarian law (bal) 1960, the forest acts of 1967 and 1999. the laws declare a manifestation of people’s administration and people’s needs so the state should control the land and the resources on behalf of the people. both of the forest laws (1967 and 1999) state that all forest areas within indonesian territory including all the natural resources are controlled by the state (safitri 2010). this includes minerals, gas and oils which can be found in forest areas .therefore, the state’s right to control the land and the resources grants the state with authority to: regulate and implement the allocation, use, reservation, preservation of land water and air spaces; decide and make regulations on legal relations between human and land, water and air space; decide and make regulations on legal relations among human and legal actions relating with land, water and air space (tunggal and indonesia. 2009; safitri 2010). paragraph two that states “branches of production which are important for the state and the welfare of the people majority” has multi interpretations and leads to debates. for example, which one is an important production, who has the majority? as a result, the constitutional court interpreted the word “important production” that should be determined between the central government and the parliament. in addition , the phrase “controlled by state” , means that the state holds the public authority of policymaking, regulating, governing, managing, and supervising and monitoring on the land and natural resources for the greatest prosperity of the indonesian people (tunggal and indonesia. 2009; safitri 2010). the constitution court explains the term regulating means the authority to legislate and implement laws, regulations and policies. in addition, the term of governing means the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 22 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ that the state has the authority for issuing and revoking licenses and concessions. the term of managing land and natural resources means that the state can utilise the resources directly through state enterprises and/or share holding. meanwhile, the term monitoring and supervising means that the state should assure that the implementation of state’s control of land and resources is performed for the prosperity or beneficial of indonesian people (tunggal and indonesia. 2009; safitri 2010). historically, the idea that state should control of land, water, air and everything in it was supported by indonesia’s founding fathers such as soekarno, hatta and soepomo (asshiddiqie 2005). they argued that market mechanism is unfair and relies on colonialism so they were against imperialism that manifest in market mechanism (mubyarto 1997). they wanted the state to control all resources to bring the prosperity of the people. hatta was very strong in criticising the open market policy, and suggesting that foreign capital and foreign investments could come to indonesia but it should be minimised and controlled (mubyarto 1997). this is the reason that constitution recognizes the need for the state to control and carry out the economic development and natural resources. the interpretation on prosperity of the people relates to the idea of social welfare in the constitution. this idea was proposed by one of the founding fathers, mohammad hatta, an economist who was the first indonesian vice president. hatta argued that the national economic system should be managed on the idea of mutual help and collective action(mubyarto 1997). actually, hatta did not reject foreign investment and market but he wanted to make clear that foreign loan and foreign investments do not interfere the national independence. he was concerned that indonesia’s development might not able to face with market mechanisms. wilopo supported hatta’s idea. wilopo was the indonesian prime minister from 1952 to 1953. he stated that the constitution article 33 is the economic constitution of indonesia that worked against liberalism which its motives to seek personal gain(mubyarto 1980). wilopo also argued that market mechanism and individual gain seeker could not meet with the background of indonesian revolution and independent(mubyarto 1997). the idea that state should control and hold the land, water and its resources is a value of the article 33 of the constitution. the state is a representative of public needs so the government has the mandate to carry out the development of the state of indonesia. it is relevant with hatta’s argument that the role of the state is central and important to ensure the resources’ exploitation relies on national needs and public prosperity (mubyarto 1980; safitri 2010). mr soepomo, who is one of constitutional thinkers, said that the centralisation of state control on land, water and its resources must be in the highest position in indonesia (safitri 2010). based on the historical and constitutional approach, therefore, it is clear that the state is main actor in managing not only forest resources but also natural resources in indonesia. as it is mentioned above, that state’s right to control and manage forest resources has strong legal basis. the point of view of state authority is a state-led economic centred but the constitution obligates that the state should create the regulation and implementation to control land and natural resources for developing people prosperity(safitri 2010). actually, this idea is influenced by economic socialism(mubyarto 2004). in other words, in forest tenure and management in indonesia is a combination between economic centred and economic socialism approach. conflict over forest resources and inequality of distribution of resources conflict over forest resources in indonesia it is really important then this section analyses the implication of state’s rights on forest community especially on revealing conflict of forest resources and also inequality of distributions its resources. the constitution is the main legal standing or the source of the law as it was stated a general statement that state has right of controlling the land, water and its resources. this should be described and implemented by its law under such as decree and law. this section then focuses on the regulation about the implementation of the state’s rights especially on community and private forest ownership. every country has own law how to hold and manage their land and natural resources that legalise it through various national law based on their history and background. in asian cases, these laws mainly, have been following the colonial law or regulations (indonesia 2007; safitri and moeliono 2010). indonesia, has own law that adopts some point of views colonial law such as, state is the main authority of the resources, and the the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 23 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ community can own the resources as long as does not interfere the state needs. in term of the hierarchy of land legislation and natural resources law, the basic agrarian law no. 5 of 1960 and the forest act no. 41 of 1999 are the most important legislation after the constitution 1945. both of these rules are directly regulate the management and distribution of land and natural resources. however, both of those policies have different points of view on land ownership. this situation leads to a conflict of interest and unclear of law enforcement. the basic agrarian law no. 5 of 1960 led government in the provision of 7 types of land rights and additional rights to use 3 types of natural resources (fay and sirait 2005; tunggal and indonesia. 2009). the rights of the most powerful and the most full of all kinds of these are proprietary. according to this law, people, community or industry can hold a land ownership instead of state rights. on the other hand, the forest act no. 41 of 1999 claims that all of the land is a state property and should be managed by state (tunggal and indonesia. 2009). in these contexts, the situation of the management of forest and natural resources in indonesia is very diverse. in the millions of hectares forest areas, local people plant trees with productive forest trees, fruit, and coffee, cocoa and often mixing timber species. these forests provide many environmental services, resemble natural forests but with slightly lower in term of its biodiversity than natural forests. in other words, the situation of indonesia’s natural forests can only be described as a crisis when there are forest degradation and destructive of bio-diversity. yet many people remains protecting natural forests in the landscape, sometimes in collaboration with local authorities, including forest officials as well as conducted independently(fay and sirait 2005). however, conflicts between the local communities and the state and between the local communities and the industries on rights to land and resources of existing forest region are so massive in indonesia (mccarthy 2006; moeliono, wollenberg et al. 2009). for example, there are 359 conflicts recorded by cifor from 1997 to 2003 (wulan 2004). in addition the conflict between forest industries and forest officials have been seen consistently sticking last for 15 years(mccarthy 2006). the ambiguity of both the public and the industry ownership has led to a reduction in land area under forests and is often accompanied by violence. the core of these problems is unclear “rules” by the ministry of forestry. the department states have jurisdiction over mainland indonesia but cannot manage such a vast area and provide tenure security and management required for both the local community and for the forest industry. the confusion and disagreement on who should have control of the forest and who is the owner of forests in indonesia has increased and has been seen as the main cause of indonesia’s failure to manage its forest area (awang 1999; mccarthy 2006; moeliono, wollenberg et al. 2009). the root of the problem is caused by the basic understanding of what and where the forests of indonesia are and then what and where the authority of the ministry of forestry is. at the same time, conflicts over land and natural resources that are also caused by the uncertainty of state land to the people of the land will still be there if there is no serious attempt to rationalize state forests through clear strategic priorities(fay and sirait 2005). actually, the mpr decree no ix 2001 on agrarian reform and natural resources management explicitly says that the laws and regulations related to conflicting and control of land and other resources by department/ agency sector should be stopped, because it creates a conflict of poverty and degradation of natural resources(fay and sirait 2005; tunggal and indonesia. 2009). this legislation should be revised, repealed or modified using a holistic approach. at the same time the conflict must be resolved through a fair process. on 14 november 2003 at ugm-yogyakarta, all departments and state agencies related to land and natural resources (including forests) have met and agreed that it is important to revise the basic agrarian law (bal) no. 5 of 1960 (fay and sirait 2005). this revision could create a framework of land tenure system and other natural resources to better managed and not partially approached. other laws such as the law on spatial planning and the law of natural resources needs to be created and to be revised as well. (tunggal and indonesia. 2009). however, state perception argues that 120 million hectares of indonesia which is 61% of the indonesian land is “forest land”,which should be owned and managed by the forestry department. this includes grasslands, agricultural areas, mostly rural areas, as well as vast areas of primary forest and secondary forest. the indonesia’s natural resources can only be described as a crisis when the forestry department claims jurisdiction, the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 24 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ so the implications for local communities leads to conflict of land tenure between local communities and the state, and then treat to the protection of natural forests. according to bal, some of the rights stipulated in this law are the right to the land, which shall be further managed clearly such as leasehold, broking and right to use(anonim 1999; tunggal and indonesia. 2009). furthermore those issues have been clarified by the government regulation no. 40 of 1996. in addition, government regulation no. 24, 1997 on land registration organize concepts and procedures for the submission or provision of various types of land rights (tunggal and indonesia. 2009). in this rule the land divided into 2 (two) types which are the customary land rights, i.e. rights that have long recognized its existence long before the bal and other rights granted land with more detailed rules are broking, leasehold or right to use based on the right of petition to the subject of land rights, which consist of individual persons and legal entities. however, bal still leaves a lot of problems for example; in the formation of laws and regulations, is bal implementing regulations or not?. besides, bal generally not equipped with a thorough thought to the implementing regulations. actually, bal gives much attention to the recognition of the communal land or customary rights. however, it is really difficult to implement that policy persistently and consistently. central government seems does not want the indigenous people to get their land. they prefer to give forest concession to industries (simon, perhutani perum. et al. 1992; indonesia 2007). this situation leads to conflict amongst forest stakeholders in indonesia. minister of forestry uses the forest act no. 41 of 1999 as a legitimacy of state ownership on land and forest resources. this act is one of the laws issued after suharto era known as the period of reform. this legislation authorizes the government through the ministry of forestry to determine and manage the indonesian forest (fay and sirait 2005; indonesia 2007). as a result, legally forests can be divided into two parts. firstly is state forest area, ie areas where the government represented by the department of forestry has determined that there is no private right to the land. secondly is private forest areas, the areas where the forest land and other private rights granted. in conclusion, understanding the indonesian forestry legislation such as bal and the forest act 1999 is necessary in order to clarify some terms and concepts used by the state. with regards to property rights, there are classified as a state property, a private property and a community property and meanwhile based on its function, it is classified as a production forest, a protection forest and a conservation forest (safitri 2010). besides, indonesian government has another concept namely forest areas. this concept is different from state forest and community forest(safitri 2010). therefore, it is useful to clarify those concepts and terms in order to be able to analyse the establishment of cbfm and its implementation in local community. f following are several terms that appear in the forest legislation and policy indonesia. a. state forest, private forest and forest areas. according to the forestry law 1999, forest is any environmental landscape which unites land and all biological resources, in particular trees, into integrated ecosystem unit(anonim 1999). moreover, based on property rights and ownership, forest divided into state forest and private forest. state forest refers to the untitled land and private forest refers to the titled/registered land. in addition, state forest can be managed by village institutions and can be utilised for community empowerment with community-based forest management (safitri 2010). on the other hand, private forest that located and entitled by private ownership is called community’s forest (hutan rakyat). however, the existence of private forest is not fully protected especially, community forest or customary land (tanah adat). the private ownership in grey areas such as customary land is in danger because it is not clear whether it is private or state forest area. this situation is getting worse because of the lack of land certification process and the abuse of government authority in providing permit to exploit the forest. every person should own a land certificate to make sure that their land is belong to them, however the process of certification takes a lot of time and often very costly. besides, the forestry decree 2005 states that the minister of forestry has an authority to change the private forests to state forest if these forests are located in protected forest areas and conserved forest areas. safitri (2010) argues that this process is a systemic expansion of state control over the indonesian forest, because this process is less transparent and if the minister sates that the function of the forest the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 25 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ changes to protection or conservation areas, the private forest should be changed straightaway (safitri 2010). according to forest act 1999, forest areas mean the particular areas that are designed and required by government as permanent forest(anonim 1999). the forest areas are administrated by the ministry of forestry and they are who design to allocate and utilise a certain land area(anonim 1999). some scholars assume that this process is very political .it is the way state use their power to control the land and natural resources (peluso and vandergeest 2001; safitri 2010). as a result, this leads to conflict on forest resources in indonesia. many communities should leave their lands and move from their areas because the state changes the function of the forest. on the other hand, some scientists say that the idea of forest areas is not the way how state should control the forest but it is just an appropriate way to maintain the land in sustainable way (fay and sirait 2005; hidayat 2008; safitri 2010). for example, the state should preserve at least 30 percent of their areas to become forest areas. in addition, the idea of forest areas is the policy to promote forestry planning and management. in order to implementation the forestry law 1967 and 1999, the ministry of forestry can control and manage land and its resources(safitri 2010). in terms of management, forest management should be supervised done by the minster of forestry(fay and sirait 2005). in regard to this the ministry of forestry enacted a ministerial regulation no. 50/2009. in this regulation, it can be declared as aforest areas if it meets several requirements such as, the forest areas have been designed and described clearly, the process verbal deliberation has been approved by the ministry of forestry and the forest areas have been enacted by the ministry of forestry (safitri 2010). b. the change of forest areas even though, the terms of forest areas are debatable and controversial, the minster of forestry still controls land and forest. in addition, its control can be transferred and changed to other stakeholders such as industries and communities. there are three activities relating this process which are release of forest areas, exchange of forest area land, and agreement to let and use of land (safitri 2010). the policy on release and exchange the forest areas is only applicable to production forest. in general, this process has been taken when the ministry of forestry need to develop this areas. forest release mainly happens in sumatra and kalimantan and these areas are changed into transmigration and plantation project (safitri 2010). if those areas will be transferred and changed, it should be clear and clean of its legal status and its boundary. in many cases, the process is unclear and leads to conflict of resources among stakeholders. c. the function of forest when we discuss forest management in indonesia, we have to understand the function of forest. the forest act no. 41 of 1999, there are three main of forest functions such as production, protection and conservation forest. protection forest is an area that is intended to protect life-supporting systems, prevent floods, counter erosion, maintain soil fertility and prevent sea water intrusion(anonim 1999; safitri 2010). the production forest is divided into limited production forest, permanent production forest and convertible production forest(anonim 1999). moreover, the limited production forest is defined as a limited logging activities areas and then the permanent forest areas is an area that can be exploited and utilised because of its contribution to the need of people and state . meanwhile, the convertible forest areas are known as a production forest. it can be changed to a nonproduction forest , especially for specific purposes such as agriculture and transmigration. on the other hand, the conservation forest strictly could not be exploited and should be preserved. it is divided into several types of forest such as, natural reserve, grand forest parks, wildlife sanctuaries, national parks, and recreation parks. in regard to the forest function policy, this regulation is not only applicable for state forestry but also for private forestry. private forests’ functions are designed and allocated by regency and town authority. according to the law no 24/1992 and law 26/2007, the private forest can be divided into protected areas and cultivated areas. d. licensing of forest resources the forestry law 41 1999 enacted that anyone can access and utilise a state forest as long as they hold a license from the state authority. forest licenses are not private land ownership and the licenses offer the right of utilising the state forest areas from the specific period. in the licenses, there is term and condition that should the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 26 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ be followed by the license holders. most of the licenses are extendable and based on the evaluation procedures. the licenses can be issued to individual, corporate, industry, and state enterprises. the mf can offer a license to selected party for utilising any state forest areas, from conserved forest areas to protected forest areas or from productive forest areas to non-productive forest areas. there are several forest licenses well-known such as (table 3.1), a. license for commercial utilisation of forest areas (ijin usaha pemanfaatan kawasan hutantable 1. licenses of forest utilisation, according to gr 6/2007 source gr 6/2007 adopted from (safitri 2010) the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 27 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ iupkh). b. license for commercial utilisation of environmental services (ijin usaha pemanfaatan jasa lingkungan-iupjl). c. license for commercial utilisation of timber products in natural and planted forest (ijin usaha pemanfaatan hasil kayu-iuphhk). d. license for commercial utilisation of non-timber products in natural and planted forest (ijin usaha pemanfaatan hasil bukan kayu-iuphhbk). e. license for commercial utilisation of timber products in natural for ecosystem restoration (ijin usaha pemanfaatan hasil kayu-iuphhk restorasi ekosistem). f. license for harvesting of non-timber forest products (ijin pemungutan hasil hutan bukan kayuiphhbk). inequality and mismanagement of forest resources in indonesia the state has very strong power and authority to control, manage and regulate land, and natural resources especially forest resources in indonesia. based on the forest act 41 1999, they state that around 70 percent indonesia land is forest and it reclaimed as a state forest. the mf can also change an area to be a forest area, and/ private and state forest areas, even without community or private agreement. (safitri 2010; tunggal and indonesia. 2010). however, those areas can be changed its function from the cultivated forest to the conservation forest. the mf decree no 26/2005 said that the mf can enact a regulation to manage private forests’ function to become a protective forest ore state forest (tunggal and indonesia. 2010). the spatial planning law no 24/1992 and 26/2007 determines that the mechanism and processes of the changing of forest functions should be clear and it should be set up by scientific criteria and measurable procedures(tunggal and indonesia. 2010). if the government changes the private forest into conservative forest, this means that the people will lose their lands, therefore, the government should give compensation to the people. in many cases, the government never compensate to the people and it leads to conflict (barber 1998; matthews, achmaliadi et al. 2002; yasmi, guernier et al. 2009). this also happen is customary land. this creates massive conflict between state and local community. in other words, it is just another example of inequality and mismanagement on forest resources. . in the context to understand mismanagement on forest resources, it should be described the indonesian forest production systems properly. the indonesia government creates three main forest production management systems such as kph, hti and hph(tunggal 2011). the kph (kesatuan pemangkuan hutan/forest stewardship unit) system has been developed in java following the long history of forestry plantation dating back to the colonial era mostly by the dutch. most kph planted teak trees. the second forest management system is hti (hutan tanaman industri/industrial forest plantation). the main purpose of hti is “an activity to rejuvenate and revitalize in order to increase the potential of production forest to guarantee the availability of industrial material. and then it is an effort to rehabilitate unproductive production forest.” in practice, hti establishment is just a way to getting more profits by cutting the logs in the hti land (barber 1998). the third forest production system is hph (hak pengusahaan hutan/natural forest concession). this license is issued by the mf to indonesian corporations or individuals. the licenses are only granted in production forests and limited production forests. the hph license is nontransferable and can be hold for 20 year(tunggal 2011). the prominent example of the failure of state forest management is on the issue of logging concession which is called hph (hak pengusahaan hutan/natural forest concession). after more than three decades of operation, the hph system has failed to achieve sustainable forest management. by june 1998, forest degradation from hph operations had reached 16.57 million ha. according to fao (fao 2009), deforestation in indonesia contributed by most of the industrial activities, particularly timber industry, which has been misusing concessions, granted thereby leading to illegal logging. deforestation in indonesia reached 40 million cubic meters a year. in other word, from the 1970s to present, the government granted concessions to logging companies but the government has failed to adequately enforce sustainable harvesting and replanting regulations(hidayat 2008; fao 2009). safitri also proves another example mismanagement and inequality of forest resources management; the government gives logging concessions to industries and individuals without taking into account the forest function (safitri 2010). the companies hold the concession to exploit the forest were located in protected or conserved forest areas and it was not in production forest areas (safitri 2010). besides, due to abuse of power and the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 28 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lack of procedures, many hph perform without pay attention the land ownership. some of them do not have clear boundary and ownership (aguilar, uson et al. 2005; purnomo 2010). therefore, there are conflicts between corporate, that holds the license, and the communities who claim the land which traditionally belong to them (aguilar, uson et al. 2005). actually in the forest act no. 41 of 1999, there is not listed the issuing authority of the department of forestry types of land tenure rights. however, this law is exploited by central government to control and manage forest resources. even legally correct to say that “forest land” does not exist in indonesia as a definition of the law. the term forest land is neither an official term indonesian nor statements used in forestry and forest management debate. the emergence of cbfm in indonesia in this section, it will be discussed the emergence of community based forest management in the contexts of indonesia. as above mentioned before, the state is a major factor in forest tenure and management in indonesia. they can control, regulate, manage, and exploit the forest as long as they want. the idea that state’s right to control the resources to promote the social welfare and community prosperity is just as a good as the blue print but it is far in the reality. the industrialisation of forest resources in indonesia drove the indonesia government to exploit the forest resources so massively so there are some crucial problems on this issue such as conflict of resources, degradation of forest and marginalisation of local communities. in relating with the regulation, the unclear and ambiguous forest policy between the bal and the forest act leads to a catastrophe on forest resources. for example, the license concession policy or hph to industries gave the industries to exploit the forest for 100 years and the industries utilised the license in a maximum way. as a result, the deforestation in indonesia was so massive and was alarming. in 2002 the rate of the deforestation was 1.6 million ha per year and then in 2012 the rate was 3.6 million ha per year (nawir, murniati et al. 2007; musfah 2013). industries such as timber industry and palm industry got access and occupied nearly 63 million hectares forest in 1995 which rose 69 million hectares forest in 2000 (forestry 2002). on the other hand, the land rehabilitation carried out only covering 400,000-500,000 ha per year and a success rate is around 50 percent (nurdin 2013). this policy was very bias to market mechanisms and relied on the economical orientation. kpa also recorded 198 conflicts on forest areas with the areal extent of the conflict reaching more than 963,411.2 hectares, involving 141,915 heads of households (nurdin 2013). in addition, since 2004 until now, there have been 618 conflicts with the natural resources area of 2,399,314.49 hectares and involving 731,342 heads of households (nurdin 2013). these conflicts occurred between state and communities and or the industries and communities. indonesia government also loses the revenue from forest resources exploitation, because the indonesian logging industry has been involved in corruption in recent times including tax evasion(hnw.org 2010). this happen, because of the weakness of law enforcement and less transparency as well as results in lack of accountability. secondly are global needs. in asia, indonesia constitute the biggest log exporter (alliance 2008). it leads to more deforestation and corruption, providing cheaper and illegal resources (alliance 2008). moreover, the forest policy do not accommodate to local communities and local initiative. people who lived near the state forest was so poor and marginalised (awang 2004). they could not get an access to state forest areas even near then their area. even though, the state forest was degraded and could lead to landslide, the communities could not do anything(awang 2004; sepsiaji and fuadi 2004). this situation really needed to be solved by the government. the number of deforestation was really high but the effort to rehabilitate the forest has been very weak. besides, the conflict over forest resources management was alarming as the government policy only focused and supported to industries and has marginalised local communities. most of policies in forest management were driven by economical needs. however, in global and national level, there was a changing of paradigm on community development from top-down to bottom-up approach. in indonesia context, there was also a political dynamics where the civil society was so active on campaigning of community empowerment. in respond to that, the mf established a policy called community based forest management in 1995. the policy refers to the product of government regulations and implementing rules to the rule (suharjito 2000; sepsiaji and fuadi 2004). cbfm was introduced by the mf when they enacted the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 29 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the ministerial decree no. 622 1995. the aims of the policy, mainly, are to rehabilitate the degraded forest and give the communities change to get an access to the state forest. the first step, the government will notgive community right to use the land for long period if the communities cut down the three. this approach, is a form of empowerment” for the local communities. the policy has been changed nearly five times between 1995 to and the present. at the first time, the policy was created by central government especially to maintain degraded forest. the number of forest degradation was so massif and the government could not deal with this situation. in 1995, the minister of forestry enacted the decree no 622/1995 and gave a chance to local community planting trees and crops in degraded forest areas. however, the policy was changed many times. it was a sifting policy from 622/1995 to 677/1998, 31/2001, 37/ 2007 and the last 18/2009. the idea for utilizing to empowering the local communities also has been introduced by implementing those policies. the current policy gives the communities to use the land for long period 35 years) and then communities can utilize the trees also. conclusion in indonesian contexts, understanding the property regime is compulsory for mapping the actors involved in the forest management properly. it is clear that the state’s right of controlling forest resources is mandated by the constitution of indonesia. the original and amended versions of the constitution states that the land, water, air and contained therein controlled by the state and used for the prosperity of the people, declared in the article 33. as a result, the legal basis of the state to control, manage, and regulate the forest resources is fundamental. historically, the idea to put the state in the central actor on forest resources is supported by the founding fathers. soekarno, hatta, soepomo and wilopo have similarity ideas that the market mechanism is not suitable in indonesia and it only supports neo colonialism and capitalism. hatta suggested that economic should be driven by mutual work and collective action. in other words, this idea is influenced by economic socialism and in the contexts of forest tenure and management in indonesia is a combination between economic centred and economic socialism approach. the interpretation of the state‘s rights is a crucial issue on forest and natural resources management in indonesia. it is stated in the formulation of the indonesian 1945 constitution contained explicit or implicit views and fundamental values, so the 1945 constitution is not only the political constitution but also is an economic constitution and the social constitution. moreover, the state is a representative of public needs so the government is the mandate to carry out of the life of the state of indonesia. however, the constitution is just stated a general statement of state’s right and it should be described and implemented by its law under such as act and law. in term of the hierarchy of land legislation and natural resources law, the basic agrarian law (bal) no. 5 of 1960 and the forest act no. 41 of 1999 are the most important legislation after the constitution 1945. the crucial problem arises when the implementation of those policies is unclear and is not well executed by the ministry of forestry (mf). the bal does unclear the position of the communal forest or customary land whether it is a private or public property right. this situation has been getting worse when the forest act no. 41 1999 was enacted. according to the forest act, the mf can design, regulate and enact the forest areas without any permission from other parties such as community or individual. the mf also can change the forest function from productive forest to conserved forest. as a result, many individual and community forest areas taken over by the mf. this condition leads massive conflicts between state and community in indonesia. due to the mismanagement and inequality of forest management, indonesian government has been suffering in getting forest resources revenue. the government looses the forest diversity and also is unable to find income. on the other side, the local communities never be able to utilise forest resources because the government only supported the industries and market needs. however, there is a solution has been introduced by the mf representing the state. the mf established community based forest management policy (cbfm). this policy brings an idea to redistribute and re-allocate the forest resources and at the same time, it can conserve the forest sustainability and support to local communities’ empowerment. references (2000). undang-undang dasar 1945. indonesia. the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 30 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aguilar, f. v., m. a. m. uson, et al. 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(2007). forest rehabilitation in indonesia : where to after more than three decades? jakarta, indonesia, center for international forestry research. nurdin, i. (2013). “menuju reforemasi agraria di kawasan hutan indonesia via tim tenurial kehutanan.” retrieved 20 july, 2013, from http:// www.kpa.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/menujureforma-agraria-di-kawasan-hutan-indonesiaiwan.pdf. peluso, n. l. and p. vandergeest (2001). “genealogies of the political forest and customary rights in indonesia, malaysia, and thailand.” journal of asian studies 60(3): 761-812. the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 31 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ purnomo, e. p. (2010). “the stakeholders’ analysis and development indicator of sustainability on the community project.” journal of government studies 3: 7887. safitri, m. a. (2010). forest tenure in indonesia; the social-legal challenges of securing the communities’ rights leiden, leiden university. safitri, m. a. and t. p. moeliono (2010). hukum agraria dan masyarakat di indonesia : studi tentang tanah, kekayaan alam, dan ruang di masa kolonial dan desentralisasi. jakarta, huma. sepsiaji, d. and f. fuadi (2004). the struggle of social forestry in gunung kidul-pergulatan hutan kemasyarakatan di gunung kidul. yogyakarta, indonesia, kphkm gunung kidul. simon, h., perhutani perum., et al. (1992). one century of sustainable forest management with special reference to teak in java. jakarta, in cooperation between perum perhutani and faculty of forestry, gadjah mada. suharjito, d. (2000). characteristics of community-based forest management-karakteristik pengelolaan hutan berbasiskan masyarakat. yogyakarta, indonesia, aditya media. tunggal, h. s. (2011). the set of forestry legislationhimpunan peraturan perundang-undangan kehutanan. jakarta, harvarindo. tunggal, h. s. and indonesia. (2009). himpunan peraturan pelaksanaan undang-undang kehutanan. jakarta, harvarindo. tunggal, h. s. and indonesia. (2010). the set of forestry legislation-himpunan peraturan perundang-undangan kehutanan. jakarta, harvarindo. wulan, y. c. y., y.; purba, c.; wollenberg, e (2004). analisa konflik: sektor kehutanan di indonesia 19972003 bogor, indonesia, cifor yasmi, y., j. guernier, et al. (2009). “positive and negative aspects of forestry conflict: lessons from a decentralized forest management in indonesia.” international forestry review 11(1): 98-110. the conflict of forest tenure and the emergence of community based forest management in indonesia / eko priyo purnomo; p.b anand / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0003 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i1.13831 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 112 affiliation: tai solarin university of education, nigeria correspondence: adebajoaa@tasued.edu.ng. & orebanjoabiodun@gmail.com how to citate: aderayo, aa, olusola, orebanjo. (2022). ungoverned spaces and menace of herder farmer conflict in ondo state, south west nigeria. jurnal studi pemerintahan. vol 13 (1). 112132 article history: received : dec 22, 2021 revised: jan 29, 2022 accepted: feb 25, 2022 ungoverned spaces and menace of herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west nigeria adebajo adeola aderayo1 , orebanjo abiodun olusola2 abstract the study investigated how ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer con flict in ondo state, south west, nigeria. descriptive research design was adopted for the study. questionnaire, interview and focus group discussion were used to obtain primary data. simple random sampling technique was employed in selecting 200 respondents. eighteen in-depth interviews and two discussions were conducted. quantitative and qualitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and content analysis. findings showed that herders used ungoverned spaces as hideouts to carry out attacks against the communities. herder-farmer conflict led to loss of lives, destruction of prop erty, disruption of socio-economic activities, food insecurity and distrust among ethnic groups. amotekun security outfit plays crucial roles in monitoring and checkmating herders who use the unmanned forests as hideouts. anti-graz ing law is effective in restricting the movement of herders causing crop de struction. it recommended that the ungoverned spaces should be used for siting of local industries, tourist centres and mechanised farm settlements in order to create employment opportunities, boost food production and elimi nate hideouts for the criminal elements. drones can be deployed to monitor the operation of herders in the forests. amotekun security outfit should be trained and adequately equipped with weapons for maximum delivery. keywords: amotekun, farmers, herders, herder-farmer conflicts, ungoverned spaces abstrak penelitian ini menyelidiki bagaimana ruang yang tidak diatur mendorong konflik gembala-petani di negara bagian ondo, barat daya, nigeria. desain penelitian deskriptif diadopsi untuk penelitian ini. kuesioner, wawancara dan focus group discussion digunakan untuk memperoleh data primer. teknik simple random sampling digunakan dalam memilih 200 responden. delapan belas wawancara mendalam dan dua diskusi dilakukan. data kuantitatif dan kualitatif dianalisis menggunakan statistik deskriptif dan analisis isi. konflik gembala-petani menyebabkan hilangnya nyawa, kerusakan harta benda, kerawanan pangan dan ketidakpercayaan di antara kelompok etnis. pasukan keamanan amotekun memainkan peran penting dalam memantau dan memeriksa penggembala yang menggunakan hutan tak berawak sebagai tempat persembunyian. direkomendasikan bahwa ruang yang tidak diatur harus digunakan untuk penempatan industri lokal, pusat wisata dan pemukiman pertanian mekanis. drone dapat dikerahkan untuk memantau operasi penggembala di hutan. kata kunci: amotekun, petani, penggembala, konflik gembala-petani, ruang tak beraturan http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:adebajoaa@tasued.edu.ng mailto:orebanjoabiodun@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1507-6804 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5375-9668 jurnal studi pemerintahan introduction in the recent times, nigeria has been bedeviled with security challenges threatening its corporate existence security challenges confronting the country include but not limited to banditry, kidnapping, terrorism, insurgency, political violence, resourcebased conflict, agricultural related violence and threats of secession. the insecurity arising from the challenges has taken its tolls on human lives, property and socio-economic wellbeing of the nigerian masses. one of the factors remotely promoting some of the security challenges is the presence of ungoverned spaces that spread across different geo-political zones in the country. the inability of government to provide security measures to adequately curtail the growing insecurity has further compounded the problem. ungoverned spaces are the places where government does not have control due to lack of presence of the security agents giving room to criminality to proliferate without any form of curtailment. in other words, ungoverned spaces are the uncontrolled land territories vulnerable to occupation and control by violent nonstate actors such as terrorists, insurgents, militant herders and other criminal elements who maintain organized networks to perpetrate their reign of terror. ungoverned territories exhibit the characteristics of absence of basic institutions of the state to enforce rules and regulations, law enforcement agency and social amenities (ojo, 2020). as contended by whelan (2006), ungoverned spaces are present in some west african states such as niger delta and northern mali where there is little exercise of government authority control. in somali coast, northwestern ethiopia, northern uganda, democratic republic of congo, gulf of guinea and central africa republic have ungoverned territories which allow proliferation of illicit and criminal activities (whelan, 2006). in the north west and north central, violent clashes between herders and farmers are driven by the ungoverned spaces making it easy for the criminal gangs such as herdsmen militias to maintain their networks. 113 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 114 many of the ungoverned territories provide links with porous borders through which the migrant herdsmen come in and out of the country. one of the violent conflicts that has ever had devastating effects on the nigerian populace is herder-farmer conflict. the destructive nature the conflict has assumed is alarming due to lack of political will by the federal government of nigeria to take proactive measure to stem its tide. consequently, the governors of benue, ondo, ekiti, ogun, oyo and lagos states took a drastic measure to establish antiopen grazing laws in order to restrict herders’s movements, which most of the time causes destruction of crops and contamination of water sources. also, the south-west, nigeria, the state governments came together to establish amotekun security outfit in order to complement the efforts of the security agents in curbing violence perpetrated by the herdsmen. studies have been carried out on how ungoverned spaces have caused insecurity like banditry, kidnapping, insurgency and terrorism in nigeria (ojo, 2020; aniche, 2021). also, literature abound on the menace of herder-farmer conflict and humanitarian challenges in nigeria (ugwumba,2018; adebajo, 2020; adebajo & iseoluwa, 2020). however, literature seems very scanty on how ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict in south west, nigeria, with a particular attention on ondo state. therefore, the paper investigated the ungoverned spaces and herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west, nigeria. specifically, the paper at tempted to discuss the negative impacts of herderfarmer conflict on human lives, property and socioeconomic activities of the people in ondo state, south west, nigeria, and investigated the extent to which ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west, nigeria. the research questions that guided the study include what are the negative impacts of herder-farmer conflict on human lives, property and socio-economic activities of the people in ondo state, south west, nigeria ?, and how do the ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west, nigeria ? two hypotheses stated in null form were tested in the study. they are jurnal studi pemerintahan ho1: herder-farmer conflict does not affect socio-economic se curity of the people in ondo state, south west, nigeria. ho2: ungoverned spaces cause herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west, nigeria. environmental theory is adopted as an explanatory framework. the theory proposes that as the world population increases, it would exceed the resource base which will cause environmental destruction, widespread hunger and violent conflicts. the major exponents of the theory are homerdixon (1994), homer-dixon & blitt (1998) and homer dixon(1999). in the opinion of dixon, decreasing supply of environmental resources such as grasses, freshwater and land can lead to violent conflicts between or among the users. besides, large population movements occasioned by environmental stress can induce group identity conflicts in a society, particularly ethnic violence. in addition, severe environmental scarcity will in crease economic deprivation and disrupts key social institutions which can induce deprivation conflicts like insurgency and civil strife. from the view of dixon (1999), degradation and deple tion of environmental resources leads to scarcity of renewable resources. to him, environmental scarcity acts as a long-term stressor aggravating risk of violent conflicts. kaplan also envi sioned the coming anarchy as there will be future decline of the state authority. further, kaplan espoused that conflict will occur due to environmental degradation which is contrary to the proposition of cultural differences earlier advanced by samuel huntington that clash of civilization can cause violent conflicts. arguing further, dixon posited that as environmental scarcity worsens, the rate and extent of sub-national group identity con flicts increase as typified between herders and farmers. despite the propositions of the environmental scarcity theory and its relevance to the paper, it failed to capture other variables that can cause and aggravate conflict such as religion, ethnic differences, incompatible cultures, values and norms. the theory is applied to the study because analyses how clashes occur between farmers and herders as a result of drought and desertification leading to 115 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 116 scarcity of environmental renewable resources such as grasses and water needed by the two conflicting parties. the degradation of natural resources due to overgrazing and effects of climate change compel herders to move from the arid north to the other southern parts of the country which often results in violent clashes between them and farmers due to destruction of crops by cattle. literature review ungoverned spaces, herder-farmer conflict and security challenges literature abounds on the challenges the ungoverned spaces constitute to national and human security globally. diggins (2011) contended that state security is not dependent on a balance of power but weak or fragile states jeopardize global security. as asserted by diggins, fragile states represent chaos, disorder and underdevelopment and they threaten the security of the developed world, particularly the western world. from the perspective of raleigh and dowd(2013), the terms failed states and ungoverned un-governed spaces are commonly used due to the fact that they served the interests of the states and international powers in and across the sahel and that sahel states are effectively governed by variety of agents, and because the states are among the poorest, largest and most underpopulated african nations, the states are limited in exercising control over the areas. so, characterizing other spaces that are not under the control of the state as ungoverned is merely to obscure how power is exercised in the states (raleigh et al, 2013). however, they submitted that the violent actor s who engage with the state or international forces, western interests and others do not need large and ungoverned spaces to carry out their actitivities. as argued by ojo (2020), a strong connection exists between ungoverned spaces and insecurity that is presently prevalent in nigeria. ungoverned spaces constitute the unguarded places where security agents cannot exercise control or authority. for instance, the boko haram insurgents found ungoverned spaces jurnal studi pemerintahan of sambisa as hideouts where they live and orchestrate different attacks against the civilians. from the perspective of okoli and lenshie (2018), ungoverned spaces cover places of governance deficits or areas that have constituted general concerns to na tional security. the ungoverned spaces are exploitable and con tested spaces under the illegitimate control of gangs, local armed groups, militants and/or warlords due to under-governance, misgovernance or the total absence of governance within a de fining space (okoli et al, 2018). arguing further, okoli et al, (2018) stated that the problems of ungoverned spaces are caused by the size of the state, population growth, density and spatial distribution, pattern of wealth distribution, urbanization, globalization and increasing wealth of violent non-state actors and lack of capacity by government to exercise effective control of territorial boundaries. ojo (2020) asserted that the size of sambisa forest can be compared to the geographical landscape of lagos state in south western nigeria or belgium, provides avenue for kidnapping and abduction of civilians. it is equally used as a platform not only for operation, coordination and organization of activities, but as a logistical base for the insurgents and havens for keeping abductees. so, boko haram terrorists and other criminal elements continuously exploit the unguarded nature of the forest to execute heinous activities. in addition, most of the bandit activities are hatched out in the ungoverned spaces in different parts of the country as there are no technological devices to monitor what goes on in the forests. in the opinion of campbell (2018), terrorists are not the only users of ungoverned spaces in nigeria, there are other criminal gangs like militant herders and cattle rustlers, other criminal elements carrying out activities that constitute threats to security of lives and property. in the north east and north central nigeria, the criminal gangs have continuously exploited the un manned thick forests to perpetrate heinous crimes against rural dwellers. the rural communities have resulted to self-help by putting in place vigilante groups and local hunters who monitor 117 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 118 the activities of the bandits carrying out criminal activities. in the opinion of ukwuoma, oke and nimfel (2020), ungoverned spaces are physical or non physical landmasses where there is no state‘s presence and they span through the cross river forest, connecting sambisa forest in maiduguri via bauchi jos axis to katsina, zamfara up to kebbi state in nigeria(ukwuoma, et al, 2020). the ‘ungoverned’ spaces are said to be zones that lay beyond the reach of government and thus pose a significant threat to security and stability (onwuzuruigbo, 2020). they are often perceived as fertile grounds within which terrorist organisations incubate and thrive, proliferating drug trafficking, criminal networks and the presence of illegal migrants and, therefore, containing these spaces falls within the strategic frontier of security priorities. thus, these ungoverned spaces serve as criminal safe havens where they organize, plan, raise funds, communicate, recruit, train, transit, and operate in relative security (villarosa, 2011). in the foregoing, nigeria has a large land area in form of forest, desert or water such as sambisa forest in the north-east, the creeks in the south-south, mangrove forests in the southeast and south-west, and similar areas in nigeria are left unmanned and uncatered for by civil government or security agencies and are used by criminals and bandits in nigeria. in a contrary aversion, ungoverned spaces do not lack governance influence but are still within the control of the centralised government, but they may be under-governed, illgoverned, contested and exploited spaces by violent non-state actors who use them for proliferation of criminal activities. apart from the challenges posed by ungoverned spaces in nigeria and implications on national security, international at tention has been drawn to the increasing and alarming nature of the conflict between herders and farmers in west africa subregion. adopting different methodological and theoretical prisms, scholars such as ogu (2016), ngbea and ngbea (2019), okoli & dalhatu, (2019), adebajo, 2020, among others, argued jurnal studi pemerintahan that the incessant conflict between herders and farmers in west africa and nigeria in particular portends a threat to the corpo rate existence of the nations. okoli and lenshie (2018) also ar gued that there is a correlation between ungoverned spaces, no madic migrancy and violence perpetrated by the fulani herders against the rural communities in nigeria; which has resulted in loss of lives and other socio-economic and human insecurities. arguing further, they asserted that there are hundreds of foot paths leading to cameroon, chad and niger, linking to mali, sudan and libya and most of the paths are not known to the security agents but are used by criminals to smuggle arms into the country, particularly the fulani herdsmen who perpetrate rural violence. not only is the conflict manifesting identity conflict in form of religion, indigene ship and ethnicity, the international dimension it has been subsumed and assumed makes it intractable to resolve despite all applied conflict management mechanisms by stakeholders. conflicts between the two agricultural groups have recorded negative socio-economic impacts including numerous loss of human lives and livestock, disruption of rural livelihoods, food insecurity, destruction of private and public property, increased number of internally displaced persons with risks and vulnerabilities, hampering of development programmes, deterioration in the quality of life, weakening of political and economic institutions and discouragement of investment locally (oladipupo, 2018; njoku, 2018; adebajo, 2020). seemingly, inadequate scholarly attention has not been paid to how ungoverned spaces play a critical role in promoting the persistent conflicts between herders and farmers in nigeria which can lead to generating possible solution to ameliorate the problem. hence, the study attempted to investigate the intellectual vacuum. research methods the study adopted quantitative and qualitative methods to gather data to provide answers to the research questions. the 119 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 120 population of the study is ondo state which is 4, 671, 000 (na tional population commission, 2006). since the researcher could not cover the entire population in ondo state, target population were drawn from ifedore and idanre local government areas where the conflict is prevalent. simple random sampling was utilised in selecting the respondents in the two local government areas. a total number of 200 copies of questionnaire were administered in ifedore and idanre local government areas. the population of ifedore local government area is 176,327 (national bureau of statistics, 2020) while the population of idanre local government area is 169,732 (national bureau of statistics, 2020).84 copies of questionnaire were administered in ijare and ilase communities in ifedore local government area while 116 copies were administered in atosin and alade communities in idanre local government area. purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were adopted in selecting the participants of the study. this was to ensure that those who were directly involved and affected by the conflict provide first-hand information. therefore participants were selected in ijare, ilase, atosin and alade communities and obasooto farm settlement, all in idanre and ifedore local government areas in ondo state. in obtaining data, a validated questionnaire, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used. the in-depth interview was adopted to obtain comprehensive data from the participants who would give detailed information to enhance deep understanding of how ungoverned spaces promote the incessant conflicts between farmers and herders in ondo state. the copies of questionnaire were administered to farmers, herders, community leaders, the vigilante group, local hunters and the victims of the herder-farmer conflict. the copies of questionnaire were retrieved immediately with the help of a research assistant, hence, a high retrieval rate of 100%. for the in-depth interview, seven (7) participants were interviewed in ijare, five (5) in ilase and six (6) in atosin. a total number of eighteen participants were interviewed in the selected locations. jurnal studi pemerintahan the interviewees were purposively selected among the villagers, herd ers, farmers and community leaders in order to get their firsthand views on how ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict in ondo state. two focus group discussions which consisted of seven participants were conducted in ijare and atosin. the participants in the focus group discussion were selected majorly from the victims, farmers, members of local joint taskforce, vigilante groups, local hunters, amotekun security outfit, herders and security personnel in ijare. two focus group discussions were conducted to obtain data on how ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict and the associated effects on human lives and socio-economic security of people in ijare community area of ifedore local government. in all, a total number of fourteen participants constituted the focus group discussions. essentially, focus group discussion was used to obtain data to complement information obtained through questionnaire and in-depth interview. as there was no reliable sampling frame, purposive sampling was deployed to select the participants in answering the research questions. the groups formed were homogenous in nature and were constituted on the basis of occupation and experience of the phenomenon studied. the rationale for using experience was to obtain ample information from the participants who have deep knowledge about the subject matter. the herders and farmers were not grouped together so that the discussion would not degenerate to crisis thereby affecting data collection. simple percentage and correlation were used in analyzing the data gathered from the respondents. the qualitative data were coded, transcribed and content-analyzed using different themes and sub-themes. the data collected were also analyzed using the statistical package for social science (spss) version 20. result and discussion this subsection presents and discusses result on the negative impacts of herder-farmer conflict on human lives, property and 121 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 122 socio-economic activities of the people in ondo state, south west, nigeria. table 1 the negative impacts of herder-farmer conflict on socio-economic activities of the people in ondo state, south west nigeria s/no research items sa a d sd 1 people were maimed and killed during the 171 18 11 herder-farmer conflict 85.5% 9% 5.5% 2 property like houses and vehicles were 83 106 6 5 destroyed during the conflict 41.5% 53% 3% 2.5% 3 cultivated crops were destroyed as a result of 166 17 10 7 the conflicts 83% 8.5% 5% 3.5% 4 herders and cattle were killed by farmers during 6 12 7 175 the conflict. 3% 6% 3.5% 87.5% 5 family members were dislocated by the herder 146 51 3 farmer conflict 73% 25.5% 1.5% 6 the affected communities have been deserted 167 13 19 1 since the commencement of herder-farmer conflict in the state 83.55% 6.5% 9.5% 0.5% 7 economic activities were affected by the 138 42 12 8 conflict 69% 21% 6% 4% source: field survey, 2021 as shown in table 1, 94.5% (85.5% +9%) of the respondents’ believed people were maimed and killed in ondo state is a result of herder-farmer crisis. 5.5% respondents felt that people were not killed during herder-farmer crisis. over 94% (41.5% + 53%) of the respondents agreed that property like houses, poultry and vehicles were destroyed. meanwhile, over 91% (83%+8.5%) felt that cultivated crops were destroyed by herder-farmer conflict in the affected areas in the state. over 91% (3.5% + 87.5%) perceived those herders and cattle were not killed when the conflict occurred. while 98.5% (73 + 25.5%) believed that family members were not dislocated as a result of the conflict. 90% (83.5% + 6.5%) felt that communities affected by the conflict were deserted since the conflict commenced. like the situation in the north central nigeria, such as in benue, plateau and nasarawa states where a large number of people were displaced with attendant humanitarian challenges. 90% (69% +21%) believed that economic activities were affected by the conflict be jurnal studi pemerintahan tween herders and farmers in the state. test of hypotheses hypothesis 1: ho1: herder-farmer conflict does not affect socio-economic security in ondo state, south west, nigeria table 2 anova socio-economic sum of squares df mean square f sig. between groups 6.063 5 1.213 .977 .433 within groups 240.812 194 1.241 total 246.875 199 source: field survey, 2021 in table 2 above, it was revealed that herder-farmer conflict affects the socio-economic security in ondo state (f=.977; p<.05), therefore, the null hypothesis is rejected. this implies that the persistent conflict between herders and farmers affects socio-eco nomic activities of the people in the two local government areas selected in ondo state, south west, nigeria. findings from the interviews and focus group discussions conducted showed human lives were affected as some people died during the violent attacks by the herders. it was revealed that people died including women and children. women lost their breadwinners leaving them vulnerable to economic vagaries of life in meeting the needs of their children. as found out, there is an increasing rate of crimes due to the fact that of the locals lost their economic power as a result of disruption of farming and trading activities. an incident of a 67-year-old woman gruesomely murdered and her vital body parts severed and taken away by herders was cited during the interview. the killers of the woman have not been apprehended and prosecuted to serve a deterrence. aside killing of people, some locals were wounded leaving their care on the widows who are struggling to make ends meet. another negative impact of the conflict revealed was the 123 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 124 destruction of property such as farm settlement in obasooto in idanre, houses, motorbikes and vehicles were also damaged. according to the participants, it took the intervention of the vigilante groups and amotekun security outfit to stop further destruction of lives and property. further, the interviewees corroborated those cattle destroyed crops on farm land in ondo state. one of the people interviewed in ijare community said one of the negative consequences of the conflict is reduction in farm output because farmers can no longer plant for the fear of cattle destroying their crops. one of them explained that as a farmer for so many years in the community. he has suddenly become a motorcycle rider to earn a living due to destruction of his crops by cattle, to which no compensation was paid. as pointed out by the farmers, the herders destroyed farm crops worth millions of naira. crops such as cassava, cocoyam, yam, pineapples, plantains and other leguminous plants were eaten up by cows without any compensation paid to the owners of the farm. however, a fulani herder in a focus group discussion revealed that he singles handedly paid compensation to the owner of the crops that got destroyed by his cattle without the farmer informing the police. another herder pointed out that their cattle were killed as a retaliation for destruction of farm crops, hence, they had to launch a revenge attack on the community where the act was perpetrated. however, the farmers in a focus group discussion made it clear that they have nothing to do with the killing of the thirty-six (36) cows that were struck to death by the gods of the land through thunderstorm. they pointed out that the cows were killed because the herders took their cows to the sacred land. the claim that the cows were killed by gods cannot be proved for lack of evidence because the explanation belongs to the realm of meta physics which cannot be subjected to scientific analysis. but to the locals in the communities, they uphold this belief that the unseen beings can wrought vengeance against their enemies. it is noteworthy to state that apart from loss of human lives, de jurnal studi pemerintahan struction of property and disruption of socio-economic activi ties, distrust exists among different ethnic groups in the com munities, particularly yoruba and fulani, portending danger to peaceful co-existence in a multicultural, religious and linguistic society like ondo state. 2. this subsection presents and discusses the result on how ungoverned spaces promote herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west nigeria. table 3. ungoverned spaces and herder-farmer conflict in ondo state s/n research items sa a sd d 1 ungoverned spaces are used as 180 20 hideouts by herders in ondo state 90% 10% 2 the weapons used during herder187 13 farmer conflict are hidden in ungoverned spaces in ondo state 93.5% 6.5% 3 ungoverned spaces in ondo state are 14 166 20 not monitored by the security agencies 7% 83% 10% 4 vigilante groups guard the ungoverned 98 56 9 37 spaces in ondo state 49% 28% 4.5% 18.5% 5 security agents do not patrol the 74 49 29 48 ungoverned spaces because they maintain social affiliation with the herders, hence, conflict cannot be prevented 37% 24.5% 14.5% 24% source: field survey, 2021. in table 3 above, 100% of the respondents felt the ungov erned spaces are used as hideouts by herders where nefarious activities are carried out. this clearly depicts that the criminally inclined herders use the thick forest as hide outs to perpetrate heinous activities against the communities. over 90% believed that the ungoverned spaces are used by the herders to keep their weapons. 90% thought that ungoverned spaces in ondo state are not monitored by security agents. lack of presence of the state in the thick forests make them vulnerable for use by criminally inclined herders. the fact that none of the respondents 125 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 126 disagreed with the position portends that government does not give adequate attention to protection and safeguarding of the lives and properties of the citizens as stipulated in chapter 2, section 14 (2b) of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of nigeria (as amended). 77% perceived that vigilante groups guard the ungoverned spaces. 61.5%(37%+24.5% of the respondents thought that security agents do not patrol the ungoverned spaces because they maintain social affiliation with the herders, hence, the conflict cannot be prevented. hypothesis 2: ho2: ungoverned spaces do not cause herder-farmer conflict in ondo state table 4. descriptive statistics mean standard. deviation ungoverned spaces 7.84 .385 200 herder-farmer conflict 10.07 1.068 200 table 5. descriptive correlation correlations ungoverned herder-farmer source: field survey, 2021 table 4 above revealed that 200 respondents participated in the study, the mean score on ungoverned spaces is 7.84 and standard deviation of .385, while the mean score on herder-farmer conflict is 10.07 with 1.068 as the standard deviation. as revealed in the correlation table, there is relationship between ungoverned spaces and herder-farmer conflict (r=.135; p< .05). therefore, n spaces conflict ungoverned spaces pearson correlation 1 -.106 sig. (2-tailed) .135 n 200 200 herder-farmer conflict pearson correlation -.106 1 sig. (2-tailed) .135 n 200 200 jurnal studi pemerintahan the null-hypothesis is rejected, meaning that ungoverned spaces cause the incessant conflict between herders and farmers in ondo state, south west, nigeria. data obtained from interviews and focus group discussions corroborated the perceptions of the respondents on how ungov erned spaces promote herder-farmer conflicts in ondo state. they revealed that the thick forests are used as hideouts where heinous activities are perpetrated against the host communities in ondo state. the farmers revealed that weapons used by herders are kept in the ungoverned spaces where no security agents will see them for apprehension. by implication it is obvious that illegal influx of weapons into the thick forests where the herders used as hideouts made it easy for the prosecution of the conflict since smalls are readily available. one of the community leaders interviewed mentioned that the herders hide and keep their weapons in the unmanned spaces by the security agents to launch attacks. but one of the farmers made an allusion that there is a close interaction between the security agents and herders in the communities possibly on the basis of religious, cultural or political attachment. he queried why the security agents have found it difficult to apprehend any of the herders whose cattle destroyed crops and also killed people. it was assumed that there is a complicity between herders and security agents in the state because of one form of connection or the other. so, majority of the participants were of the view that ungoverned spaces promote herderfarmer conflict but the presence of the local vigilante groups and amotekun security outfit has stemmed the tide in the rural communities or else, it would have erupted into the same magnitude experienced in benue and nasarawa state, north central nigeria. though, one of the interviewees made it clear that the vigilante groups and local hunters are readily available than the security agents, the police or military. although, the training of the vigilante and amotekun security out groups does not measure up to that of the conventional security agents. also, weapons possessed by the vigilante groups and hunters are not so 127 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 128 phisticated like those used by security agents and herders. it was found out that the local security providers like amotekun secu rity outfit, vigilante and local hunters are not remunerated by government but depend on stipends given by the members of the community instead of them to be enlisted in the payroll of government. in addition, there is no readily available patrol ve hicles to enhance their regular movement in the ungoverned spaces in order to scare away herders from inhabiting the places. majority of the participants suggested that the deployment of technological devices such as cctv, drone and satellite to monitor any activities taking in the ungoverned areas. it was also suggested that the ungoverned spaces should be used as mechanised farming, tourists centers and for the establishment of local industries to generate jobs for the unemployed. discussion findings revealed that herder-farmer conflict has negative impacts on human lives, property and socio-economic activities of the people in ondo state, south west, nigeria. people in the rural communities where the conflict is prevalent lost their lives. women lost their husbands and children leaving them with trauma that may not heal on time. children became orphans because their parents were killed during the conflict and this makes life unbearable for them. social activities were affected due to the conflict between herders and farmers. social activities like burial ceremonies, religious functions, associational meetings, among others, were disrupted as a result of the conflict. houses, schools, farms and health centers were destroyed. disruption of planting of crops, family disorganization, waste of resources, increase in social vices were experienced in the areas of study due to loss of economic activities. there was displacement of local population from their ancestral homes forcing some of them to relocate to urban areas. the findings corroborate the perspectives of oladipupo (2018), njoku (2018) and adebajo (2020) on the challenges posed by the incessant conflicts jurnal studi pemerintahan between herders and farmers in west africa nations including nigeria, that the conflict has led loss of lives, farm produce, property and social dislocation, family disintegration, dis placement of people with diverse risks and vulnerabilities. besides, it was also found that ungoverned places play a crucial role in promoting herder-farmer conflict in the areas of the study. this finding corroborates the argument of okoli and lenshie (2018) on how ungoverned spaces cause and promote violence by fulani herdsmen who smuggle arms to perpetrate killings and destructions against the indigenous communities in nigeria. findings showed that herders use the unmanned thick forests to hide themselves and their weapons deployed in attacking the host communities, particularly when cows were killed. the finding is in consonance with the position of ojo (2020) that there is a strong connection between ungoverned spaces and insecurity. ungoverned spaces are the areas unmanned by the security agents which gives room to the proliferation of social vices like banditry, kidnapping, cattle rustling, armed violence and armed robbery. what makes the matter more dangerous is the inability of the security agents to apprehend the criminally inclined herders perpetrating heinous activities in the state. as found out, nonapprehension of the militant herders can be due to the fact that they have political, religious, ethnic and cultural affiliations with the security agents. none of the herders that killed people has been apprehended in the state by the security agents. in addition, the local security providers such as amotekun security outfit, vigilante groups and local hunters have played critical roles in curtailing the activities of the herders thereby stemming the tide of the conflict which would have taken a more dangerous dimension like what is obtainable in the north central nigeria. findings on how ungoverned spaces serve as promoter of herder-farmer conflict in ondo state, south west nigeria corroborates the early argument of ukwuaoma, oke and ninfel (2020) who opined that absence of security agents in unmanned thick forests paved way for bandits, kidnappers and 129 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 130 herding militias to hide and launch attacks on the civilians. conclusion the paper concluded that ungoverned spaces promote the conflicts between herders and farmers in the selected communities in ondo state, south west nigeria. the herders used un-manned forests to perpetrate heinous activities against the communities which often leads to violent conflicts with negative consequences. it is evident in the study that the security agents are not effective in protecting lives and property in the selected communities and that is the reason the locals prefer community policing as an effective measure to man the ungoverned spaces and also combat the conflict between herders and farmers. evidently, the conflicts between farmers and herders have affected human lives, led to death of human beings and animals, destroyed property and farm crops, disrupted economic activities and caused to friction among ethnic groups particularly between yoruba and fulani in the locations of the study. it was also established that the government policy of anti-open grazing has been effective in curtailing unrestricted movement of herders in locations of study which reduced the cases of incessant conflicts between herders and farmers. also, the measure has led to the relocation of herders out of the state which has ushered in relative peace in the state. in order to address the problem, there is need for deployment of security agents to the ungoverned forests in other parts in ondo state so that they can be monitored and guarded so as to prevent them from being used as hideouts by criminal elements to foment crisis. there is need to adequately equip the amotekun security outfit, vigilante and local hunters in order to enhance their per formance on the job. therefore, financial and logistical supports should be provided by the ondo state government to the amotekun security outfit so as to combat the curb the heinous activities of the herders. due to poor incentives and breakdown of the patrol vehicles which most of the time hamper effective jurnal studi pemerintahan delivery of security provision in the communities, the vigilante and local hunters should be remunerated and provided with necessary modern weapons for effective delivery of their duties. inter-agency collaboration and adequate networking are needed among the local security outfits in order to adequately respond to early conflict warning signals in the state particularly between herders and farmers. most of the ungoverned spaces in the state can be used for siting industries by individuals and gov ernment which will provide employment opportunities for the people. in another sense, they can be used for tourism to generate income to the government even at the grassroot level. partnering with the private organisations is imperative so as to create ranches in some relatively peaceful states in the north in order to prevent incessant migration of the herders to other parts of the country in search of grasses and water for their cattle. lastly, it is important that government should intensify efforts in mitigating effects of climate change which causes environmental resource scarcity compelling herders to move from the semiarid north to the southern parts of the country including ondo state. more advocacy is needed on the importance of creating a sustainable ranching system for the herders in order to curb incessant migration which most of the time leads to violent conflict. references adebajo, a. a., & iseoluwa, r. o. (2020). climate change, resource scarcity and pastoralist-farmer conflict in north central nigeria. jalingo journal of social andmanagement sciences, 2(3), 23-38. adebajo, a. a. (2020). conflict management mechanisms and internally displaced women in nigeria: the case of pastoralist-farmer conflict in benue and nasarawa states. fuwukari journal of politics and development, 4(1). 68-85. adebajo, a. a. (2020). religious and external dimension of pastoralist-farmer conflict in the north central nigeria. fudma journal of politics and international affairs (fujopia), 3(1).94-105. aniche, e. t. (2021). borderland in west africa are ungoverned:: why this is bad for security? received from https://theconversation.com/borderlands-in-west-africa-are ungoverned-why-this-is-bad-security-161453. campbell, j. (2018). terrorists are not the only ones exploiting ungoverned spaces across 131 https://www.slideshare.net/tsuoer/jjsms-vol2-no3-june-2020-239920654 https://www.slideshare.net/tsuoer/jjsms-vol2-no3-june-2020-239920654 https://core.ac.uk/reader/159925030 http://journal.fudutsinma.edu.ng/index.php/fujopia https://theconversation.com/borderlands-in-west-africa-are-%20ungoverned-why-this-is-bad-security-161453 https://theconversation.com/borderlands-in-west-africa-are-%20ungoverned-why-this-is-bad-security-161453 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 132 nigeria. retrieved from https://www.googleagmanager.com/ns.htm? diggins, c. a. (2011). ungoverned space, fragile states and global threats: deconstructing linkages. inquiries. 3(3) 1 -10. homer-dixon, r. (1994). environmental scarcities and violent conflict: evidence from cases. int. secur. 19, 5-40. homer-dixon, t., & blitt, j. (1998). eco-violence: links among environment, population and security. rowman & littlefield. lanham. homer-dixon, t. (1999). environment, scarcity and violence. princeton, n.j princeton university press. national bureau of statistics (2020). idanre local government area population. retrived from https://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com. national bureau of statistics (2020). ifedore local government area population. retrived from https://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com. national population commission (2006). report of nigeria’s national population on the 2006 census. retrieved from https://www.jstor.org>stable. ngbea, t. g, & ngbea, t. j. (2019). political and religious implications of herdsmen and farmers crises in nigeria. international journal of research in humanities and so cial sciences. 6(2,. 1-12. njoku, a. o. (2018). herder-farmer clashes in nigeria: implications for economic growthand national security. asian journal of social science, art and humanities, 6(1),1-16. ogu, m.i. (2016). endemic pastoral/agricultural conflicts, small arms proliferation and insecurity in nigeria. unpublished phd thesis in the department of political sci ence and public administration, babcock university, ilishan-remo. okoli, a. c., & dalhatu, m. y. (2019). conflict on the fault-lines: exploring the ethno religious complications of farmer-herder conflicts in nigeria. calabar journal of politics and administration. 5(1). 1-10. okoli, a. c., & lenshie, n. e. (2018). nigeria: nomadic migrancy and rural violence. conflict studies quarterly, 25. 68-85. ojo, j. s. (2020). governing ungoverned spaces in the foliage of conspiracy: toward reordering terrorism from boko haram insurgency, fulani militancy to banditry in northern nigeria.retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1080/19392006.2020.1731109. oladipupo, d. (2018). 25 killed as herdsmen attack kogi communities. the eagle online. retrieved 18th october, 2019 from https://theeagelonline.com.ng. onwuguruigbo, i. (2020). enclave of banditry and ungoverned spaces and cattle rus tling in northern nigeria, african studies review, 3(2); 35-46 raleigh, c., & dowd, c.(2013). governance and conflict in the sahel’s ungoverned space. stability: international journal of security and development, 2(2): 32, 1-17. ugwumba, e. (2018). understanding the herder-farmer conflict in nigeria. retrieved from https://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/understanding-the-herder-farmerconflict-in-nigeria ukwuoma, h. c., oke, m., nimfel, c. e. (2020). harnessing information and communica tion technology (ict) for the management of ungoverned spaces in nigeria: policy and strategic way out. international journal of development and management review (injodemar), 15(1). 17-31 villarosa, s. (2011). denying terrorists safe havens: efforts to counter threats from paki stan, yemen, and somalia. testimony before the house committee on homeland whelan, t. (2006). africa’s ungoverned space. briefing address at the portuguese na tional defense institute, lisbon, 24th may, rebasa, angel, et al.(2007). ungoverned territories: understanding and reducing terrorism risks. santa monica, ca: rand project air force. 65. https://www.googleagmanager.com/ns.htm? https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022343398035003002 https://www.amazon.com/ecoviolence-links-environment-population-security-ebook/dp/b00ekjbdlc https://www.amazon.com/ecoviolence-links-environment-population-security-ebook/dp/b00ekjbdlc https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691089799/environment-scarcity-and-violence http://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com/ http://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com/ http://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com/ http://www.nationalbureauofstatistics.com/ http://www.jstor.org/ http://www.jstor.org/ https://www.raijmr.com/ijrhs/vol-6-issue-01-january-2018/ https://www.raijmr.com/ijrhs/vol-6-issue-01-january-2018/ http://www.ajssh.leena-luna.co.jp/ https://www.unical.edu.ng/staff/user/profile-ndifonobi https://www.unical.edu.ng/staff/user/profile-ndifonobi https://www.researchgate.net/publication/328285177_nigeria_nomadic_migrancy_and_rural_violence https://doi.org/10.1080/19392006.2020.1731109 https://theeagelonline.com.ng/ https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/african-studies-review https://www.researchgate.net/publication/284534496_governance_and_conflict_in_the_sahel%27s_ungoverned_space http://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/understanding-the-herder-farmerhttp://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/understanding-the-herder-farmerhttp://www.accord.org.za/conflict-trends/understanding-the-herder-farmerhttp://www.injodemar.com/ http://www.injodemar.com/ https://comum.rcaap.pt/bitstream/10400.26/1102/1/ned114_teresawhelan.pdf layout desember 2008 introduction the mainstream interpretation of 9/11 served as the causal basis for the united states to participate in war and increased militarization. to support the imperialist ambitions of those in power, certain narratives were applied, which drew upon religious and philosophical traditions that had previously helped to construct the nation, and thereby, the “american” self.1 as a response to the violent attacks the u.s. became involved in wars in afghanistan, iraq, and multiple military interventions around the world—including pakistan, yemen, somalia, and libya. military spending reached extremely high levels in the absence of any serious threat warranting such an exaggerated expenditure. “the united states has spent more than $7.6 trillion on defense and homeland security since the attacks of september 11, 2001” (national priorities project, 2011). in light of these consequences, some questions naturally emerge: what were the driving forces behind war and militarization? why did so many people in the u.s. willingly support war and militarization immediately after 9/11? answers to these questions, and others like them, will be given in the following pages. this paper aims to reveal the connection between “american” identity and war by discussing the various narratives and language involved in the process following the 9/11 attacks. the u.s. has the largest military in the world, which is spread around the globe, on land and at sea. its military expenditure far exceeds any other nation on earth (stockholm international peace research institute, 2010). china is a distant second. despite having no clear enemy, military spending continues to increase. moreover, the u.s. continues to possess weapons of mass destruction (wmd)—including chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons. it should be of great concern to all people on earth that the u.s. possesses the most dangerous weapons in the world, is the only country to have ever actually used nuclear weapons, and has a track record of going to war since its very beginning. the u.s. has “taken military actions abroad, large and small, chad tallman universitat jaume i (uji), castellón de la plana, spain; unesco chair of philosophy for peace tel +34 964 729380; e-mail address: ctall4@yahoo.com, chadmtallman@gmail.com interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 abstract following the attacks on september 11, 2001 (that killed approximately three thousand people) the united states began waging war abroad, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians and permanently displacing millions of innocent people. the interpretation of 9/11 as an act of war by the u.s. government and the mainstream news media provided the pretext for military aggression, legitimating war and militarization—on the basis of “national security”. this produced conditions for the heroic-narrative of the savior-nation to emerge, expressing itself in the united states’ “war on terror”. the idea of the “war on terror” was introduced in the aftermath of a lingering national trauma—in many ways generated by the government and the mainstream news media. its repetition allowed it to become physically embodied in the human brain, and thereby, orienting people toward nationalism and the use of violence. this study places identity at the center of the problem, arguing that “american” identity is dependent upon the existence of an enemy-other (negative identity). drawing upon discoveries in cognitive science and neuroscience permits one to appreciate the role of language and narrative in the construction of identity and the implications it has for both war and peace. combining this research with a philosophical and religious analysis of the united states captures a trend in the actions, thought, and beliefs that help form the “american” self and its relationship to violence. keywords: militarization, nationalism, heroic-narrative, language, identity. 2 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 250 times, not counting covert actions or the installation of permanent bases. for only 31 years, or 14 percent, of u.s. history have there been no u.s. troops engaged in any significant actions abroad” (swanson, 2010: 49). therefore, seeing that the u.s. has no intention of stopping its tradition of attacking and occupying other countries, expanding its empire, and threatening others with war—despite the absence of any danger warranting such behavior—ought to provoke serious questions regarding what is driving militarization and war. understanding the narratives involved in orienting the u.s. toward violence is significant for the survival of all life on the planet. figure 1. the us president’s proposed discretionary spending fiscal year 2014 source: (national priorities project, 2013) research method specific research methodologies are central to this study. the core methodology consists of qualitative research. under this umbrella a number of methods have been chosen to offer a deeper understanding of the hypothesis. the bulk of the research for this study is based on discourse analysis, narratology, framing theory, and cognitive science. applying these research methods helps to uncover the processes involved in the construction of “american” identity and the motivations behind war and militarization, particularly after 9/11. theoretical framework nationalism and identity one of the most fundamental features of nationalism is grounded in the in-groups opposition to the out-group. the binding emotions that serve to unite the in-group are inhibited from being extended to the out-group— which is conceived with fear and distrust (hogan, 2009). in fact, opposition to others is so central to nationalism that it often plays a major role in constructing identity itself by “the hardening of psychological boundaries and the fortification of the ego” (berman, 2010: 34). the german philosopher, georg wilhelm friedrich hegel, claimed that “‘identity’ cannot be clearly thought without ‘difference’; and ‘difference’ requires reference to ‘identity’” (beiser, 1993: 97). thus, when applied to nationalism the in-group define themselves in contrast to the out-group. this is referred to as negative identity. “negative identity is a phenomenon whereby you define yourself by what you are not” (berman, 2010: 34). it is negative because it is a type of relational identity that is dependent upon its opposition to others (berman, 2010). unfortunately, according to hegel, negative identity is incapable of actually ever telling “you who you are, in the affirmative sense. it leaves, in short, an emptiness at the center, such that you always have to be in opposition to something, or even at war with someone or something, in order to feel real” (berman, 2010: 35). carol k. winkler argues that the recurring labels in the narratives of the nation consist of certain defining cultural terms called ideographs. she writes that “ideographs are collective terms of political allegiance that embody a society’s ideals” (winkler, 2006: 11 – 12). in short, they are the shared values or ideals of the national community. “freedom, democracy and justice are all examples of ideographs within western political discourse” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 280). additionally, winkler writes that ideographs are not restricted to the positive values and ideals shared by society. similar to negative identity, negative ideographs “define the society through negation” (winkler, 2006: 12). they are labels that are used to condemn unacceptable behaviors. “tyranny and terrorism” serve as negative ideographs in “western political discourse” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 280). thus, an ideograph (positive or negative) “is a cultural-bound, abstract term of ordinary political discourse that warrants the use of power in ways the public has normally considered unacceptable” (winkler, 2006: 15). if the very identity of the national in-group is dependent upon the existence of an opposing force, then enemies are needed in order to fill the void with meaninterpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 3 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ing. “the other provides the mechanism by which subjects assume their existence” (hixson, 2008: 6). for this reason, maalouf notes that “the identity a person lays claim to is often based, in reverse, on that of his enemy” (maalouf, 2003: 14). consequently, the national in-group is inclined to search for enemies—real or illusory. the identity of the national in-group depends on others. thus, it cannot exist by itself. as a result, it strives to acquire identity through representation—similar to where an individual defines oneself by a label, such as, “american”, korean, protestant, or muslim, for example. however, since identity is based upon representation and not reality, the in-group ultimately lacks real identity. this may lead the national in-group to experience what is called psychic crisis (hixson, 2008). the national in-group “must always claim its identity as a subject by attaching itself to an other” (hixson, 2008: 318). therefore, since the national in-groups very identity is defined, not only in opposition to the out-group, but also in relation to its existence, it must continually discover new enemies in order to alleviate the psychic crisis. the instability of negative identity inevitably leads to psychic crisis because it is incomplete and lacking. the nation: narratives narratives are essential in maintaining loyalty and obedience to the nation, particularly during times of international conflict. hogan claims that “nationalism cannot be understood in separation from narrative, which itself cannot be understood in separation from our emotion systems” (hogan, 2009: 168). there are many different kinds of narratives, but most of them have a general structure and follow a similar process. “a story is a sequence of non-normal, causally related events and actions that emerge from normalcy and return to normalcy” (hogan, 2009: 15). aristotle recognized that stories contain three basic components: a beginning, middle, and an end. the real world, however, does not actually contain these components. our minds often make sense of the complexity of the world by spontaneously incorporating these structures into our lives. for example, before a story begins, the world is interpreted as being in a state of normalcy. it begins with, usually a single cause (our minds simplifying causality), when our minds perceive interference in the assumed normal state of affairs. emotion plays a significant role in this process (hogan, 2009). “our emotion systems tend to simplify causal attribution by reducing multiple causes to a single object, frequently a single agent” (hogan, 2009: 181) (for example, osama bin laden). just as there are no true beginnings in the real world, there are also no true endings. “stories have endings. social life does not” (hogan, 2009:184). the emotional connection to the story sustains the narrative. saying that a story has ended implies that there is no longer anything relevant warranting attention. “as soon as there is no longer anything that inspires or sustains our emotional responses, the story is over” (hogan, 2009: 184). causality never stops in the real world, but our emotional attachment to the story disintegrates when we begin to perceive a state of original normalcy (hogan, 2009: 185). hogan claims that a vast amount of research suggests that our semantic understanding is informed by prototypes. as he puts it, if you imagine a bird, you probably don’t immediately think of an ostrich even though an ostrich is technically a bird. instead, you probably think of a prototypical bird, such as, a robin. likewise, there are also prototypes of stories. these prototypical stories are cross cultural. hogan identifies three (heroic, romantic, sacrificial) that are commonly found in literature and, more importantly, in nationalism. heroic narrative, which is central to this study, is intimately interwoven within nationalism. it is based on an either/or assumption of “good guys” and “bad guys”— ”us” versus “them”. hogan points out that “our categorization of people into ‘us’ and ‘them’ strongly biases our moral evaluations and emotional responses” (hogan, 2009: 194). hence, when the hero is fighting against the enemy we tend to only have the experience of fear when the enemy attacks the in-group that we identify with. empathy with suffering is confined to the in-group only in heroic narratives. the most important heroic narrative that is distinct to nationalism is the threat/defense sequence, which is particularly used during war. this narrative is based on the plotline that an attack from the enemy threatens the nation (hogan, 2009: 199). hence, the nation (victim) is mobilized to defend itself against the enemy (villain), which results in the triumph of the nation (hero) over its enemy (villain)—usually another country. the nation, which begins as the victim, eventually becomes the hero of the story by defeating the enemy and restoring the moral order. this narrative can also consist of other roles, such as, countries (helpers) that ally with the interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 4 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nation (lakoff, 2009). figure 2. heroic narrative structure in heroic narratives, the attack by the villain on the victim is not connected to previous events; it is consequential of the disposition of the villain (enemy). in other words, actions by the villain deemed as malevolent do not have a cause, evil is in the enemy’s (villains) dna. the positive virtues and traits embodied by the hero are the opposite of those attributed to the villain (hogan, 2009). the villains “actions are immoral in themselves, and symptomatic of an underlying immorality of character” (hogan, 2009: 182). the actions taken by the national in-group are understood to be rational responses to danger, while the actions carried out by the enemies of the national in-group are seen as being intrinsic to their nature. it is perfectly legitimate in heroic narrative to blame the villain for anything. all evil flows from one source—the villain. of course, true heroes and villains are uncommon in war. it is rarely the case that one side of a conflict has a monopoly on either good or evil. both sides are capable of displaying altruism and compassion. similarly, both sides are capable of committing atrocities and engaging in cruelty (hogan, 2009). hogan points out that “it may be the case that one side has more justice in its cause than the other, that one side perpetrates more terror than the other—primarily because one side has more power” (hogan, 2009: 219). heroic narratives glorify war. in fact, they present it as something natural and ordinary instead of something extraordinary and horrific. by appealing to notions of bravery, honor, and glory they give it an attraction and mystique that it does not have. in short, it fictionalizes reality (hogan, 2009). in war is a force that gives us meaning chris hedges argues that heroic narratives allure people into supporting conflicts. “the world, as we see it in wartime,” writes hedges,”becomes high drama. it is romanticized. a moral purpose is infused into the trivial and the commonplace” (hedges, 2003: 54). he goes on to talk about how society is absorbed into a seeming real life historical drama: “life in wartime becomes theater. all are actors. leaders, against the backdrop of war, look heroic, noble. pilots who bail out of planes shot down by the enemy and who make their way back home play cameo roles” (hedges, 2003: 54). although narratives are necessary for making sense out of the complexity of situations, they also “have a powerful effect in hiding reality” (lakoff, 2009: 37). therefore, it is important to recognize that by reducing the complexity of events and introducing a sense of meaning into life, narratives disregard realities that are contradictory to their plotline (lakoff, 2009). religious and philosophical origins of “american” identity ideas from both christian millennialism and the enlightenment have constructed a distinct form of nationalism in the u.s., on which “american” identity relies heavily. both traditions may appear to be at odds with one another at first glance, but upon further investigation a common ideology emerges: utopianism. while biblical prophecy foretells of the impending apocalypse and the enlightenment proclaims the belief in incremental human progress, it is perhaps difficult to initially notice the commonality between destruction and development, annihilation and advancement. put differently, the idea that the world will soon come to an end and the idea that it is gradually improving appears contradictory. if the inevitable destruction of the world is just around the corner then why would anyone try to improve it (gray, 2007)? upon further examination, however, the shared ideas soon materialize and coalesce into essentially the same line of thought. millennialism, a type of christian eschatology, is interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 5 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ particularly important. it is based on the literal belief that the second coming of jesus christ will usher in a utopian world that will last for a thousand years (millennium), concluding in a final judgment of mankind where the righteous will be saved—with the creation of a new heaven and new earth—and the wicked will be damned forever. above all, millennialism looks to the destruction of the world as a necessary process that must take place before the creation of a new utopia. the main idea within millennialism is underscored in its framing of history where the forces of good and evil struggle against each other until the forces of good finally prevail. the history of the world, as it is interpreted by millennialists, is linear and guided by divine providence; it is a story containing a beginning and end. once the hero defeats the villain the moral order is restored. it has all of the fundamental characteristics of a heroic narrative. the belief that the apocalypse could only be initiated by god was taken for granted as a fundamental fact in the early christian faith. eventually, this belief gave way to the idea that the apocalypse, and ultimately a utopian world, could be accomplished by human action (gray, 2007). the crusades, for example, were inspired by the belief that the world was soon coming to an end. in fact, the church taught that recovering the holy land (palestine) for christianity was a necessary precondition for the return of christ (runciman, 1951). similarly, after the reformation various protestant sects, such as the puritans, came to believe that human effort could hasten the advent of the second coming (gray, 2007). this belief would eventually manifest itself in the saviornation narrative—where the u.s. would aim to eliminate evil in the world, with declarations, such as, fighting war against terror. the enlightenment was born in opposition to religion, particularly the existing christian understanding of authority that was then well entrenched in europe. just as the reformation questioned the authority of the catholic church, the enlightenment questioned the authority of religion altogether. rather than relying on the bible to interpret reality, enlightenment thinkers embraced rationalist philosophy, mathematics, and natural science as a new authority, which proved to be at odds with many of the teachings in the biblical scriptures. the western utopian project of the enlightenment is based on the idea that the unification of human knowledge and the advancement of science would eventually liberate mankind and ultimately lead to a more peaceful, rational world. all social phenomena and conflicts in life, it was believed, could be rationally understood, and thereby, solved (dietrich and sutzl, 2006). this pursuit for utopia—the perfection of human society—“is a by product of christianity”(gray, 2007). “enlightenment utopianism, in a word, was the transformation of christian eschatology into the belief in the perfectibility of man—heaven on earth, as it were. this would be the second coming, the defeat of ignorance and evil (= sin) by means of reliable knowledge, science and technology in particular” (berman, 2010: 184). the enlightenment quest of attaining universal truth is the foundation of modernity, which is “characterized by newtonian physics, cartesian reductionism, the nation state of thomas hobbes, and the capitalist world system” (dietrich and sutzl, 2006: 283). the anticipation of an ideal society, achieved by the progression of reason (science), has shaped modern thought. “the assumed validity of enlightenment principles logically implied their universalization. if truth was universally valid, knowledge should be made universally known” (pfaff, 2010: 20). the quest for the total unification of knowledge is a hegemonic endeavor. thus, enlightenment ideology spread around the world through colonialism and to this day still remains the dominant way of organizing society and understanding life. u.s. foreign policy is built upon the foundations of this hegemonic universalism, which aims to recreate the world in the image of the u.s. hegel’s idealist philosophy is based on the idea of progress, whereby he argues that ideas are the basis of true reality. he proclaims that “reason is the law of the world and that, therefore, in world history, things have come about rationally” (hegel, 1997: 11). history, according to hegel, is driven by a dialectical process that progressively develops intelligence and mind, or what he calls spirit (geist). in other words, it is ideas that are developed. for example, contradictory ideas, a thesis and an antithesis, resolve themselves to form a new situation or improved idea, the synthesis. spirit rejects realization of itself, in order to attain a new and better self-consciousness. thus, in history, spirit comes to know its idea. in hegel’s words, “god and the nature of his will interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 6 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ are one and the same; these we call, philosophically, the idea” (hegel, 1997: 21). this dialectical process continues until spirit reaches an absolute oneness and realization of itself. only when this point is reached, where all internal contradictions are resolved, will this cycle come to an end. the nation-state, hegel believed, is the positive actualization of this freedom, and freedom is instituted in the state through a constitution. passions and desires are ordered in a rational way by the idea of freedom and consequently recognized objectively in the world (hegel, 1997). for hegel, history is the progressive actualization of the idea of freedom. the aim of history, he claimed, is to achieve freedom. it is a rational process in which the idea of freedom becomes gradually realized by manifesting itself in the world. it is able to come into the world because human beings are autonomous. he argues that no other creatures on earth possess such rational faculties as humans. our autonomy allows us to act freely (hegel, 1997). according to hegel, “divine providence, presides over the events of the world,” by which it comes to realize “its own aim, that is, the absolute, rational, final purpose of the world. reason is thought determining itself in absolute freedom” (hegel, 1997: 15). “man”, says hegel, gradually becomes less alienated from himself throughout history by the realization of freedom. hegel traces the history of the idea of freedom beginning with the orient where he argues that, in countries such as china and india, freedom was limited to only one person, namely the despot. the masses of people did not yet realize their freedom, only the despot was autonomous. as history advanced further, the idea of freedom was raised to a higher self-consciousness with the greeks and romans. they exhibited the first social consciousness of freedom by realizing that not one, but some people were free. however, being free depended upon chance; one must be born into freedom. freedom was not yet seen as an inherent human characteristic. finally, hegel believed, the realization came to germany that all people are free. hegel saw christianity as the catalyst for the consciousness of freedom, because christianity recognizes all humans as fundamentally free (hegel, 1997). hegel blends elements of the enlightenment and christianity into his philosophy, which set the foundations for the “western assumption” that history “moves toward an intelligible conclusion, a belief derived from western religious eschatology” (pfaff, 2010: 86). the notion that freedom is progressing is central to western culture in general, and the u.s. in particular. hegelian concepts are implicitly present within u.s. foreign policy and greatly impact “american” identity. for example, the “american” revolution opposed the rule of the monarchy, creating a country espousing freedom, but denying freedom to african “americans” (slavery). many u.s. citizens view the history of the u.s. as a gradual process of freedom being realized (for example, the abolition of slavery, women rights, gay rights, et cetera). and this premise is the starting point for the narrative of the savior-nation. indeed, the belief persists today that the u.s. is “the primary agent of god’s activity in history” (berman, 2010: 40). the very idea of perfection is a human construction. any achievement can be determined as imperfect by simply appealing to new or different conceptions of perfection. gray writes that “a project is utopian if there are no circumstances under which it can be realized” (gray, 2007). thus, the idea that all evil can be eliminated in the world is utopian because it is an impossible project. however, the danger regarding utopianism is found in the beliefs that the future will necessarily be better than the past, that history inevitably moves toward a perfect society where all conflict is resolved, and that using violence is the only way of achieving peace. the modern conception of progress is the consequence of christian millennialism and enlightenment philosophy, which aims to achieve utopian ends by eliminating all evil in the world. today, this utopian project manifests itself in militarization and war, driven by “american” identity, which is dependent upon certain narratives about the nation. “progress via technology, the notion that the evil of the world can and will be eradicated by means of reason and applied science, is ultimately christian eschatology in modern dress” (berman, 2012: 81). hegel took up these utopian ideas and conceived history as a dialectical process that ultimately moves towards perfection. the u.s. as the savior-nation aims to perfect society using sophisticated weaponry and advanced technology. it has become increasingly clear that the united states’ preferred method for achieving a peaceful world is to impose its own image upon others. interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 7 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ discussion and analysis interpreting 9/11: framing the heroic narrative the violent events of 9/11 and the following continuous representation of it as a national trauma had a tremendous impact within the u.s., introducing a powerful uneasy sentiment of fear and vulnerability. and to this day, the memory of 9/11 continues to evoke strong impulses toward bellicose nationalism. it is important to highlight that “violent events never simply ‘speak for themselves’, even if their meaning may seem self-evident. instead, they acquire their meaning through processes of interpretation that are usually organized and driven by powerful social actors with their own interests” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 62). more to the point, the government and mainstream news media were instrumental in constructing the meaning of 9/11, which had serious implications for the u.s. and the world. after the attacks, “september 11 was quickly consecrated as the equivalent of a national holy day, and the nation was summoned to mourn the victims” (wolin, 2010: 5). in the minds of many “americans” the infamous date of september 11, 2001 is the beginning of a story, a heroic narrative where the forces of good struggle against the forces of evil. immediately following the attacks, george w. bush addressed the nation—in a televised speech from the oval office in the white house—attributing sinister motives to the antagonists. in his words: “america was targeted for attack because we’re the brightest beacon for freedom and opportunity in the world” (bush, 2001a). “the attacks on the world trade center and the pentagon emerged as the starting point for the bush narrative” (2006, winkler: 167). as it will be revealed in the following pages, bush was drawing upon concepts from christian millennialism and the enlightenment. the narrative that emerged has its roots in a broader narrative of progress and good versus evil. thus, the story began to take shape by first identifying the reasons behind the violence. according to the bush administration, the 9/11 attacks stemmed from the enemies hatred of freedom—the u.s. being the perfect exemplar of liberty in the world. since freedom is an ideograph of “american” culture, the attacks were, in effect, understood as gross violations of “american” identity and the shared idealized values (“american” values) that constitute the national community. the bush administration quickly labeled the terrorist threat as new despite decades of domestic and foreign terrorism directed against u.s. citizens and interests. the idealized values of “american” culture and even the lives of its citizens were at risk of being destroyed by this new existential threat. civilization as we know it hung vulnerably in the balance (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011). it is alleged that this new type of terrorism is comparable or even more dangerous than past threats, such as, “the threat of fascism during world war ii and the threat of communism during the cold war” (jackson, 2005: 182). in order to construct the heroic narrative, the whitehouse needed to strip the enemy of all positive human characteristics and potential goodness. the barbarity of this new type of enemy was repeatedly communicated to the public by both the bush administration and the mainstream media. as a result, the enemy confronting the u.s. has been imagined as a new type of threat; a new type of terrorism is believed to have suddenly emerged, creating a new world filled with insecurity and danger, which warrants a new type of response. jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth observe the construction of this new type of enemy, as well as the necessary foundational structure of the heroic narrative, based on the good (hero) versus evil (villain) paradigm: those responsible for 9/11 were branded evil, cowardly, savage, and inhuman, and their actions were the result of a psychological deviance that was unrelated to politics or history. and, because language tends to function in a binary manner, the victims and those associated with them were implicitly scripted as good, heroic, civilized and innocent (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 63). hence, through negative identity or by the application of a negative ideograph “americans” defined themselves in contrast to the “terrorists.” after 9/11, negating the opposite of what “americans” believed they are not functioned to affirm their own identity. for example, it was asserted that the terrorists hate freedom, democracy, and do not value life. this implicitly implies that “americans” are lovers of freedom, pro-democratic, and that they value life (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011). “labeling something or someone as ‘terrorist’, in other words, not only condemns the actions of the ‘other’, it interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 8 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ also, importantly, helps to construct the identity of the ‘self’” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 68). unlike u.s. enemies of the past, it was claimed that the new terrorists were unconventional in their violent tactics and difficult to locate (winkler, 2006: 163). they were said to be living both among us, within our communities, and outside of the u.s. (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011). this aspect of the narrative is based on the idea that there is a “ubiquitous and highly dangerous enemy who resides within western societies” (jackson, 2005: 182). this notion creates fear and distrust within society. one’s own neighbor is even viewed with suspicion. this is particularly damaging to those who are part of the suspect community—”communities that have come to be viewed with widespread suspicion by virtue of their ethnic or cultural background” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 287). muslims (or anyone perceived as muslim or arab) became part of the suspect community after 9/11. “muslims around the world have suffered violence, stereotyping and suspicion because of the perceived link between islam and terrorism” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 263). so-called “sleeper cells” were alleged to be hiding within the u.s. whose members were eagerly waiting for their orders to viciously attack innocent people and “american” interests. furthermore, president bush described the enemy in bestial and monstrous terms: “the enemy hides in caves. they lurch in the shadows of the world. they will strike and kill innocent citizens without any conscience, because they have no conscience” (bush, 2004a). in another speech he again warns of the anonymity of the adversary. “we face a new kind of enemy. this enemy hides in caves and plots in shadows, and then emerges to strike and kill in cold blood in our cities and communities” (bush, 2005). all of this served to emphasize “american” identity. “by marking out whom and what ‘we’ should fear, these depictions also tell us who and what ‘we’ are” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 67). it was communicated to the public that in the past the enemy was clearly defined and the extent of the threat to the nation was understood. as a result, those in charge prepared to confront it accordingly. with the end of the cold war, it was argued, the u.s. became complacent, overconfident, and ill-prepared to deal with the new evils that were emerging in the 21st century. “the bush narrative held that the 9/11 scene jolted america out of its misguided comfort garnered from the cold war victory” (winkler, 2006: 166). in other words, military spending and the national defense strategy had previously been directed at confronting the threat of enemy states and a rival superpower (soviet union), not stateless “enemy combatants”. interpreting the 9/11 terrorist attacks as an “act of war”, rather than as a tragic criminal offense, “prepared the public to accept an immediate expansion of presidential powers and prerogatives” (winkler, 2006: 168). the mainstream medias’ comparison of 9/11 to the japanese attack on pearl harbor during wwii (the only time a foreign country has successfully attacked u.s. territory on a large scale) “helped to confirm this militarized understanding of events” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 63) and provided the needed justification the whitehouse sought to attack afghanistan—and later, to a lesser degree, iraq. consequently, the bush administration declared a “war on terrorism”—also referred to as the “war on terror”.2 choosing this open-ended label permitted for the interpretation of a war with no end, lasting indefinitely. hogan observes that the violent events of 9/11 could have been interpreted differently. “it would have been perfectly possible for the government and the news media to present it as a massive criminal act that required such extensive planning that it would be unlikely to be repeated in the near future” (hogan, 2009: 107). in fact, the 9/11 attacks were initially referred to as “murder”(jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011) and “crime” before being changed to “war” (lakoff, 2009). lakoff argues that the crime frame is actually proven to be more effective in countering terrorism because the “terrorists would be seen as criminals, not as heroic soldiers, by those they claim to represent” (lakoff, 2009: 125). since the bush administration decided to use the war frame in its interpretation of 9/11, an atmosphere of fear needed to be recreated—a state of constant anxiety—in order to justify its decision. hogan argues that, in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, the repetition of the violent images of the attacks and the constant warnings of potential dangerous and catastrophic scenarios served to enhance the unity of the national in-group, orienting people toward accepting the war frame. he writes: …we were faced with a continual barrage of new warnings and an astonishing aggrandizement of osama bin laden and interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 9 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ al qaeda. in the weeks and months after the bombings, we not only saw the images of the towers collapsing again and again, we heard that our water supply would be infected with smallpox, that our nuclear plants would be used against us in the same way as the airplanes, that another attack by air would soon hit another major city” (hogan, 2009: 107). hogan claims that there are three consequences of fear in the context of a national trauma. fear unifies the in-group, dehumanizes the out-group, and causes us to desire protection—usually by trusting the in-group and distrusting the out-group. thus, the repetition of fear served to build recognition of belonging to the victimnation, emphasizing similarity and shared experience between in-group members. likewise, fear allowed for the members of the national in-group to suppress any positive attitudes they may have had for the welfare of those in the out-group. hogan points out that “this is why we repeatedly heard cries to ‘nuke the arabs’ after september 11" (hogan, 2009: 108). lastly, members of the in-group become more inclined to embrace the leadership of the national in-group authority under conditions of fear. after 9/11 “americans” expected the u.s. government to protect them and refused to believe that the events would be used by the government to manipulate the public into supporting policies that they would not ordinarily support in the absence of fear, during times of peace. consequently, they rallied behind those in power in a patriotic display of blind allegiance. the historian, howard zinn, claims that if people had a better understanding of history they” would understand how often fear has been used as a way of getting people to act against their own interests to work up hysteria and to get people to do terrible things to other people, because they’ve been made afraid” (zinn, 2006). it has been demonstrated by neuroscience that ideas have a greater effect on the brain when they occur during moments of trauma and through repetition. “a misleading and destructive idea can be introduced under conditions of trauma and then repeated so often that it is forever in your synapses” (lakoff, 2009: 125). the bush administration carefully chose its language in interpreting the events of 9/11. those in power understand how the brain works and aim to manipulate it. “synapses in the brain change most readily and dramatically under conditions of trauma, and 9/11 was a national trauma of the first order” (lakoff, 2009: 125). according to lakoff: neuroscience tells us that ideas are physically instantiated as part of our brains and that changes occur at the synapses. such synaptic changes, called long-term potentiation, occur under two conditions—trauma (where there is especially strong neural firing) and repetition (where neural firing recurs). september 11 was a national trauma, and the “war on terror” was introduced under conditions of trauma, then repeated over and over for years. the result was that the metaphorical idea became physically instantiated in the brains of most americans (lakoff, 2009: 128). the linguistic choice, “war on terror”, has important political advantages for governments—essentially benefitting the power-elites. those in positions of power understand that it is important to control language and frame the debate in ways that sustain and augment their power. george lakoff, in his book whose freedom: the battle over america’s most important idea, discusses the political significance of the bush administration framing the attacks on 9/11 as an “act of war.” according to lakoff, “declaring a war on terror against an elusive and amorphous enemy gave president bush special war powers that could be extended and used indefinitely, even against american citizens” (lakoff, 2006: 11). president obama continues to maintain those powers, even expanding them in some cases. the “war on terror” is, in effect, an endless war. “terrorism is not an armed enemy. it is a concept naming a special way of fighting,” it is simply a fighting tactic (garbo, 2009: 59). how can war be declared on a tactic? again, lakoff writes that “terror is an emotional state. it is in us. it is not an army. you can’t defeat it militarily and you can’t sign a peace treaty with it” (lakoff, 2009: 126). lakoff argues that the “war on terror” label “was used by the bush administration as a ploy to get virtually unlimited war powers—and further domestic influence— for the president”. moreover, using the war frame “defined war as the only way to defend the nation” (lakoff, 2009: 126). hence, anyone opposing war and militarization could easily be branded as unpatriotic (lakoff, 2009), insufficiently “american”, or even accused of being sympathetic with the enemy—which amounts to interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 10 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aiding and abetting evil forces that hate freedom and seek to slaughter innocent people. the bush administration continued framing the heroic narrative by presenting the world—including u.s. citizens—with a false choice. realizing that people in the u.s. were completely unaware of the motivations of the 9/11 attackers, the whitehouse took full advantage of a vulnerable and ill-informed “american” public, and the president declared, “you‘re either with us or against us in the fight against terror”(bush, 2001b). this forced u.s. citizens to embrace the singular identity of the national in-group and intimidatingly urged other countries to consent to the destined international leadership role of the united states of america in the unfolding heroic narrative. the implications of this new language were obvious. anyone who opposed the foreign or domestic policies of the bush administration was regarded as an enemy of the u.s. in a time of national hysteria, “americans” were reluctant to speak out against the government or question its policies. no one wanted to be equated with the enemy. of course, the enemy had already been defined by this new language. it was repeated constantly that the terrorists had attacked the twin towers and the pentagon because they hated freedom, democracy, and everything good about the u.s. and western civilization. and, as it has been presented already, the repetition of language can have a physical impact on the human brain—orienting it towards a certain discourse. therefore, to not side with the u.s. government was to become an ally with the likes of so-called freedom and democracy hating muslim extremists who reveled in the mass murder of innocent people. this type of language was propagated by the bush administration and the mainstream media. the media after 9/11 the news media relies on news frames to convey a particular interpretation of reality to their audiences. “news media frames refer to the interpretive structures that journalists employ to help their audiences locate an event within a broader context of historical, political, social and normative dynamics” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 54). these news frames can consist of “concepts, phrases, narratives and images” that are already embedded physically in the brain (lakoff, 2009), and thereby, familiar to the audience. cognitive bias plays an important part in how the audience interprets events. “once information is encoded into memory in terms of one set of concepts, it is unlikely to be retrieved and interpreted in terms of other, alternative sets presented at a particular point in time” (wilson, 2001: 406). the mainstream media in the u.s. has traditionally served to enhance nationalism in times of crisis. most media outlets claim neutrality in their reporting or insist that they report the “truth.” this strategy conceals the narrow perspective that the media chooses to depict. events can always be interpreted in multiple ways. the claim that media can be neutral or even “true” fails to recognize that all reporting is a specific way—out of many ways—of how to interpret and represent reality. hogan argues that the “news media almost invariably present the news from the perspective of the nation, thus from the perspective of national interests” (hogan, 2009: 72 – 73). hogan observes the symbiotic relationship between nationalism and u.s. media outlets: american news media report stories that involve americans, that bear on the american economy, and so forth. as such, they serve to make the national category highly salient. at the same time, the national organization of news reporting gives national categorization a sense of normalcy or naturalness. news appears to be national by its nature (hogan, 2009: 73). therefore, recognition that media always presents a particular interpretation of events, among many other interpretations, and that events are often interpreted through the lens of nationalism provides the basis for understanding the media’s interpretation of the violent attacks on 9/11. the mainstream media was instrumental in helping the government co-construct an atmosphere of fear and paranoia, conducive for the heroic narrative to develop. preserving a state of vulnerability functioned to heighten emotional responses and reinforced the essential criteria for the beginning of the narrative to take shape, namely, that the violent attacks by the villain had upset the state of normalcy. this was accomplished by repeatedly broadcasting the violent images of the attacks on the twin towers, live coverage of speeches by president bush and others in the administration, describing the freedomhating evil enemy, and with homeland security’s subsequent introduction of the color coded terrorism threat interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 11 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ assessment chart that informed the public to the level of potential danger on an almost daily basis. once it had been sufficiently perceived that the state of normalcy had been disrupted by the villain, the hero could enter the stage to fight against the enemy, eventually triumphing over the villain, and thereby, restoring normalcy and the moral order. the u.s., as the traditional savior-nation, inevitably emerged as the hero of the narrative. this understanding of the events “helped to co-construct our contemporary social world by giving meaning to a set of events and a sense of legitimacy to the response” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 66). figure 3. the us department of homeland security’s advisory system (wired, 2013) the political philosopher sheldon wolin interprets the media’s response to 9/11 in this way: on cue to 9/11 the media—television, radio, and newspapers—acted in unison, fell into line, even knew instinctively what the line and their role should be. what followed may have been the modern media’s greatest production, its contribution to what was promptly—and darkly—described as a ‘new world.’ there vivid representations of the destruction of the twin towers, accompanied by interpretations that were unwavering and unquestioning, served a didactic end of fixing the images of american vulnerability while at the same time testing the potential for cultural control (wolin, 2010: 5). however, the media also needed to tap into the vein of “american” identity in order to restore the public’s faith in the nation—erasing any doubt that the 9/11 events might have created about the exceptionality and character of “america” as a nation. thus, the challenge was to maintain a feeling of temporary uncertainty and vulnerability while reassuring the national community of its greatness—that providence still favored the nation. since the very beginning, “americans” have believed that the u.s. is a special nation, the most rational, unlike any other, that it is the pinnacle of freedom and that by providence the savior-nation was given a position of power so that it may spread freedom and progress to the ends of the earth (manifest destiny). just as the heroic-nation had overcome all obstacles and vanquished all previous enemies, it would likewise prevail in the “war on terror”. since the forces of good always triumph against the forces of evil in heroic narratives, the u.s., an inherently “good” nation, was destined to triumph against its inherently evil adversary. in a sense, the ending was already clear. the success of the 9/11 attacks, however, put a temporary impediment in the perceived impenetrability and immortality of the nation. the belief that the nation was at the forefront in the inevitable progression toward a utopian world was momentarily called into question. if “america” was so great, then how could it be attacked successfully? and, why would anyone want to attack such a great nation? psychic crisis within the u.s. hit a record high. the media, together with the government, set out to alleviate the psychic crisis by giving the “american” public what it wanted—an inherently evil enemy to fill the void in negative identity and provide the nationalist narrative of a nation guided by providence, which had nurtured the national community since the very beginning of its construction. “9/11, horrible as it was, was from another angle literally manna from heaven, giving the nation meaning again with a capital m” (berman, 2010: 55). the media played a major role in framing 9/11. drawing upon past heroic narratives, already activated by the whitehouse, the media began to sensationalize the tragic event, turning it into a modern day real-life drama. out of the dust and ashes of the crumbled buildings at ground zero emerged a president surrounded by cheering firemen, policemen, and rescue workers who shouted “usa, usa, usa!” he yelled back to the crowd through a megaphone that the united states would seek revenge for what had happened, proclaiming that “the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon” (bush, 2001c). indeed, the president’s statement was foreshadowing the subsequent shift from the heroic narrative based on the threat/defense sequence to the heroic narrative of the savior-nation. the crowd was overcome emotionally with national pride and burst into interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 12 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ enthusiastic applause, shouting “usa!” ever more loudly. “the media produced not only an iconography of terror but a fearful public receptive to being led, first by hailing a leader, the mayor of new york, rudolf giuliani, and then by following one, the president of the united states, george w. bush” (wolin, 2010: 5). meanwhile, all of the major television news networks replayed the footage over and over, accompanied by discussions of the terrorists’ hatred of freedom, implanting the violent images and motives of the enemy firmly into the neural circuitry of the brains of the viewers. this invoked even stronger feelings of nationalism amongst the population. “when a particular narrative of terrorism is regularly repeated by influential figures, such as media elites, it can become embedded within social and political life and gain widespread currency as the truth” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 55). in other words, the repetition of the idea that the terrorists hate freedom eventually led to the acceptance of this explanation as a commonsense interpretation of the motives behind the enemy’s attacks. this understanding of the events opened up the door for policy options that may not have ever been considered if the motivations of the attackers had been interpreted differently. also, the repetition of the dominant narratives by the media enhanced the singular identity of the national in-group by “encouraging audiences to identify with certain characters in a story whilst rejecting others” (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011: 55). this can lead members of the national in-group to sympathize with 9/11 victims, for example, or attack perceived members of the out-group or anyone believed to be responsible for the attacks (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011). furthermore, the media’s repetition of dominant narratives demarcated the parameters of understanding, which provided a template for how future events could be interpreted. this consequently filtered out alternative interpretations and responses. finally, in order to serve their own interests, corporate and political elites took advantage of the media’s repetition of the dominant narratives—which already provided a framework of understanding for u.s. citizens (jackson, jarvis, gunning, and smyth, 2011). the media catered to this nationalist craving by always displaying the “american” flag on the screen and putting on various people who praised the president for his remarks. all of the major television news channels, radio programs, and print media were filled with patriotic rhetoric, steeped in national pride. “flag lapel pins, icons of eagles, talons bared, and the pronouns we and our permeated not just fox network but also cnn, cbs, nbc, and abc” (hixson, 2008: 292). the media, and the government via the media, broadcasted to the “american” public that the nation was wounded, but not defeated, reassuring that the u.s. would endure the attacks and remain strong and devoted to destroying the enemy, in order to defend “freedom”. bush tried to comfort the nation saying, “america has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time” (bush, 2001a). when it was decided that al qaeda was responsible for the attacks, the media quickly framed the discussion around the question “why do they hate us?” “they” usually implied muslims in general. without allowing for an open debate or alternative responses, the media fell behind whitehouse officials in promoting the absurd government line that “they” hate freedom and democracy. this propaganda ignores the dark history of western powers in the middle east, fails to mention the u.s. support for brutal dictators, the mujahedeen, the overthrow of democratically elected leaders, and so on. those who challenged this assumption made by the media were frequently accused of being anti-”american,” sympathetic to the enemy, or marginalized as out of touch with reality. this was done with the aim of discrediting alternative interpretations of 9/11. “framing 9/11 as an unprovoked terrorist assault blurs the continuity between the so-called global war on terror and a national history of external violence against evil enemy-others” (hixson, 2008: 279). after 9/11 this “moment of social solidarity and patriotism was seized upon to construct an american nationalism that could provide the basis for a different form of imperialist endeavour and internal control” (harvey, 2003: 193). the mainstream media eerily legitimized everything the government said and did. there was an obvious similarity in the rhetoric coming from the whitehouse and the major television news channels. those in the news media were in a frantic competition to outdo each other with grandiose displays of patriotism, in hopes of appearing to be the most pro”american” network. the media in the u.s. played a pivotal role in interpreting 9/11. the narratives that were repeated following the attacks provided the basis on which the savior-nation interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 13 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ would enter into two separate wars and justify its decision to increase military spending. just as they had contributed to war throughout u.s. history, nationalist narratives, which reinforce “american” identity, led to further militarization, creating a more violent and dangerous world. from defense to the savior-nation christian millennialism and enlightenment progress merged together, culminating in the creation of the savior-nation: the united states of america. the nation became a god, the redeemer of the world. by providence the savior-nation would bring freedom and progress to others. as hegel wrote, “the state is the march of god in the world; its ground or cause is the power of reason realizing itself as will” (hegel, 2001: 197). indeed, while in office, referring to the u.s. military occupation in iraq, former president bush declared “freedom is on the march” (bush, 2004b). “the notion that the story of the united states is the primary manifestation of god’s will on earth has an enormous hold on the american psyche” (berman, 2010: 13). berman writes about the religion of the savior-nation: …the american religion is that of fulfilling a mission, of bringing a new world into being. it is an activist and moralistic religion, rather than an inward or contemplative one. for many americans, the nation came to occupy a place in their lives that traditionally had been occupied by their church. this is why, while other nations have a sense of themselves derived from a common history, being an american is regarded as an ideological/religious commitment and not a matter of birth (berman, 2010: 40). the heroic narrative of the savior-nation has deep roots in utopianism. rather than simply defending the nation against its enemies (threat/defense sequence), the savior-nation’s primary aim is to search and destroy evil in the world. the posture of the nation is aggressive instead of defensive. the narrative, however, is veiled in defensive rhetoric. as bush proclaimed, “we’re taking the fight to the terrorists abroad, so we don’t have to face them here at home” (bush, 2005). in other words, to borrow a sports analogy, offense is the best defense. this type of language and reasoning ignores the fact that the u.s. was already attacking people in arab and muslim countries, occupying their lands, and backing the tyrants in those countries before the wars began. yet, whitewashing history is regularly used by the u.s. government. it deceptively serves to turn the nation into a victim rather than an aggressor, providing the necessary cover for the advancement of “american” imperialism and militarization. it is clear that “talk of fighting wars ‘in defense’ often refers to defense of our standard of living and way of life, a point that rhetorically helps to blur the question of whether we are fighting against or as an aggressor” (swanson, 2010: 47 – 48). and the true definition of defense was revealed when bush, commenting on the 9/11 attacks, stated that “our way of life, our very freedom came under attack” (bush, 2001a). u.s. history is based on the premise that the nation’s destined role is to act as the savior of the world—to not only defend its conception of freedom—but more importantly, to eradicate evil. in the u.s., the hegelian notion of history survives implicitly within the culture. specifically, that spirit (geist) has realized its idea: freedom. for many “americans,” the u.s. represents the actualization of freedom. when the u.s. wages war it is necessarily a rational act. therefore, “american” identity reinforces the belief that those outside of the borders of the u.s. with different ways of being and relating to the world and structuring society will remain in a type of slavery or continue in an imperfect realization of freedom until they are liberated by the u.s. bush echoed the hegelian concept of freedom when he proclaimed, “the advance of human freedom…now depends on us” (bush, 2001d). whether the savior-nation spreads “freedom” (“american” style modernity) by coercive methods or by consent, the aim remains the same—global hegemony. in other words, creating the world over again in the image of the u.s. is the primary solution to eradicating evil on earth. after all, if the u.s. is the exemplar of freedom and goodness, why wouldn’t others want to be like it? “the american belief in our quasi-religious mission brings with it an equally strong belief in our inherent goodness and innocence” (berman, 2010: 44). therefore, it is assumed that creating the world again in the image of the u.s. is the best way to save the world from evil. writing about the perspective of the u.s. as the savior-nation, berman states: “there is, in short, a one right way, and those who refuse to follow it are either wicked or stupid. our mission, then, is to convert others to the truth as we understand it” (berman, 2010: 41). it is an imperialist endeavor and the ultimate utopian project. this belief is interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 14 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ rooted extremely deep within the culture, even if it is not always explicitly acknowledged. it serves to reinforce all other nationalist narratives. in a speech three days after the 9/11 attacks bush asserted that the u.s. mission was evident, its destiny was clear, and that it had a “responsibility to history”. by providence, the heroic-nation was to “rid the world of evil”. he goes on to acknowledge that the u.s. has always had enemies, stating “in every generation, the world has produced enemies of human freedom” (bush, 2001e). heroic narrative is often based on the idea that the hero has no other choice than to fight against the villain. deterministic comments from both bush and obama demonstrate this point. as part of the justification of the war in afghanistan, bush said “we did not ask for this mission, but we will fulfill it. …we defend not only our precious freedoms, but also the freedom of people everywhere to live and raise their children free from fear” (bush, 2001f). obama used similar fatalistic language when justifying u.s. military involvement in libya. “the united states did not seek this outcome. our decisions have been driven by gaddafi’s refusal to respect the rights of his people and the potential for mass murder of innocent civilians” (bohan, zenegerie, and holland, 2011). as the savior-nation in the heroic narrative, the nation never really has a choice of going to war; by providence the u.s. is forced into war as the defender of freedom. the “war on terror” became the justification for multiple military interventions around the world. the two most notable cases are the ongoing u.s. military occupations of both afghanistan and iraq. the first target of the “war on terror” began with the u.s. military invasion of afghanistan, named, “operation enduring freedom” by the bush administration. noam chomsky observes the ironic nature of giving the military operation this name. he notes the ambiguity of the word “enduring”. “it can mean ‘lasting’ or it can mean ‘suffering from’” (chomsky, 2001). in fact, he sardonically claimed that the latter meaning is more accurate when considering the experiences of the afghan population. the decade long war (that still continues) in afghanistan resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of afghan civilians, the militarization of the country, the destruction of the environment, and the installation of a corrupt puppet government. consider the evolution of each of the narratives used in the justification of both wars. the war in afghanistan, for example, began as a defense narrative. the u.s. government argued that the taliban government in afghanistan was harboring terrorists (al qaeda) who planned terrorist attacks on the u.s. from their territory, posing an existential threat to the security of the u.s. the purpose of this defense narrative was to create a state of fear and widespread feeling of vulnerability amongst the u.s. population, and it was repeated over and over so that it would become fixed in the synapses of the brain. once the defense narrative was no longer needed or when counter narratives began to undermine it, the government created a new justification for the war and increased militarization by appealing to the tried and tested savior-nation narrative, already familiar to “americans”. the same shift from the defense narrative to the savior-nation narrative is central to the u.s. government’s discourse regarding the war in iraq—a war that replicated the destructive effects of the war in afghanistan by resulting in over a hundred thousand civilian causalities (iraq body count, 2012). the accusation that iraq had already acquired weapons of mass destruction (wmd), that it had intentions to use them against the u.s., and that a link had been confirmed between saddam hussein and the 9/11 terrorist attacks was based on deception and fear, aimed at justifying a war with iraq—a country rich in oil. in fact, david swanson points out that the pro-war argument exists that “we must defend our standard of living by protecting oil supplies” in other peoples countries (swanson, 2010: 48). after the u.s. overthrew saddam hussein, who had, like bin laden, become the face of evil in the minds of many “americans,” it was eventually realized that the u.s. government had clearly lied about the threat that iraq posed to the u.s. and the world. therefore, the narrative was altered by the bush administration. replacing the defense narrative with the historically successful saviornation narrative provided the u.s. government with a moral explanation for destroying and occupying iraq. the u.s. government has repeatedly disguised its military endeavors with positive language. for example, “the code name for the 2003 invasion of iraq, operation iraqi freedom […] employed language intended to highlight the altruistic side of the war” (hinshaw, 2005: 411). the savior-nation narrative asserted that the people of both afghanistan and iraq were yearning for the u.s. interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 15 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to rescue them from their oppressors: the taliban and saddam hussein. the brutality of these regimes was reported and emphasized over and over again. for example, abolishing the taliban’s tyrannical patriarchal system was the most powerful justification put forth. after all, who would defend the taliban’s brutal subjugation of women? the population was again presented with a false choice of either allowing the taliban to oppress its population or supporting the u.s. military occupation of the country. similarly, the brutal crimes of saddam hussein were highlighted. of course, important details of u.s. complicity in the use of chemical and biological weapons, which saddam had used against iran and the kurdish population in northern iraq, for example, were not mentioned. the transition from the defense narrative to the savior-nation narrative involves the most important emotions of the heroic narrative. the progression of the narrative from fear to self-righteousness is actually the exact evolution of emotions that one experiences in a story. for example, at the beginning of the narrative the victim and those who sympathize with the victim (the audience) experience a state of fear. the villain has upset the moral order or normalcy of life. this creates the feeling of uncertainty, vulnerability, and fear. it causes one to experience a desire to be protected. when the hero arises to defend those who are threatened by the villain it creates a sense of security. in the same way, when the hero aims to defeat the villain, in a battle of good versus evil, a feeling of self-righteousness is created. the audience cheers for the “good guy”, everyone sympathizes with the hero’s cause and desire for revenge. in short, the victim (fear) becomes the hero (self-righteousness). in war, when the defense narrative loses its effectiveness, it will likely make a transition to the savior-nation narrative. this is the evolution of emotions. fear transforms into self-righteousness. in the savior-nation narrative the hero (the u.s.) is sanctioned, not to defend the victim (u.s. population), but to rescue the new victims, those being terrorized (afghan and iraqi people) by the villain (saddam hussein and the taliban). now, the hero’s desire for revenge is necessarily offensive. therefore, the narrative moves from fear, the negative feeling that there is an existential threat to the nation, to self-righteousness, the positive emotional belief that the savior-nation is acting upon a moral imperative to rescue the people living under oppression—those who have an imperfect realization of freedom. the emotion of fear, created by the defense narrative remains unconscious, still playing an important part, while the emotion of selfrighteousness takes over as the conscious, seemingly dominant emotion. there is a broader narrative at play here. the enlightenment idea of progress manifests itself in the saviornation narrative. the feeling of self-righteousness is directed at improving the world by appealing to a universal ideal of freedom. the utopian project of spreading “american” style freedom around the world is based on the premise that the ends justify the means. specifically, the deaths of hundreds of thousands of innocent people, the permanently mutilated human beings, the destruction of the environment and societies infrastructure essential for daily life, increased militarization, and the creation of countless refugees whose lives have been ruined is regrettable, but it is worth the sacrifice if the end result is the world being recreated in the image of the united states of “america”. this is the price of so-called progress. the u.s. perceives itself as the main actor in an epic drama between the forces of good and evil. playing on ronald reagan’s “evil empire” trope that was used in reference to the soviet union during the figure 4. key events following 9/11 interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 16 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cold war, the whitehouse identified iraq, iran, and north korea as the “axis of evil”—publically expanding its list of enemies. this new label led to heightened tensions between the aforementioned countries and the u.s. consequently, it is likely that this language designating north korea as “evil” provoked the regime to acquire nuclear weapons as a defensive measure. indeed, the possession of nuclear weapons may be the reason that the u.s. has not yet attacked the hermit kingdom. reacting to such jingoistic threats, north korea justified its own militarization by creating a defense narrative, with the u.s. given the role as the villain. furthermore, labeling iran (a country that had previously been cooperating with the u.s. in afghanistan) as “evil” played an important role in undermining “the iranian moderate politicians who had been enjoying significant popular support in the years before bush’s ‘axis of evil’ speech” (defronzo, 2007: 316). it is argued that this “threatening orientation toward iran probably contributed to the election of mahmoud ahmadinejad, a relatively hard-line islamic fundamentalist, in iran’s 2005 presidential election” (defronzo, 2007: 316). the current u.s. claim that iran is developing nuclear weapons that could be used against israel and the u.s., and iranian insistence that its intentions to develop nuclear power is for peaceful purposes, has created narratives on both sides that portray each other as evil and themselves as good. if the u.s. claim is correct that iran is developing nuclear weapons, however, labeling iran as “evil” and invading its neighbor iraq, surely played a significant role in contributing to its motivations in seeking a deterrent. iran “might be trying to develop nuclear weapons to deter the united states” from attacking it (defronzo, 2007: 316). conclusion neuroscience offers a fresh perspective on identity by revealing the workings of the human brain. the importance of language and narrative in shaping thought cannot be overstated. although the dominant narratives being used by the government and the mainstream news media, for example, have had an enormous impact, there is still hope of overcoming these problems rooted in identity. if identity can be constructed, then it can also be deconstructed. indeed, new identities that contribute to peace can be constructed. recognizing the potential of the human brain, that it can be physically changed by language, presents opportunities to change the brain in such a way that orients people towards peace and away from militarization and war by creating new neural pathways. hence, peoples’ brains could become more receptive to different language and narratives. “narratives can provide justifications to perpetuate the status quo or be compelling reasons for social change” (winkler, 2006: 9). therefore, by creating a new discourse, it is possible to challenge the negative aspects of identity. “hope lies in the understanding that as identity is rooted in representation, if we can change the discourse we can change our reality, or at least nudge it in more positive directions” (hixson, 2008: 307). this study is a qualitative exploration in “american” identity and its relation to war. in searching for an explanation to what causes the u.s. to recurrently choose war, one must appreciate the religious and philosophical ideas that helped construct “american” identity—expressed in the narratives that sustain it. after september 11, 2001 the u.s. chose to make the world less safe by declaring a “war on terror”. rather than seeking to understand the motivations and grievances of the assailants the bush administration “forfeited the goodwill, the empathy the world felt for” (hedges, 2010: 83) the u.s. after 9/11 by demonizing the enemy and vowing for revenge—which culminated in war and militarization. the interpretation of 9/11 as an “act of war” allowed the government and the mainstream news media to summon the heroic-nation narrative, which had always directed u.s. foreign policy. narrative provided the stage for “americans” to define themselves through negative identity, thereby, filling the existing void in meaning with a destructive affirmation of nationalism. endnotes 1. the terms “america” and “american” as an exclusive way of identifying both the united states of american and its citizens is vigorously disputed, particularly by the inhabitants of latin america. therefore, this study will continue to use these contested terms with quoatations. 2. declaring a “war on terror” is markedly different from declaring a “war on terrorism”. “terror” is an emotion and “terrorism” is a fighting tactic. 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(2006), in the name of terrorism: presidents on political violence in the post-world war ii era, albany, state university of new york press. wilson, john (2001), “political discourse”, in schiffrin, deborah, tannen, deborah and heidi e. hamilton (eds.), the handbook of discourse analysis, malden, blackwell publishers, 398 – 415. wolin, sheldon s. (2010), “myth in the making”, democracy incorporated: managed democracy and the specter of inverted totalitarianism, paperback edition, princeton, princeton university press, 4 – 14. zinn, howard (2006), “howard zinn on the uses of history and the war on terrorism”, democracy now!,http://www.democracynow.org/2006/11/24/ howard_zinn_on_the_uses_of, accessed: 7/18/2012. interpreting 9/11: the role of language and narrative in the construction of “american” identity / chad tallman / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0002 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. doi: https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113124 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan how to design qualitative research with nvivo 12 plus for local government corruption issue in indonesia? salahudin1 achmad nurmandi2 mohammad jafar loilatu3 abstract this paper utilizes nvivo 12 plus, a type of qualitative data analysis software, for qualitative document content analysis as a means of understanding informal fiscal policymaking practices, including bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics. use of nvivo 12 plus for qualitative document content analysis facilitated the management, analysis, and visualiza tion of data on informal fiscal policymaking. more specifically, qualitative con tent analysis of decisions of the supreme court of indonesia revealed that informal fiscal policymaking in malang city, malang regency, and batu city, indonesia, involved the practices of bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics between regional leaders, bureaucrats, private actors, and political brokers. this paper contributes a qualitative re search designthatcan be usedto explaininformal practices infiscalpolicymaking and budget management. keywords: qualitative data analysis software, informal policymaking, fiscal politics, content analysis introduction understanding informal policymaking practices poses unique challenges to indonesianists around the world (bardhan & mookherjee, 2012; dorotinsky & pradhan, 2007). the greatest challenge to researchers investigat ing informal policymaking practices is difficulty obtain ing data on these practices (dutta, 2009). informal policymaking practices refer to the political processes through which collusive, corruptive, and transactional fiscal policies are produced (dorotinsky & pradhan, 2007). most commonly, such informal fiscal policymaking 369 affiliation: 1department of government studies, universitas muhammadiyah malang 2&3department of government affairs and administration universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta correspondence: udin.pemerintahan@gmail.com citation: salahudin, nurmandi, a., & loilatu, m. j. (2020). how to design qualitative research with nvivo 12 for localgovernment corruption issue in indonesia? jurnal studi pemerintahan, 11(3), 369–398 article history: received: august, 31st 2020 accepted: november, 04th 2020 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.113124 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5687-0812 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6730-0273 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6921-6879 mailto:udin.pemerintahan@gmail.com 370 processes are perpetrated by politicians and bureaucrats who wield authority and political power (montambeault & goirand, 2016). these actors communicate, interact, and make political agree ments in order to promote the formulation of fiscal policies that promote their own interests (rubin, 2019). also involved in informal fiscal policymaking are private sec tor actors with political influence (farhan, 2018), which they gain by establishing strong politico-economic relationships with politicians and bureaucrats in order to advance their own inter ests. from a rent-seeking perspective, these private-sector actors are capable of exerting dominance over politicians and bureau crats (adi, 2018), thereby influencing policymaking and ensur ing their interests are accommodated (asher & novosad, 2019). also involved in informal fiscal policymaking are political bro kers and criminals, who become involved in the process by bridg ing political, government, and private-sector actors. informal fiscal policymaking occurs behind closed doors, open to and involving only actors with sufficient politico-economic power, authority, and influence (lambsdorff, 2018). in such a situation, it is difficult—if not impossible—to guarantee budget transparency. data on informal fiscal policymaking cannot eas ily be obtained, and as such researchers have been unable to provide a detailed and comprehensive understanding of the practice (flick, 2009). earlier studies have investigated infor mal fiscal policymaking processes through interviews with in formants who are not directly involved in these practices, in cluding activists, social figures, politicians, and journalists as their informants (montambeault & goirand, 2016). these interviews are generally complemented by observation of formal fiscal policymaking processes, i.e. those that occur in accordance with established mechanisms and procedures. several studies have taken policy documents as data in their investigation of infor mal fiscal policymaking (rumbul, parsons, & bramley, 2018). such studies are significantly limited by their data, which are incapable of providing a detailed understanding of thepolitical processes involved informal fiscal policymaking, including the roles, communications, and collusive, corruptive, and transac tional interactions between politicians, bureaucrats, and private sector actors. as such, this paper seeks to produce a qualitative research design that is capable of understanding informal fiscal policymaking. this paper offers a research design that emphasizes the use of qualitative document content analysis through nvivo 12 plus, a qualitative data analysis software. qualitative document con tent analysis facilitates the study of informal fiscal policymaking, as it does not require data to be collected in the field (i.e. through interviews, observations, and focus group discussions). rather, it reveals informal fiscal policymaking practices by exploring the practices of corruption and bribery revealed within decisions of the supreme court of indonesia. in the current era of open information, all court documents regarding cases of corruption are published through official government websites. research ers thus accessed court documents regarding cases of budget cor ruption, then analyzed said documents using nvivo 12 plus. this analysis produced quality data, the validity of which could be proven scientifically (woods, paulus, atkins, & macklin, 2016). through nvivo 12 plus, the researchers were able to produce data regarding informal fiscal policymaking processes, includ ing the practices of corruption and bribery involved. literature review informal fiscal policymaking fiscal policymaking refers to the political process through which fiscal policy is produced, and involves political actors such as elected officials, legislators, party elites, and civil society (yandra, nasution, harsini, & wekke, 2018). these actors be come involved in in the policymaking process to ensure that the policy produced accommodates their specific interests (rubin, 2010). as part of the political process, fiscal policymaking in volves the distribution of money between actors with an inter 371 372 est in fiscal policy (montambeault & goirand, 2016). as such, the question of how funds are distributed to all involved actors is fundamental in studies of fiscal policymaking (rubin, 2019). studies must consider how government, political, and informal actors prepare fiscal policy through political negotiations and transactions, as well as how they exchange resources in order to advance their own interests (rumbul et al., 2018). studies of fiscal policymaking must also consider the involve ment of formal and informal institutions in various parts of the process (montambeault & goirand, 2016; alatas et al., 2013). formal institutions are those actors whose involvement in the policymaking process is provided by existing systems, mechanisms, and laws, while informal institutions are those actors whose in volvement is not legally mandated (trantidis & tsagkroni, 2017; farrell & héritier, 2003). such informal institutions are more prone to practices of clientelism, patronage, rent-seeking, and corruption (farhan, 2018; slater & simmons, 2013). in general, the interactions between executive and legislative actors in fiscal policymaking are used as arenas for transactional politics, resulting in practices of bribery and corruption (grillos, 2017). executive and legislative institutions have their own spe cific interests, with the former generally seeking to use public funds for infrastructure development and the latter often pri oritizing social empowerment activities. in many cases, legisla tive institutions are only willing to accommodate the interests of executive institutions when they are offered bribes (basri & nabiha, 2014). where legislative institutions are willing to ac commodate executive proposals and allocate funds for them, fiscal policymaking processes initially follow the legally mandated mechanisms and processes. ultimately, however, they often re sort to informal political transactions and compromises, thereby providing fertile ground for bribery and corruption (montambeault & goirand, 2016). for governments and politicians, fiscal policy is a political tool, as controlling fiscal policy enables them to maintain their power. they use their power and authority to create fiscal poli cies that advance the political interests of themselves and their supporters (lucas, 2016; wong, 2010). they fund political pro grams and activities, or distribute money directly to constitu ents, who are expected to provide their political support in re turn (bardhan & mookherjee, 2012; rumbul et al., 2018). in this context, hallerberg (2019) writes ―for individual politicians … the budget is a resource deployed to enhance political sup port. a politician can attempt to influence budget allocation in order to gain political support from particular groups. thus, from this perspective also, budget-making is necessarily a political pro cess.‖ politicians, from executive leaders to legislators, thereby attempt to prepare fiscal policies that enable them to maintain their political power. the above discussion of fiscal policymaking shows that the process involves informal actors and institutions, and is replete with cartelism, clientelism, and elite capture. a range of politi cal actors, including civic groups, political parties, private sector, non-government organizations, and governments, are jointly involved in the political process, with their communications and negotiations being used to determine and formulate fiscal policy that represents their own political interests. this process is domi nated by actors who have the power and influence to advance their specific interests (rumbul et al., 2018). 373 qualitative studies of informal fiscal policymaking scholars have employed a wide range of research approaches to understand informal fiscal policymaking, both in developing and developed nations. one commonly used approach is the qualitative approach, through which researchers examine the subject based on qualitative data collected through interviews, observations, government reports, non-governmental analyses, and participatory action research (montambeault & goirand, 2016; rumbul et al., 2018). numerous studies have employed a 374 qualitative approach to show that informal fiscal policymaking is common in africa, brazil, and china, where government of ficials, politicians, and private-sector actors often establish pa ternalistic relationships (bardhan & mookherjee, 2012; dorotinsky & pradhan, 2007). although these studies have shown that informal actors are frequently involved in fiscal policymaking, their findings have been derived primarily from observations of and interviews with local residents, whether or not they are involved in informal fiscal policymaking (montambeault & goirand, 2016; rebecca rumbul et al., 2018). as such, there may be bias in their depic tions of the paternalistic relationship between politicians, gov ernment officials, citizens, and private-sector actors (flick, 2009). another shortcoming of these studies lies in their data analysis, which generally employs conventional techniques to read and understand informal fiscal policymaking practices in regions or countries that have received previous academic interest. previous studies have yet to implement an innovative research design, such as software-based qualitative document content analysis, to understand informal fiscal policymaking. as such, their analytical results and findings have been unable to com prehensively illustrate the informal practices such as cor ruption, bribery, and transactional politics involved in infor mal fiscal policymaking (woods et al., 2016). nvivo 12 offers significant benefits for analyzing qualitative data, including docu ment content, by producing data of sufficient quality to explain the practices of bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, nego tiation, and transactional politics (involving politicians, bureau crats, private sector actors, and political brokers). research location setting research was conducted in batu city, malang city, and malang regency. these three autonomous municipalities are located in east java, indonesia (figure 1). figure 1. map of batu city, malang city, and malang regency together, these three municipalities are known as greater malang, with malang city (previously the administrative center of malang regency) gaining autonomy in 1999 and batu city having been produced through the administrative division of malang regency in 2001. executive officials from all three mu nicipalities have been found guilty of corruption, having em bezzled money from the municipal budget. such cases of corrup tion have also involved other actors. in batu city, for example, embezzlement involved bureaucrats and private-sector actors; in malang city, it involved bureaucrats, legislators, and private sector actors; and in malang regency it involved bureaucrats, political communities, and private-sector actors. this study investigates the involvement of executive officials, bureaucrats, legislators, and private-sector actors in practices of corruption and bribery during fiscal policymaking processes in batu city, malang city, and malang regency. as such, it seeks to answer the following research question: how are the informal fiscal policymaking processes in batu city, malang city, and malang regency, indonesia? 375 376 qualitative data analysis software in docu ment analysis this study employs a qualitative approach to examine budget corruption in greater malang, with a focus on the embezzle ment of funds from the local budgets of malang city, malang regency, and batu city. for its data, it draws from the decisions of the supreme court of indonesia regarding the criminal prac tice of budget corruption in greater malang. qualitative con tent analysis of these documents provides an understanding of budget corruption in greater malang. in qualitative research, documents are defined as artifacts that are produced and access by human beings (flick, 2009). the documents discussed in this paper are the decisions of the supreme court of indonesia regarding the criminal practice of budget corruption in greater malang, were produced by the supreme court of indonesia in accordance with applicable in donesian legal processes and procedures. since the passage of the law on public information openness (law no. 14 of 2008), all of the supreme court’s decisions have been published online through the directory of supreme court decisions (https:// putusan3.mahkamahagung.go.id/). the documents discussed in this study were accessed from this directory. the selected documents fulfilled the criteria of authenticity, credibility, representativeness, and meaningfulness (flick, 2009). the authenticity criterion is fulfilled by these documents’ hav ing been produced by the supreme court of indonesia through a process of investigation and advocacy. these documents also fulfill the credibility criterion, having been produced in accor dance with applicable procedures and processes. they were iden tified as representative, and thereby able to provide the data necessary to answer the research question. finally, the decisions used for this analysis were meaningful, as they are capable of describing the practice of budget corruption in greater malang. this study employs qualitative document content analysis, analyzing supreme court decisions throughscientific processes and procedures. document analysis requires the capability and skill to interpret and translate data as a means of answering the research question (flick, 2009). to facilitate the collection, man agement, and qualitative analysis of data, thereby improving the credibility of the data and subsequent findings, qualitative data analysis software has been developed (wallmeier, helmig, & feeney, 2019). in this case, such software has been employed to analyze the supreme court decisions and produce an under standing of corruption in greater malang. analysis was conducted using nvivo 12 plus, a qualitative data analysis software that facilitates the collection, categoriza tion, mapping, analysis, and visualization of qualitative data, including that collected from documents (memos, reports, legis lations, and photographic documents) and through interviews (bazely & richards, 2013). nvivo 12 plus was used to analyze the decisions of the supreme court of indonesia regarding the criminal practice of budget corruption in greater malang through data management, actor network mapping, data classi fication, and research demographic management. research involved several stages, as follows: research topic determination, research design, research approach determina tion, data analysis design, interpretative data analysis, and re search result discussion. this process is presented in figure 2 below. figure 2. research process as shown by figure 2, the first stage of the research pro cess involved the determination of the research topic by prepar ing a review of the literature. second, the research design was decided, with qualitative content analysis of supreme court 377 378 decisions ultimately being chosen. third, the research approach— a content analysis approach involving frame/concept/theme/ node coding—was chosen. fourth, a software-based data analysis technique was chosen. finally, the collected data were interpre tatively analyzed and the findings were discussed. qualitative document content analysis this study employs qualitative content analysis, a research method that emphasizes the textual analysis of documents such as government regulations and public opinion pieces as well as the results of observations, interviews, and focus group discus sions. qualitative content analysis is intended to systematically describe, translate, and interpret data (krippendorff, 2004). as such, it requires the ability to translate, interpret, and give mean ing to textual data, and this ability informs data quality. this study employs a qualitative approach to analyze decisions of the supreme court of indonesia regarding the criminal practice of budget corruption in batu city, malang city, and malang re gency. one principle of qualitative content analysis is that the sum mary of a document can be used to understand it as a compre hensive textual unit. in this context, the original text of the document is defined and understood through a particular frame/ concept, with said frame/concept showing the meaning and sig nificance of the original text (flick, 2009). a frame/concept may be formulated based on a review of prior studies (deductive frame) or based on data collected in the field (inductive frame) (neuendorf, 2020). content analysis involves several stages, namely research ques tion determination, data selection, frame/concept formulation, interpretation and classification of data within the frame/con cept, data analysis, data elucidation, and finding interpretation (flick, 2009). this is clarified further in table 1 below. table 1. stages of document analysis 379 content analysis process research question determination content analysis of supreme court decisions how are the informal fiscal policymaking processes in batu city, malang city, and malang regency, indonesia? data selection decisions of the supreme court of indonesia regarding the criminal practice of budget corruption in greater malang frame/concept/theme/node formulation data interpretation and classification data evaluation and modification frame/concept/theme/node formulated based on a review of the literature and the supreme court decisions. node formatting was done using nvivo 12 plus. the supreme court decisions were coded into specific nodes/themes. data coding was done using nvivo 12 plus. coded data were evaluated and modified using nvivo 12 plus. data analysis coded data were analyzed using nvivo 12 plus. presentation and interpretation of findings results of data analysis were analyzed and discussed document collection technique research data in the form of supreme court decision docu ments regarding criminal acts of budget corruption in malang city, malang regency, and batu city are accessed in the su preme court decision directory https://putusan3. mahka 027mahagung.go.id/. the supreme court decision directory provides a search page for decision documents of all courts in indonesia and provides files of all types of decisions including decisions on corruption in malang city, malang regency and batu city (table 2). data analysis using nvivo 12 plus this study employs the spiral data analysis technique devel oped by creswell (2014), which consists of five stages: (1) data organization, (2) document reading and preparation, (3) descrip tion, classification, and interpretation of data as code/theme, no. name case number office practice territory 37/pid.sus n sby. regent of malang regency, budget of malang regency 2021 ali n sby. actor bribing government of malang officials to gain regency access to government projects moch anton 94/pid.sus/t mayor of malang, 2013– sby. 2018 bribing legislators to shape budget policy government of malang city jarot edy head of the office of n.sby and bribing legislators to of malang shape budget city policy monitoring eddy mayor ofbatu, budget 2007–2012 of batu city .sby. 2017 edi head of service and receiving bribes to determine access to of batu city sby. office, batu city projects 252 djap giving bribes to gain access to government projects of batu city actor sby. 380 table 2. decisions of the supreme court of indonesia source: supreme court of indonesia, 2019. (4) data interpretation, and (5) data presentation and visualiza tion. spiral analysis thereby requires a researcher to continu ously analyze and organize qualitative data. this approach will produce a report or conclusion regarding budget corruption and political networks in greater malang. nvivo 12 plus was used for the five stages of spiral analysis, as shown in table 3 below: table 3. stages of qualitative data analysis 381 stage of analysis data analysis technique nvivo 12 plus feature data management • data importing • data folder creation import, data data • data classification file classification classification • data attribute entry case classification data coding • research node/theme code and case creation • case (actor, organization, and location) creation • nodal/thematic categorization of text data analysis • nodal/thematic analysis per case (organization) • nodal/thematic analysis per case attribute (type of institution and type of organization). explore chart data management using nvivo 12 plus the import feature of nvivo 12 plus was used to input the collected supreme court decisions into an nvivo 12 plus data file. the process involved three stages: 1. three folders were created through the data menu. these folders were named in accordance with the research loca tion: malang regency, malang city, and batu city. 2. the research data (supreme court decisions) were imported into the three folders using nvivo 12 plus’ import fea ture, as made available through the data menu. 3. the imported research data (supreme court decisions) were classified as government documents using the file clas sification menu. 382 table 4. folders, files, and classes of research data data classification using nvivo 12 plus the supreme court documents were classified based on the organizations involved in budget corruption in batu city, malang city, and malang regency. data classification involved the fol lowing stages. 1. case folders were created, being named in accordance with the research location. each case was classified through case folder organization (table 5). table 5. case folder or ganiza tion for analyzin g bud ge t corr uption in grea ter malan g casefoldername case folder classification malang regency organization batu city organization malang city organization 2. folders for case organizations was created. then, name of the cases in the organizational cases folders was in accor dance with the name of the organization in the supreme court decision (table 6). 3. fill in the case / demographic attributes of the study. all the cases were given their respective identities titled institution type and organization type (table 6) folder name data file name file classification malang regency ali murtopo government document rendra kresna government document batu city eddy rumpoko government document edi setiawan government document filipus djap government document malang city moch anton government document jarot edy sulistiyono government document source: exported from nvivo 12 plus tabel 6. case organizations in the political corrup tion networks of greater mala ng 383 class of case organ name of case organization type of institution ization typeoforganization gerindra faction commission c, local parliament commission chairman golkar faction pkb faction pan faction pdip faction faction leader mayor puppb regional secretary speaker, local parliament pt sentratama global solusindo pt agrajaya cv amarta wisena pt dailbana prima indonesia 384 i source: exported from nvivo 12 plus coding technique and data analysis with nvivo 12 plus one of the most important elements of qualitative content analysis is the coding of the document text. for this study, docu ment coding involved the categorization of supreme court de cisions based on the concepts presented through the literature review (deducative coding) and based on the findings of coding process (inductivecoding). coding involved the following stages: (1) node creation, with the name of each node reflecting the research concepts identified in the literature review and find name of case organization class of case organ type of institution zation typeoforganization office of expenditure, revenue, and asset management official government government agriculture office official government government malang regency government (treasurer) official government government contractors' association private sector private sector office of public works official government government cv tunjang langit private sector private sector cv adhijaya sakti private sector private sector cv sawunggaling private sector private sector cv karya mandiri private sector private sector cv kartika fajar utama private sector private sector cv adhikersa private sector private sector auction committee official government government information technology team official government government bureau of electronic data management, electronic procurement service official government government office of education official government government rendra–subhan campaign team political groups political groups regent elected official elected official ings of the coding process; and (2) reading, understanding, and inputting the text of the supreme court decisions in accordance with the nodes used. ta bl e 7. no de f o r m at/ re s ea rc h t h e m es node name note 385 • corruption • bribery • collutive relations • transactional relations • political lobbying • political negotiation six nodes used to answer questions regarding informal fiscal policymaking processes in malang city, malang regency, and batu city, indonesia. data were analyzed using nvivo 12 plus through its explore chart feature, which offered values for each node (theme) based on the case (organization) and attribute (type of institution dan type of organization). the values obtained through the ex plore chart feature were used to understand the informal fiscal policymaking processes of malang city, malang regency, and batu city, indonesia. results of data analysis with nvivo 12 plus informal fiscal policymaking practices in malang city, malang regency, and batu city analysis of the supreme court decisions regarding the crimi nal practice of budget corruption in batu city, malang city, and malang regency shows that a range of informal political activities were involved in fiscal policymaking. these included corruption, lobbying, and collusive relationships between actors with power, access, and authority in local government agencies. figure 3 shows that malang city had the highest value of informal fiscal policymaking (81.51%), followed by batu city (11.78%) and malang regency (5.89%). collusive relationships between actors were highest in malang city (38.27%), followed by batu city (31.54%) and malang regency (30.17%). corrup tion was most prevalent in malang city (57.53%), followed by malang regency (20.58%) and batu city (20.07%). lobbying was most common in malang city (96.48%), followed by batu 386 city (1.88%) and malang regency (1.61%). political negotiations were highest in malang city (74.80%), followed by malang re gency (15.05%) and batu city (8.77%). finally, transactional political practices were most prevalent in malang city (56.61%), malang regency (22.10%), and batu city (21.27%). figu re 3. infor mal fiscal policy making pra ctices in malan g city, ma la ng re gen cy, and batu city figure 4. actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang city actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang city the actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking included the government, political organizations, and the private sector. these actors were actively involved in the informal fiscal policymaking processes through acts of bribery, collusion, cor ruption, political lobbying, political negotiations, and transac tional politics. from figure 4, it is evident that political organizations were the most dominant actor in informal fiscal policymaking in malang city, followed by government organizations and private sector actors. bribery amongst political organizations had a value of 134.17%, while values of 43.47% and 0.91%. were recorded amongst government organizations and private-sector actors, respectively. collusive relationships were most prevalent amongst political organizations (63.29%), followed by govern ment organizations (54.96%) and private-sector actors (5.67%). budget corruption is dominated by political organizations (99.55%), followed by government organizations (53.12%) and private-sector actors (1.65%). this was also true for political lob bying, where political organizations had a value of 168.86%, government organizations had a value of 114.41%, and private sector actors had a value of 5.00%. political organizations played an active role in political negotiations at every stage of the in formal fiscal policymaking process, returning a value of 108.54%; this was followed by government organizations (85.25%) and private-sector actors (3.91%). finally, transactional politics was intensively used by political (92.12%) and government organiza tions (72.70%), but less intensively by private-sector actors (6.06%). the involvement of these organizational actors in informal fiscal policymaking processes in malang city was represented by the involvement of individual actors, including the members and leaders of these organizations. in malang city, political or ganizations were represented by members of parliament. gov ernment organizations were represented by the mayor and by bureaucrats, while private-sector actors were represented bycor porations that worked in conjunction with the government. 387 388 figure 5 shows that members of parliament, representing political organizations, were more heavily involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang city than bureaucrats (govern ment officials), political officials/the mayor (elected officials), and private-sector actors. amongst the members of parliament in malang city, the practice of bribery had a value of 131.11%, followed by bureaucrats (43.47%), the mayor (3.00%), and pri vate-sector actors (0.91%). meanwhile, bureaucrats were more actively involved in establishing collusive relationships, followed by members of parliament (53.72%), the mayor (9.57%), and private-sector actors (5.67%). in regards to budget corruption, a value of 90.65% was found for members of parliament, followed by 53.12% for bureaucrats, 8.90% for the mayor, and 1.65% for private-sector actors. the political lobbying value for members of parliament was 135.52%, with lower values found for bu reaucrats (114.01%), the mayor (33.33%), and private-sector ac tors (5.00%). political negotiations were dominated by members of parliament (92.26%), followed by bureaucrats (85.25%), the mayor (16.26%), and private-sector actors (3.91%). finally, trans actional politics was most common amongst members of parlia figure 5. types of actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang city ment (74.36%) and bureaucrats (72.70%), followed by the mayor (17.76%) and private-sector actors (6.06%). actors in informal fiscal policymaking in malang regency in malang regency, informal fiscal policymaking involved government organizations, private-sector actors, and political brokers/political communities. these organizations utilized col lusive relationships, corrupt practices, political negotiations, and transactional interactions in their policymaking activities. figure 6. actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang regency figure 6 shows that, government organizations had a value of 102.06% in establishing collusive relationships, followed by private-sector actors (45.39%) and political communities (9.27%). government organizations also dominated the practice of cor ruption (62.89%), followed by private-sector actors (24.03%) and political communities (6.13%). meanwhile, while government organizations also dominated active political negotiations (51.82%), political communities were more active than private sector actors (10.80% versus 1.44%). transactional relationships were widespread in informal fiscal policymaking in malang re gency, with government organizations taking a dominant role (65.22%) followed by private-sector actors (39.36%) and politi cal communities (6.34%). 389 390 in this case, government organizations were represented by the regent (an elected official) and bureaucrats (government officials); private-sector actors were represented by entrepreneurs; and political communities were represented by campaign teams and political brokers. bureaucrats were dominant in all stages of the informal fiscal policymaking process, being supported by private-sector actors, campaign teams, political brokers, and the regent. figure 7. types of actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in malang regency government officials, including office heads and project staff, established collusive communications and relationships with other actors. these bureaucrats were most active (with a value of 59.59%), followed by private-sector actors (45.39%), the re gent (13.98%), and political communities (2.27%). practices of budget corruption in malang regency predominantly involved government officials (34.52%) and private-sector actors (24.03%), followed by the regent (10.30%) and political communities (6.13%). in their political negotiations, government officials re ceived a value of 29.99%; in this, they were supportedby politi cal communities (10.80%), the regent (8.22%), and private-sec tor actors (1.44%). transactional politics most commonly in volved private-sector actors (39.36%) and government officials (36.87%), but at times political communities (6.34%) and the regent (6.25%) were involved (figure 7). actors in informal fiscal policymaking in batu city unlike in malang city and malang regency, where infor mal fiscal policymaking involved government organizations, political organizations, and private-sector actors, in batu city the process only involved government organizations and private sector actors (figure 8). these organizations were actively involved in all types of informal fiscal policymaking, including bribery, collusive relationships, corruption, political lobbying, and trans actional politics. figure 8. actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in batu city in batu city, bribery was predominantly practiced by the pri vate sector (11.78%), followed by government organizations (5.72%). meanwhile, the establishment of collusive relationships most commonly involved government organizations (43.79%), followed by private-sector actors (33.22%). corruption values were higher amongst government organizations (27.35%) than amongst private-sector actors (16.96%). both used political lob bying in their informal fiscal policymaking processes, receiving a value of 1.88%. in political negotiations, government organi zations (11.55%) were more active than private-sector actors (8.76%); this reinforces the view that the government provided lobbying spaces for private-sector actors. finally, in their trans actional practices, government actors in batu city dominated 391 392 private-sector actors (27.32% versus 2.26%) (figure 8). government organizations involved in informal policymaking practices included the mayor (an elected official) and bureau crats (government officials); meanwhile, the private-sector ac tors involved in corruption, collusion, negotiation, transactional politics, and bribery in batu city were local entrepreneurs. these organizations were mutually complementary in informal fiscal policymaking activities in batu city. figure 9. types of actors involved in informal fiscal policymaking in batu city figure 9 above shows that private-sector actors dominated the informal fiscal policymaking activities in batu city, followed by bureaucrats and the mayor. bureaucrats and entrepreneurs had almost equal opportunities to commit bribery, the latter actors were slightly more active (11.78% versus 11.70%); mean while, the mayor was less involved (5.72%). entrepreneurs were also the most active (33.22%) in establishing collusive relation ships during informal fiscal policymaking activities, followed by bureaucrats (28.40%) and the mayor. meanwhile, bureaucrats contributed most significantly to budget corruption (20.13%), followed by private-sector actors (16.96%) and the mayor (11.52%). bureaucrats and entrepreneurs were equally involved in political lobbying (1.88%); the mayor, conversely, was not di rectly involved in lobbying. nonetheless, the mayor was involved in the process of political negotiations (4.48%), which is an in trinsic part of the lobbying process. bureaucrats and private-sec tor actors were almost equally involved in such negotiations, with the former slightly more active (8.77% versus 8.76%). pri vate-sector actors (21.26%) were heavily involved in creating transactional politics with government officials (17.39%) and the mayor (16.75%), with such transactions being used to advance their interests in the informal fiscal policymaking process. discussion of results a qualitative document content analysis of supreme court decisions regarding the practice of corruption in malang city, malang regency, and batu city using nvivo 12 plus has shown that the informal policymaking processes in these municipali ties have involved bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, po litical negotiations, and transactional politics (basri & nabiha, 2014). in malang city, the informal fiscal policymaking process involved all of these practices intensively. meanwhile, while these practices were less intensive in batu city and malang regency, they occurred in both municipalities’ informal fiscal policymaking processes (rebecca rumbul et al., 2018). the intensiveness of informal fiscal policymaking practices in malang city can be attributed to the number and diversity of the actors involved, including political organizations, government organizations, the mayor, and private-sector actors. most domi nant in the informal fiscal policymaking process in malang city were political organizations, followed by government organiza tions and private-sector actors; this is evidenced by these politi cal organizations’ involvement in practices of bribery, corrup tion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics (montambeault & goirand, 2016). members of parliament were more commonly involved in informal fiscal policymaking activi ties than government officials, elected officials, and private-sec 393 394 tor actors (dorotinsky & pradhan, 2007); as such, they positioned themselves as having greater influence in the informal fiscal policymaking process. under their influence, the mayor, bureau crats, and entrepreneurs became involved in the informal fiscal policymaking process (yandra et al., 2018). in malang regency, meanwhile, the informal fiscal policymaking process involved government organizations, pri vate-sector actors, and political communities (montambeault & goirand, 2016). in this case, the regent—an elected official—regu lated and controlled the informal fiscal policymaking process (adi, 2018). he instructed government officials, including the leaders of local government offices, to commit informal policymaking practices such as negotiation, lobbying, political transactions, and providing private-sector actors access to gov ernment projects (adi, 2018; montambeault & goirand, 2016). furthermore, the regent instructed local bureaucrats to work with the political communities that supported him and to in clude them in fiscal policymaking (trantidis & tsagkroni, 2017). private-sector actors (i.e. entrepreneurs) worked in conjunc tion with the malang regency government to formulate fiscal policy, doing so by establishing collusive relationships with the regent, bureaucrats, and political communities (arias, 2018; wong, 2010). in order to facilitate access to government-funded development projects (berenschot, 2018), during the informal fiscal policymaking process entrepreneurs practiced bribery, lob bying, corruption, and political negotiation with the regent, bureaucrats, and project brokers. this was positively received by the regent and by local bureaucrats, and supported by political communities. ultimately, corruption, bribery, and transactional politics were widely practiced during the budgeting process (arias, 2018; kostiuchenko, 2014). in malang regency, the dominant political community was the regent’s campaign team, a group of elites that acted collec tively as a project and fiscal broker (jones, 2013). this political community was established during the regional election, when it campaigned for the regent, accumulated political power, and raised funds from entrepreneurs with their own specific inter ests in the election and in the regional budget (auriol & flochel, 2015). after the conclusion of the election, this political com munity served as a project and fiscal broker, working to connect the regent with entrepreneurs and to control bureaucrats’ for mal fiscal policymaking activities (arias, 2018). in malang regency’s informal fiscal policymaking activities, government organizations were more dominant than private sector actors and political communities. meanwhile, private-sec tor actors were more active than political communities, as illus trated by their willingness to work in conjunction with govern ment officials. political communities, finally, served as project and fiscal brokers in malang regency (bardhan & mookherjee, 2012). finally, two types of actors were involved in the informal fiscal policymaking process in batu regency, namely government organizations and private-sector actors (montambeault & goirand, 2016). private-sector actors dominated this process, with the support of bureaucrats and the mayor. at the same time, the mayor provided spaces for informal fiscal policymaking ac tivities, while bureaucrats enabled entrepreneurs’ practice of bribery, collusion, corruption, lobbying, negotiation, and trans actional politics (farhan, 2018; montambeault & goirand, 2016; rubin, 2019). as such, although the mayor of batu did not domi nate the informal fiscal policymaking process in the city, he was a major source of the bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transactional politics that occurred during the informal fiscal policymaking process (rumbul et al., 2018). 395 conclusion qualitative content analysis was conducted using nvivo 12 plus, which was involved in document collection, data manage ment, data classification, node creation, and thematic/topical coding of supreme court decisions regarding practices of cor 396 ruption in malang city, malang regency, and batu city. it found that informal policymaking activities involved the practices of bribery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and trans actional politics. such activities were more prominent in malang city than in batu city and malang regency. in malang city, the informal fiscal policymaking process was dominated by po litical organizations, as represented by members of parliament. meanwhile, in malang regency, the process was dominated by government organizations, as seen by the active involvement of the regent and local bureaucrats. finally, in batu city, the in formal fiscal policymaking process was dominated by private sector actors, though the practice itself was rooted in the mayor’s promotion of informal approaches to fiscal policymaking amongst the municipality’s bureaucrats. in analyzing informal fiscal policymaking processes, the main strength of nvivo 12 plus is its ability to ensure that data are well organized. in this case, supreme court decisions were orga nized well; informal fiscal policymaking activities were clearly identified; informal fiscal policymaking practices such as brib ery, corruption, collusion, lobbying, negotiation, and transac tional politics were mapped systematically; analytical results were clearly visualized; and research findings were organized well, enabling the researchers to understand the informal fiscal policymaking processes in malang city, malang regency, and batu city. nonetheless, the use of nvivo 12 plus for content analysis is limited in its ability to triangulate data, as the results of its analysis of supreme court documents could not be con firmed with other primary data (i.e. interviews and observa tions). as such, analysis of supreme court documents regarding informal fiscal policymaking practices must be supported with data collected through interviews, observations, and reviews of other documents, which would promote a more comprehen sive understanding of the phenomenon and better data trian gulation. funding the author(s) received financial support from jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) for the research, authorship, and/or 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(2018). mainstreaming regional budget (apbd): issues and challenges in riau province in 2015. politik indonesia: indonesian political science review, 3(1), 1–18. https://doi.org/10.15294/ jpi.v3i1.11510. https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/ijpsm-05-2013-0068/full/html https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/ijpsm-05-2013-0068/full/html https://www.oefg.at/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/kostiuchenko.pdf https://www.oefg.at/wp-content/uploads/2014/08/kostiuchenko.pdf https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=en&amp%3blr&amp%3bid=ne1adwaaqbaj&amp%3boi=fnd&amp%3bpg=pp1&amp%3bdq=content%2banalysis%3a%2ban%2bintroduction%2bto%2bits%2bmethodology&amp%3bots=yz7kvuhq7t&amp%3bsig=wh6s8k5awo4danlcniplk4_rcjq&amp%3bredir_esc=y%23v%3donepage&amp%3bq=content%20analysis%3a%20an%20introduction%20to%20its%20methodology&amp%3bf=false https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-44914-1 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-44914-1 https://scihub.wikicn.top/10.1177/0010414012453447 https://scihub.wikicn.top/10.1177/0010414012453447 https://scihub.wikicn.top/10.1177/0010414012453447 https://doi.org/10.1177/%201369148117700658 https://doi.org/10.1177/%201369148117700658 https://doi.org/10.15294/%20jpi.v3i1.11510 https://doi.org/10.15294/%20jpi.v3i1.11510 layout februari 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0048.201-227 the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction concept in immigra tion service in indonesia dasman lanin universitas negeri padang email: dasmanlanin@gmail.com nailuredha hermanto study center of community empowerment and servicesindonesia abstract this research discuss about the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction concept in immigration service in indonesia. policy implementation and law enforcement will be much easier if the government can gain trust from its citizen (zhao and hu, 2015), even in a more extreme case, the low trust in government can push reformation (salim et al., 2017). immigration service is not only provided for indonesian but also for foreigners that enter indonesia territory. few immigra tion services provided for foreigners are visa and stay permit extension, stay per mit shifting, multiple exit re-entry permit, and dual citizenship for children under 18 years old. this research aims to prove the influence of equity and disconfirmation satisfaction on csi as intervening variables in order to re-formu late the more representative csi concept. this was a quantitative research that was conducted in padang immigration office. it aims to uncover the influence of service quality on csi directly and the influence of it when it was interfered by equity and disconfirmation and to re-formulate the csi by strengthening the foreigner satisfaction concept. the sample was taken by using stratified propor tional random sampling technique. the sample was counted by using slovin formula. based on all findings and discussion above, we concluded that the rein forcement of foreigner satisfaction concept can be done by adding equity satis faction and disconfirmation satisfaction into existing csi model because both of them can increase the influence of service quality on sci. it meant that in assess ing the foreigner satisfaction by using csi, there are other variables that have to be considered in order to assess it comprehensively and meet with foreigner’s expectation. furthermore, the proposed hypothetic model was proved and it can be accounted for academically. the model can be used as the conceptual corner stone by other researchers to do other studies related to service quality and csi. keyword: reinforcement, foreigner, satisfaction concept, immigration, indone sia. abstrak penelitian ini membahas tentang penguatan konsep kepuasan orang asing dalam jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 201 received: march 31, 2017 revised: april 7, 2017 accepted: april 10, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0048.201-227 mailto:dasmanlanin@gmail.com vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 202 pelayanan keimigrasian di indonesia. implementasi kebijakan dan penegakan hukum akan jauh lebih mudah jika pemerintah dapat memperoleh kepercayaan dari warganya (zhao dan hu, 2015), bahkan dalam kasus yang lebih ekstrem, kepercayaan pemerintah yang rendah dapat mendorong reformasi (salim et al., 2017). layanan imirasi tidak hanya disediakan untuk orang indonesia tetapi juga bagi orang asing yang memasuki wilayah indonesia. beberapa layanan imigrasi untuk orang indonesia tetapi juga bagi orang asing yang memasuki wilayah indonesia. beberapa layanan imigrasi yang diberikan kepada or ang asing adalah perpanjangan visa dan izin tinggal, perizinan izin tinggal, izin masuk kembali, dan kewarganegaraan ganda untuk anak dibawah 18 tahun. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membutktikan adanya pengaruh kepuasan ekuitas dan kepuasan disconfirmation pada csi sebagai variable intervening dalam rangka merumuskan kembali konsep csi yang lebih representative. penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian kuantitatif yang dilakukan di kantor imigrasi kota padang. hal ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap pengaruh kualitas layanan terhadap csi secara langsung dan pengaruhnya saat diintervensi oleh ekuitas dan disconfirmation dan untuk merumuskan kembali csi dengan memperkuat konsep kepuasan orang asing. sampel diambil dengan teknik stratified proportional ran dom sampling. sampel dihitung dengan menggunakan rumus slovin. berdasarkan semua temuan dan pembahasan di atas, kami menyimpulkan bahwa penguatan konsep kepuasan orang asing dapat dilakukan dengan menambahkan kepuasan ekuitas dan kepuasan disconfirmation ke dalam model csi yang ada karena keduanya dapat meningkatkan pengaruh kualitas layanan pada sci. artinya, dalam menilai kepuasan orang asing dengan menggunakan csi, ada variabel lain yang harus dipertimbangkan untuk menilai secara komprehensif dan memenuhi harapan orang asing. selanjutnya model hipotetis yang diusulkan terbukti dan bisa dipertanggungjawabkan secara akademis. model ini dapat digunakan sebagai landasan konseptual oleh peneliti lain untuk melakukan penelitian lain yang berkaitan dengan kualitas layanan dan csi. kata kunci: penguatan, asing, konsep kepuasan, keimigrasian, indonesia. introduction studies about service quality have been received attention from academics and practitioners for decades because of the big role of service quality in influencing customer satisfaction and loy alty (davis, lu, & crouch, 2009; aftab, sarwar, sultan, & qadeer, 2016). the delivery of high quality service is always ob structed by gap between service providers and customers (parasuraman, zeithaml, & berry, 1985; parasuraman, zeithaml, & berry, 1990). the service provider faces difficulties in deliver ing a service that meet customers’ expectations and needs. it happened because service was intangible and every customer had different expectations and needs (rajicic & ciric, 2008). public trust in government is a crucial factor in state manage ment (zhao and hu, 2015). policy implementation and law en forcement will be much easier if the government can gain trust from its citizen (zhao and hu, 2015), even in a more extreme case, the low trust in government can push reformation (salim et al., 2017). improving citizen satisfaction on public service is one of the ways to gain the public trust (sun et al., 2013; salim et al., 2017). based on survey conducted by edelman in 2007, indonesian’s trust in government increased 13 points from 58 to 71 (edelman, 2017). this achievement must be maintained even be improved in the next year, that is why, research related to citizen satisfaction is still relevant. one of important public services provided by indonesia gov ernment is immigration service. immigration service is not only provided for indonesian but also for foreigners that enter indo nesia territory. few immigration services provided for foreigners are visa and stay permit extension, stay permit shifting, multiple exit re-entry permit, and dual citizenship for children under 18 years old. immigration service is an important service because it represents the overall service quality and the image of indonesia public service. thus, immigration has to be able to provide a high quality and satisfactory service for foreigners to maintain the image of indonesia public service in the world. chase (1979) explicitly said that one of determinants of ser vice delivery is the understanding of the service provider to whom the service is delivered. service providers usually do not know and do not understand who the target group of the service is and the treatment will be generalized without considering the characteristics and the needs of the customer. in the case of im migration service for foreigners, foreigners are the object of the service that have special and distinct characteristic that cannot be generalized. one of their characteristics is their inability to communicate in bahasa with the officials. based on that, the understanding from the officials about their limitations and needs will determine the success of the immigration service de livery. foreigner satisfaction about the service will determine by the perceived service quality. previous studies proved that service quality directly influenced customer satisfaction (seth, jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 203 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 204 deshmukh, & vrat, 2005; gonzales, comesaña, & brea, 2007; lee, kim, ko, & sagas, 2011; kwok, jusoh, & khalifah, 2016). to assess customer satisfaction, one of the measurement tools is customer satisfaction index. citizen satisfaction barometer is an independent satisfaction assessment tool that is commonly used in almost all of the countries in the world, especially in public sectors (o’loughlin & coenders, 2004; bruhn & grund, 2000; fornell, johnson, anderson, cha, & bryant, 1996). american customer satisfaction index (acsi) is widely used and adopted by many countries to measure the citizen satisfaction in their country, meanwhile there are also other countries that formu lated their own satisfaction barometer such as indonesia, eu rope, canada, swiss, and singapore. indonesia government through empowerment of state ap paratus ministerial regulation number 16/2014 formulated its own satisfaction barometer called indeks kepuasan masyarakat (citizen satisfaction index-csi) that consist of 9 (nine) scopes; (1) requirements; (2) procedure; (3) service time; (4) service cost; (5) service product; (6) staff competency; (7) staff attitude; (8) complaint handling; and (9) service charter. compared to other customer satisfaction indexes, csi only covers perceived service aspect in its assessment. it does not cover customer expectation aspect, perceived value, loyalty, and com plaint which include in other countries’ satisfaction index. to assess foreigner satisfaction comprehensively, the improvement of csi must be done to match with the national satisfaction index standard. the improvement of csi can be done by adding equity and disconfirmation that were proved as the antecedent of customer satisfaction (matilla & o’neill, 2003; bowie & chang, 2005; chang, 2008; hutchinson, lai, & wang, 2009; shah, arshad, imam, & arshad, 2014). this research aims to prove the influence of equity and disconfirmation satisfaction on csi as intervening variables in order to re-formulate the more representative csi concept. literature review and hypothesis formulation customer satisfaction and national satisfac tion index customer satisfaction giese and cote said that customer satisfaction is an emotional or cognitive response related to something that happens in a certain time (tjiptono & gregorius, 2007). ryzin (2006) reported that miller and miller said,”satisfaction is the consumers’ or citizens’ summary judgment about the product or service”. an overall satisfaction question is often asked as part of the typical citizen survey and has been used as a key dependent variable of interest in research of service delivery (ryzin, 2006). previous studies proved that service quality had a positive relation with customer satisfaction (wang & shieh, 2006; ismail, ridzuan, ranlan, bin, rahman, & francis, 2013; vu & huan, 2016). furthermore, service quality significantly influenced customer satisfaction. thus it can be used as the predictor of customer satisfaction (mokhlis, 2012; krishnamurthy, sivakumar, & sellamuthu, 2010; selvakumar, 2016). national satisfaction index the development of national and international satisfaction measurement has been increased sharply in the last decade (johnson, gustafsson, andreassen, lervik, & cha, 2001). swed ish customer satisfaction barometer (scsb) was the first na tional satisfaction index introduced (fornell, 1992). america customer satisfaction index (acsi) was introduced in the fall 1994 (johnson et al, 2001) and followed by other countries such as singapore, canada, and swiss (park, heo, & rim, 2008). in 2014, through empowerment of state apparatus ministerial decree number 25/2004, indonesia also introduced its citizen satisfaction index called csi and it was perfected through em powerment of state apparatus ministerial regulation number 16/2014. acsi is the most adopted national satisfaction index world wide. the construct of acsi are; (1) perceived quality. perceived jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 205 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 206 quality is the consumers’ judgment about an entity’s or a service’s overall excellence or superiority (zeithmal, 1988; yee & san, 2011); (2) customer expectations. customer expectation is mul tifaceted and capricious. service provider should learn what a customer expect in order to deliver a good service (hsieh & yuan, 2010); (3) perceived value. zeithaml (1988) defines perceived value as, ‘‘the consumer’s overall assessment of the utility of a prod uct (or service) based on perceptions of what is received and what is given’’; (4) customer satisfaction; (5) customer complaints. to achieve 100% customer satisfaction is nearly impossible be cause each customer expectation is different to another (kang, zhang, & zheng, 2009). the mistakes and the failures in deliver ing a service will lead to dissatisfaction (karatepe, 2006) and it will increase numbers of complaints (kang, zhang, & zheng, 2009); and (6) customer loyalty. if dissatisfaction leads to the increase of customer complaint, satisfaction leads to customer loyalty or the intention the re-purchase (kuo, wu, & deng, 2010) (http://www.theacsi.org). citizen satisfaction index (csi) is a national satisfaction in dex obtained from citizens’ statements about the service quality that was provided by the indonesian government. there are 9 (nine) scope of csi; (1) requirements. service requirements are the conditions that must be followed by the citizen to receive the service; (2) procedure. procedure is the standard steps that must be followed by the citizen and also buy the official in providing a service; (3) service time. service time is the period needed to provide the service; (4) service cost. service cost is a standard cost that is charged to the citizen to receive a service; (5) service product. service product is the outcome from a service, whether it is goods or service; (6) staff competency. staff competency is the staff’s knowledge, expertise, skill, and experience in deliver ing services; (7) staff attitude. staff attitude is the attitude that is shown by the officials when they are delivering the service; (8) complaint handling. complaint handling is the standard step in handling a complaint, advice, and critic; (9) service charter. service charter is the service provider statement and promise to provide a service based on the standard operational procedure. service quality service quality depends on how customers perceive the ac tual service performance and the context of what they expected (zeithaml, parasuraman, & berry, 1990). service quality is de fined as the outcome of an evaluation process where the con sumer compares his expectations with the service he perceived he has received (gronroos, 1982). customer expectation about a service is influenced by their own experience, formal and in formal recommendation from service provider and other people, price, need, and the image of service provider (stašys & malikovas, 2010). parasuraman, zeithaml, & berry (1985; 1990) introduced five determinants of service quality; (1) tangible is related to the hardware facilities (physic), equipment, employee appearance, and communication media. using modern equipment in deliv ering service, well-dressed officials, representative building, and appealing information board are parts of the tangibility of a ser vice (naik, gantasala, & prabhakar, 2010; aftab, sarwar, sul tan, & qadeer, 2016); (2) reliability is the employee competency to deliver the promised service precisely. reliability in delivering a service demonstrates the ability of service provider to deliver an adjusted service correctly (omar, saadan, & seman, 2015); (3) responsiveness is the eagerness to help the citizen and de liver a quick service. strong determination from the provider to help and provide a prompt and an on-time service to the cus tomer is part of the responsiveness (armstrong, adam, denize, & kotler, 2012). the ability of the provider to deliver a prompt service is always appreciated by the customer (aftab, sarwar, sultan, & qadeer, 2016); (4) assurance is the knowledge and courtesy of employees and their competency to convey trust and confidence. in various kinds of service, assurance plays a signifi cant role and receives the most attention from the customer be jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 207 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 208 cause it is related to trust and the transparency between the cus tomer and the provider (chen dan chang, 2005; de & du, 2007); and (5) empathy is the caring and individualized sympa thy provided to the citizen. service providers have to concern on customer situation and perspective as a form of empathy (toosi & kohonali, 2011). perceived quality, customer expectation, and perceived value were already proved as the antecedents of customer satisfaction (cronin, brady, & hult, 2000; lee, lee, & yoo, 2000; chen, 2008). meanwhile customer loyalty and complaint were influ enced by satisfaction (wu, chan, & lau, 2008). studies related to the influence of service quality on customer satisfaction as sessed by national satisfaction index have been done by many researchers and they proved that service quality positively influ enced customer satisfaction (baker & crompton, 2000; o’loughlin & coenders, 2004; ciavolino & dahlgaard, 2007; park, heo, & rim, 2008). although service quality has been proved as the antecedent of customer satisfaction, we were sure that service quality also influenced citizen satisfaction when it was assessed by using csi. therefore, we hypothesize the following: h 1 : service quality has a direct effect on csi equity theory in many national satisfaction indexes, perceived value is one of their constructs. perceived value is related to the compatibility of service product with the cost that has to be paid by the cus tomer (chin, 2010). the root of perceived value is equity theory that was first introduced by zalemik in 1959 and was developed by adams in 1963 (oliver & desarbo, 1988). there are 2 impor tant things in equity theory, a person and another person as the comparison object. person is any individual for whom equity or inequity exist, and other is any individual or group used by per son as a referent when he makes a comparison (adams, 1963). besides efficiency and effectiveness, equity in delivering a ser vice is also the key point of a public service performance (savas, 1978). it concentrates on someone’s perception of how fairly he is being treated compared to other people for the same matter and the implication on their behavior. social comparison pro cess that involved in equity theory is typically based on the rela tionship between two variables: inputs and outcomes. a state of equity exists whenever the ratio of a person’s outcomes (o) to inputs (i) equal to the ratio of other’s outcome to inputs (daft & steers, 1986). previous studies proved that equity was not only the antecedent of job satisfaction (bowie & chang, 2005; khalifa & truong, 2013), but also the customer satisfaction (chang, 2008). equity was also proved as the intervening variable between service quality and golf traveler satisfaction in america (hutchinson, lai, & wang, 200). perceived value in customer satisfaction assessment aims to the benefit received by the customer for the cost that the cus tomer paid (mcdougall & levesque, 2000). customers who perceive that they received “value for money” are more satisfied than customers who do not perceive they received “value for money” (zeithaml, 1988). therefore, we hypothesize the follow ing: h 2 : the effect of service quality on csi is greater when it is interfered by equity disconfirmation theory disconfirmation is the discrepancy between the anticipated quality of the good or service and the quality that was actually received or experienced (ryzin, 2006). patterson in his earlier research assumed that somebody will do the satisfaction judg ment based on their expectation (e) and the real performance (p) (patterson, 1993). there are three possibilities of the com parison result; (1) if p < e, negative disconfirmation that cause dissatisfaction is applied, (2) if p > e, positive disconfirmation that raises very satisfactory or delight is applied, and (3) if p = e, confirmation that sometimes raises satisfaction and sometimes jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 209 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 210 dissatisfaction is applied. while other researcher consider the third situation (if p = e) as zone of indifference (zoi) where in the area we are not able to distinguish whether it cause satisfac tion or dissatisfaction (santos & boote, 2003). in national satisfaction indexes, there are two correlated con structs, perceived quality and customer expectation. the discrep ancy between two of them will initiate disconfirmation (chin, 2010). it means that in national satisfaction index, disconfir mation process occurs and influences overall customer satisfac tion. proposed studies proved that disconfirmation directly in fluenced customer satisfaction (patterson, 1993; matilla & o’neill, 2003; shah, arshad, imam, & arshad, 2014). disconfirmation concept also can be used to assess citizen satisfaction on public service provided by local government (ryzin, 2006). lanin has been measured the citizen satisfaction of padang panjang city on basic service (education, health, and social) pro vided by padang panjang city government using disconfirmation concept (lanin, 2010; lanin & mubarak, 2010). therefore, we hypothesize the following: h 3 : the effect of service quality on csi is greater when it was interfered by disconfirmation. research method this was a quantitative research that was conducted in padang immigration office. it aims to uncover the influence of service quality on csi directly and the influence of it when it was inter fered by equity and disconfirmation and to re-formulate the csi by strengthening the foreigner satisfaction concept. in this re search there was one independent variable (service quality), two intervening variables (equity satisfaction and disconfirmation satisfaction), and one dependent variable (citizen satisfaction index-csi). as stated in previous part, immigration service is one of crucial services in every country because it represents the overall image of public service in the country. the number of foreigners who enter indonesia through west sumatera is in creasing every year (source: sumatera barat in figure 2016) whether as a tourist, a student, a researcher, or as a worker. it proved that west sumatera’s natural and cultural wealth is ap pealing. thus, the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction assess ment was needed in order to improve the immigration service quality and to maintain the foreigners’ discipline when they en ter and stay in indonesia. the population of the research was all 2952 foreigners that had received immigration service from padang immigration of fice from 2015 until 2016. the sample was taken by using strati fied proportional random sampling technique. the sample was counted by using slovin formula. the characteristics of the sample were foreigners who hold; (1) limited stay permit; (2) permanent stay permit; and (3) multiple exit re-entry permit. the number of the sample in this research was 191 respondents. the data were collected by using a valid and a reliable questionnaire. path analysis was conducted to prove proposed hypotheses. the data of this research were explained into few parts; (1) description of mean score of each variable to see the general response about service quality and satisfaction; (2) description of comparative result between immigration service in indonesia and the respon dents’ home countries; (3) description of path analysis result, direct, indirect, and total effect of each path. result respondent characteristic table 1 showed that 64.4% respondents are male, 47.1% re spondent came from asian countries such as philippine, thai land, malaysia, south korea, and india. 55.5% respondents were aged 21-30 year-old. 53.4% of respondents came to indonesia to work. 32.5% respondents have already stayed in indonesia for 1 2 years. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 211 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 table 1. the socio-demographic of the respondents characteristic n % characteristic n % gender stay period 212 foreigner satisfaction of immigration service based on data collected, the foreigner satisfaction level of immigration service assessed by using csi can be seen in table 2. table 2 described the level of foreigner satisfaction on immi gration service assessed by using csi, equity, and disconfirmation. the average score of csi was 3.50. it means that the foreigner satisfaction level was slightly above the medium level which means they do not satisfied enough with the service. the average score of equity and disconfirmation, on a scale of 1 to 5, is 3.62 and 3.83 respectively. it implied that foreigners who received immi gration service are still not satisfied enough with the fairness and the performance of the service because the scores are in medium level. meanwhile, based on the data collected, the immigration ser vice quality of padang immigration office for foreigners can be seen in table 3. table 3 showed that the overall score of immigration service for foreigner in padang immigration office was 3.56 that was categorized as ‘enough’. it suggested that the quality of immigra tion service for foreigners was quite good. from data collected, man 123 64.4% less than 1 year 40 20.9% woman 68 35.6% 1-2 years 62 32.5% nationality 2-3 years 39 20.4% europe 50 26.2% 3-4 years 23 12.0% america 35 18.3% more than 4 years 27 14.1% asia 90 47.1% purpose of visit australia 16 8.4% permanent stay permit 71 37.2% purpose of visit limited stay permit 7 3.7% work 102 53.4% multiple exit re-entry permit 113 59.2% study 80 41.9% age other 9 4.7% under 20 year-old 19 9.9% number of 21-30 year-old 106 55.5% application 95 49.7% 31-40 year-old 56 29.3% 1-2 times 48 25.1% 41-50 year old 9 4.7% 3-4 times 48 25.1% above 50 year-old 1 0.5% more than 5 times most of the respondents said that the immigration service in their home countries were better that immigration service in indonesia. it can be seen in table 4: table 2. mean value of foreigner satisfaction csi item mean clear and understandable service requirements 3.60 the procedure is simple 3.20 service is delivered on-time 3.30 service cost is adjusted to the regulation 3.50 service product received is adjusted to foreigner’s need 3.70 the official has competency to deliver the service 3.70 the official acts friendly 3.70 the service given is adjusted to the service charter 3.60 the official responds the complaint and advice quickly 3.40 average of csi 3.50 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 213 equity satisfaction disconfirmation satisfaction input and output of the person are equal 3.61 input and output of a person compared to another is equal 3.63 average of equity satisfaction 3.62 foreigner’s expectation 4.12 actual service performance 3.55 average of disconfirmation satisfaction 3.83 average foreigner satisfaction score 3.65 table 3. padang immigration service quality for foreigne rs item mean tangible 3.68 reliability 3.50 responsiveness 3.55 assurance 3.55 empathy 3.50 total 3.56 table 4. the comparison no options frequency percent 1 other countries are better 120 62.8 2 almost the same 64 33.5 3 padang immigration is better 7 3.7 from table 4, we could see that 62.8% of the respondents said that the immigration service in their home countries were better than immigration service in indonesia. the difference of immigration service in indonesia and other countries was showed vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 214 by the big comparison of the mean value (2.59:1.40). the high mean value indicated the good immigration service received by the respondents in other countries than immigration service in indonesia. to ensure whether the difference was significant, it can be seen in table 5: table 5. result of independe nt sample t-test no group n mean t sig. 1. other countries are better 191 2.5916 20.552 .000 2. indonesia is better 191 1.4084 based on table 5, we found that t value was bigger than t statistic (20.552>1.69) with 0.000 significance score. it proved that immigration service in other countries were better than immigration service in indonesia. thus, csi needed to be im proved by adding other constructs in order to assess citizen satis faction comprehensively. the analysis of the model the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction concept examined by path analysis is described as below: table 6. path analysis result model table 6 showed that independent variable (service quality) and intervening variables (equity and disconfirmation) signifi cantly influenced csi as the dependent variable. from table 6 above we also can see that service quality (x1) had direct influ ence on csi (y) for 0.704 (70.4%). it meant that the proposed h 1 was accepted; service quality had direct influence on csi. beta score of the path coefficient in table 6 indicated the substructural 1 substructural 2 substructural 3 (x1 € x2 (x1 € x3) (x1 € y) path coefficient 0.793 0.358 0.704 t 17.877 5.279 14.654 sig 0.000 0.000 0.000 adj. r2 0.626 0.124 0.839 e 0.374 0.876 0.161 influence of exogenous variable on endogenous variable in par ticular path. the score of adj. r2 indicated the power or the contribution of the exogenous variable on endogenous variable. the score of indirect, direct, and total effect of each intervening variable toward csi was counted based on the beta score (coeffi cient) and the result was described as below: table 7. the direct, indirect, and total effect jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 215 no. item direct effect (x1 € y) indirect effect total effect 1. x1 € y through x2 0.704 0.162 0.866 2. x1 € y through x3 0.704 0.035 0.739 figure 1. the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction model table 7 suggested that the direct effect of service quality on csi was 70.4% and it rose to 86.6% when the path was inter fered by equity which was greater that the direct effect of service quality on csi. this finding indicated that the proposed h 2 was accepted; the effect of service quality on csi was greater when it was interfered by equity. furthermore, the effect of service qual ity on csi also rose to 73.9% when disconfirmation interfered the path. it means that the proposed h 3 was also accepted; the effect of service quality on csi was greater when it was inter fered by disconfirmation. from all the findings, we could firmly say that all proposed hypotheses were accepted. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 216 for more comprehensive understanding, the interaction model of the variables is drawn as figure. discussion and implication the foreigner satisfaction on immigration service one of the findings of this research is the direct influence of service quality on csi. based on data collected, the mean value of foreigner satisfaction assessed by csi was 3.50 which slightly above medium level. it also indicated that the low score of ser vice quality will influence the score of foreigner satisfaction. table i showed that aspect received the lowest score was the ability of the official to deliver the service on-time. it was only 3.30. time measures how long a foreigner has to wait to receive the service needed (okyere, annan, and anning, 2015). stated in their stan dard operational procedure, immigration office needs three days to work on every application that they received from the foreigners.the punctuality is very important in delivering ser vice because it has correlation with the perceived service perfor mance received by the customer (gunasekaran, patel, and tirtiroglu, 2011). the items of csi are more technical and practical rather than theoretical. those items can only assess the service delivery pro cess and neglect other fundamental items such as fairness, and needs that were included in other national satisfaction barom eters. that is why the findings about the influence of equity and disconfirmation on csi are important to improve and upgrade the quality of csi. meanwhile, the fairness of the service delivery was scored 3.62 of 5 which also slightly above the medium level. they assessed that the service received was fair enough compared to other al though there were also cases where they did not treat equally. immigration office is the only institution that can provide immi gration service for foreigners. foreigner, who does not feel satis fied, does not have any choice to move to another institution to get a better and fair immigration service. there are three keys that influence equity in delivering a service; the quality of the service, the price, and the relationship between the customer and the institution (zeithaml, lemon, & rust, 2001). immigra tion office is the only institution that can provide immigration service for foreigners. foreigner, who does not feel satisfied, does not have any choice to move to another institution to get a better and fair immigration service. thus, immigration office has to provide a fair service to every foreigner in order to satisfy them. in other hand, disconfirmation concept is also a concept that is commonly used in assessing customer satisfaction (matilla & o’neill, 2003). it compares the perceived quality and the cus tomer expectation about the service (patterson, 2003). based on table i, the mean value of customer expectation about the im migration service was 4.12, meanwhile, the actual service perfor mance was only 3.55. it means that the customer expectation (e) was bigger than the actual performance (p) which leaded to negative disconfirmation. as what have been found by other re searchers, disconfirmation influences satisfaction (patterson, 1993; matilla & o’neill, 2003; shah, arshad, imam, & arshad, 2014). it means that the negative disconfirmation will decrease the satisfaction level of the foreigners on immigration service received. the immigration service quality for foreign ers a public service consists of all actions that are conducted by the officials to obtain higher customer satisfaction level and de liver the value of the service (hadiyati, 2014). from all data ob tained related to the immigration service quality for foreigners in padang immigration office, the score was 3.56. the score was in average level and it meant that the immigration service for foreigner was qualified enough. from the result of this study, the ability of the officials to communicate with the foreigners in english obtained the lowest jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 217 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 218 score from the respondents, it was only 3.2. immigration service is not only provided for indonesian but also foreigners. as stated before, service quality was the comparison between the customer expectation and the performed service they received. customer expectation was also triggered by customer’s needs. parasuraman, zeithaml, & berry have introduced the service gap that was widely used by the practitioners and academics to assess the service quality (shahin & samea, 2010). one of the service gaps is the discrepancy between customer needs and the perception of ser vice provider about customer needs. the gap will influence the citizen assessment about overall service quality. foreigners have different needs and characteristics. they cannot speak bahasa fluently and it halts the communication between the foreigners with the immigration officials. they need officials who can speak with them in language that they understand such as english that known as international language. foreigners who received immigration service from padang immigration office are used to a reliable immigration service in their home countries. they expect that immigration officials can understand their needs and limitations. in reality, officials are not able to communicate with them easily. the officials’ inabil ity to provide an expected service will extend the gap between the service provider and the citizen. service quality determinant that received high score was tan gible with 3.68. although it received the highest score, it was still far from the excellent level (4.5-5). the availability of ad equate physical facilities pleases the customer because customer tend to give higher score to the school that completed with suf fice facilities (irawan, 2008:58). beside modern and sufficient service facilities, the availability of understandable immigration information was also a part of tangibility. for a public service provider, the availability of understandable service information is a must. it is regulated in law number 25/2009 as the prin ciple of public service. the service delivery has to consider the principle of openness where people can access and understand the information easily. the availability of understandable immi gration information offline and online is a must as well. immigration service for foreigner is a service provided by in donesia immigration office for foreigners who enter indonesia territory. service is intangible and its quality is difficult to exam ine. thus, researchers tend to use ‘perceived service quality’ word to refer service quality (yarimoglu, 2014). the model of foreigner satisfaction the model in figure 1 proved that service quality directly influenced citizen satisfaction assessed by csi. as stated before, service quality was called perceived service quality because of its complexity. in european citizen satisfaction index (ecsi), per ceived service quality is one of independent variables that influ enced customer satisfaction (o’loughlin & coenders, 2004; ciavolino & dahlgaard, 2007). in american citizen satisfac tion index (acsi), perceived quality is also a latent variable of customer satisfaction. it means all national satisfaction indexes used perceived service quality in the measurement model because its influence on customer satisfaction (cristobal, flavian, & giunaliu, 2007). this research found that service quality influenced equity. it means a high quality service will generate fairness in customer. moreover, the influence score of service quality on csi when it was interfered by equity was higher than its direct effect. equity is a subsequence result of service quality and it also can be used as intervening variable between service quality and citizen satis faction (hutchinson et al., 2009). it shows that equity can also be an antecedent of csi. chang (2008) found equity was a promi nent variable that influenced taiwan tourist. besides influenc ing customer satisfaction, equity also influenced job satisfaction (bowie & chang, 2005; khalifa & truong, 2013; osabiya, 2015). from all those previous findings, we could barely say that equity influenced satisfaction in general. the addition of equity in for eigner satisfaction assessment using csi would provide more jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 219 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 220 comprehensive overview of foreigner satisfaction on immigra tion service received. shah, arshad, imam, & arshad (2014) found that disconfirmation could be an intervening variable between ser vice quality and customer satisfaction. beside as an intervening variable, disconfirmation was also a logical antecedent of cus tomer satisfaction and it influenced satisfaction directly (oliver, 1980; patterson, 1993; matilla & o’neill, 2003). based on the finding of this research, disconfirmation variable can be used to increase the influence of service quality on csi and it can be used as one of the constructs of csi. compared to other na tional satisfaction indexes such as acsi and csisg, each of them has perceived service and customer expectation construct that were the benchmark of overall customer satisfaction (angelova & zekiri, 2011). beside as an intervening variable, both equity and disconfir mation were also independent variables that can influenced csi directly even though the direct influence were much smaller that the influences as intervening variables. other researchers found that both of them were important predictors of csi and they complemented each other. both of them are comparison model but they compared different aspects with different standard, na ture, process, and attributes (oliver & swan, 1989; oliver, 2014). equity compares the input and outcome of a person to another person, while disconfirmation compares the expectation and the perceived performance. therefore, it appears that both of them have to be included in csi model in order to strengthen the csi concept and to measure foreigner satisfaction thoroughly. theoretical implication the findings of this research contribute to the service quality and customer satisfaction literatures. the measurement of cus tomer satisfaction using national satisfaction index has evolved for years and still need to be flourished. based on this research, equity and disconfirmation have to be considered in the making and the improvement of national satisfaction index. equity that was the base of perceived value construct in other countries’ sat isfaction index was proved to increase the influence of service quality on csi as well as disconfirmation. as stated before, know ing the citizen’s expectation and measuring perceived service are two principal aspects in assessing service quality and citizen sat isfaction (zeithaml, parasuraman, & berry, 1990; ryzin, 2006). thus, disconfirmation that functions to assess citizen’s expecta tion and perceived service must be added in order to perfect the csi concept, meanwhile equity is also important in delivering a service because fairness is a public service ethic (maani, 2010). compared to other satisfaction indexes, the development of csi is still in the early age. thus the development of the constructs is important in order to assess indonesian satisfaction level com prehensively. practical implication practically, the results can be used by immigration as the im migration service provider. foreigners who enter indonesian ter ritories used to receive a good service in their home countries. equity that is linked to perceived value construct has to be con sidered by immigration because its influence on overall satisfac tion. they who received the service will always compare the cost and the quality of the service. cost of the service is not only about money, but also the time and energy they spent to get the immigration service. furthermore, immigration as the provider also have to learn foreigners’ need and expectation about immi gration service and narrow the gap between foreigners’ expecta tion and officials’ perception about what they need and what they expect from immigration by consider the equity and disconfirmation variables. in addition to immigration office as the provider, those influ ences from equity and disconfirmation gave us an illustration of ideal immigration service that foreigner wants. these findings benefits the foreigners so they can be more discipline and obey jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 221 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 222 to the applicable law because satisfaction can increase public trust and ease law enforcement (salim et al., 2017). it means that, foreigner that is satisfied with the immigration service will enter indonesia and stay in accordance with the applicable rule, so they can maintain a good relationship with people around them and live comfortably for quite long time. conclusion based on all findings and discussion above, we concluded that the reinforcement of foreigner satisfaction concept can be done by adding equity satisfaction and disconfirmation satisfac tion into existing csi model because both of them can increase the influence of service quality on sci. it meant that in assess ing the foreigner satisfaction by using csi, there are other vari ables that have to be considered in order to assess it comprehen sively and meet with foreigner’s expectation. furthermore, the proposed hypothetic model was proved and it can be accounted for academically. the model can be used as the conceptual cor nerstone by other researchers to do other studies related to ser vice quality and csi. acknowledgement the authors thanked the internal reviewer in universitas negeri padang, asia pacific society for public 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(2015). determinants of public trust in government: empirical evi dence from urban china. international review of administrative sciences, 0020852315582136. https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852315582136 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 227 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02522667.2006.10699686 http://dx.doi.org/10.1362/026725708x306130 http://jmm-net.com/journals/jmm/ http://jmm-net.com/journals/jmm/ https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852315582136 layout jgp november 2017.pmd http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.536-555 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 536 received: september 9, 2017 revised: november 16, 2017 accepted: november 20, 2018 tocite this articlepleaserefer to: simeon, c. p.,& aguja, h.(2017). mandates and wherewithals: the research-teaching nexus in gender mainstreaminginthe msu-iligan institute of technology, philippines. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 8(4). mandates and wherewithals: the research-teaching nexus in gender mainstreaming in the msu-iligan institute of technol ogy, philippines chanda pearl b. simeon, mih simeonchandapearl@gmail.com msu -iligan institute of technology, iligan city, philippines hilton j. aguja, ph. d. hiltonaguja@yahoo.com msu-iligan institute of technology, iligan city, philippines abstract the philippines is a state party to various legal instruments to address gender concerns, particularly to the united nations convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw). subsequently, the philippines has maneuverer a capillary effect of its commitment to gender equality through various domestic legislations. gender and development (gad) has thus become a matter of state policy. pursuant to a mandated policy on gender equality, this study focuses on the experience of msu-iligan institute of technology (msu-iit) in mainstreaming gad in the curriculum. the aim is to evaluate policy imple mentation, upon which this study derives its significance. basically descriptive, this study employs the research and teaching (r-t) nexus as the theoretical frame. purposive sampling was done for respondents among the faculty and students and data were gathered through in-depth interviews and focus group discus sion (fgd). findings reveal that the institute‟ s college of arts and social sciences (cass) have integrated gad in two ways through the incorporation of a sub ject in its programs, or as an approach to teaching through faculty initiative corroborating what annala and makinen (2011) referred as “personified cur riculum”. the findings further reflect the crucial nexus between the conduct of gad researches to teaching and the subjectivity in the process, contingent as it was on the competence of the teacher. the r-t nexus having seen as existent in both ways, the study found a deeper impact of gad on courses that incorpo rated it as a subject as manifested on its number of researches, extension activi ties and student learnings. the study recommends the provision of the where withal for teachers through a retooling process involving trainings and the devel mailto:simeonchandapearl@gmail.com mailto:simeonchandapearl@gmail.com mailto:hiltonaguja@yahoo.com opment of a common gad module. a required gad subject for all students is likewise recommended to ensure the delivery of a certain level of uniformity in imparting the basic minimum. keywords: gender and development, mainstreaming, wherewithal, implementation, re tooling, r-t nexus. abstrak filipina merupakan negara dengan pihak yang memiliki berbagai instrument hokum untuk menangani masalah gender, khususnya konvensi pbb tentang penghapusan segala bentuk diskriminasi terhadap perempuan atau biasa disebut dengan convention on the elimina tion of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw). selanjutnya, filipina telah memanuver pengaruh kapiler dari komitmennya terhadap kesetaraan gender melalui berbagai peraturan perundang-undangan dalam negeri. gender dan pembangunan (gad) telah menjadi masalah kebijakan sebuah negara. berdasarkan kebijakan yang diamanatkan mengenai kesetaraan gender, penelitin ini berfokuskan pada pengalaman msu-iligan institute of technology (msu-iit) dalam mengutamakan gad dalam sebuah kurikulum. tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengevaluasi implementasi kebijakan, dimana studi ini mendapatkan signifikansinya. pada dasarnya deskriptif, penelitian ini menggunakan re searchteaching (r-t) sebagai kerangka teoretis. sampling purposive dilakukan untuk responden di antara fakultas dan mahasiswa dan data dikumpulkan melalui wawancara mendalam dan focus group discussion (fgd). temuan mengungkapkan bahwa institut senidanilmusosialinstitut(cass)telah mengintegrasikangaddalam duacara-melalui penggabungan subjek dalam programnya, atau sebagai pendekatan untuk mengajar melalui inisiatif fakultas yang menguatkan apa yang disebut annala dan makinen (2011) sebagai “kurikulum yang dipersonifikasikan”. temuan lebih lanjut mencerminkan hubungan penting antara pelaksanaan penelitian gad untuk mengajar dan subjektivitas dalam proses, bergantung pada kompetensi guru. research teaching r-t nexus telah dilihat sebagai ada dalam kedua cara, studi ini menemukan dampak yang lebih mendalam dari gad pada kursus yang dimasukkan sebagai subjek yang dimanifestasikan pada jumlah penelitian, kegiatan penyuluhan dan pembelajaran siswa. studi ini merekomendasikan penyediaan sarana untuk guru melalui proses retooling yang melibatkan pelatihan dan pengembangan modul gad yang umum. subjek gad yang dipersyaratkan untuk semua siswa juga disarankan untuk memastikan penyampaian tingkat keseragaman tertentu dalam memberikan minimum dasar. kata kunci: gender dan pengembangan, mainstreaming, wherewithal, pelaksanaan, re tooling, r-t nexus. introduction longstanding notions on gender equality or lack of it has historically been embedded in the country‟s pre-colonial and colonial experiences and has, from there, developed into what seemed like a never-ending struggle for a woman‟s rightful place in society. the status of women during the pre-spanish philip pines was predicated on the equality and partnership dictated by the social roles played by both women and men. spanish con quest and colonization of the philippines caused drastic alter jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal o f government & politics) 537 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 538 ations to the hitherto existing domestic social order. spanish colonialism brought along with it the culture, religion and value system which unfortunately did not augur well forwomen (aguja, 2013). aguja (2013) further asserts that the colonially imposed reli gion in the country had with it so much misogynistic ideas that demean women. centuries of spanish colonialism has disfig ured the local social landscape and the beacon of spanish glory, catholicism, brought about the doctrine of female inferiority (editorial, balai asian journal, 1985). church misogyny was re inforced by spanish laws of the colonial state that were equally oppressive to women (feliciano, 1996). the woman under the spanish civil code is a non-person, enjoying equal rights with idiots and the mentally deranged (nolasco, 1991). despite constant efforts on domesticating the filipino woman, there were heroines who broke the „glass ceiling‟ and challenge the repression. among those who spoke in behalf of the fearful were gabriela silang, teodora agoncillo, gregoria de jesus, melchora aquino, agueda kahabagan, trinidad tecson, maria dizon and many other women of the katipunan (the filipino revolutionary movement) as well as the women of malolos, bulacan (santos, 1991). in the face of the colonial efforts to sub jugate them, the women of the philippines proved to be resil ient, even stubborn in holding on to the native values which accorded them respect. the movement to reassert themselves easily found a groundswell of support for it simply reaffirmed filipino womanhood in its pristine and unadulterated form (aguja, 2013). research objectives in pursuing its movement towards gender equality, the phil ippines became a state party to the united nations (un) con vention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw) on july 15, 1980. the convention paved the way for signatories to create areas where objectives would be met. the pioneering document to this effect was the beijing platform for action (bpfa), a result of the fourth un world conference on women held in beijing on september 1995. in keeping with its international commitments, the philip pines has already provided in its 1987 constitution the prin ciple of the „fundamental equality before the law of men and women” (article ii, section 14). further, the philippines enacted the magna carta of women (mcw) or republic act (ra) no. 9710 in september 2009. it addresses gender discrimination and highlights the government‟s commitment to ensure gender equal ity. all these efforts are subsumed as the gender and develop ment (gad) policy of the government. pursuant to a pronounced policy, this study focuses on the experience of msu-iligan insti tute of technology in mainstreaming gad in the curriculum. the aim is to evaluate the implementation process. the identified agency responsible for the implementation of the mcw is the commission on higher education (ched). it is tasked on the administration of mainstreaming gender and development (gad) within ched, its stakeholders, clientele and in all higher education institutions (heis). the mindanao state university – iligan institute of technology (msu-iit), as a higher education institution under ched is thus bound by it. consequently, it adopted the formulation of its own gad focal point system (gfps) in carrying out the gad policy of the gov ernment. in effect, msu-iit took on the responsibility of implement ing ched memorandum order no. 01 series of 2015. it di rected the “establishing the policies and guidelines on gender and development in the commission on higher education and higher education institutions (heis)”. in effect, it mandates the dissemination of the gender and development perspective through gender mainstreaming. in the context the gad policy mandate, this paper explores the integration of gender and development in the program of jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 539 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 540 ferings of the college of arts and social sciences by ascertaining if it has integrated gender and development into the curricu lum; conducted gender-related researches to supplement inte gration; and whether or not it has provided training in the mak ing of gender and development learning materials. this would reflect the institute‟s state of affairs in gender mainstreaming. further, the study looks at the differences in views on gender and development (gad) among students who have acquired knowledge on the perspective either by taking a specific subject on the matter or by the integration gad through teacher initia tive as an approach in classroom instruction. significance of the study mainstreaming gender and development (gad) is a func tion of policy. policies are anchored on mandates that need imple mentation. the quality of implementation is contingent on front line implementers having the wherewithal to carry them out. this is the general thrust of this paper upon which it derives its significance. by providing actualities, the institute may take cue on craft ing gender mainstreaming strategies germane to the development of a gender-responsive curriculum. through this, institutional development plans on gender mainstreaming are founded on the existing needs. this, then, would make possible for the con duct of utilitarian gender-related researches through the devel opment of a gender-responsive and gender-sensitive curriculum in compliance with the ched memorandum. it is the thrust of this study that the development of a gender responsive curriculum is possible upon the incorporation of gender and development and its researches into the academic programs. the link between research and education could not be underestimated since the incorporation of researches in the curriculum enables the broader impact of the research to instruc tion which then would lead to the conduct of more researches on the subject. the need to determine research priorities is a consequence of the duty to comply with a policy mandate. conceptual framework there is undeniable link between research and curriculum. in fact, annala and makinen (2011) label this relationship as the “research-teaching nexus” or r-tnexus which “refers to how research in all its aspects interacts with teaching and learning within the specific context of curriculum design.” in integrating gad in the curriculum, the purpose of the researches is directed to a larger audience who are the desired recipients of the mandate. the fulfilment of this initial step is crucial to attaining the goals of the mandate. barnett and coate (2005) proposed that “through the curriculum, the core of the discipline and the field of research are put into practice i.e., teach ing and learning. therefore, the curriculum should be one of the main concepts in the discourse on the purposes and func tions of higher education institutions.” the integration of research ideas and knowledge in the cur riculum would facilitate the educational engagement of students in the academe, thereby giving them the practicality of the cur riculum and its applicability to the world outside the university. annala and makinen (2011) has conceptualized the term “per sonified curriculum” which reflects the “the history of teachers, their research areas and interests and it was often equated with a static syllabus of knowledge to be transmitted to students.” the personified curriculum “seemed to be based on the academics‟ preferred knowledge-content, appropriated theories or individual research interests, it follows the humboldtian idea of academic freedom in teaching, but lacks the idea of discovering knowl edge by integrating research, teaching and mutual learning.” hence, in order to effectively execute the gad mandate of ched, the integration of gender and development perspective to research and curriculum, either in the form of formal incor poration or personified curriculum, is a requisite of gender mainstreaming. to facilitate the understanding of the theoreti jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 541 faculty initiative resulting to a „‟ personified curriculum” generation of more gender and development researches integration of gender and development in teaching gender and development research incorporation of a gender and development subject in the curriculum vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 542 cal framework to the statements of the problem anchored on the objectives of the study, below is a diagram showing the relation ship. figure 1. diagram showing the integration of gender and development in the research-teaching nexus as used in the context of this study. research-teaching nexus neumann (1992) depicts three types of connection between research and teaching, “tangible nexus which relates to the trans mission of factual information and disciplinary advances; intan gible nexus which relates to the progress in students‟ inclina tion, attitude and commitment to knowledge and discovery; and global nexus which describes the departmental r–t activities and directions given to study courses arising from the total re search involvement of the community.” he argues that “only activelyresearchingacademicsareabletoconveythesequitesubtle and diffuse nexuses in their teaching. hence, the strong impacts of the r–t nexus in curriculum design.” in neumann‟s line of thinking, the r-t nexus in curriculum design is a product of many factors needing conscious effort in order to be effectual. the institutional factor, for example, would mean that the administration is heedful of the need to integrate gender and development in the curriculum, thereby employing faculty members who are research-equipped on the subject mat ter or to subsequently equip them. the dichotomy of the r-t nexus in curriculum design could be traced back from the humboldtian model of higher education. in the early 19th cen tury, wilhelm von humboldt, a prussian philosopher, concep tualized a holistic approach to academic education where research and curriculum come together. the humboldtian model borne the humboldtian university and its three main principles. kwiek (2006) elaborated that “the first principle is the unity of research and teaching; the second is the protection of academic freedom and; the freedom to teach and the freedom to learn”. in a nutshell, the model is saying that researches on gender and development are integrated with teach ing or teaching is integrated with gender and development re searches. either way, the r-t nexus in curriculum design is exis tent. boyer (1990) in jenkins (2004) supported the model, em phasizing the “role of scholarship as bridging teaching and re search, and saw the work of the university and its staff as demon strating four scholarships: of discovery, of integration, of appli cation and teaching.” in integrating research and curriculum, the role of the university and its impact to the society is seen. according to brew (2003) in jenkins (2004), “bringing teaching and research together centrallyinvolves developing aconception of teaching as being student focused, and concentrating on con ceptual change.” gender-responsive pedagogy once gad has been integrated in the curriculum, a gender responsivepedagogyforclassroomusemustlikewisebenurtured. this is necessary to bridge the gap and in dealing with the fact that “the major obstacle facing teachers today is an apparent lack of gender skills for instruction, yet the ability of the teacher to use gender responsive pedagogy effectively can be strengthened if the teacher is well grounded in gender responsive teaching jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 543 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 544 skills” (mlama et al., 2005). designing a gender-responsive cur riculum and pedagogy would entail faculty members who are knowledgeable on what reference materials to use and what top ics to discuss. to this effect, equally crucial in crafting a gender responsive curriculum to make possible the existence of a gen der-responsivepedagogyistheequippingoffacultymemberswith skills and knowledge prior to their classroom engagement. the need for gender and development trainings substantiates the point of the provision of a gender and development manual to faculty members. the manual would serve as a guide for the teachers in delivering the desired outcome. methodology the qualitative nature of this study entailed a descriptive and narrative approach. in advancing the idea of integrating gender and development into the curriculum, the research-teaching nexus was used as the theoretical thrust. anchoring on the theory, the researcher outlined the topics and questions for the inter view and during the purposive collection of information, the answers and data served as corroborations. the study looks into the existing program curriculum of the college of arts and social sciences, namely bachelor of arts in english, bachelor of arts in filipino, bachelor of arts in his tory, bachelor of arts in political science, bachelor of arts in sociology, and bachelor ofsciencein psychologyof msu-iit. it is noteworthy that researches done on gender and development in the institute from years 2011 to 2015 are conducted by re searchers that hail from the college of arts and social sciences, hence, the scope‟s focus. during interviews, the level of enthusi asm at the same time restraint and reservations on the part of the respondents in answering the questions were beyond the researcher‟s control. due to the sensitivity of the subject matter and since the topic touches on the efforts exerted by the insti tute management, the respondents were giving out calculated answers to not risk any debatable and contestable remarks; all these factors were considered and respected by the researcher. in addition, since this study involved interviews with key in formants and these people had multiplicity of roles to function, limited time was allocated to the researcher and the latter had only asked enough from the former. data gathering timeframe of this study was from august 2016 – december 2016. the data gathered for information on researches on gad are from the department of research through the survey of their annual accomplishment reports from 2011-2015 which contained the title of the research, its proponents, and its implementing unit. since through initial survey, majority of the gender and devel opment researches originated from the efforts of faculty mem bers of the college of arts and social sciences, the researcher deemed it logical to narrow down the scope focus in the said college. the integration of gender and development in each program curriculum was determined through surveying the pro spectus of each program offering in the college of arts and so cial sciences. purposive sampling was utilized through conducting inter views with the respondents, key informants, them being the past and present department chair, faculty members, gad center and gad focal point system secretariat. purposive sampling was also used in the determination of students interviewed in a focus group discussion (fgd), them being students enrolled in a program offering in cass when this study was conducted. in addition, ab political science and ab sociology graduates have been interviewed to know how their acquisition of gad knowledge has influenced their perspective outside the univer sity and in the workplace. the college of arts and social sci ences, as the focus of this study, offers service courses. dubbed as the “soul and conscience of the institute”, cass is the col lege expected to deliver programs, researchers, and activities on gender and development. after culling out the gender-related researches from the an nual accomplishment reports at the office of the vice chan jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 545 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 546 cellor for research and extension (ovcre), the researcher ar ranged the data in a tabular form, presenting the researches and researchers for every year. the proponents of the gender-related researches originated from cass, specifically from the depart ment of political science and department of sociology. conse quently, the researcher surveyed the prospectus of each program offering in cass and presented gender-related courses of each curriculum in a table below. table 1. gender and development courses in the cur riculum of the existing program offerings of the college of arts and social sciences. program course number descriptive title ab english none none ab filipino none none ab history none none abpolitical science pol sci 156 gender, peace-buildingand development bs psychology none none ab sociology socio 148 gender and development the formulation of the statements of the problem was a re sult of the grasp that gender and development should be inte grated into the curriculum as this encourages production of re searches on the area, alongside the comprehension that research oriented and knowledgeable faculty members could effectively carry out the information dissemination on the subject matter. results and discussions manner of integrating gender and develop ment into program offerings interview results show that there have been two modes of integrating gender and development – by the faculty member‟s initiative on incorporating the perspective resultant to valuing its relevance to the subject matter at hand, and by incorporating a specific subject on gender and development designed for the obtainment of major students, like in the case of ab political science and ab sociology. the incorporation of gender and development in the four programs – ab english, ab filipino, ab history, bs psychology was done by its application on courses that called for the rel evance of discussing gender. here, gender and development is a resulting topic, an application of the perspective, dependent on the subject matter in study. in ab english and ab filipino, gender comes from the con text of language and literature, these fields being the programs‟ forte. the discussion on gender is seen from the lens of the power of the language used by different sexes and through determining gender roles as portrayed in various literatures. in ab history, the treatment on gender was on the participation of women in the civil rights movement in a patriarchal society and their part on the development of nationalism. in bs psychology, gender was tackled through studying the type of gender violence ensu ing from the psychology of filipinos. interestingly, interviews with male and lgbt faculty mem bers showed passion and enthusiasm in integrating gad in their class discussions akin to the responses of their female counter parts. the “personified curriculum” referred by annala and makinen (2011) is applicable on this case. the analysis on the details of richard cory is close to the attention of the respondent since he relates to the gender identity of the literary character. this factor is something that is not common to all who teach literature since not everybody could connect to the story at a personal level. being an lgbt poses an added value on the discussion of the work. the emphasis on the significance of subjectivity is heavily proved in the statements of faculty members who have declared themselves as members of the lgbt community. they show more zeal and passion. at a personal level, they could re late to the necessity of the integration. they have felt that as members of the third sex, their issues need to be addressed as jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 547 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 548 equally important as women‟s. having integrated gender and development as a subject, the political science and sociology programs have taken steps on conducting researches on the area, holding forum on women‟s rights, seminar and lecture series on r.a. 9262 or the “anti violence against women and their children act of 2004” and r.a. 7877 or the “anti-sexual harassment act of 1995”. here, gender and development as a course catalysed the fur therance of gender mainstreaming. the integration of the course in the program curriculum encouraged for the generation of re searches on gender, expanding the extent of mainstreaming – from the classroom to the field – and benefiting from the expan sion through the faculty‟s knowledge empowerment. the existence of the r-t nexus in these programs supports the humboldtian ideal wherein “the unity of research and teach ing should result in learning on the part of the teacher as well as the student; learning should be valued for its own sake, as a goal itself, without dependence.” here, because the integration of gender and development is through making it a course in the curriculum, the nexus is a given. either way, whether the integration of gender and develop ment is a resulting consequence taken from the context of the subject matter or through implementing it as a curricular course, gender and development is discussed and the r-t nexus have found its way in the program offerings of the college. gender and development researches to supple ment instruction interviews with faculty members showed how such subjectiv ity was influenced by their different backgrounds on gender and development. their prior engagements of gender-related researchers have contributed to their approach in teaching and integrating gender and development in the curriculum. here, we could see how the research-teaching nexus is existent. even undergraduate researches of the faculty members have brought an impact on their integration of the gender and de velopmentperspectiveinclass.thisinitialandpreliminaryaware ness on gender issues, struggle for equality, and empowerment movements have seemed to replicate the domino effect–from instilling personal experience as materials into class discussions to conducting more research on the topic. the profound knowl edge of faculty members on gender and development has been imparted to their students. a personal experience on the field has paved the way for the generation of research ideas on the subject. theory and practice has found its nexus. the subjectiv ity of gender discussion across different courses proves the in separability of the effect of research to teaching. the faculty member‟s exposure to a certain area of study is manifested in the discussion, hence, cultivating a different approach and un derstanding. trainingsondesigninggad instructional materials the integration of the gender and development in the cur riculum would require the equipping of faculty members on how to make gender-responsive learning materials and what gender related topics will be mainstreamed into the courses. this would enable the teacher to effectively deliver the basic minimum. an interview with the informants revealed that they have not par ticipated in any training on the making of the gad curriculum and learning materials. nonetheless, the institute has been con ducting gender sensitivity trainings to develop a gender-sensi tive constituency. the institute-wide implementation of the par ticipation of stakeholders on gender sensitivity trainings was an initiative of the office of the vice chancellor for research and extension through the gad center. gender sensitivity trainings aimed at enhancing the level of gender awareness among student leaders, faculty members, institute heads, cost center heads, and management and staff. providing authority for this activity is special order no. 01085-iit. the stated ex jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 549 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 550 pected outcome is that “at the end of the activity, the partici pants are expected to understand the concept of gender and de velopment to appreciate the value of integrating gender perspec tives.” as to the training on the making of the gender and develop ment instructional materials, an interview with the institute gad center secretariat showed there has been no conduct of such. the conduct of these trainings would empower the faculty mem bers in the delivery of the course in the curriculum. these would enable the effective actualization of the mandate as it would en able the teachers to teach the desired outcome at a basic level and from there, advance the discussion of the course according to the context of the subject matter at hand. hopefully, the plan on conducting such trainings, as stated by the gad secretariat, would materialize in the near pursue. in integrating gender and development into the curriculum, equallyimportant to equippingfacultymembers with knowledge through trainings is the provision of a gad manual in their application. a gender-responsive curriculum would entail a gen der-responsive pedagogy. this would assist in attaining a stan dard outcome, a certain uniformity in achieving the basics, in the dissemination and enhancement of gender awareness and gender-responsiveness across all programs. there is no question on the integration of the gender and development perspective in each program. the level of knowledge attained by the stu dents, on the other hand, should be one of the primary areas of concern since it could be observed from their statements that generally, they know gender and development mainly as the ex istence of lgbt and the difference between sex and gender. if the goal of the mandate is to mainstream gender and devel opment in heis, students, the primary and direct recipients of the implementation, should be given wider and deeper knowl edge and this is through equipping teachers with the relevant skills and materials. most importantly, this could be possible when the provision of a gad manual to faculty members in teaching be undertaken. this way, a gender-responsive curricu lum would be delivered using a gender-responsive pedagogy and there would be a certain level of uniformity in the attainment of the mandate‟s desired outcome across all programs of the insti tute. conclusions and recommendations the integration of gender and development in the existing curriculum of the program offerings in cass has been through the following: 1) incorporating it as a course, as in the case of ab political science having polsci 156 (elective) – gender, peace and development, and ab sociology having socio112 – gender and development, and: 2) through the principle of integrating gender concepts and theories – feminist theory, queer theory, power in gender language, women empowerment in national ism, gender inequality and equality – in courses that necessitate and call for such application, as in the case of ab english, ab filipino, ab history, and bs psychology programs. the research-teaching nexus is existent in both ways of inte grating gender and development though it is more apparent in the programs that have integrated the perspective as a program course. in ab political science and ab sociology programs, mainstreaming gender has reached the further point through conducting gender-related researches, holding seminar and lec ture series, forum, and extension activities on the matter. here, the integration of gender and development in the curriculum is crucial for the generation of gender-related researches as the integration requires the faculty member to widen and deepen the scope of knowledge. the gaining of new knowledge would pave for the introduction of fresh materials in the classroom; a constant update on information requisite from a higher educa tion institution. since there have been no training in the making of learning materials to be used in the integration of gender and develop ment in the curriculum, the discussion on the perspective is rela jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 551 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 552 tive and subjective, depending on the prudence of the teacher – level of knowledge and awareness, research and areas of interests contributory to subjectivity. this subjectivity in the manner of discussing gender and development is what annala and makinen (2011) referred as “personified curriculum”. in addition, equally important to the equipping of skills and knowledge to faculty members through trainings is the provision of a manual in de livering a gender-responsive pedagogy. no manual has been de veloped for the faculty members to this effect, hence, the differ ences in the acquired knowledge of students on the perspective. for the 2018 curriculum, it is expected from all programs in the college of arts and social sciences that it shall have already integrated gender and development as a course in its curricu lum. hence, integration is guaranteed. given the aforementioned findings, this study provides four recommendations. first, it is ideal for the institute come up with the formula tion of a basic required course on gender and development to be taken up by all students. this way, there will be an assurance that every student graduates with knowledge on gender and development, equipping them with gender awareness and con sciousness vital to their performance in the workplace and other societal engagement in general. the authority to offer this basic required course could be given to the department of political science since they have already integrated gender and develop ment as a subject in their curriculum and the gender-related re searches conducted by its faculty members. second, the department of history could offer in its ab pro gram a required course on the history of gender and develop ment in the philippines. this could come in various course de scriptions: history of women‟s movements and liberation in the philippines or gender and development history in the phil ippines. the offering of this required course would enhance the level of aptitude of ab history graduates on the analysis of the development of gender movements in the country. third, there should be continuity and sustainability in the conduct of gender sensitivity trainings to the institute constitu ency to further their knowledge on the perspective and to deepen their understanding on gender sensitivity. this way, the insti tute would be confident that all its constituents are gender-friendly and gender-fair in all their dealings. equally important to the continuity of the gender sensitivity trainings is to make con crete the objectives of the mandate to incorporate gender-respon siveness and gender-sensitivity into the curriculum. in so doing, it is important that the institute management equip faculty mem bers on trainings in the making of learning materials and the mainstreaming of relevant and adequate gender-related topics into existing courses. consequently important to the retooling of a gender-responsive pedagogy is the training of faculty mem bers in the conduct of gender research methodology. this would satisfy the r-t nexus – teaching what has been researched and further research on what has been taught. fourth, a gender-responsive pedagogy is needed in the inte gration of gender and development. in order to effectively re tool the teachers in their conduct of teaching gender and de velopment through applying the learning materials they have crafted as a result of the trainings given them, the production and provision of a gender and development manual is impera tive. the provision of a manual would, at the very least, guide the teachers on what to teach and how to teach the perspective. to efficiently implement the mandate, this study recommends the conduct of trainings on the designing and crafting of gen der and development instructional materials and the provision of a gad manual as essential to the integration of gender and development which must be institutionalized as a required sub ject in all the program offerings throughout the institute. about the authors: chanda pearl b. simeon holds a bachelor of arts degree in jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 553 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 554 politicalscience(cum laude) and a master in historydegree from themsu-iligan institute oftechnology,philippines. afterabrief stint as a lecturer in the department of history of msu-iit, she took a leave to pursue her doctoral studies. she is currently a ph.d. candidate at the universitas muhammadiya yogyakarta (umy), indonesia. dr. hilton joyo aguja is a political science professor at the msu-iligan institute of technology in the philippines. he holds a bachelor of arts degree in political science (cum laude) and bachelor of arts in history (cum laude) from 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(1995, september). retrieved from http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/plat1.htm un general assembly, convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. united nations, treaty series, vol. 1249, p. 13. (1979, december 18). re trieved from http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3970.html jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 555 http://www.pcw.gov.ph/ http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/plat1.htm http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3970.html layout desember 2008 180 profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 khairy juanda fakultas dakwah iain mataram, ntb. email: juandakhairy@rocketmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the aim of this research is knowing the profesionality of aparature at local secretary of sumbawa region in doing their work depend on function and job description. beside that, this research try to know some obstacles and find the solution to increase aparature profesionality at sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa. this reseach’s title is a profesionality of aparature at local secretary of sumbawa region. research methods is used descriptive survey, documentation, questioner, interview. the respondents of this research are civil servant at sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa. from this research knew that civil servant competency is good, acuntability is good, recruitment is fair, education level is poor. the conclution is aparature’s profesionality at local secretary of sumbawa region in fair level. keywords: profesionality, local secretary, sumbawa region abstrak tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui gambaran mengenai profesionalitas aparatur pada sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar dalam melaksanakan pekerjaan sesuai dengan tugas dan fungsinya dan untuk mengetahui kendala-kendala yang dihadapi serta langkah-langkah yang perlu diambil dalam upaya untuk meningkatkan profesionalitas aparatur pada sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa. penelitian ini berjudul profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah di kabupaten sumbawa besar. metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian survey deskriptif dengan 181 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ teknik dokumentasi, kuesioner, dan wawancara. sebagai responden dalam penelitian ini adalah para pegawai negeri sipil di lingkungan sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa. dari hasil analisis dan interpretasi data dapat diketahui bahwa: tingkat kompetensi berada level baik; tingkat akuntabilitas berada pada level baik; tingkat responsibilitas berada pada level cukup; tingkat pendidikan berada pada level baik; rekrutmen berada pada level cukup; promosi berada pada level kurang baik. secara keseluruhan tingkat profesionalitas aparatur pada sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa berada level cukup. kata kunci: profesionalitas, sekretariat daerah, kabupaten sumbawa pendahuluan dengan diberlakukannya undang-undang no. 32/2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah saat ini, salah satu tantangan besar yang dihadapi oleh aparatur pemerintah daerah adalah usaha menampilkan profesionalitas, etos kerja tinggi, keunggulan kompetitif dan kemampuan memegang teguh etika birokrasi dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya sesuai dengan aspirasi masyarakat yang bebas dari nuansa korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme. tantangan tersebut, merupakan suatu hal yang beralasan, mengingat secara empirik masyarakat menginginkan peranan aparatur pemerintah dapat menjalankan tugas-tugas pelayanan secara optimal. tumpuan dari harapan-harapan itu, kini lebih tertuju pada institusi pemerintah daerah agar dapat mewujudkan tata pemerintahan yang baik (good governance). tata pemerintahan yang baik (good governance) dapat menjadi kenyataan dan sukses, apabila didukung oleh aparatur yang memiliki profesionalitas tinggi yang mengedepankan terpenuhinya akuntabilitas dan responsibilitas publik, yakni dengan menekan sekecil mungkin pemborosan penggunaan sumber-sumber keuangan pemerintah (negara) dan juga sekaligus memperkuat peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku sebagai pondasi untuk melaksanakan tugas-tugasnya (islami, 1998; 3). selanjutnya menurut islami (1998; 14-15), akuntabilitas dan responsibilitas publik pada hakikatnya merupakan standar profesional yang harus dicapai/dilaksanakan aparat pemerintah dalam memberikan pelayanan dengan daya tanggap yang tinggi sesuai aspirasi masyarakat secara bertanggungjawab atas pelaksanaan tugas-tugasnya. sedangkan menurut bratakusumah (2000; 1) penyelenggaraan tata pemerintahan yang baik menuntut tersedianya aparatur yang profesional. hal ini merupakan prasyarat dalam meningkatkan mutu penyelenggaraan dan kualitas pelayanan pemerintah kepada masyarakat. profesionalitas tersebut profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 182 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sangat tergantung pada kompetensi, kemampuan, sikap, pengabdian dan keikhlasannya. istilah profesional sudah dikenal luas di kalangan masyarakat. namun pengertian yang muncul di masyarakat umum seolah-olah istilah profesional hanya ditujukan bagi aparatur (personil) tingkat pimpinan (manajer). sesungguhnya istilah profesional itu berlaku untuk semua aparatur (personil) mulai dari tingkat atas sampai tingkat bawah. profesionalitas sangat ditentukan oleh kemampuan dan kompetensi seseorang dalam melakukan pekerjaan menurut bidang tugas dan tingkatan masing-masing. hasil dari pekerjaan itu lebih ditinjau dari segala segi sesuai dengan porsi, obyek, bersifat terus-menerus dalam situasi dan kondisi yang bagaimanapun serta jangka waktu penyelesaian pekerjaan yang relatif singkat (suit dan almasdi, 2000; 99). pentingnya profesionalitas aparatur pemerintahan ini sejalan dengan bunyi pasal 3 ayat (1) uu no. 43/1999 tentang tentang perubahan atas undang-undang nomor 8/1974 tentang pokok-pokok kepegawaian yang menyebutkan bahwa : “pegawai negeri berkedudukan sebagai unsur aparatur negara yang bertugas untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat secara profesional, jujur, adil dan merata dalam penyelenggaraan tugas negara, pemerintahan dan pembangunan”. pada tataran tersebut, pendekatan manajemen sumber daya manusia yang berbasis pada perkembangan pengetahuan merupakan salah satu pilar penting, karena manajemen pengelolaan sumber daya manusia dapat dipandang sebagai pendekatan baru secara komparatif terhadap manajemen personalia yang memandang orang sebagai sumber daya kunci (mc. kenna, eugene and beech nic, 1995; 1). argumen diatas sejalan dengan pendapat sondang p. siagian (2000; 140) yang mengatakan bahwa : “manusia merupakan unsur penting dalam setiap dan semua organisasi, keberhasilan organisasi mencapai tujuan dan berbagai sasaran serta kemampuannya menghadapi berbagai tantangan, baik yang sifatnya eksternal maupun internal sangat ditentukan oleh kemampuan mengelola sumber daya manusia”. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 183 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ argumen lainnya sebagaimana diungkapkan thoha (1997;1), bahwa untuk mempertahankan kehidupan dan kedinamisan organisasi (organizational survival), setiap organisasi mau tidak mau harus adaptif terhadap perubahan. organisasi birokrasi yang mampu bersaing di masa mendatang adalah yang memiliki sumber daya manusia berbasis pengetahuan dengan memiliki berbagai keterampilan serta keahlian (multi skilling workers). hal ini sejalan dengan pola pengaturan kebijaksanaan personalia di bidang pemerintahan, seperti disebutkan dalam modul akip (lan dan bpkp, 2000;30), bahwa salah satu sumber organisasi yang paling penting adalah sumber daya manusia yang dimiliki oleh instansi pemerintah. sumber daya manusia memegang peranan penting dari saat perumusan visi dan misi, hingga pencapaian tujuan dan sasaran organisasi. sangat pentingnya eksistensi sumber daya manusia dalam bidang pemerintahan ini selaras dengan penjelasan umum uu no. 43/1999 yang menyebutkan kelancaran penyelenggaraan tugas pemerintahan dan pembangunan nasional sangat tergantung pada kesempurnaan aparatur negara khususnya pegawai negeri. oleh karenanya, setiap aparatur pemerintah dituntut untuk dapat melakukan tugas dan fungsinya secara profesional. namun dalam realisasinya, hal tersebut tidaklah mudah terbentuk dengan sendirinya. banyak hal yang terjadi justru adalah sebaliknya dan banyak aparatur pemerintah daerah kurang mampu menyelenggarakan suatu pemerintahan agar memiliki kredibilitas tinggi dan proses pembangunan dapat berlangsung secara berdayaguna, berhasilguna, aspiratif serta bertanggungjawab. masih sering ditemukan permasalahan yang terjadi dalam kehidupan organisasi, antara lain menyangkut struktur organisasi (structure problem) yang terpaut dengan mekanisme kerja sistem top down yang kurang akomodatif terhadap aspirasi bawahan dan masyarakat yang dilayani, sehingga menimbulkan ketimpangan antara operator pelayanan, kebutuhan pelayanan dengan produk layanan birokrasi (henry, nicholas, 1988; 217). hal yang dilematis terjadi ketika kebutuhan masyarakat terhadap pelayanan publik meningkat, tidak dibarengi oleh keahlian dan keterampilan aparatur untuk membentuk suatu mekanisme kerja pelayanan yang baik. masih sering dijumpai pelayanan aparatur dengan prosedur berbelit-belit (birokratis), tidak adanya kepastian, kurang profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 184 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ transparan, lamban dengan disertai adanya pemungutan biaya tambahan diluar biaya resmi. akibat yang dapat dilihat sekarang banyak masyarakat pengguna jasa pemerintah sering dihadapkan pada begitu banyak ketidakpastian ketika mereka berhadapan dengan aparat birokrasi (dwiyanto, dan kusumasari, 2000; 7). seiring dengan penyelengaraan otonomi daerah yang luas, nyata dan bertanggungjawab sebagaimana telah diatur dalam uu no. 32/2004, pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa melakukan penataan kelembagaan perangkat daerah. sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa merupakan unsur staf pelaksana kewenangan otonomi daerah pada pelaksanaan desentralisasi yang memiliki tugas membantu bupati dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan, administrasi, organisasi dan tata laksana serta memberikan pelayanan administratif kepada seluruh perangkat daerah otonom. keberhasilan pelaksanaan kewenangan otonomi daerah di kabupaten sumbawa memiliki relevansi dengan uraian tugas-tugas yang menjadi tanggungjawab para aparatur yang ada di sekretariat daerah sesuai dengan desentralisasi kewenangan dari bupati sumbawa. jumlah aparatur sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa sebanyak 161 orang yang secara teknis administrasi kepegawaian terdiri dari 12 orang golongan iv, 101 orang golongan iii, 47 orang golongan ii dan 1 orang golongan i. secara teknis kelembagaan, seluruh jabatan dalam struktur organisasi yang ada termasuk ke dalam kriteria jabatan struktural. berkenaan dengan fenomena diatas, terdapat beberapa permasalahan umum yang menyangkut kondisi aparatur di sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya, yakni: pertama, masih relatif rendahnya kemampuan dalam berkomunikasi dan penguasaan informasi secara global untuk dapat menyesuaikan diri dengan perubahan lingkungan; kedua, belum mampunya setiap aparatur mengimplementasikan pertanggungjawaban secara penuh (personal accountability) sesuai dengan bidang tugas dan fungsinya; ketiga, lemahnya akselerasi penyelesaian tugas pekerjaan yang dapat mengakibatkan penundaan waktu; keempat, masih lemahnya kemampuan menyusun agenda kegiatan yang memprioritaskan kebutuhan penunjang kerja bagi perangkat daerah otonom yang bersifat best practice; dan kelima, belum mampunya membuat jejaring kolaborasi (net working) dengan dinas/ profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 185 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ instansi perangkat otonom terkait dalam menyusun agenda kerja untuk mendukung kelancaran tugas-tugas bupati sumbawa. berhubungan dengan masalah tersebut, banyak hal yang telah diupayakan oleh pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa agar seluruh aparatur di sekretariat daerah memiliki kemampuan, kompetensi, performansi, loyalitas, akuntabilitas, responsibilitas dan sikap proporsional sesuai dengan visi serta misi organisasi. upaya-upaya tersebut diantaranya adalah memberikan kesempatan pelaksanaan pendidikan formal melalui program tugas belajar dan izin belajar, melaksanakan diklat penjenjangan pegawai, melengkapi berbagai sarana dan prasarana yang menunjang penyelesaian pekerjaan serta membentuk jaringan kemitraan kerja, baik dengan sesama aparatur maupun dengan pihak-pihak yang mempunyai kaitan dengan kinerja aparatur dan birokrasi, baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. citra ideal profesionalitas aparatur tersebut tidak mudah terbentuk tanpa dukungan kemampuan, kompetensi dan performens yang sesuai dengan bidang tugasnya. ketiga hal tersebut merupakan komponenkompnen yang saling terkait dan berhubungan dalam membentuk sosok profesionalitas aparatur dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsi sesuai bidang masing-masing. landasan teori 1. rekruitmen pada prinsipnya yang disebut dengan rekrutmen adalah proses mencari, menemukan dan menarik para pelamar untuk menjadi pegawai pada dan oleh organisasi tertentu. selanjutnya rekruitmen (recruitmen) juga dapat didefinisikan sebagai serangkaian aktifitas mencari dan memikat pelamar kerja dengan motivasi, kemampuan, keahlian dan pengetahuan yang diperlukan guna menutupi kekurangan yang diidentifikasi dalam perencanaan kepegawaian. pendapat lain dikemukakan oleh bernadin dan russel (dalam sulistiyani, 2003; 134), rekrutmen merupakan proses penemuan dan penarikan para pelamar yang tertarik dan memiliki kualifikasi terhadap lowongan yang dibutuhkan. arti penting aktifitas rekrutmen semakin besar dewasa ini karena beberapa sebab antara lain: 1). mayoritas organisasi baik swasta maupun publik berasumsi bahwa profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 186 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ akan mengalami kekurangan pegawai yang memiliki keahlian-keahlian yang dibutuhkan untuk pegawai-pegawai modern; 2). perampingan organisasi dan langkah-langkah penghematan biaya yang dilancarkan dalam tahuntahun terakhir telah menyebabkan anggaran semakin kecil dibandingkan sebelumnya. 2. promosi suatu motivasi yang menonjol dan mendorong seseorang untuk berpartisipasi aktif dalam suatu organisasi antara lain adalah kesempatan untuk maju. kesempatan untuk maju itulah yang didalam suatu organisasi sering disebut sebagai promosi (penaikan jabatan). suatu promosi berarti pula perpindahan dari suatu jabatan ke jabatan lain yang mempunyai status dan tanggung jawab yang lebih tinggi. hal ini berarti bahwa kompensasi (penerimaan upah/gaji dan sebagainya) pada umumnya lebih tinggi bila dibandingkan dengan pada jabatan lama. namun ada pula promosi yang tidak berakibat adanya kenaikan kompensasi tersebut, hal ini disebut “promosi kering”. suatu promosi jabatan pada umumnya didambakan oleh setiap anggota organisasi. oleh karena itu suatu program promosi perlu diadakan, menurut martoyo (2000;71) promosi harus mengandung hal-hal sebagai berikut: 1). kearah mana suatu jabatan akan menuju?; 2). sampai dimanakah jenjang akhir suatu jabatan yang dapat dicapai?; 3). kriteria apa dan/atau persyaratan yang bagaimana yang diperlukan untuk promosi jabatan tersebut? pemindahan seseorang pada jabatan baru dapat juga terjadi apabila organisasi yang bersangkutan mengalami ekspansi ataupun karena adanya lowongan yang harus segera diisi. namun, pemberian promosi harus bertitik tolak untuk kepentingan organisasi dan bukan untuk kepentingan pribadi pegawai yang bersangkutan. 3. profesionalitas profesional dapat diartikan sebagai suatu kemampuan dan keterampilan seseorang dalam melakukan pekerjaan menurut bidang dan tingkatan masing-masing. menurut korten & alfonso (dalam tjokrowinoto,1996; 191) dijelaskan bahwa yang dimaksud dengan profesionalitas adalah kecocokan (fitness) antara kemampuan yang dimiliki profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 187 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oleh birokrasi (bureaucratic-competence) dengan kebutuhan tugas (task-requirement). terpenuhinya kecocokan antara kemampuan dengan kebutuhan tugas merupakan syarat terbentuknya aparatur yang profesional. artinya keahlian dan kemampuan aparat merefleksikan arah dan tujuan yang ingin dicapai oleh suatu organisasi. pendapat tersebut diperkuat juga oleh atmosoeprapto (2000;51) yang menyebutkan bahwa profesionalitas merupakan cermin dari kemampuan (competensi), yaitu; memiliki pengetahuan (knowledge), keterampilam (skill), bisa melakukan (ability) ditunjang dengan pengalaman (experience) yang tidak mungkin muncul tiba-tiba tanpa melalui perjalanan waktu. sedangkan arti kata profesionalitas menurut siagian (2000; 163) adalah keandalan dalam melaksanakan tugas sehingga terlaksana dengan mutu yang baik, waktu yang tepat, cermat dan dengan prosedur yang mudah dipahami dan diikuti oleh “klientele” (pelanggan atau masyarakat). profesionalitas sebagai refleksi dari cerminan kemampuan, keahlian akan dapat berjalan efektif apabila didukung oleh adanya kesesuaian antara tingkat pengetahuan atas dasar latar belakang pendidikan dengan beban kerja pegawai yang menjadi tanggung jawabnya. 4. akuntabilitas aparatur sebagai suatu kebijakan strategis, akuntabilitas harus dapat diimplementasikan untuk menjamin terciptanya kepatuhan pelaksanaan tugas dan kinerja pegawai sesuai dengan standar yang telah diterima. untuk itu, menurut jabbra dan dwivedi (dalam islami, 1998;17-18), setiap aparat harus memahami dan mampu mengembangkan lima macam akuntabilitas: 1).akuntabilitas administratif/organisasional: untuk ini diperlukan adanya hubungan hierarkis yang jelas di antara pusat-pusat pertanggungjawaban dengan unit-unit dibawahnya. hubungan hierarkis itu biasanya telah ditetapkan dengan jelas. prioritas pertanggungjawaban lebih diutamakan pada jenjang pimpinan atas dan diikuti terus ke bawah dan pengawasan dilakukan secara intensif agar aparat tetap menuruti perintah yang diberikan, pelanggaran terhadap perintah akan diberikan peringatan mulai dari yang paling ringan sampai ke yang paling berat (pemecatan). 2). akuntabilitas legal: ini adalah bentuk pertanggungjawaban setiap tindakan administratif dari aparat pemerintah profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 188 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di badan legislatif dan atau di depan mahkamah, dalam hal ini pelanggaran kewajiban-kewajiban hukum ataupun ketidakmampuannya memenuhi keinginan legislatif, maka pertanggung jawaban aparat atas tindakantindakannya dapat dilakukan di depan pengadilan ataupun lewat proses revisi peraturan yang dianggap bertentangan dengan undang-undang (judicial review) akuntabilitas politik. 3). akuntabilitas politik: para administrator yang terikat dengan kewajiban menjalankan tugastugasnya harus mengakui adanya kewenangan pemegang kekuasaan politik untuk mengatur, menetapkan prioritas dan pendistribusian sumber daya dan menjamin adanya kepatuhan pelaksanaan perintah-perintahnya. para pejabat politik itu juga harus menerima tanggungjawab administratif dan legal karena pejabat publik punya kewajiban untuk menjalankan tugastugasnya dengan baik, 4). akuntabilitas profesional: sehubungan dengan semakin meluasnya profesionalitas di organisasi publik, para aparatur profesional mengharapkan dapat memperoleh kebebasan yang lebih besar dalam melaksanakan tugas-tugasnya sesuai kepentingan publik, dan kalaupun mereka tidak dapat menjalankan tugasnya mereka mengharapkan memperoleh masukan untuk perbaikan. mereka harus dapat menyeimbangkan antara kode etik profesinya dengan kepentingan publik dan dalam hal ini jika kesulitan mempertemukan keduanya maka mereka harus lebih mengutamakan akuntabilitasnya kepada kepentingan publik. 5). akuntabilitas moral: telah banyak diterima bahwa pemerintah memang selayaknya bertanggungjawab secara moral atas tindakantindakannya. landasan bagi setiap tindakan pegawai pemerintah seharusnya diletakkan pada prinsip-prinsip moral dan etika sebagaimana diakui oleh konstitusi dan peraturan-peraturan lainnya serta diterima oleh publik. 5. responsibilitas profesionalitas aparatur dalam hubungannya dengan organisasi publik digambarkan sebagai bentuk kemampuan untuk mengenali kebutuhan masyarakat, menyusun agenda, memprioritaskan pelayanan, dan mengembangkan program-program pelayanan publik sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan aspirasi masyarakat atau disebut dengan istilah responsifitas (dwiyanto dan kusumasari, 2000; 2). responsibilitas menurut denhardt profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 189 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (dalam islamy, 1998; 17) disebut sebagai objective and subjective responsibility. responsibilitas obyektif bersumber kepada adanya pengendalian dari luar (external control) yang mendorong atau memotivasi aparat untuk bekerja keras sehingga tujuan three es (economy, efficiency and effectiveness) dari organisasi dapat tercapai. sedangkan responsibilitas subyektif bersumber pada sifat subyektif individu aparat (internal control) yang lebih mengedepankan nilai-nilai etis dan kemanusiaan yang terangkum dalam eef (equity, equality and fairness) dalam memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat dan tugas administratif lainnya. 6. kompetensi aparatur kompetensi oleh hooghiemstra (dalam atmosoeprapto, kisdarto. 2000; 59) didefinisikan sebagai suatu sifat dasar seseorang yang dengan sendirinya berkaitan dengan pelaksanaan suatu pekerjaan secara baik. ketidaksamaan dalam kompetensi inilah yang membedakan seseorang yang berperilaku unggul dari perilaku yang berprestasi rata-rata. untuk mencapai kinerja sekedar cukup atau rata-rata diperlukan kompetensi batas atau kompetensi esensial. kompetensi batas dan kompetensi istimewa tertentu merupakan pola atau pedoman dalam pemilihan kar yawan, perencanaan, pengalihan tugas dan penilaian kinerja. kompetensi diperlukan untuk mendukung penampilan (performance) dalam suatu pekerjaan atau jabatan tertentu yang mencakup sejumlah tingkah laku yang amat penting dan menjadi syarat utama bagi penampilan yang memuaskan dalam menjalankan suatu jabatan atau pekerjaan. dalam pandangan steers (1985; 147), kompetensi dapat dilihat melalui tiga hal, yakni: 1). perangai dan minat seorang pekerja; 2). kejelasan dan penerimaan atas penjelasan peranan seorang pekerja; 3). tingkat motivasi dan prestasi kerja. secara spesifik menurut lado & wilson (1994;299), kompetensi dapat berupa motif, perangai, konsep diri, sikap atau nilai, penguasaan masalah atau keterampilan kognitif, maupun keterampilan perilaku setiap perorangan yang dapat diukur atau dihitung dengan jelas dan dapat ditunjukkan untuk membedakan secara gamblang seseorang berperilaku unggul dari seseorang berperilaku yang berperilaku rata-rata atau seseorang berperilaku efektif dari seseorang berperilaku yang tidak efektif. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 190 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ merujuk beberapa pendapat seperti telah diuraikan tersebut, dapatlah diketahui bahwa kompetensi merupakan perilaku atau karakteristik individu yang berkenaan dengan fisik dan mental dalam pelaksanaan suatu pekerjaan. terdapat beberapa tahapan dalam melihat kompetensi seseorang (atmosoeprapto, 2000; 51-52), pertama, “unconscious incompetent” (tidak sadar, tidak mampu), yakni ketika kita hanya dapat menyaksikan apa yang sedang terjadi dan menikmati atau menggunakan hasil karya orang lain yang penting bisa ikut memanfaatkan. kedua, “conscious incompetent” (sadar, tidak mampu), yakni kita mulai berminat melakukan sesuatu tetapi merasa tidak mampu. karena hasrat untuk dapat melakukan sesuatu tersebut cukup besar, kita mulai berusaha untuk melakukannya melalui proses belajar dan latihan hingga kita bisa melakukannya dengan benar. ketiga, “conscious competent” (sadar, mampu), yakni tahap ketika merasa mampu melakukan suatu pekerjaan sama dengan yang mampu dilakukan orang lain. dengan hasil yang telah dicapai dan terdorong untuk dapat melakukannya dengan hasil yang lebih baik, maka harus disertai ketekunan hingga berhasil dan berprestasi. keempat, “unconscious competent” (tidak sadar, mampu), yakni apabila terus menekuni dengan penuh kesungguhan, melalui pengalaman yang cukup panjang hingga pekerjaan yang dilakukan dengan hasil yang baik sudah menjadi kebiasaan dan seolah-olah tidak menyadari karya menghasilkan sesuatu yang dinilai baik, bahkan dikagumi oleh orang lain. metode penelitian jenis penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah survey deskriptif. menurut singarimbun (1989;25), ciri penelitian ini adalah data dikumpulkan dari responden dengan menggunakan kuesioner. menurut van dalen (dalam arikunto,1998;84), studi survey merupakan bagian dari studi deskriptif dan salah satunya meliputi job analysis yang bertujuan untuk mengumpulkan informasi mengenai tugas-tugas umum dan tanggungjawab para karyawan, aktifitas khusus yang dibutuhkan, keterlibatan dan fungsi anggota organisasi, kondisi kerja dan fasilitas. analisis data merupakan suatu proses menyederhanakan data ke dalam bentuk yang lebih mudah dibaca dan diinterpretasikan (singarimbun dan effendi,1989; 30). analisis data dilakukan untuk mengetahui bagaimana profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 191 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa besar. sesuai dengan tujuan penelitian deskriptif untuk menggambarkan sifat suatu keadaan yang berjalan pada saat penelitian dilakukan dan memeriksa sebab-sebab dari suatu gejala tertentu, maka analisa data dalam penelitian ini diklasifikasikan menjadi dua kelompok data, yakni data kuantitatif dan data kualitatif (arikunto, 1998; 245). data yang bersifat kualitatif dan kuantitatif (persentase) digambarkan dengan kata-kata atau kalimatkalimat dan dipisah-pisahkan menurut kategori masing-masing untuk memperoleh kesimpulan. adapun kriteria yang digunakan untuk menentukan kinerja aparat pemerintah yang digunakan adalah sebagai berikut: tabel 1. kriteria dan kisaran nilai kinerja aparatur hasil dan analisis 1. kompetensi aparatur kompetensi merupakan salah satu indikator yang dapat digunakan untuk mengetahui gambaran tentang sejauhmana tingkat profesionalitas aparatur. kompetensi adalah kemampuan dan karakteristik yang harus dimiliki oleh seorang pegawai negeri sipil (pns) berupa pengetahuan, keahlian, sikap dan perilaku yang diperlukan dalam pelaksanaan tugas dan jabatan yang dipangkunya (diembannya). maksud dari pelaksanaan kompetensi aparatur adalah: pertama, sebagai dasar dalam pengangkatan, pemindahan dan pemberhentian pegawai negeri sipil dan dalam jabatan. kedua, sebagai dasar dalam penyusunan/ pengembangan dan program pendidikan dan pelatihan bagi pegawai negeri sipil. sedangkan tujuan dari pelaksanaan kompetensi aparatur adalah; pertama, untuk efisiensi dan efektifitas pelaksanaan tugas dan tanggung jawab organisasi/ unit organisasi; kedua, untuk menciptakan optimalisasi kinerja organisasi/unit organisasi. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 192 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berkenaan dengan kompetensi aparatur tersebut, maka kemudian dibuat dan diajukan beberapa item pertanyaan dalam bentuk kuesioner untuk mengetahui sejauh mana tingkat kompetensi aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa. berdasarkan hasil wawancara dan jawaban responden atas kuesioner yang diberikan dapat diketahui bahwa : · tingkat ketepatan waktu dalam menyelesaikan pekerjaan aparatur sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa relatif baik. · kesalahan yang dilakukan karena kelalaian kerja relatif kecil (hampir tidak ada) · hasil pekerjaan rutin yang tidak dilaporkan hasilnya pada atasan/ pimpinan sangat sedikit/kecil frekuensinya (hampir semua pekerjaan selalu dilaporkan hasilnya pada atasan/pimpinan). · kesanggupan melakukan pekerjaan tambahan tanpa perintah atasan relatif cukup (hanya kadang-kadang saja bersedia melakukan pekerjaan tambahan tanpa perintah atasan atau dengan kata lain jika tanpa adanya perintah dari atasan pegawai tidak bersedia melakukan pekerjaan tambahan). hasil pengukuran diatas, indikator kompetensinya adalah 65.60%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang tingkat kompetensi aparatur, maka dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa tingkat kompetensi aparatur pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/kategori baik. 2. akuntabilitas tingkat akuntabilitas diukur dengan melihat apakah kebijakan dan kegiatan kerja lembaga atau birokrasi pemerintah daerah telah sesuai dengan tugas dan fungsi yang menjadi tanggung jawab organisasi serta konsisten dengan kehendak rakyat dan dapat dipertanggungjawabkan kepada masyarakat. hasil observasi di kalangan aparatur sekretariat daerah tentang hal yang berkaitan dengan akuntabilitas, yakni; tentang hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan tugas dan fungsi yang menjadi tanggungjawab aparatur dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya dilakukan dengan menggunakan instrumen statistik sederhana. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 193 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ untuk mengetahui secara secara lebih operasional dan konprehensif mengenai akuntabilitas aparatur sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya, kemudian diajukan beberapa pertanyaan tentang hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan akuntabilitas dalam bentuk kuesioner. berdasarkan hasil observasi pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa dan hasil olah data dapat disimpulkan bahwa tingkat akuntabilitas aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa terutama yang berkaitan dengan tugas pokok, fungsi dan wewenang (tugas rutin) sudah terlaksana/ dilakukan dengan baik dan sesuai dengan peraturan perundangundangan yang berlaku sesuai dengan tugas pokok dan fungsi pada unit kerja masing-masing. hasil pengukuran mengenai indikator akuntabilitas adalah sebesar 63.84%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang tingkat akuntabilitas aparatur, maka dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa tingkat akuntabilitas aparatur pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/ kategori baik. 3. responsibilitas responsibilitas merupakan salah satu indikator yang dapat digunakan untuk dapat mengetahui gambaran tentang profesionalitas aparatur. responsibilitas merupakan kemampuan aparatur untuk membaca dan memahami berbagai kebutuhan organisasi, baik yang berasal dari internal organisasi sendiri maupun yang berasal dari masyarakat. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa seorang aparatur dapat dikatakan memiliki responsibilitas yang baik apabila memiliki kepekaan atau kepedulian terhadap berbagai dinamika yang terjadi, baik pada tataran internal organisasi maupun tataran eksternal organisasi. kepekaan ini sangat penting, mengingat pada era globalisasi dan era teknologi canggih saat ini terjadi perubahan yang sangat cepat dan kompleks. hal tersebut mau tidak mau akan membawa pengaruh (dampak) terhadap organisasi dan masyarakat sebagai pengguna jasa dari pemerintah daerah. untuk itu diperlukan adanya upaya untuk mengantisipasi perkembangan baru dan pengetahuan baru. dengan adanya kemampuan untuk melakukan respons tersebut, akan memungkinkan aparatur untuk mengenali secara mendalam akan profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 194 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kebutuhan organisasi dan kebutuhan serta keinginan/ harapan masyarakat. dengan demikian aparatur dapat menyusun dan membuat agenda, menentukan skala prioritas pelayanan dan mengembangkan program-program pelayanan publik dengan mengacu pada tugas pokok, fungsi dan wewenang aparatur sekretariat daerah dengan keinginan dan aspirasi masyarakat. dalam penelitian ini, untuk mendapatkan gambaran tentang tingkat responsibilitas aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa penulis menggunakan 5 item pertanyaan yang berkaitan dengan tugas-tugas rutin untuk diajukan kepada para aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa. hasil pengukuran atas indikator responsibilitas adalah 60.60%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang tingkat responsibilitas aparatur, maka dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa tingkat responsibilitas aparatur pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/ kategori cukup baik. 4. pendidikan secara umum pendidikan dan latihan sangat mempengaruhi wawasan pegawai/aparatur dalam meningkatkan pelayanan, termasuk didalamnya penguasaan teori untuk memutuskan persoalan-persoalan yang menyangkut kegiatan pencapaian tujuan. berbicara tentang kualitas sumber daya manusia (sdm) tidak bisa terlepas dari tingkat pendidikan. dalam kehidupan dan kegiatan organisasi baik organisasi profit maupun organisasi non profit (organisasi pemerintah/organisasi publik maupun organisasi swasta), kebutuhan akan anggota atau personil dengan tingkat pendidikan yang layak sudah menjadi tuntutan dan kebutuhan yang sangat rasional bahkan sudah merupakan suatu keharusan. apalagi dalam era globalisasi dan teknologi canggih saat ini serta perubahan pola paradigma pembangunan dan pemerintahan. pentingnya kelayakan tingkat pendidikan dari setiap pegawai/ anggota organisasi merupakan suatu keharusan, hal ini dimaksudkan agar roda organisasi dapat dikelola dan berjalan dengan baik sehingga tujuan dari organisasi dapat tercapai. nilai kelayakan ini mengandung dua pengertian, yakni: pertama, kelayakan dilihat berdasarkan tingkat pendidikan. kedua, berdasarkan tingkat profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 195 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ relevansi dengan jenis pekerjaan/bidang tugas. menyangkut masalah kualitas sumber daya manusia (sdm) aparatur sekreatriat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa besar, berdasarkan data-data, dokumen, pengamatan dan wawancara, dapat diketahui bahwa secara umum kualitas sumber daya manusia sekretariat daerah dapat dikatakan baik. hal ini diukur dari latar belakang pendidikan dengan lebih dari separuh aparatur (57,76%/93 orang) berpendidikan s 1 dari jumlah aparatur seluruhnya yang berjumlah 161 orang dan juga diukur dengan melihat jumlah aparatur yang mempunyai/ memiliki pangkat golongan iii sebanyak 101 orang (62,73%) dari jumlah aparatur seluruhnya yang berjumlah 161 orang. sumber daya manusia merupakan komponen yang sangat berpengaruh terhadap keefektifan organisasi. dalam konteks ini, organisasi harus cepat dan tanggap untuk mengantisipasinya, sebab kalau tidak, dapat berakibat fatal bagi organisasi. pencapaian tujuan suatu organisasi juga dipengaruhi oleh kemampuan pekerjanya, sebab lancar tidaknya hasil akhir yang dicapai tergantung dari kekuatan dan kualitas sumber daya manusianya. berkenaan dengan hal itu, maka kemudian penulis membuat 6 item pertanyaan dalam bentuk kuesioner tentang hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan masalah pendidikan untuk diajukan/ diberikan kepada aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa. pada umumnya keterampilan dan pengetahuan yang dimiliki oleh aparatur sekretariat daerah relatif baik. dengan dukungan keterampilan dan pengetahuan yang dimiliki oleh aparatur akan mempengaruhi tingkat penyelesaian masalah dalam pekerjaan yang dapat diselesaikan secara individu (sendiri). hal ini mempunyai kaitan dengan beban kerja aparatur yang disesuaikan tingkat pendidikan dari aparatur. secara umum dapat diketahui tingkat pendidikan dan keterampilan yang dimiliki dapat mendukung pelaksanaan tugas-tugas kedinasan yang menjadi kewajiban aparatur pada unit kerja masing-masing. disamping itu sarana pendukung dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsi aparatur sekretariat daerah mempunyai pengaruh yang cukup besar dalam kelancaran pelaksanaan tugas-tugas rutin kedinasan, ini tercermin dari jawaban aparatur yang sebagian besar menjawab jika terjadi kerusakan sarana maka pelaksanaan tugas-tugas rutin menjadi kurang lancar. hasil profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 196 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengukuran atas indikator tingkat pendidikan adalah 61.86%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang tingkat pendidikan aparatur, maka dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa tingkat pendidikan aparatur pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/ kategori baik. 5. rekrutmen proses rekruitmen dalam organisasi publik (pemerintah) atau pengadaan pegawai negeri sipil selalu berdasarkan pada peraturan pemerintah sebagai dasar/ aturan hukum dalam perekrutan/pengadaaan pegawai negeri sipil. pengadaan pegawai negeri sipil adalah adalah kegiatan untuk mengisi formasi pegawai negeri sipil yang lowong/kosong. setiap warga negara indonesia yang memenuhi syarat yang ditentukan mempunyai kesempatan yang sama untuk melamar dan diangkat menjadi pegawai negeri sipil. sebelum 2005/sebelum keluarnya peraturan pemerintah no. 48/2005 tentang pengangkatan tenaga honorer menjadi pegawai negeri sipil, rekrutmen pegawai negeri sipil hanya melalui jalur umum, akan tetapi sejak keluarnya peraturan pemerintah no. 48/2005 tersebut, maka pengadaan pegawai negeri sipil melalui dua jalur yakni jalur bagi tenaga honorer dan jalur umum. untuk mengetahui gambaran tentang kesesuaian proses pelaksanaan rekruitmen yang dilakukan dengan ketentuan/peraturan perundangundangan yang berlaku, kemudian dibuat pertanyaan dalam bentuk kuesioner untuk diajukan/diberikan kepada aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa yang menjadi responden dalam penelitian ini. berdasarkan jawaban responden kemudian dapat diketahui bahwa dalam proses rekrutmen, kkn relatif masih cukup sering terjadi meskipun pelaksanaannya sudah sesuai dengan peraturan perundangundangan yang berlaku. hasil pengukuran atas indikator rekrutmen adalah 50.75%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang rekrutmen, maka dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa rekrutmen pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/ kategori cukup baik. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 197 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6. promosi promosi yang dilakukan terhadap seseorang dalam suatu organisasi haruslah berdasarkan pada pertimbangan-pertimbangan yang obyektif. karena promosi yang dilakukan dengan berdasarkan obyektifitas yang tinggi akan membawa dampak yang positif bagi tumbuhnya motivasi atau semangat kerja bagi anggota organisasi yang lain dalam organisasi yang bersangkutan. bagi penentu/pengambil keputusan dalam suatu organisasi, tentunya akan lebih cenderung untuk menggunakan kecakapan kerja sebagai dasar untuk melakukan promosi. namun bagi karyawan atau anggota organisasi pada umumnya lebih cenderung pada tingkat senioritas. akan tetapi tidak tertutup kemungkinan promosi dilakukan dengan cara mengkombinasikan kedua cara tersebut, yakni, pertama, apabila terdapat beberapa pejabat/ anggota organisasi yang mempunyai kecakapan yang sama, maka yang lebih/ paling senior diantara mereka yang akan dipromosikan, kedua, apabila terdapat beberapa pejabat/ anggota organisasi yang mempunyai tingkat senioritas yang sama, maka yang lebih/ paling tinggi tingkat kecakapannya diantara mereka yang akan dipromosikan. dalam organisasi pemerintah (organisasi publik) dasar/salah satu pertimbangan yang digunakan untuk (dalam) melakukan promosi adalah daftar urut kepangkatan. aspek yang menjadi dasar untuk menyusun daftar urut kepangkatan, yakni; pangkat, jabatan, masa kerja, latihan jabatan, pendidikan, dan usia. berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, maka untuk mengukur dan mendapatkan gambaran tentang promosi yang dilakukan pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa telah sesuai/ berdasarkan ketentuan dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. untuk itu penulis mengajukan beberapa pertanyaan dalam bentuk kuesioner yang harus dijawab oleh aparatur sekretariat daerah. berdasarkan jawaban dari responden, terlihat bahwa pada umumnya dalam pengangkatan/ promosi pejabat baru, senantiasa/ selalu berdasarkan tingkat senioritas sebagai salah satu bahan pertimbangan yang digunakan oleh badan pertimbangan jabatan dan kepangkatan (baperjakat) pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa. hasil pengukuran atas indikator promosi adalah 40.4%. berdasarkan hasil wawancara, jawaban dari kuesioner dan hasil perhitungan indikator tentang rekrutmen, maka profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 198 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dapat diperoleh gambaran bahwa rekrutmen pada sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa berada level/ kategori kurang baik. kesimpulan berdasarkan hasil temuan, penelitian dan pembahasan mengenai profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa, dapat disimpulkan bahwa tingkat profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah pemerintah kabupaten sumbawa cukup baik. tinggi rendahnya tingkat profesionalitas dimungkinkan terjadi karena faktorfaktor sebagai berikut : 1. tingkat kompetensi secara umum sudah baik akan tetapi masih terdapat beberapa hal yang mengurangi tingkat kompetensi yakni : a. terdapat cukup banyak aparatur yang tidak tepat waktu dalam menyelesaikan pekerjaan, b. masih ada aparatur yang tidak melaporkan hasil kerjanya pada atasan/pimpinan, c. kurangnya kesanggupan melakukan pekerjaan tambahan tanpa perintah atasan dan kurangnya kesanggupan melakukan pekerjaan tambahan tanpa adanya honor/ imbalan. 2. tingkat akuntabilitas secara keseluruhan sudah baik, namun masih mempunyai kelemahan/ kekurangan dalam beberapa hal, yakni: a. terdapat cukup banyak pekerjaan yang tidak dapat diselesaikan dalam setiap bulannya; b. cukup banyaknya agenda kerja yang kurang sesuai dengan keinginan/harapan masyarakat. 3. tingkat responsibilitas secara umum cukup baik, hal ini terjadi karena: a. cukup banyak aparatur yang dalam melaksanakan pekerjaan hanya berorientasi pada prinsip asal bapak senang (abs); b. terdapat cukup banyak aparatur yang dalam tugas/pekerjaan hanya menunggu perintah dari atasan. 4. secara umum tingkat pendidikan aparatur sudah baik, akan tetapi masih memiliki beberapa kelemahan yakni: a. masih ada/ terdapat pegawai yang penempatannya kurang sesuai dengan latar belakang pendidikan yang dimilikinya; b. masih ada aparatur/pegawai yang berlatar belakang pendidikan/berijazah sekolah dasar (sd) dan sekolah menengah pertama (smp), c. terdapat pegawai/ aparatur yang tidak dapat menyelesaikan pekerjaan secara mandiri (individu). profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 199 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 5. secara keseluruhan proses rekrutmen cukup baik dan sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku namun masih memiliki kekurangan yakni masih ada indikasi terjadinya/terdapatnya unsur kolusi, korupsi dan nepotisme (kkn) dalam perekrutan pegawai (rekrutmen). 6. secara umum promosi yang dilakukan relatif kurang baik hal ini disebabkan karena terdapat beberapa aparatur memiliki golongan/ pangkat yang kurang sesuai dengan kualifikasi/ standar minimal dengan jabatan yang dipangkunya. saran saran yang dapat disampaikan terhadap hasil penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut: 1. berkaitan dengan tingkat kompetensi, maka setiap tugas/pekerjaan harus diselesaikan tepat waktu sesuai dengan yang telah ditetapkan dan perlunya kesadaran dari semua aparatur untuk melaporkan hasil pekerjaan yang diberikan. 2. untuk meningkatkan akuntabilitas maka agenda kerja yang disusun seyogyanya sesuai dengan keinginan/ harapan masyarakat. 3. dalam rangka meningkatkan responsibilitas, setiap aparatur harus melaksanakan tugas pokok dan fungsinya dengan penuh tanggungjawab tanpa harus menunggu perintah (instruksi) dari atasan dan tidak hanya berorientasi pada atasan/pimpinan 4. menambah dan meningkatkan program pendidikan dan latihan bagi pegawai negeri sipil yang pelaksanaannya tidak hanya bersifat non-formal yang berupa pelatihan teknis, akan tetapi juga perlu adanya program pendidikan yang bersifat formal melalui program tugas belajar (ijin belajar) bagi aparatur ke program/ jenjang yang lebih tinggi baik d iii, s 1, s 2 maupun (bahkan) s 3. 5. untuk meminimalisir terjadinya kkn dalam rekrutmen, semua ketentuan yang ada dalam peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku harus dilaksanakan dengan sungguh-sungguh dan jika diperlukan dapat melibatkan pihak ketiga (ngo/ non government organization) dalam setiap proses/ tahapan rekrutmen. 6. membuat rencana dan program pembinan karir pegawai negeri sipil profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 200 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.1 no.1 agustus 2010 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di lingkungan sekretariat daerah dan perlu dibuat standar kompetensi jabatan yang memuat kriteria-kriteria atau persyaratanpersyaratan tertentu untuk menempatkan dan mengangkat (promosi) seorang aparatur pada (dalam) suatu jabatan tertentu sesuai dengan tingkat pendidikan, kompetensi dan kemampuan yang dimilikinya. daftar pustaka atmosoeprapto, kisdarto. 2000. menuju sdm berdaya. edisi pertama. jakarta. gramedia. arikunto, suharsimi. 1998. prosedur penelitian, suatu pendekatan praktek. jakarta. rineka cipta pt. bratakusuma, supriady, dedy dan dadang solihin. 2000. otonomi penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. cet. i. jakarta. gramedia bkd. 2006. “buku pedoman pengelolaan administrasi kepegawaian”. sumbawa. badan kepegawaian daerah. bkd. 2006. “himpunan regulasi kepegawaian”. sumbawa. badan kepegawaian daerah dwiyanto, agus dan kusumasari, bevaola. 2000. jurnal center for populationand policy brief.yogyakarta, universitas gadjah mada. gomes, f.c. 2001, 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tentang perubahan atas peraturan daerah nomor 4 tahun 2000 tentang pembentukan, kedudukan, tugas, fungsi, susunan oragnisasi dan tata kerja perangkat daerah kabupaten sumbawa. · keputusan bupati sumbawa nomor 163 tahun 2002 tentang rincian tugas dan fungsi sekretariat daerah kabupaten sumbawa. profesionalitas aparatur sekretariat daerah di kabupaten sumbawa besar / khairy juanda / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2010.0010 layout desember 2008 223 islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 nirzalin faculty of social and political sciences malikussaleh lhokseumawe, aceh. email: nirzasaja@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this study examines the islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh. the main question being answered is how islamic shari’a is adopted and practiced by the government of aceh and why teungku dayah as traditional islamic leaders in aceh did not become the dominant actor and even their political authority those who have been in crisis since the latter part of the new order era not yet recovered in the political structure that has turned into all-islam in the post order baru.the result of this study indicate that the presence of islamic shari’a in aceh in the post new order cannot be utilized by teungku dayah to recover their political authority that has been in crisis since the latter part of the new order era. because as a political formula that is intended to reduce conflict, islamic shari’a in aceh since the first fully controlled by the state, bureaucratically managed and modified for the benefit of the ruling power elite. as a result, the political authority of the teungku dayah in aceh on post-new order era did not recover from but remained as in the previous era. however, teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh was not followed by a crisis of authority in the realm of religion. this fact emphasizez that teungku dayah’s political and religious authority in aceh which is previously integrated have now been separated. keywords: islamic shari’a politics, teungku dayah, political authority crisis, aceh. abstrak studi ini mengkaji tentang politik syari’at islam dan krisis wibawa politik teungku dayah di 224 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aceh. pertanyaan utama yang hendak dijawab adalah bagaimana syari’at islam diadopsi dan dipraktikkan oleh pemerintah aceh dan mengapa teungku dayah sebagai pemimpin islam tradisional di aceh tidak menjadi aktor dominan dan bahkan justeru wibawa politik mereka yang sudah mengalami krisis sejak paruh akhir era orde baru tidak mengalami pemulihan dalam struktur politik yang sudah berubah menjadi serba islam pada era pasca orde baru.temuan studi ini menunjukkan bahwa kehadiran syari’at islam di aceh pasca orde baru tidak dapat dimanfaatkan oleh teungku dayah untuk memulihkan kembali wibawa politik mereka yang sudah mengalami krisis sejak paruh akhir era orde baru. sebab sebagai sebuah formula politis yang dimaksudkan untuk meredam konflik, syari’at islam di aceh sejak semula sepenuhnya dikontrol oleh negara, dikelola secara birokratis dan dikomodifikasi untuk kepentingan kekuasaan elite yang sedang memerintah. akibatnya, wibawa politik teungku dayah di aceh pada era pasca orde baru tidak mengalami pemulihan tetapi tetap krisis sebagaimana di era sebelumnya. namun. krisis wibawa politik teungku dayah di aceh ini ternyata tidak diikuti dengan krisis pula wibawa mereka dalam ranah agama. kenyataan ini menegaskan bahwa wibawa politik dan agama teungku dayah di aceh yang sebelumnya menyatu (integrated) kini telah terpisah (seperated). kata kunci: politik syari’at islam, teungku dayah, krisis wibawa politik, aceh. introduction in the post-new order era, the structure, space and political ideology in aceh experienced significant changes. authoritarian structure and political space in the new order era turned into an open and democratic. similarly with the previous secular political ideology shifted into all-islamic shari’a after its application was legalized. that conditions of the political milieu opened space for the various political actors in aceh free to compete in various aspects of political state with no exception to the traditional islamic leaders, teungku dayah.1 as islamic leaders in fanatical muslim societies such as in aceh, the existence of political frame that is religious (islam) to open up opportunities for them to act dominantly. it is because normatively they actually become the main reference even a single reference in this all-islamic political construct as applicable in the region which implements the islamic shari’a as the political ideology of the country such as iran, pakistan, afghanistan and so on. however, in reality, teuku dayah’s political authority in the all-islamic political era of in aceh in the post-new order era is contrary to the normative rationality which is the dominant and decisive one. teungku dayah’s political authority in aceh which is already in crisis since the new order era is caused by the domination of the power of the islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 225 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ state due either to the interests of the various symbolic legitimacy of the corrupt policies of development and justification of the use of force against the efforts of termination of the conflict with the free aceh movement (tim kell, 1995: 35 and yusny saby, 2000:297), apparently in the post-new order era although the structure of the political space has been transformed into an open and all-islam after the islamic shari’a is applied in aceh they do not have their political authority restored. in other words, the teungku dayah’s political authority in aceh remains teungku crisis, as happened diparuh end of the new order era. some of those realities are manifested in the high resistance of the people of aceh to the political agency of teungku dayah in winning their supported figure in both the regional head elections (pemilukada) province (governor), district (regent) and the legislative elections (dpra and dprk) that they follow their own. departing from these reality anomalies this paper is about to explore and investigate further how the political practice of islamic shari’a in aceh? why does teungku dayah as islamic leaders do not become an actor in the practice of islamic shari’a and even their political authority in crisis? theoretical framework teungku dayah’s political authority in aceh is closely related to their ability to perform various agency against the interests of the public to the state (structure). through their actions as social agents which capable of affecting the structure of the (state) in order to always be in the side of the interests of society so that they regarded as a warrior of the people’s aspirations. hence they are declared as public heroes and be honored. the practice of agencies can be successfully carried out by teungku dayah if the openness of space power of the state’s political structure exists. conversely, the state is willing to accept the influence of agents (teungku dayah) if the latter has the capacity needed to allow the encouragement of their agency actions adopted in various forms of policy. in this position, the power relations between teungku dayah as the agent and the state as the structure is of duality (equal and reciprocal). so both are bound in a relationship of mutual giving and receiving. this relations of power duality between teungku dayah as the agent islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 226 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and the state as the structure can be analyzed by using the perspective of structuration developed by giddens. according to giddens, the relationship between agents (actors) and the structure of the duality relation is not a dualism. in this case, giddens is opposite with structuralist such as durkheim who considers the relationship of agents and structures are dualism, and external and a form of restraint (constraining) to the agent (doyle paul johson, 1994: 177-178). giddens believes that the structure relationship with the agents is duality (reciprocity), internal, constraining, but also enables the production of the agent’s act (enabling) as well. this duality of structure occurs in recurrent social practices (social reproduction) and cross-plotted in space and time (antony giddens, 1984: 25-27). what is called the actor (agent) refers to a concrete person in the continuum flow acts, while a structure is a set of rules and resources or a set of transformative relations in organized as social systems which are formed by and forming recurrence (reproduction) of social practices that recursively involved in institutions. analyzing the structuration of social systems means reviewing modes of production places and the reproduction of such systems in the interaction which is based on the major activities of actors in certain places that uses the rules and resources in the context of its diverse actions (antony giddens, 1984: 19 and 25). there are two kinds of resources that make up the structure of domination, which are allocative resources and authoritative resources. allocative resources related to material or economic domination while authoritative resource is the political domination. therefore, these resources can be significantly scientific, economic, political, religious symbols and so forth. while the rules are action procedures, the aspects of praxis. in the social life, these rules (canon law, bureaucratic rules, the rules of the game and so on) are techniques or procedures that could be generalized to be applied in the manufacturing/reproduction of social practices (antony giddens, 1984: 21). as a loading control, rules, resources and control over space and time then this structure that is commensurate with the state (b. herry-priyono, 2000: 20). this study interprets the structure in that terms. according to giddens, structure consists of three major groups, first, the structure islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 227 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of signification which involves a symbolic scheme, naming and discourse. second, the structures of domination which includes the schemes of control over the people (political) and goods (economic). the third is the structure of legitimacy which concerns on normative regulation scheme revealed in the legal procedures (b. herry-priyono, 2000: 29 33). in the realization of the social practices, of the three groups of structural principles are related to each other, meaning that the structure of signification (discourse), in turn, also includes the structures of domination and legitimacy. relationship and dialectical linkage of the three schemes structure in the concept of giddens structuration is described as follows: figure. the concept of structure duality on giddens’ perspective (anthony giddens, 1984: 36). those three structure categories mentioned above according to giddens is a resource (which is focused through the significance and legitimacy) which is the characteristics of structured social systems, generated and reproduced by qualified knowledgeable agents during the interaction. these resources is the medium used to perform power (antony giddens, 1984: 36). thus, power is generated in and through the reproductive structures of domination. figure who has power are those who control the resources and are able to distribute it to other parties which is claimed as his/her subordinate.this differs from the concept of power constructed by weber. weber argued that the ”power (macht) is the probability that one actor within a social relationship is be able to carry out his ideas despite of people’s resistances” (max weber, 1964:53). islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 228 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the ability of religious elite to master the structure of significance (discourse), in the end, becomes the facility for them to dominate and mobilize the community. therefore people accept the domination of power of the religious elite through the attitude of obedience and submission which they interpret as something natural or unnatural. the actions and social practices of obedience and submission of the society gradually become their routine. this routine happened because of what it is become routine carried out based on the reflection of the practical consciousness. doing something that has become a practical consciousness raise the sense of security for the actor, so that by itself encourages them to do it over and over again. this practical consciousness means commensurate with the concept of habitus in bourdieu, which is the mental or cognitive structures used by individuals (actors) to deal with social life. as a mental or cognitive structures which determine social praxis, habitus includes thoughts, perceptions, expressions and actions that were born in the frame of history, circumstances and particular social structure (cheelen mahar, no year: 15). habitus is a product of the dialectical internalization of the social world structure. because of that, habitus is a social structure which is internalized and realized (george ritzer, 2004: 522). however, what need to be remembered is that power does not exist out of nowhere. it refers to the transformative capacity of human action. it means that the the most extensive meaning of powers logically be subject to the subjectivity of introspection and self-awareness. this needs to be emphasized because the conception of power in the social sciences tends to reflect the dualism of subject and object. so, power is often defined in terms of purpose or will which is the ability to achieve desired and intended results (antony giddens, 1984: 15). meanwhile, foucault is different, he regards power as a belonging to the society or social community. coextensive with the power of social institutions, there is no free space at all in the crevices of its network. the power relations are intertwined with other types of relationships (michel foucault, 2002: 175 and steven lukes, 1986: 240). power in the sense of the transformative capacity of human agency by giddens is the ability of actors to intervene the series of events and also islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 229 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to change its sequence like the word “bisa” which mediates the intention or desire and the actual realization of the required result. in this sense, some people have power over other people: this is the power as domination (antony giddens, 1984: 153). in the context of teungku dayah, the dominance of their power in society related to their roles to be the agent of the interests of society to the structure (the state). in which with their action they affect the structure in order to act in accordance with the social aspirations of the community. although by their ability and success of the agency action, the agency managed to make his power of domination on the other party (the community). however it does not mean he/she totally dominates that other party. it is because the submission to a ruling agency is not always absolute or total mastery. because the control is always involved in the relation of autonomy and dependence, both the master and the dominated one. all of the dependencies offer some resources where the one become subordinate can influence the activities of his/her superiors. by giddens, this mechanism is called the dialectic of control in social systems (antony giddens, 1984: 16). therefore, every agent in charge must always be introspective and consider the interests of his subordinates. in addition to its actions must always pay attention to always conform to the demands of social norms on which the authority of that rule. in the context of power relations and public boarding teungku aceh, the dialectic of control is manifest in their ability to constantly run the agency’s role is affecting the structure. research methods according to giddens study using structuration theoretical perspective is essentially a study trying to find mutual knowledge from a practical realization as the basis of social practice itself (antony giddens, 1984: 336-337). mutual knowledge is not a series of things that can be corrected, but represent interpretive schemes used by sociologists and common actors to understand a social activity. thus involvement in a community life which is observed is a must. for according to giddens for a researcher to understand is: islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 230 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “understanding is provided by the reasons or accounts social actors give for their actions. the latter is also associated with the meaning of an event or activity in a particular social context, either that given by social actors or the meaning that researchers derived from social actors’ account. explanations are produced by researchers who looks at a phenomenon from the “outside”, while understanding is based on an “inside” view in which researchers grasp the subjective counsciousness, the interpretations, of social actors involved in the conduct” (antony giddens,1976:55). therefore, in order to provide an explanation of the symptoms of the “outside” and the understanding of “inside” phenomenon under study itself, as giddens said above, this study uses ethnographic methods in data collection. however, it should be emphasized that this study is not a pure ethnographic study that attempted to conduct a scientific social description of human and his cultural foundation as a whole (holisticintegrative) as adopted by anthropologists (norman k. denzin & yvonna s. lincoln, 1994: 25). but this study only seeks to find and describe the knowledge with the mutual knowledge of community on how they understand islamic shari’a practiced in aceh and why political agency of teungku dayah to them were no longer determining. these data were collected through participant observation work and in-depth interviews to the key informants who have been identified through observations made previously (paul atkinson et al, 2001: 340 and james p. spradley, 2007: ix) . these two methods are selected based on the principle as stated by atkinson that we can not examine the social reality without becoming a part of reality itself (paul atkinson, 2001: 249). other than through these ways, the techniques of data collection is also done through the documentation study. the data obtained through participant observation and in-depth interviews are the primary data while the data obtained through the documents in the form of books, diaries, decrees and other documents relevant to the theme of this study is a secondary data (norman blaikie, 2000: 183 -184). interpretation of data is done by using the perspective of structuration as developed by giddens. nevertheless this study does not pretend to test the theory. it should be emphasized that the existence of the theory in this study is only intended as a conceptual perspective and islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 231 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ enrichment. in that way this study is believed to be able to obtain a full and comprehensive understanding of islamic shari’a and teungku dayah’s crisis of political authority in aceh which become the focus of the study. results and analysis 1. the practice of sharia ‘a t islam in aceh a. political genealogy of the legalization of islamic shari’a application in aceh the policy of the implementation of islamic shari’a in aceh after the new order was started by president b.j. habibie to enforce them through the law of the republic of indonesia no. 44/1999 on the special province of aceh. followed later by the issuance of the act no. 18/2001 on special autonomy, as well as to transform the province of aceh into the province of aceh. shari’a legal force becomes more solid after the act no. 11/2006 on the aceh government legalized by the central government (department of islamic shari’a province nanggroe aceh darussalam, 2006). however, the existence of islamic shari’a in aceh was not born as something natural. it appeared as an instrument to end the war that has lasted nearly 30 years between the indonesian government with the free aceh movement (gam). in fact, the long and historical conflict which began in 1976 has increased very rapidly after the new order both in quality and quantity. the development of the gam are energetic, systematic and get a huge mass support after the removal of dom (military operations area) 1998 has even managed to put the gam as a quasi state (ali et.al, 2008: 179). that reality can be observed in three of the most fundamental things, namely, the enactment of the nanggroe tax system (state tax), the expansion of military power and political control over the territory. according to the theoretical domain of politics, control of these three areas are the minimum requirements for the birth of a nation (ali et.al, 2008: 179). at first the main source of the gam tax is derived from infaq and sadaqah of society. this system has actually been going on since the uprising of the darul islam (di) under the leadership of teungku muhammad daud beureueh. although some can not be accounted for, but overall the sysislamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 232 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tem is able to form a relatively di solid fiscal. this is a proof that in the di era, the salaries was paid to the military members on a regular basis (ali et.al, 2008: 179). but in the gam era, infaq and sadaqah is no longer embraced as a source of taxes. for according to sofyan ibrahim tiba (a gam negotiator), gam’s struggle is not aimed at establishing an islamic state, then the tax system is no longer on the basis of religion but on the basis of the secular system, namely, nanggroe taxes or aceh state taxes (nirzalin, 2003: 233). other sectors that showed they had tried to transform itself as a country is through political control in public life. building influence at the local level has become the main goal of gam. with this influence, gam not only aims to paralyze the jakarta government bureaucracy in aceh, but also to build its own bureaucratic network (nirzalin, 2003: 191). the expansion of gam’s political structure is not a figment. it is proven that in the second half of the period of 1999 they began to form a civilian government structures such as police, judges, scholars and kadhi (kua) (an interview with cek fachrul, former gam’s kadhi in aceh besar, june 25, 2008). the existence of the power of gam is also very pronounced in the government of the village where they were able to put someone into geuchik (head of village) and fully control of the policy which he decided. therefore it is not surprising that out of town in north aceh villages are arguably the villages of gam (interview with nasir gam’s sympathizers in north aceh, november 17, 2008). in the post-new order era, gam’s military development is also very significant to the formation of the troops ”inong balee” (the women forces). latter these forces are also called asykariah. this military wing is once again shows that the aceh independence movement is no longer just a matter for the men, but has become all acehnese’s business across gender and age. gam’s movement after the new order era become more solid and more massive after they gained success and also collaborate with the student activists who are members of sira (information center for aceh referendum). the pressure conducted by sira under the label of referendum discredit the government of indonesia in the eyes of the international world for more and more. the successful socialization of the referislamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 233 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ endum seen later on the day when masses flocking from various rural and urban areas of aceh and assembled in mesjid raya baiturrahman banda aceh, said that the referendum as the only path to solve the problems in aceh. the referendum, with the demands of only two choices, namely still choose to join indonesia or split, was attended no fewer than 500,000 people. this major events conducted in november 2000 was of course drawing international attention because, martikus said: ”press reports talked of how people carried united nations flags and banners emblazoned with the word “referendum” (martinkus in ali, 2008: 195). the situation is urging the central government to find a quick and instant solution as a formula to reduce the insurgency in aceh. the solutions offered of course must be used to embrace two goals, the first internal targets that are expected to grow the legitimacy of the republic of indonesia in aceh which is still in crisis and the second external means may be used as a “fence” in order not to raise international support for the secession efforts from the nkri conducted by gam. this political atmosphere ultimately pushed the indonesian government to choose islamic shari’a as a political tool to reduce the political expansion of gam as well as to overcome the crisis of indonesian state in aceh. islamic shari’a touches acehnese socio-psychologically because they are muslims fanatics. it is expected to bring back the relationship with the indonesian government and aceh and at the same time is expected to reduce their support for gam. as for the international world, especially europe and america, islam-phobia is still a haunting reality. this fact according to haedar asserts that the application of islamic shari’a in aceh is not completely grow purely from the movement of society but rather because of the accommodation and political policies in the context of conflict settlement in the area since the new order era (nashier, 2007: 329). the legalization of the application of islamic shari’a in aceh as an instrument of conflict reduction is not the first time since the same practice had been done before by the soekarno’s government in 1959 and intended as a means to cope with aceh di / tii rebellion which is driven by teungku muhammad daud beureueh (alyasa ‘abu bakar, 2008: 28). therefore, the legalization of the islamic shari’a volislamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 234 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ume ii of the ri after the new order government was even until the end of the new order era failed to apply, it can be interpreted as the result of learning from past actions. 2. the bureaucratization of islamic shari’a and the dominance of the state against teungku dayah the political character of historical background on the legalization of islamic shari’a in aceh after the new order era turned out to be a strong grip to its implementation. the government of aceh as a representative of central government control and operationalize islamic shari’a politically and bureaucratically. the bureaucratization of islamic shari’a began after the qanun (local regulation) no.33/2001 on the establishment of the islamic shari’a office of the province of nanggroe aceh darussalam was passed in 2002. this agency served as the responsible for the planning and implementation of islamic shari’a in aceh, especially in relation to the preparation of the qanun draft for the implementation of islamic shari’a, the establishment of shari’a court in all of aceh, the preparation of its personnel and facilities, assist and organize the implementation of worshipping, supervise the implementation of islamic shari’a and provide guidance and counseling about it (amal and panggabean, 2004; 27 and abu bakar, 2005; 2). due to its bureaucratic characteristic, the implementation of the islamic shari’a features logics positivistic and always requires leadership that is legally rational. in addition, as mentioned by weber, bureaucracy also requires technical skills, is impersonal and specialized (weber, 2009: 236-238). the policy closes the door to teungku dayah to take part in the formalization of the structure of islamic shari’a. because, by islamic boarding school’s tradition (pesantren), teungku dayah emphasizes the mastery of normativity of religious texts and the leadership that emphasize the personal charisma and the justification of his divinity did not have the technical ability to deal with bureaucracy. the marginalization of the structure also result that they are marginalized from shari’a discourse formulations in the form of qanuns (local regulation) in aceh. because islamic shari’a in the various policy was decided by the government through its bureaucratic apparatus. the islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 235 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ existence of teungku dayah ostensibly excluded because their existence was publicized through mass media while the qanun is still a draft, either qanun on khamar (liquor), maisir (gambling) and khalwat (couple without marriage) which are already enacted for example, are more meaningful as a symbolic actor than the determining actor. on the other hand, the existence of teungku dayah outside the arena or the peripheral zones of the system and discourse in the construction of qanun of islamic shari’a is a separate issue as well on the image of their dominant influence in acehnese society. this reality is concerned with the mastery of discourse or knowledge of the existence of which is one important instrument of the dominant authority in aceh latter, as what is presented in the range of historical-sociological aceh society between 1620’s to 1980’s. at those times, it is teungku dayah whoc become the determinant of discourse in various state policies. this is because, as said by foucault, power is closely related to knowledge. no knowledge without power and vice versa there is no power without knowledge. knowledge and power is a pair (kebung, 2002: 35). in the era of the kingdom of aceh darussalam (1513-1942), it appeared for example sheikh hamza fansuri, sheikh shamsuddin alsumaterani, sheikh ar-raniry, sheikh abdul rauf as-singkili, teungku chiek di tiro, teungku chiek pante kulu and teungku chiek kutakarang. even at this phase, aceh could become a center of intellectual activity in southeast asia with teungku dayah as its center. it was evident, in this era of some scholars from other countries come to learn to aceh. a renowned scholar sheikh muhammad yusuf al-makasari (1626-1699), one of the well-known scholars of his day was, for example, had studied in aceh (bruinessen, 1990:157). similarly, sheikh burhanuddin of the minangkabau, who later became well-known scholars and spread islam in ulakan and establish a mosque in minangkabau, is a beloved student of sheikh abdur rauf al-singkili (taufik abdullah in abdullah & siddique, 1988: 986). sheikh daud alfatani, a famous scholar from thailand pattani muslim region of highly productive and respected is also for being a teacher for students of southeast asian muslims in mecca, had also studied in aceh in 1760’s. while in aceh, who last studied is sheikh muhammad zain al-faqih jalal al-din islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 236 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ al-ashi (abdullah, 1983, 32). sheikh muhammad zain al-faqih jalal aldin al-ashi is a leader of the islamic boarding school (pesantren) in aceh and the author of two very famous book kashf al-kiraam fi bayan alniyyat fi takbirat al-ihram and talkhis al-falah fi bayan al-thalaq wa alnikah (alyasa’ abubakar and wamad abdullah, 1992; 35). since sheikh hamza fansuri until the arrival of the dutch, there are 13 teungku dayahs who are very productive in writing books. their books are well known even to the intellectual discourse of foreign countries which reached 114 books (alyasa ’wamad abubakar and abdullah, 1992: 35-40). the books are comprised of a large variety of subjects such as sufism, the science of kalam (theology), logic, philosophy, jurisprudence, hadiths, interpretations, morality, history, monotheism, astronomy, medicine, environmental and political issues. when dutch invaded aceh, through their discourse domination they were also be able to be the public agencies and take the fight and they themselves also become the commander of the war. in this phase, they wrote books or tales which contains the obligations of sabil war (jihad fi sabilillah) and the retaliation for those who are slain in battle (sabil war). among the books written and among other tales the writings of nyak teungku ahmad cot paleue, hikayat prang sigli (the tale of sigli war) in 1878 and hikayat nasihat ureung muprang (the tale of advice of ureung muprang) in 1889. the works of teungku chiek pante kulu, hikayat prang sabi (the tale of sabi war) no year, teungku chiek di tiro’s, hikayat nasha’ihu l-ghazat (the tale of nasha’ihu l-ghazat) no year, do karim, hikayat prang gompeuni (the tale of gompeuni) no year, hikayat prang sabi (the tale of sabi war) no year, hikayat hadzihi qisah nafsiyah (the tale of hadzihi qisah nafsiyah) no year and hikayat wasiat wasiet (the tale of wasiet testament) no year. teungk u kut a reef wrote books, mau’ithatu-l ikhwan in 1886 and tadzkiraturrakidin in 1889. during the revolutionary period and the old order era (1943-1966), it is appeared teungku muhammad daud beureueh, teungku ahmad hasballah inderapuri, teungku muhammad hasan krueng kalee, teungku abdurrahman meunasah meucap, teungku abdullah lam u and teungku sheikh muhammad muda waly al-khalidy, as a leader of islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 237 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ public discourse in aceh (iain arraniry writing team, 2004: 75-193). the power of teungku dayah discourse agency on society and the state continued and remained dominant until the beginning of the new order era. they are fully engaged in the formulation and implementation of islamic shari’a based on local regulation (perda) no. 6/1968, a local regulation (the current qanun) concerning basic provisions for the implementation elements of the islamic shari’a as the implementation of privilege status of aceh conflict resolution results in the war against aceh’s di/tii and the central government. in the 1970’s the teungku dayahs successfully urged the government of aceh to agree to ban immoral things such as gambling, prostitution and alcoholic beverages. as a result, the central government failed to build alcohol factory in aceh in 1984 since teungku dayah opposed for it (amiruddin, 2005: 58-59). the power of discourse put teungku dayah to be a very charismatic figure and determining in aceh not only in the realm of religion but also in politics as well. their political appeals are always followed by the public as they did when the party won the ppp (united development party) in 1982 and won the golkar party in 1987 and 1992 elections. this is called by giddens, the control structure of signification or discourse, in turn, puts an actor (agent) to have the legitimacy to dominate others (herry priyono, 2000; 20). the discourse domination of teungku dayah in aceh’s historical range confirms their position as a determinant of the “truth” of the political choices that is obligated. another prominent reality in post-new order era in aceh is that the state more intense in penetrating teungku dayah, even compared to the new order era. since this time the penetration is deeper, official and binding because using religion (islamic shari’a) as the instrument. the reality of islamic fanaticism of acehnese demanded religious legitimacy in the political practice of development therefore an intimate relationship between government and religious elite becomes a must. this creed is embraced as mimesis (imitation) of the same practices performed by the new order state before. the formalization of islamic shari’a by the country’s ruling elite is precisely interpreted as a momentum, and instruments as well as justification to keep the “good” relationship with teungku dayah. but, in fact islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 238 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ this relationship is dominative and subordinate. the efforts to build a relationship with teungku dayah is done through the establishment of a special body in charge of empowering dayah. the institution was established through the qanun no. 5/2007 is named the institution for the development of dayah’s education (bppd). in reality, the presence of this institution legalize the penetration of the state to the islamic boarding school. whereas in previous eras are relatively “clean” of such state intervention. in the new order era, for example, it is an era that has always rested the authority legitimacy in aceh to teungku dayah, not forming such a special institution. the operationalization of dominance only done through the perseverance of golkar apparatus, led by governor ibrahim hasan and officials of the republic of indonesia armed forces (iskandar, 2003: 221-305). through this islamic shari’a bureaucratization, the state deepen its dominant grip of the teungku dayah in aceh. the strategies of diverting dayah’s economic resources from the public to the statesuceed in making teungku dayah domesticated and included in the ruling circles of the ruling elite. in 2008, the aceh government disbursed rp 164.5 billion grants for the dayah. these funds are disbursed to more than 700 dayahs with rp 102.5 billion each for dayah’s physical rehab, rp. 5 billion for the purchase of books, rp. 15, 644 billion for the construction of 172 dayah, rp. 1.2 billion for 10 darul aytams, rp. 14.5 billion for teacher incentives (teungku dayah and teungku rangkang) and the remainder to other dayah equipment (harian aceh newspapers , thursday, august 14, 2008; 1) the ammounts of the grants depend on the size of the dayah based on the standard valuation of bppd. by bppd, dayah is divided into 4 (four) types, namely types a, b, c and d. each type is measured by the number of students and instructors. in 2008, according to bustami, the head of the institution for the development of dayah’s education, boarding type a granted to rp.300 million, type b get rp. 250 million, type c get rp. 200 million and type d get rp. 150 million (serambi indonesia newspaper, june 8, 2008: 13). but in 2009, the ammounts of grants to the dayah has decreased from rp. 164.5 billion in 2008 to rp. 104.7 billion in 2009. the reduction islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 239 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of grants to the dayah in 2009 was affected by aceh’s declining revenues from oil and gas sectors which is one of the main sources of financial assistance for the dayah. consequently dayah with type a which previously received rp. 300 million decreased to rp. 200 million, b, from rp. 250 million to rp. 170 million, c from rp. 200 million to rp. 130 million and d from rp. 150 million to rp. 100 million (interview with jakfar sulaiman, staff of the institution for the development of dayah’s education, january 4, 2010). through this grants received regularly by the dayah and teungku dayah, dayah’s economic interdependence can not be avoided. moreover, the grant is not only for the dayah’s physical form of development which is extremely important but also include the incentive (salary) on teungku dayah. on the other hand, this grant for dayah has distorted the previous existence of relatively independent dayah. since the financing of the various activities of the dayah is only sourced from its own economic production (agriculture and animal husbandr y) and economics of religion (zakat, infaq, sadaqah, nadzar etc.) issued by the community (sufi et al, 2003; 12). this reality creates an intimate relationship between teungku dayah and the community. this proximity is psychologically encouraging teungku dayah to always defend and pay attention to the people. through this independent existence in the history of the political frame of aceh, teungku dayah is able to assert himself as a person who is always capable of being critical agency to the state policy that is considered to be deviated, both from the perspective of religious and community interests. however, the reality of economic dependence of teungku dayah on the state have managed to change the relationship position of teungku dayah’s intimate closeness with the community to be “in affair” with the country’s ruling elite. it is because flowing grants from the state aid to teungku dayah along with their mechanisms and bureaucracy has got teungku dayah to be in the iron cage of state power (interview with hasbi amiruddin, professor of iain ar-raniry banda aceh, january 14, 2010). on behalf of the administration, openness and transparency are the key principles used and pre-requirements in the distribution of dayah funds that actually conislamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 240 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tains the supervision code (surveillance) and the state hidden penetration to teungku dayah. foucault mentions this hidden control code as a panoptic system. in this panoptic system the relations of power becomes total and not physical. as a form of obsession rationalization, panoptic functioned as the social orthopedic. it is a hidden system of running power. a function which is perceived as common but can not be recognized (except from the consequences). politically it is an invisible form of control but subtly forced to be obeyed (kebung, 2002: 35). on the other hand, having incentives (salary) from this country makes people suspicious of the sincerity of teungku dayah to the people’s activities (teaching and committing acts of political agency). indeed, in reality, funding from the state or other elite should always be awared of by the true leaders who rely on charismatic authority like teungku dayah. in its pure form, as suggested by weber, charisma is never be a source of private income to the holder. it is also not a source of income in the form of financial compensation for the material needs of his mission (weber, 2009: 236-238). but this does not mean the material is not important to teungku dayah. material wealth is still needed by them, in addition to meeting the needs of their family but also to ensure the sustainability and development of dayah. however, material wealth is not the ultimate goal. moreover, if it eliminates the independence and the action of critical agency. in fact, a critical and independent agency action is a part of the resources of teungku dayah’s political authority in aceh (yusny saby, 2000: 284-285). as an authoritative social agents, they are always required to be able to fight in order for the power resources to survive. otherwise, as stated by giddens, an actor (agent) stops being an agent because he lost the ability to dominate (antony giddens, 1984: 14). when dominance can not be maintained longer then his political authority is in crisis. 3. teungku dayah and political authority crisis the practice of islamic shari’a that is political in which the state appears with the totalitarian face closes the space of active participation of various components of civil society with no exception to traditional isislamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 241 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lamic leaders in aceh, teungku dayah. for teungku dayahs themselves, the lossing of their role and ability exert their critical influence on the state both in terms of the application of islamic shari’a and express the community’s follow-up impact of a weakening of their political authority in aceh. reality is reflected in the weakening of the influence of their political agency in aceh in winning certain figures in the regional head election (pemilukada). neither the political parties which they founded, pda (daulat aceh party) did not obtain a meaningful response from the society. the last party failed to win votes in various aceh region in the 2009 legislative election except for one seat in the provincial parliament (house of representatives aceh). in general election of 2006, a political figure who is supported by teungku dayah for guberbur positions is humam hamid and hasbi abdullah while as the regent, two of them are tarmizi a. karim and amirullah in north aceh. the results the candidate which are supported by teungku dayah for the governor obtained only 16.62% of votes lost with a pair of independent way yusuf and muhammad nazar who obtained 38.20% of the vote. neither the candidates for north aceh regent which only obtained 20.8% of the vote and was defeated by a pair supported by gam (free aceh movement) ilyas. a. hamid and syarifuddin who obtained 67.4% of the vote (independent election commission of nanggroe aceh darussalam, 2006). the weakening of teungku dayah’s political authority paves the way for gam activists into the major political actors in aceh. this was reflected in the success they achieved almost in all political position in aceh in the general election and legislative elections in aceh since 2006 to 2012. in fact the changing of public attitudes in assessing the political agency in addition to teungku dayah’s personal qualities are also associated with the changes in their conception of teungku dayah’s political ideology. teungku dayah’s political agency currently rated by the community is no longer based by struggling in the interests of islam (ideological) but only the interests of their own political practices (interview with nasrullah, muzakir, nurdin and badruzzaman, a resident of simpang keuramat north aceh, 20, 21 and 22 november , 2008). this reality encourages the public to re-interpret of their respects (submission) to islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 242 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ teungku dayah in the political sphere. the results of re-interpretation as shown by the results of the election above, people determine their own autonomous political options (interview with zakaria and muntasir, a resident of north aceh nisam, november 22, 2008). the easiness of people to be out of the circle of influence of teungku dayah in aceh also lies in the reality of relatively minimal strings attached to their political power in society. in aceh, the existence of teungku dayah as political role models are not bound by material and spiritual dependence as the relationships of kiai patronage and the mass of islam in java,2 but solely only on the knowledge and spiritual attachment or islamic ideology (syamsuddin, 1990; 178) this thing happens, because the aceh people is not in the condition of shorting of arable land (farm/field) to fulfill their family needs so that even poor people of aceh can take advantage of agricultural lands that are still widely available and when the famine comes they can seek help from their families to meet their daily living needs because the emotional connection between families in aceh still strong and reliable. in economic terms teungku dayah who are indirectly dependent on the community through sadaqah, zakat, nadzar and other religions donations. with such a position that the people of aceh “bind” teungku dayah to always take and defend their interests. when the actions of teungku dayah political agency is no longer perceived to defend or fight for islam and their interests so easily or necessarily, the people of aceh to break away from their ideological attachment to teungku dayah. as a result, the accumulation of acehnese resentment against teungku dayah in the political sphere to encourage them to follow where the crossing from the direction of politics or teungku dayah political agency switch to the gam as represented in the general election of governors, regents and legislative elections in aceh. the switching action of the political choice from teungku dayah to gam is a real action of resistance and the final punishment from them because they considered no longer be used as a political reference. but what unique is, teungku dayah authority crisis in the sphere of politic is not followed by the crisis in the realm of religion. in the realm of religion, they remain the main community reference (group islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 243 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ references) . their position as the heir to the prophet is considered karamah (keuramat) remains a powerful charisma that established them as a determinant (peuneutoh haba) in every religious issues that arise in aceh (interview with nasrullah, citizens of simpang keuramat, 20 november 2008). similarly, in terms of their position as a religious teacher remained firm in aceh. this fact is reflected in the reality of the community to keep their bustling visit to consult about religion. neither the recitations that they do still crowded by people. the recitation of abu paloh gadeung and abu tumien in krueng geukuh, for example, remains crowded as usual. similarly, with the dayah led by them remains crowded with students who come from across the province and even from various other places in sumatra such as medan, padang, bengkulu and jambi. this reality above confirms that in the case of the actor who originated from the religious elite, their authority is doubled both religious and political authority. when one of his authority is in crisis then it is not immediately followed by another crisis of authority. when their political authority is in crisis because it is considered no longer made to defend the interests of the community while on the other hand they are rated by the community still able to carry out its position as a religious teacher then the influence of religious authority in the field is still strong and dominant as ever. this fact denies the theoretical views of giddens (1984: 14) that the actor stopped being the agent altogether when he was no longer able to influence the series of events and affect the causal powers that spread by others. teungku dayah cases in aceh is also at the opposite side with weber’s view that says that the figure of a charismatic leader when leadership is no longer valued by the community can give them the benefit of charismatic authority is disappear at all (weber, 194: 359-360). in the case of teungku dayah in aceh, completely lost his authority but only on the secular aspects of religion, the politics whereas non-political aspects (religion) still have high authority or not affected. this confirms that the teungku dayah’s political and religious authority in aceh which previously are fused (meusaboeh/integrated) have now been separated. this is in contrast to the findings of the geertz study (1959-1960; 234), dhofier islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 244 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (1982: 56-57), and turmudi (2003: 95-96) on the authority of a kiai in java which is united in their conclusion (absolute/integrated) between political and religious authority conclusion islamic shari’a in aceh after the new order era is managed politically and bureaucraticaly. the level of praxis, the norms of religion was controlled entirely by the ruling elite and modified precisely for the sake of their power. action on the one hand ensure that islamic shari’a is fully under the control of the government but on the other side at the same time marginalizing the traditional islamic leaders in aceh which is teungku dayah from the arena. because of the bureaucratic practice of islamic shari’a requires the building of rational knowledge, contextual, efficient and pragmatic while teungku dayah building knowledge is still traditional and textual in nature so that between islamic shari’a and teungku dayah the discrepancies (distance) are obvious. in another part, the reality of the acehnese people who are very fanatical about islam and their attachment to religion is very strong with their teungku dayah made the post-new order regime in aceh need their justification to embed an image of the ruling elite is the islamic elite. then it is pushed the post-new order regime in aceh to use islamic shari’a as facilities to dominate the power against teungku dayah so they can be used for the benefit of symbolic power. if in the new order era, the domination of power against teungku dayah is done through the jargon “for the sake of development” of aceh, the jargon of post-new order era is to “strengthen and accelerate the implementation of islamic shari’a” in aceh. on behalf of this “sacred” interests in the post new order regime in aceh and then set up a special agency called the institution for the development of dayah’s education (bppd) which has the task of facilitating the needs of dayah. through this dayah bureaucratic institutions, elites in aceh pull over structural economic dependence of the dayah and teungku dayah from the people become dependent on the state. the action is done by the state by the guise of their grants to dayah regularly, either in the form of physical development grants, teungku dayah incentives (salary) monthly and other islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 245 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dayah apparatus. at this position the existence of islamic shari’a in aceh was more meaningful as games or merchandise of power (commodification) because it is used as a structure resource to dominate the power of the society agent (teungku dayah) than a religious law and become tradition and culture which gives space for the various social components to participate in it. this fact confirms that the power relationship between the state as the structure and teungku dayah as the agent does not develop duality (equal and mutual influence) but dualism (top-bottom) where the state dominates the agent. the operational practices of domination of power after the new order regime in this teungku dayah in turn deprive the independence and tame their critical attitude towards the state. as a result, teungku dayah dominant political authority in aceh in previous eras turned into a crisis. the reality is represented in at the birth of acehnese resistance to the actions of their political agencies such as the aceh general election (election of regional head), both the general election of governors, regents and legislative elections in which people are not willing to choose a figure who campaigned by them or their own political party, daulat aceh party (pda). but teungku dayah crisis of political authority in aceh is not followed by a crisis of their authority in the realm of religion. compared with the religious elite who come from islamic scholars (graduate of islamic university) in the realm of religion remains a dominant figure and be the number one reference in aceh. that reality is represented in the numbers of the students studying in the dayah (pesantren) and as well as community recitations and visits to the dayah to consult about various things related to their religion. the fact that teungku dayah’s political authority crisis on one hand but on the other hand they remain to have dominant authority in the realm of religion is affirmed that the teungku dayah political and religious authority in aceh which is previously fused (integrated) has now turned into a separate (seperated). endnotes 1 teungku dayah is a term from the acehnese people to the islamic islamic shari’a politics and teungku dayah’s political authority crisis in aceh / nirzalin nirzalin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0012 246 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cleric. teungku dayah is equivalent in meaning to the term buya in minang society, ajengan in sundanese society and kyai in javanese society. they are believed to be widely knowledgeable (in islam), leading and a graduate of a traditional islamic boarding school (pesantren salafi) that is dayah who only studied the religious sciences of islam, based in gampoeng (rural areas) and charismatic. see, nirzalin, relasi kekuasaan teungku-murid, studi di dayah tanoh abeu kabupaten aceh besar, (lhokseumawe: lppm malikussaleh university, research grants from the province of aceh, 2004), p. 15 and zamakhsyari dhofier, tradisi pesantren, studi tentang pandangan hidup kyai, (jakarta: lp3es, 1982), p. 55 2 therefore, the perspective of geertz’s research findings, horikoshi and turmudi in java which concluded that the political patronage of islamic javanese kiai always encourage people to follow the kiai political invitations can not be applied in aceh. since the foundation of authority engagement kiai with the javanese islamic community is different from teungku dayah in aceh. this kiai political authority engagement in java is not just awaken of spiritual excellence and religious knowledge but also the economy. kiai in java is rich and the owners of well cultivated land and farm fields where people work as laborers or tenants of land of the kiai. while in aceh teungku dayah authority both in religious and political awakening from purely spiritual excellence and knowledge of their religion. see, clifford geertz, “the javanese kyai: the changing role of cultural broker”, journal comparative studies in society and history, vol. 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(n.d.). dynamic governance model within integrated waste management in malang city?: agile people and process in action. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (3). 312-330 article history: 2021-06-20 revision: 2021-08-01 accepted: 2021-08-04 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:kamil@umm.ac.id https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2398-5407 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8336-3103 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5621-4428 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 313 according to a report from the world bank entitled “what a waste: a global review of solid waste management,” urban this populations worldwide generated twice as much solid waste, at 1.3 billion tonnes per year, in 2012. meanwhile, value is expected to double by 2025, and 53% of this increase will be contributed by lower-middle-income countries. indonesia is said to produce 151,921 tonnes daily, meaning that every inhabitant throws out an average of 0.85 kg of waste per day (hoornweg & badha-tata, 2012). according to (banerjee & sarkhel, 2020), waste management efforts made by several developing countries, such as indonesia, have failed due to the absence of waste separation, lack of government coordination with private third parties, and poor community outreach. reducing household waste is difficult to do (sudibyo et al., 2017). the increase in household waste in indonesia cannot be separated from the high flow of urbanization in several cities (wibisono et al., 2020). over the years, the issue of solid waste has become an important issue in several big cities in indonesia. even though they already have legal institutions to cooperate with the private sector in waste management (siagian et al., 2019a). however in the fact, many local governments have a major role. so that this effort complicates the performance of local gov ernments in managing waste, which continues to increase. waste management in indonesia is regulated in (law number 18, 2008) regarding waste management, which is expected to re duce the negative impacts on the environment and public health (siagian et al., 2019b). in the scope of the regional government, especially the study of urban governance, it is a strategic issue that needs attention (davies, 2007; ganesan, 2017; murtadho & roziqin, 2018; spoann et al., 2018). nationally, according to law number 18 of 2008 concerning waste management, regions, including cities and regencies, have been given authority to ex ecute this activity through local regulations compliant with the existing regional needs and conditions (yandra et al., 2020). fur ther, malang city, as one of the urban areas in east java, pro duces 490 tonnes of waste daily (jatimtimes, 2020), a volume still above the city’s capacity. jurnal studi pemerintahan currently, the waste problem in malang city is quite com plex, ranging from management infrastructure to limited human resources (hr). the waste management facilities in malang are still minimal, as shown by the following data: source: badan pusat statistik malang city (2020) figure 1. waste management facilities in malang city based on the population of malang in 2020, which reached 874,890 (bps kota malang, 2020), the facilities shown in figure 1 were unable to accommodate and manage the amount of com munity waste adequately. if these waste facilities are left un checked, they will experience overcapacity. moreover, with the continually increasing population density and rapid development in malang, it has become the most popular urban area for people in east java province and other parts of east indonesia. consequently, malang municipality already has regional regulation no. 10 of 2010 concerning waste management in place to solve the waste problem. this regulation mentions offi cial authorities who need to respond quickly to waste problems and other environmental issues in urban communities (banerjee & sarkhel, 2020; ganesan, 2017; pradana, 2020; spoann et al., 2018) . however, this impact is not sufficient to increase the waste reduction in malang, and this failure is caused by several factors, such as institutional, social, and political factors. the increasing number of waste is not accompanied by the number of waste management facilities provided by the government. in addition, public awareness to sort waste at the household level is still low. without ignoring the others, institutional factors are important points that discuss the implementer’s capabilities and the execu 314 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 315 tion of waste management policies (qodriyatun, 2015). agile institutions in responding to the problem dynamics are needed for the city’s waste management. therefore, dynamic governance is the right concept for the complexity of social and institutional problems in urban areas. it was first introduced by (neo & chen, 2007) to reduce the complex public problems and social changes due to globalization and technological advances in singapore. the concept of dynamic governance in the frame work of waste management in malang city is interpreted as a problem-solving model that does not depend solely on the government’s power and managerial role. rather, it also func tions at the local level and includes the development of bureau cratic capabilities, cooperative relations, co-regulation, and strong collaboration in utilizing existing local resources and wisdom (rodiæ & wilson, 2017). integrated waste management efforts in malang are also expected to realize sustainable city develop ment. since the announcement of the 21st-century agenda at the 1992 rio earth summit, there have been many studies explain ing urban strategies and practices in the transition to sustainable cities (look at chung & lo, 2007). several cities in indonesia have also implemented an urban strategy, waste management. according to (maryati et al., 2016) in bandung raya, waste man agement services, are quite effective in urban housings compared to rural areas. meanwhile, jakarta, as the largest waste-producing metropolitan city in indonesia, implements it through commu nity-based sorting by type with waste banks (putri et al., 2018), reduce, reuse and recycle (3r) and waste to energy (wte) (farizal et al., 2018). (wibisono et al., 2020) explained that the waste management problem in urban indonesia varies according to the case. surabaya city faces a complex waste problem due to urbanization and industry, while mojokerto waste management still depends on the government and has institutional constraints (wibisono et al., 2020). conversely, batu city implements a waste bank program (irkham et al., 2019). (further, jurnal studi pemerintahan kusumaningrum & haffsari, 2017) emphasized the coordina tion of waste management in malang city and regency. based on the above arguments, this article aims to discuss the governance of local agencies involved in malang city waste man agement. the dynamics of waste problems in cities that continue to increase require dynamic governance by local governments. if today’s waste problem is left unattended, it is feared that an envi ronmental crisis will occur and threaten the life of the city com munity. this research is to examine the local government con cerning how to waste management. elements in the concept of dynamic governance were used as analytical tools with a focus on agile people and processes. this is based on urban environ mental problems that also affect the legitimacy of local govern ments, including the ability of the bureaucracy as the leading sector in the process of implementing waste management poli cies in the city. research method this research tries to examine dynamic governance regard ing waste management in malang city from the local institu tionalism perspective, i.e., agile people and processes. the city was chosen as the study object because it is an urban area and a tourist destination for students from various regions in indone sia, especially the eastern part. these features contribute to the increasing population growth in malang city, which indirectly elevates the volume of domestic waste in the community. with a population of 874,890, according to (wibisono et al., 2020). malang can be categorized as a metropolitan city, causing the problem of waste management to be more complex. employing a qualitative approach, this research aims to pro vide a more nuanced narrative on the how and why urban waste is managed, alongside the involved social phenomena, by com bining primary and secondary research data. primary data was gathered by semi-structured interviews with key policymakers at city government for instance the environment agency of malang 316 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 317 city. other important bodies were the department of public works and spatial planning, housing and residential areas in malang city, several environmental ngo representatives, and final processing place (fds) managers. meanwhile, the second ary data were obtained through official government reports, re lated research, previous publications, and other online sources, such as national online media. the data were analyzed qualita tively, first in narrative style and then in simple qualitative meth ods, regarding the effect of waste management in the city. result and discussion governance capability within integrated waste management governance is the relationship between governments and citi zens that enable public policies and programs to be formulated, implemented and evaluated. in the broader context, it refers to the rules, institutions, and network that determine how an orga nization functions (bhatta, 2006; neo & chen, 2007). governance is an important factor for a city in dealing with waste management problems (supriyadi et al., 2000), especially as an institution (wibisono et al., 2020). currently, waste man agement is under the authority of local governments (chaerul et al., 2007) with still referring to provincial and central govern ment policies (siagian et al., 2019a). several studies have also explained that institutional factors that are less adaptive and re sponsive are the greater cause of the urban waste problem in indonesia (chaerul et al., 2007; sudibyo et al., 2017; supriyadi et al., 2000; wibisono et al., 2020). therefore, to face these institutional challenges, local govern ments are required to think innovatively in handling urban waste problems, and dynamic governance presents an ideal method (neo & chen, 2007). based on the law number 18 2008 re garding waste management, the municipality undertakes the management of city waste according to the standards, procedures, and criteria established by the central government. regional waste jurnal studi pemerintahan management is inseparable from the strategies and policies set by the central and provincial governments, including the estab lishment of temporary disposal sites, integrated and/or final waste processing sites (siagian et al., 2019a). institutionally, the waste problem in malang city is under the authority of several related agencies, with the leading sector being the environment agency, alongside the ministry of public works and spatial planning, housing, and residential areas. the practice of waste management in several cities in other countries shows that local or municipality governments have an important role through waste management strategies and poli cies (agarwal et al., 2020; azevedo et al., 2020; esmaeili, 2019; ganesan, 2017; romano et al., 2021). hence, the municipality issued a juridical regulation titled malang city regional regula tion number 10 of 2010 concerning waste management to deal with waste problems. it is supported by several technical regula tions, such as mayor regulation number 73 of 2016, concern ing the formation, position, organizational structure, duties, and work procedures of the technical implementation unit for gar bage collection and processing of environmental agencies. malang mayor regulation number 7 of 2019 concerning the esta blishment of a waste management technical implementation unit at the environmental agency also supports these policies. waste management in malang city is performed through sev eral activities, including waste reduction and handling. limiting landfills, recycling, and waste reuse are reduction activities, while handling consists of selection, collection, transportation, process ing, and final processing. this governance is supported by col laborations with several other government agencies, central, and international organizations. the malang municipality has also been appointed by the central government to become a pilot project for waste management. to reduce and handle waste, the municipality has temporary disposal site (tds) facilities spread across all sub -districts, in cluding the following: 318 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 319 source: badan pusat statistik malang city (2020) figure 2. number of temporary disposal site (tds) managed by the malang municipality government in each sub-district in 2019 however, the existence of the dumpsites above cannot be a solution to the waste problem in malang municipality, given the population density and its impact on waste production. as ex plained by (agarwal et al., 2020) and (arie., 2013) the yearly in crease in population has the potential to increase the waste vol ume. in the table below, lowokwaru has the largest population. table 1. total population in 2020 in each sub-district subdiscrict population kedungkandang 196. 298 sukun 196.917 klojen 101.410 blimbing 181.426 lowokwaru 198.839 total 874.890 source: bpsmalang city (2020) typically, the collected domestic waste is immediately taken to the temporary disposal site (tds) without a recycling strat jurnal studi pemerintahan egy. this is in contrast with the experience in germany, where local governments collect a special tax for each household to sup port waste management financially (azevedo et al., 2020). other taxes are also used to pay third parties, particularly waste man agement companies, based on the collected and successfully re cycled materials (alzamora & barros, 2020). the situation was different in malang city until 2020, as not all urban villages have sorting, compost, and recycling (pkd) houses to reduce waste before entry into the temporary disposal site (fds), as shown in figure 1. hence, about thirty urban villages do not have pkd, which is an issue for the city in holistically handling waste prob lems from upstream to downstream at the regional and tempo rary disposal site (tds) institutional levels. to overcome this problem, the malang municipality has provided a budget of idr 31 billion to develop pkd in stages for the next few years (jatimtimes, 2019). the existence in each sub-district is expected to spur public awareness in managing and reducing the volume of waste in the final disposal places (fds). source: badan pusat statistik malang city (2020) figure 3. number of temporary disposal site (dts) between 2016-2020 as a pilot project, malang was selected from other cities in indonesia and offered the opportunity to collaborate with an international institution, named kreditanstalt für wiederaufbau (kfw), in germany. several partnership activities focus on envi ronmental sustainability, such as the waste to energy innova tion, which processes waste into renewable energy. the imple mentation is the landfill gas technology used at fds supit 320 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 321 urang, malang city. this partnership certainly corresponds with the vision and mission of the malang city environment agency, which wants private involvement in dealing with urban prob lems. the existence of institutional partnerships is expected to generate innovation in waste management. source: primary data (2021) figure 4. the institutional framework for integrated waste management the municipality through the environmental agency is as sisted by the public works and spatial planning, housing, and settlement in implementing several waste management programs, especially in providing technical facilities for solid waste. although planning, socialization, and implementation are expected to pro duce innovation, it is influenced by the social, economic, and environmental conditions around the community (birkmann et al., 2014). in development, it involves converting waste into gas, as explained in the following interview; “innovation through gas installations can be realized at the supit urang’s final disposal site (fds). this was inspired by the talangagung final disposal site (fds), which succeeded in build ing a methane gas pipeline installation pioneered by mr. koderi” (interviews, 20/5/2020) jurnal studi pemerintahan the municipality is also developing a sanitary landfill, which is a management system, involving piling waste up in a sunken location and then filling it with soil. this project at supit urang’s final disposal site (fds), which has been existent for two years, has many advantages compared to a controlled landfill system, particularly that it is more environmentally friendly. meanwhile, the government provided the best facilities by building a new well-coordinated exhaust system. this project cost idr 195 bil lion and the large budget for this development was successfully covered by partnerships forged with the central government and international organizations. although some of the activities and innovations mentioned above have been implemented, malang city needs to develop and perform continuous education about clean cultures, such as sorting waste types starting at the household level, taking out refuse on time, and not engaging in littering. agile people and process in waste management basically, dynamic governance emphasizes two main compo nents, which are dynamic capabilities and organizational culture. meanwhile, the two driving components are human resources and the process of changing various adaptive policies towards dynamic governance (figure 5). therefore, the core driving or instrumental forces are agile people and the process of forward and repeated thinking, which is done across mindsets to pro duce adaptive and innovative policies (pajri, 2018). the human resource capacity of managing and adapting the waste management mechanism determines the success of waste reduction in malang city. a more agile transformation of hu man resources will impact agile work culture and vice versa. the agile principle first appeared as a response to changes in infor mation technology, and the framework was implemented by pri vate organizations or companies (jovanoviæ et al., 2017). although the application of this framework in an organization is expected to increase work creativity and reduce environmental impact 322 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 323 (bouguerra et al., 2019), use in public organizations is currently unclear (hong & kim, 2020). figure 5. dynamic governance of integrated waste management source: adopted from (neo & chen, 2007) based on the description above, agile people and processes are two important factors in realizing adaptive policies, and are influenced by external and future conditions. (hong & kim, 2020) described that the application of agile government has been explained by scholars. they generally agreed that although the agile government is a global agenda, its main attributes were yet to be formed. there are two major views, among others, which are business agility studies and agile development studies s (hong & kim, 2020). consequently, the point of drawing an agile frame work in waste management is to create better services and poli cies through improving bureaucratic structures, processes, behav ior, and culture (purwanto, 2019). changing behavior and work culture is difficult, as there are many influencing factors, one of which is the education level of the concerned human resources, who are important actors and jurnal studi pemerintahan the main driving force of change. based on these facts, the au thors present information about the condition of human re sources in two leading waste management office sectors in malang city. table 2. the number of civil apparatus and education background 324 institution number of civil apparatus undergraduate degree precentage the office of environmental services office of public works and spatial planning, housing, and settlement 835 70 % 108 75 % source: badan pusat statistik kota malang, (2020) and other resources the data above encompasses only employees of the state civil apparatus and does not include contract or casual daily employees (thl). at the malang city environmental service office as of may 2020, there were 108 non-permanent employ ees (ptt) and 410 operational support personnel (tpok). in table 1, it can be seen that the percentage of workers with under graduate degrees ranges between 70-75%. although it is not the only main factor, it affects human resources viewing waste man agement as a new and innovative paradigm. for the record, an agile waste management policy lies in the bureaucracy’s ability to change (purwanto, 2019). it means, the human resource capac ity of implementing policies is a key actor in changing the cur rent conditions. as an effort to change the old paradigm of discarded waste, several breakthroughs were made by the government through gass or the movement for waste and sediment disposal. this movement invites all elements of the community and civil appa ratus (asn) in malang to clean up or pick up trash and sedi ments at river points where trash is often found. it is reinforced by one of the agile principles in waste management, which is adopting a citizen-centered approach (purwanto, 2019). good cooperation between government apparatus and the community vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 325 provides optimism for reducing waste in the city. the govern ment also has the authority to force its citizens to agree with rules (sudibyo et al., 2017). meanwhile, waste management in malang has used sanitary landfill technology at supit urang’s final disposal site (fds). a sanitary landfill was an effort by malang municipality to think strategically in realizing environmental sustainability (bouguerra et al., 2019). it was implemented to manage a large amount of waste in fds supit urang, as shown in table 4, and is renewed by implementing waste to energy (wte), which is much more beneficial for the surrounding community. table 3. malang city waste per year no. year total volume per year waste per year 1. 2016 378,746 m3 3.220,22 tonnes 2. 2017 379,413 m3 3.226,13 tonnes 3. 2018 295,784 m3 4.488,54 tonnes 4. 2019 303,456 m3 4.044.00 tonnes source : technical implementation unit of supit urang final disposal site, 2020 in various waste management practices in several countries, waste disposal has two methods (banerjee & sarkhel, 2020) : 1). the first level is the household waste collection, wds, and fds without processing via dumping, sanitary landfill, incineration, or converting waste into energy even though sanitary landfills and wte mechanisms have been developed. meanwhile, the implementation of waste to energy is the support result from the office of public works and spatial planning, housing, and settle ment, and the energy generated from waste processing is used by mulyorejo villagers through a generator pipe. processing waste into energy is also supported by the mayor’s commitment, which is an interest because the volume of waste is considered large enough by the government, in this case, the mayor. they appealed for the waste to not only become landfills but also for the execution of processing efforts, such as waste recycling centers, compost houses, and a waste bank. although jurnal studi pemerintahan the implementation is still suboptimal, these efforts must be encouraged, as has been done by the iranian city government, which manages waste into renewable energy using three meth ods, recycling, composting, and landfilling (esmaeili, 2019). the most city people still litter, mostly by producing house hold waste, which is collected to the waste dump site due to the absence of sorting or processing. in a study conducted by (alzamora & barros, 2020), it was found several cities in devel oped countries are required to pay back certain amounts of waste produced by every individual to increase public awareness about community waste management. meanwhile, the waste manage ment practice in kampala, uganda, has a policy that every com munity is required to report their waste production via sms ev ery week (buntaine et al., 2020). this method is different from the waste management characteristics in indonesia, which fi nances it through general taxes, and involves no other special obligations for the community. meanwhile, this technique is dif ficult to practice in the malang community. it was noted from observations that there is still much house hold waste dumped in several rivers in malang city and the wa terways are also subject to waste disposal by the community. at the neighborhood or hamlet level, there are not many waste banks that can separate the types of community waste, which makes it easier to process. the impact often occurs when heavy rains on the highway and several residential areas in some small areas in malang experience flooding. therefore, regarding the agile frame work, the citizen-centered approach requires more attention from the municipality to reduce waste problems. conclusion the optimal application of the dynamic governance model in malang city’s waste management, through an emphasis on agile people and process, can contribute to solving the solid waste problems in the community. malang municipality, as a waste management pilot project, has the opportunity to partner with 326 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 327 an international organization from germany (kwh) to use sani tary landfill technology. it has also issued several policies, such as increasing the provision of solid waste facilities, and so on, to solve the problem. however, in practice, waste banks are some of the facilities that are improperly attended, and the approach to the community has also not been optimal in reducing waste from the smallest scope, which is the household. although the practice of agile government in malang waste management has been implemented with several principles, it will not be able to significantly reduce the waste problem. there fore, municipalities need to increase solid waste facilities by pro viding waste banks in each neighborhood and adding new fds facilities in the city. furthermore, municipalities need to learn from several waste management processes in other countries and make laws obliging that waste is a personal responsibility to be managed optimally. even if the community cannot afford it, the government can enforce it by automatically imposing a special waste tax on each payment. finally, the citizen-centered approach must be continuously improved to increase the community’s collective awareness. acknowledgment the authors would like to thanks the universitas muham madiyah malang for the funding of this research 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(2017). municipal solid waste management in indonesia a study about selection of proper solid waste reduc tion method in d.i. yogyakarta province. energy procedia, 143, 494–499. https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.egypro.2017.12.716 supriyadi, s., kriwoken, l. k., & birley, i. (2000). solid waste management solutions for semarang, indonesia. waste management & research, 18(6), 557–566. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0734242x0001800606 wibisono, h., firdausi, f., & kusuma, m. e. (2020). municipal solid waste management in small and metropolitan cities in indonesia: a review of surabaya and mojokerto. iop conference series: earth and environmental science, 447. https://doi.org/10.1088/ 1755-1315/447/1/012050 yandra, a., utami, b. c., & husna, k. (2020). distortion of government policy orientation in public-private partnership (ppp). policy & governance review, 4(1), 40–54. https:/ /doi.org/10.30589/pgr.v4i1.172 330 https://doi.org/10.1080/%2023276665.2019.1592845 https://doi.org/%2010.1080/23276665.2019.1694236 https://doi.org/10.1177/0734242x18785722 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s1876610217364809 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s1876610217364809 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s1876610217364809 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0734242x0001800606 https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0734242x0001800606 https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1755-1315/447/1/012050 https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1755-1315/447/1/012050 https://journal.iapa.or.id/pgr/article/view/172 https://journal.iapa.or.id/pgr/article/view/172 layout desember 2008 116 menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 muhtar haboddin jurusan ilmu pemerintahan universitas brawijaya, malang. email: muhtar_76@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the strengthening of identity politics in the local domains happens together with political decentralization. post-enactment of law 22/1999, identity politics movements is more clearly . in fact, many actors both local and national politics are consciously using this issue in the power-sharing. this research use literature review as method in analysis. identity politics in riau, central kalimantan, west kalimantan and irian jaya, which is become the focus of this study, are show how strength this issue. this issue used by political actors when dealing with other political entities. keywords: identity politic, local politic actor, power distribution abstrak menguatnya politik identitas di tingkat local terjadi bersamaan dengan politik desentralisasi. pasca penetapan uu no. 22/1999, gerakan politik identitas semakin jelas. faktanya, banyak aktor baik lokal dan politik nasional menggunakan isu ini secara intens untuk pembagian kekuasaan. penelitian ini menggunakan studi pustaka sebagai analisanya. politik identitas yang terjadi di riau, kalimantan tengah, kalimantan barat dan irian jaya, yang menjad focus kajian dalam artikel ini, menunjukkan kuatnya isu ini. isu ini digunakan oleh aktor politik ketika melakukan negosiasi dengan entitas politik lainnya. kata kunci: politik identitas, aktor politik lokal, pembagian kekuasaan. pendahuluan dengan nada provokatif cornelis lay (2003) menulis: jakarta berkata, 117 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ akulah indonesia. sebuah kalimat yang menunjukkan bahwa jakarta sangat perkasa. bahkan jakarta bisa secara terang-terangan mengidentikkan dirinya sama dengan indonesia. propaganda politik semacam itu sangat cocok tatkala negara ini masih dikelola dengan semangat otoriter-sentralistik di bawah kepemimpinan soeharto. namun seiring berjalannya waktu, format tata kelola pemerintahan berganti yakni dari otoriter-sentralistik menjadi desentralisasi-demokratik— kalimat yang bernada jakarta berka-ta, akulah indonesia patut dipertanyakan relevansinya dalam konteks politik indonesia kontemporer. mengapa demikian? karena sejarah pengelolaan pemerintah pasca orde baru mencatat, bahwa beberapa daerah sudah menunjukkan dirinya untuk melakukan perlawa-nan maupun gugatan terhadap eksistensi jakarta pada khususnya dan indonesia pada umumnya. hal ini nampak sebagaimana diekspresikan oleh beberapa daerah seperti riau dan kalimantan yang meminta merdeka di satu sisi. sementara di sisi yang lain papua dan aceh masih diselimuti keinginan yang kuat untuk memisahkan diri dari bingkai negara kesatuan republik indonesia (nkri). nada gugat maupun perlawanan empat daerah ini terhadap dominasi pemerintah jakarta berimplikasi pada pola pengaturan kewenangan antara pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah. sebagai contoh, pemberian otonomi khusus kepada papua dan aceh. pemberian otonomi khusus jakarta kepada dua daerah tersebut, sama dengan merayakan kekalahan dan memudarnya kekuasaan jakarta terhadap daerah. bersamaan dengan memudarnya kekuasaan jakarta terhadap daerah. bangsa ini pun kembali tersentak dengan munculnya gerakan kedaerahan dengan mengambil setting politik etnisitas yang merupakan bagian dari politik identitas sebagai basis gerakan politiknya. bahkan, disinyalir oleh banyak pengamat bahwa gerakan politik identitas kian banyak dipakai oleh para politisi dan penguasa di tingkat lokal untuk mendapatkan kue kekuasaan, baik bidang politik maupun ekonomi. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal bersamaan dengan politik desentralisasi. pasca pemberlakuan uu no. 22/1999, gerakan politik identitas semakin jelas wujudnya. bahkan, banyak aktor politik lokal maupun nasional secara sadar menggunakan isu ini dalam power-sharing. di provinsi riau, kalimantan tengah, kalimantan barat dan irian jaya menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 118 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang secara nyata menunjukkan betapa ampuhnya isu ini digunakan oleh aktor-aktor politik, ketika berhadapan dengan entitas politik lain. oleh karena itu, politisasi identitas yang dilakukan oleh para elit lokal di empat daerah benar-benar dikreasi sedemikian rupa supaya mereka yang awalnya tersingkir dari pusat-pusat kekuasaan bisa masuk dan menikmati kekuasaan. tentu saja, cara kerja dari proyek politik identitas di empat daerah diekspresikan dalam bentuk yang bervariasi. pertama, politik identitas dijadikan basis perjuangan elit lokal dalam rangka pemekaran wilayah terjadi di provinsi kalimantan barat dan irian jaya. kedua, politik identitas yang dicoba ditransformasi ke dalam entitas politik dengan harapan bisa menguasai pemerintahan daerah sampai pergantian pimpinan puncak. atau dalam istilah gerry van klinken (2007) disebut elit lokal yang mengambilalih seluruh bangunan institusi politik lokal. hal ini terjadi di provinsi riau—kalimantan tengah—kalimantan barat dan irian jaya. ketiga, politik etnisitas digunakan untuk mempersoalkan antara ‘kami dan mereka’—‘saya’ dan ‘kamu’—sampai pada bentuknya yang ekstrim ‘jawa’ dan ‘luar jawa’—‘islam’ dan ‘kristen’. dikotomi oposisional semacam ini sengaja dibangun oleh elit politik lokal untuk menghantam musuh ataupun rival politiknya yang notabene ‘kaum pendatang’. poin ini terjadi di empat provinsi. keempat, politik identitas dimobilisir untuk mendapat simpatik pemerintah yang lebih di atasnya. dalamnya politisasi identitas di ranah lokal sebagaimana digambarkan di atas merupakan realitas politik yang harus diterima sekalipun dengan nada cemas. mengapa cemas? karena, ketika politisi identitas sudah terlanjur didemontrasikan, sangat sulit untuk dikendalikan apalagi dikembalikan pada tempatnya semula. karena itu, perlu dicarikan jalan tengah supaya penggusuran aktor politik—aktor ekonomi dan para birokrat tidak terjadi maka perangkat pengaturan power-sharing antar etnis—agama—suku perlu dilaku-kan. kerangka konseptual yang bisa ditawarkan dalam mengatasi rivalitas dan konflik di tengah menguatnya politik identitas di empat daerah tersebut adalah apa yang disebut arend lijphart (1977) sebagai consociational democracy. bahkan, ilmuwan sekaliber henk schulte nordholt dan gerry van klinken (2007) dalam pengantar buku politik lokal di indonesia dan afan gaf far (1990) masih meyakini bahwa demokrasi konsosiasional bisa mengurangi konflik identitas di ranah lokal. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 119 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tulisan ini akan memaparkan bagaimana proses menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal khususnya di provinsi riau—kalimantan tengah— kalimanta barat dan irian jaya berlangsung. pertama-tama, makalah ini akan memaparkan gagasan teoritik mengenai politik identitas, dilanjutkan dengan pelacakan apa penyebabnya. pada bagian yang lain, dipaparkan pula praktek-praktek politik identias pada masa orde baru yang tidak diberi ruang alias ditabukan oleh pemerintah tetapi pada masa reformasi politik identitas malah menguat. sebelum ditutup, tulisan ini memberikan jalan tengah perihal penataan politik identitas sebagai jalan keluar yang bisa dilakukan oleh para aktor politik di tingkat lokal. kerangka teoritik 1. identitas politik politik identitas mendapat tempat yang istimewa beberapa tahun terakhir. dalam studi pasca-kolonial politik identitas sudah lama digeluti. pemikir seperti ania loomba, homi k. bhabha dan gayatri c spivak adalah nama-nama yang biasa dirujuk. mereka dirujuk karena sumbangsihnya dalam meletakkan politik identitas sebagai ciptaan dalam wacana sejarah dan budaya. sementara dalam literatur ilmu politik, politik identitas dibedakan secara tajam antara identitas politik (political identity) dengan politik identitas (political of identity). political identity merupakan konstruksi yang menentukan posisi kepentingan subjek di dalam ikatan suatu komunitas politik sedangkan political of identity mengacu pada mekanisme politik pengorganisasian identitas (baik identitas politik maupun identitas sosial) sebagai sumber dan sarana politik. pemaknaan bahwa politik identitas sebagai sumber dan sarana politik dalam per-tarungan perebutan kekuasaan politik sangat dimungkinkan dan kian mengemuka dalam praktek politik sehari-hari. karena itu para ilmuwan yang bergelut dalam wacana politik identitas berusaha sekuat mungkin untuk mencoba menafsirkan kembali dalam logika yang sangat sederhana dan lebih operasional. misalnya saja agnes heller mendefinisikan politik identitas sebagai gerakan politik yang fokus perhatinnya adalah perbedaan sebagai suatu kategori politik yang utama. sedangkan donald l morowitz (1998), pakar politik dari univeritas duke, mendefinisikan: menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 120 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politik identitas adalah memberian garis yang tegas untuk menentukan siapa yang akan disertakan dan siapa yang akan ditolak. karena garis-garis penentuan tersebut tampak tidak dapat dirubah, maka status sebagai anggota bukan anggota dengan serta merta tampak bersifat permanen. baik agnes heller maupun donald l morowitz memperlihatkan sebuah benang merah yang sama yakni politik identitas dimaknai sebagai politik berbedaan. konsep ini juga mewarnai hasil simposium asosiasi politik internasional di selenggarakan di wina pada 1994. kesan yang lain dari pertemuan wina adalah lahirnya dasar-dasar praktik politik identitas. sementara kemala chandakirana (1989) dalam artikelnya geertz dan masalah kesukuan, menyebutkan bahwa: politik identitas biasanya digunakan oleh para pemimpin sebagai retorika politik dengan sebutan kami bagi “orang asli” yang menghendaki kekuasaan dan mereka bagi “orang pendatang” yang harus melepaskan kekuasaan. jadi, singkatnya politik identitas sekedar untuk dijadikan alat memanipulasi—alat untuk menggalang politik—guna memenuhi kepentingan ekonomi dan politiknya”. pemaknaan politik identitas antara kemala dengan agnes heller dan donald l morowitz sangat berbeda. kemala melangkah lebih jauh dalam melihat politik identitas yang terjadi pada tataran praktis. yang biasanya digunakan sebagai alat memanipulasi—alat untuk menggalang politik guna kepentingan ekonomi dan politik. namun, pada bagian yang lain, argumen kemala mengalami kemunduran penafsiran dengan mengatakan bahwa: dalam politik identitas tentu saja ikatan kesukuan mendapat peranan penting, ia menjadi simbol-simbol budaya yang potensial serta menjadi sumber kekuatan untuk aksi-aksi politik. pemahaman ini berimplikasi pada kecenderungan untuk: pertama, ingin mendapat pengakuan dan perlakuan yang setara atau dasar hak-hak sebagai manusia baik politik, ekonomi maupun sosial-budaya. kedua, demi menjaga dan melestarikan nilai budaya yang menjadi ciri khas kelompok yang bersangkutan. terakhir, kesetiaan yang kuat terhadap etnistas yang dimilikinya. selain tiga kecenderungan di atas klaus von beyme (dalam ubai abdillah, 2002) menyebutkan ada tiga karakteristik yang melekat pada politik identitas, yakni; gerakan politik identitas pada dasarnya membangun kembali “narasi besar” yang prinsipnya mereka tolak dan menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 121 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ membangun suatu teori yang mengendalikan faktor-faktor biologis sebagai penyusun perbedaan–perbedaan mendasar sebagai realitas kehidupannya; dalam gerakan politik identitas ada suatu tendensi untuk membangun sistem apartheid terbalik. ketika kekuasaan tidak dapat ditaklukkan dan pembagian kekuasaan tidak tercapai sebagai tujuan gerakan, pemisahan dan pengecualian diri diambil sebagai jalan keluar; kelemahan dari gerakan politik identitas adalah upaya untuk menciptakan kelompok teori spesifik dari ilmu. sebagai contoh, tidak seorangpun yang bisa menolak bahwa seorang hitam atau seorang sarjana wanita bisa jadi telah mempunyai pengalaman yang membuat mereka sensetif dalam kasus-kasus tertentu menyangkut hubungan dengan kelompok yang lain. dari tiga kriteria tersebut, selanjutnya von beyme (dalam ubed ubdillah,2002) membuat analisis lanjutan dengan melihat politik identitas melalui pola gerakan, motivasi dan tujuan yang ingin dicapai. hasil dari analisis von beyme digambarkan melalui tabel berikut: tabel model politik identitas sumber: ubed abdilah, 2002; 147 2. konsep etnisitas dari sudut pandang etimologis, etnis berasal dari bahasa yunani ‘ethnos’ yang berarti ‘penyembahan’ atau pemuja berhala’. di inggris, terminologi ini digunakan mulai pertengahan abad xiv yang dalam perjalanannya mengalami reduksi ke arah penyebutan karakter ras. sementara di amerika serikat, terminologi ini digunakan secara massif pada saat perang dunia i sebagai penghalus penyebutan bangsa-bangsa yang dianggap inferior. meskipun terjadi perbedaan pandangan mengenai etnis, namun ditangan para ilmuwan politik konsepsi mengenai hakekat menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 122 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ etnisitas dimaknai dua hal: pertama, pembacaan realitas perbedaan bentuk penciptaan, yaitu wacana batas yang bersifat oposisioner dan dikotomis. kedua, suatu konstruksi pemahaman yang didasarkan atas pandangan dan bangunan sosial. etnis merupakan konsep relasional yang berhubungan dengan indetifikasi diri dan askripsi sosial. dua makna ini bisa kita tarik sebuah pemahaman bahwa etnisitas selalu akan terbaca sebagai realitas perbedaan yang selalu dipandang dikotomis dalam mengidentifikasi diri. karena itu identitas etnis relatif sulit diubah karena pemahaman ini dibangun di atas persamaan darah (kelahiran), warna kuliat, kepercayaan yang mencakup ‘suku’, ‘ras’ , ‘nasionalitas’ dan ‘kasta’. 3. melacak politik etnisitas di indonesia jika bangunan pikir prof. henk s nordholt (2007) diikuti sudah barang tentu kesimpulannya akan berkata bahwa politik identitas merupakan bentukan dari negara orde baru. pandangan ini senada dengan rachmi diyah larasati yang mengatakan bahwa ‘negara sangat berperan dalam pembentukan politik identitas’. dua pandangan menguatkan pemahaman kita bahwa politik etnisitas merupakan kreasi negara yang monumental dalam rangka pelabelan warga negaranya. pelabelan ini menjadi penting dalam urusan politik pengaturan atau bisa juga sebagai politik kontrol negara terhadap warganya untuk mengetahui ‘siapa lawan’ dan ‘siapa kawan’. pengaturan dan kontrol negara terhadap warganya tidak berhenti sampai di sini. menurut pandangan henk (2007) ada empat kebijakan yang dijalankan orde baru untuk melemahkan politik itnisitas di tanah air. pertama, tidak ada daerah yang asli. maksud semua daerah terbuka sebagai daerah migrasi maupun transmigrasi sehingga semua komunitas tercerabut dari akar sosio-kultural dan politiknya. kedua, pemerintah orde baru menghindari terbentuknya kelas karena itu persoalan sara dikontrol sedemikian ketat. dan yang berhak menggunakan sara hanya pemerintah dalam menjastifikasi kelompok mana yang bersalah dan dikucilkan relasi sosial-politiknya. ketiga, modernisasi dijalankan supaya pengaruh etnis dan agama merosot. keempat, negara mengatur supaya jangan ada yang tumpang tindih antara agama dan suku. karena dengan menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 123 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cara ini persatuan tidak pernah ada dan pemerintah pusat tidak terancam. keempat kebijakan diatas, mempunyai implikasi politis yang sangat besar dalam pengelolaan relasi pusat dengan daerah, pemerintah dengan rakyatnya. karena itu gairah etnisitas dan agama tidak lagi menjadi tempat orang mengespresikan diri secara politik dan mengungkapkan diri secara budaya, tetapi akan berubah menjadi tempat orang menyembunyikan diri secara politik dan mencari keamanan diri secara budaya. pilihan politik maupun budaya masyarakat menutup diri merupakan jalan terbaik dalam mengikuti jejak langkah politik kekuasaan orde baru. karena itu ketika negara sudah mengalami pelemahan basis materialnya maka masyarakat meminjam istilah henk (2007) mencari perlindungan pada kelompok agama maupun etnistas. pencarian perlindungan masyarakat kepada etnisitas maupun agama cepat atau lambat akan membahayakan posisi pemerintah dalam bangunan relasi vertikalnya tetapi juga rawan, rentan, penuh resiko dan sangat berbahaya dalam relasi horizontalnya. ternyata, dugaan ini benar adanya. aneka konflik yang terjadi di ranah lokal, pada 1995-an hingga orde baru rontok membuktikan betapa dahsyatnya kekerasan politik di tanah air. benturan yang berbau politik identitas tidak hanya mempermalukan para penguasa tetapi juga para cendekiawan-ilmuwan yang selama ini merasa optimis bahwa agama, ras dan suku bangsa akan segera hilang kekuatannya karena sudah mengalami pencerahan dan kemajuan. pada kenyataannya optimisme itu meleset karena mereka lupa bahwa sentimen-sentimen primordial yang sejak semula telah ada dan akan selamanya tetap bertahan—bahkan identitas kelompok akan mengguncang tatanan politik yang selama ini diduga kokoh bangunannya. pengamatan lucian w pye (1993) terbukti, goncangan politik karena ledakan politik etnisitas sudah kita rasakan pengaruhnya. celakanya negara absen dalam melindungi warganya. hal ini nampak dalam pertikaian dayak-madura, peristiwa kekerasan politik mei 1998 di jakarta, pengusiran etnis buton-bugis dan makassar (bbm) di ambon. selain berbau kekerasan sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas politik etnisitas juga hadir dan mengental dalam era politik desentralisasi. pencarian politik etnisitas, baik kolektif maupun individual menjadi sumber paling mendasar dan bermakna untuk menduduki jabatan-jabatan strategis di menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 124 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ daerah. karena itu, para politisi di daerah sedang sibuk membangun masa lalu yang mereka miliki, lalu energi mereka kerahkan untuk memproyeksikan bangunan masa lalu itu ke masa depan guna memperkuat rasa dan perasaan atas etnisitas mereka. dengan demikian, gerakan dapat “diperluas” dan “dilestarikan” dengan pagar-pagar pembatas untuk dapat dirayakan sembari menjaga jarak dengar orang lain yang berbeda dengan mereka. realitas empiris dari gerakan politik etnisitas menemukan relevansinya dibeberapa daerah, misalnya politik etnisitas yang mengandalkan mobilisasi massa dengan tujuan akhir adalah perampasan kekuasaan muncul dalam mengiringi politik desentralisasi dengan lahirnya konsepsi putra daerah. metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka sebagai cara untuk melakukan analisa sehingga diperoleh hasil yang bisa dipertanggungjawabkan secara ilmiah. sebuah argumentasi perlu didukung dengan data dan kajian ilmiah agar bisa dipertangungjawabkan. untuk itulah maka penelitian ini menggunakan studi pusatka untuk mendukung argumentasi yang dibangun. hasil dan analisis 1. praktek politik etnisitas era orde baru sekalipun orde baru sangat terkenal kuat dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahan bukan berarti pemerintah ini tanpa gejolak. kekecewaan masyarakat lokal terhadap pemerintah mempercepat munculnya bibit ketegangan yang dikonsolidasikan dalam bentuk politik identitas. di irian misalnya, kecemburuan masyarakat setempat begitu tajam dalam tubuh birokrasi. sementara di riau, isu putra daerah semakin mengemuka. dambaan supaya daerahnya dipimpin oleh putra daerah sendiri sangat diimpikan dan merasuk dalam perjuangan politik bagi politisi daerah. a. dominasi pendatang dalam birokrasi: kasus papua cerita irian adalah cerita tentang ketidakberdayaan—keterbelakangan penduduk aslinya. ketidakberdayaan atau kerbelakangan entah disengaja atau tidak mempunyai implikasi pada posisi dalam pemerintahan. bahkan realitas menunjukkan terjadinya penguasaan birokrasi oleh kaum menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 125 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pendatang. hal ini dibenarkan syansuddin haris (1999) dalam indonesia di ambang perpecahan. ia menulis: selama bergabung dengan indonesia dominasi birokrasi etnis non irian terjadi baik di provinsi maupun di kabupaten. implikasinya adalah peranan orangorang irian dalam pengambilan keputusan mengenai mereka sendiri terasa termarginalkan. pembinaan aparatur dari pusat maupun daerah dipandang tak menghasilkan putra daerah irian. bahkan pejabat di pemda maupun di kantor wilayah departemen teknis di daerah provinsi dan kabupaten ternyata diisi oleh orang-orang non irian. dominasi non-irian ini pada akhirnya hanya menghasilkan kebijakan, penyelesaikan masalah politik dan sebagainya yang cenderung mengabaikan kepentingan rakyat irian. dominasi semacam ini melahirkan dua bentuk kekecewaan. pertama, membangkitkan rasa solidaritas yang merupakan perasaan terintegrasi yang dialami oleh segenap individu sebagai bagian dari suatu kelompok. kedua, kekecewaan itu pada akhinya diekspresikan meminjam syamsuddin haris “dengan keinginan memisahkan diri dari nkri”. atau gerakan rakyat pribumi yang menuntut merdeka dari indonesia. implikasinya adalah para penduduk asli mengeksploitasi kebijakan pemerintah yang tak berkeadilan, lalu mereka mencari legitimasi historis tentang ketidakabsahan penggabungan irian dengan bumi indonesia. usaha mempersoalkan legitimasi bisa dibaca sebagai usaha membangun politik kesukuan dalam kerangka mendapatkan akses dan pembagian sumberdaya baik ekonomi maupun politik. sumber daya di bidang politik nampak dengan munculnya usulan bahwa seluruh struktur dan lembaga politik di irian jaya, baik eksekutif maupun legislatif—80% harus dikuasai oleh orang-orang papua sehingga perasaan sebagai bagian dari indonesia tidak akan pernah hilang dan mereka bisa memainkan peran yang besar dalam pengambilan keputusan diberbagai bidang. lebih lanjut disebutkan bahwa sistem ini berfungsi secara efektif dengan berpartisipasinya orang-orang papua untuk menghilangkan pikiran dan perasaan negatif. ditambahkan pula dengan munculnya gerakan dari pejabat pemerintah setempat akan ‘pentingnya menjadi tuan di atas tanah sendiri’. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 126 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ b. isu putra daerah di riau sudah lama memang isu putra daerah berhembus dalam perebutan kekuasaan di ranah lokal. menurut ryaas rasyid fenomena ini sudah mulai nampak pada era 1990-an dengan merujuk pada: “.... kecenderungan beberapa daerah untuk mengutamakan putra daerahnya dalam proses rekrutmen untuk jabatan-jabatan pemerintahan. inilah adalah gejala yang sudah mulai tumbuh sejak awal tahun 1990-an, walaupun pada masa itu perhatian masyarakat di daerah lebih banyak terfokus kepada figur calon kepala daerah (gubernur, bupati, walikota). jakarta sendiri, keinginan masyarakat betawi untuk memperoleh gubenur dari kalangan mereka sendiri sudah sejak lama. hal yang serupa juga melatarbelakangi pengantian gubernur bangkulu, jambi, sulawesi tengah, irian jaya, maluku dan riau, untuk menyebut beberapa kasus, dari figur yang sebelumnya bukan kalangan ‘putra daerah’ ke figur baru yang putra daerah”. dari sekian banyak jumlah daerah yang ngotot mengusung putra daerah adalah riau akan dijadikan objek kajian dalam tulisan ini. yang merupakan representasi dari masa pemerintahan orde baru. alasannya adalah karena daerah ini mempunyai bobot perlawanan yang kuat dan unik terhadap pemerintah pusat sekalipun perlawanan riau berakhir dengan kekalahan. kekalahan riau melawan pusat bermula pada keinginan sebagian besar politisi dan masyarakatnya untuk menjadikan putra daerahnya sebagai gubernur. keinginan ini sudah lama digaungkan oleh para politisi daerah dan menemukan momentumnya pada bulan september 1985, yang waktu itu ismail suko adalah putra daerah yang menjadi salah satu calon gubernur, karena periode imam munandar sudah habis satu periode dan mau memasuki periode kedua. ismail suko yang pada wakti itu menjabat sebagai sekretaris dewan. sekalipun jabatannya hanya sekwan, ismail punya dukungan yang kuat, baik di dprd maupun masyarakat luas. dua entitas inilah yang punya peran penting dalam mendesak pemerintah pusat supaya mendukung ismail. kuatnya arus dukungan dari dprd nampak ketika anggota dprd, melakukan kudeta terharap imam munandar yang mendapat dukungan dari golkar, beni murdani dan soeharto namun dalam pemilihan dprd memenangkan ismail suko. sembilan belas orang dari golkar membelok dan memberikan suaranya untuk ismail suko. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 127 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ismail suko menang dalam proses demokrasi prosedural. kemenangan secara demokratis ini mendapat penolakan yang serius oleh pemerintah. dengan segala cara pemerintah pusat termasuk beni murdani dan soeharto waktu itu menekan daerah supaya ismail suko mengundurkan diri. bahkan dengan menghalalkan segala cara pun dilakukannya. misalnya dengan menggunakan militer, polisi dan termasuk berbagai preman dimanfaatkan untuk menteror, menekan sampai mengancam dengan senjata. perilaku penggunaan kekerasan semacam ini membuat dendam politik orang melayu terhadap jakarta. bagi penulis peristiwa politik riau bisa dipandang sebagai ‘pemberontakan’ terhadap pusat di bawah rezim yang represif waktu itu, riau berani ‘melawan’ kehendak pusat dan mendukung ‘putra daerah’ sebagai calonnya sendiri. atau bisa juga kita tafsirkan sebagai ekspresi kekesalan masyarakat lokal terhadap kesewenang-wenangan pusat 2. reformasi dan menguatnya politik etnisitas politisasi etnis menguat kembali semenjak reformasi digulirkan dan desentralisasi politik dijalankan. syarif ibrahim alqadri, sosiolog dari universitas tanjungpura secara tegas mengatakan bahwa era reformasi yang mengantarkan bangsa ini ke arah keterbukaan, demokratisasi, otonomi daerah dan desentralisasi telah melahirkan kembali dan memperkuat kesadaran etnis. dan, kesadaran etnis yang bersifat keluar yang melahirkan etno nasionalisme, dan keinginan bebas dari penguasaan dominasi dan eksploitasi pemerintah pusat. jika alqadri mengajukan tesisnya bahwa kesadaran etnis melahirkan keinginan bebas dari penguasaan dominasi dan eksploitasi. maka arrochman mardiansyah membalik logika itu dengan mengatakan bahwa kebangkitan kembali kesadaran politik etnik mengandung keunikan, originalitas, kecil sebagai fondasi baru bagi sebuah pengaturan politik yang “adil” dan “absah” kerangka pikir mardiansyah patut diberi catatan. sebab realitas politik menunjukkan bahwa penguatan kesadaran politik etnisitas dibeberapa daerah sama sekali berbeda dan tidak menunjukkan terbangunnya fondasi baru yang mengarah pada pengaturan politik yang adil. tetapi, justru sebaliknya. dalam artian menguatnya kesadaran politik etnisitas memungkinkan terjadinya penggusuran—pengambilalihan—dan menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 128 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemonopolian jabatan-jabatan strategis di ranah lokal. a. isu putra daerah di kalimantan barat semenjak reformasi digulirkan di kalbar terjadi kebangkitan politik etnisitas yang diperankan antarelit dayak dan melayu. kebangkitan dan keberhasilan etnis dayak membuat etnis melayu cemas. mereka khawatir akan ditinggal-dimusuhi dan dilewati oleh orang-orang dayak yang sedang bergerak menuntut supaya putra daerah menjadi pemimpin kepala daerah. tuntutan ini meskipun pada awalnya datang dari etnis dayak namun dikalangan melayu juga merespon sama. kesamaan persepsi dan tujuan pada pembuat akhirnya dikalangan elit politik dari kedua etnis tersebut memutuskan untuk membagi kekuasaan. khususnya jabatan bupati untuk masing-masing etnis. jadi, ada semacam power sharing. dalam prakteknya, apabila orang dayak menjadi bupati, maka orang melayu ditempatkan sebagai wakilnya—begitu pula sebaliknya. hal ini sudah terjadi di kab. sintang dan ketapang. penjelasan yang sama juga dibenarkan henk schulte nordholt dan gerry van klinken (2007) dalam bukunya politik lokal di indonesia. menurutnya: “semenjak pemilihan bupati 1999 telah terjadi power sharing antara orangorang melayu dan dayak. kedua kelompok etnis berhasil mencapai pengertian mengenai daerah kuasa mereka masing-masing. dalam kabupaten yang mempunyai satu kelompok etnis dominan, bupatinya berasal dari kelompok etnis tersebut. itulah yang terjadi di bengkayang dan landak yang didominasi dayak, dan di sambas dan pontianak yang didominasi melayu. di kabupaten-kabupaten dengan komposisi etnis berimbang, misalnya di ketapang dan kampuas hulu, yang diharapkan adalah kepemimpinan campuran”. sementara pengamat yang lain mengatakan, bahwa di sanggau, bengkayang dan pontianak ada asumsi yang berkembang bahwa kalau pemerintahan dipegang oleh orang dayak-melayu, segala urusan bisa selesai. dari penjelasan ini jelas bahwa yang terjadi adalah perimbangan etnisitas. sebuah solusi politik jangka pendek, yang dalam perjalanannya menemukan beberapa kendala. ambil contoh pada bulan oktober 1999, sebelum pemilihan anggota faksi urusan daerah di mpr sudah ada kesepakatan untuk memilih dua orang melayu, dua orang dayak dan satu dari etnis china. pembagian diyakini sebagai cerminan jumlah suku menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 129 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan kekuatan masing-masing di kalbar. namun apa yang terjadi? yang terpilih adalah orang dayak islam di kalangan dayak. akibatnya, gedung dprd di pontianak di demo dan nyaris dibakar. orang melayu dan dayak bentrok. untungnya kerusuhan ini dapat dipadamkan dan tidak disebarluaskan. b. isu putra daerah di kalimantan tengah apa yang terjadi di kalbar juga terjadi di kalimantan tengah (kalteng). hanya saja penguatan politik etnisitas di kalteng dimonopoli oleh etnis dayak untuk menghalau orang pendatang. karena itu isu putra daerah dikampanyekan secara massif. hal ini terjadi karena orang-orang dayak merasa disingkirkan secara sistematis yang notabene ‘penduduk asli’ kalteng. bahkan orang-orang dayak dibikin sedemikian rupa untuk tinggal dan menjadi penonton ketika alam dan kampung halaman mereka dijarah oleh pemimpin yang datang dari luar. karena itu ide agar putra daerah menjadi tuan di kampung sendiri menjadi suatu keharusan sejarah. implementasi tentang pentingnya putra daerah menjadi pemimpin menyebar begitu cepat di kawasan kalteng. bahkan masyarakat dayak dengan gagah perkasa menggugat dan menolak eksistensi warsito rusman menjadi gubenur kalteng, itu dikarenakan selain dipaksakan dari atas, juga tidak sesuai dengan aspirasi masyarakat kalteng. karena itu tampilnya teras narang selaku gubernur kalteng tidak hanya disambut dengan suka duka karena memenuhi hajak orang dayak tetapi juga merupakan babakan baru untuk melebarkan penguasaan jabatan-jabatan bupati oleh putra daerah di beberapa kabupaten. di kota waringin barat (kobar) geliat putra daerah sangat kencang diperjuangkan. harian kalteng post memberitakan: “berikan kesempatan kepada putra daerah kobar untuk menjadi pemimpin di daerahnya sendiri’. selanjutnya, “tokoh masyarakat yang bertemu pangdam mayjen sm suwisma, meminta agar mengabulkan dan merestui keinginan masyarakat kobar yang menghendaki seorang pemimpin bupati dari putra daerah”. pemaksaan kehendak untuk menampilkan putra daerah dinilai sangat emosional dan sentimen kedaerahan sangat menonjol dalam mengikuti ritme proses-proses politik di tingkat lokal. keinginan untuk menaklukan kekuasaan begitu besar pengaruhnya dalam dinamika lokal di kalteng. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 130 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hanya saja yang perlu diwaspadai adalah muncul petualang politik yang ikut bermain dengan mengobarkan semangat era putra daerah. c. isu putra daerah di riau kekalahan putra daerah riau pada masa orde baru tidak menyurutkan langkahnya untuk tetap memperjuangkan isu putra dearah. isu putra daerah di riau menjadi bahan diskusi politik paling hangat. bahkan isu putra daerah bukan hanya milik pada tingkatan elit, tapi juga merembes pada tingkatan masyakarat akar rumput. eporia masyarakat riau terjadi ketika berhasil mendudukkan putra daerah menjadi gubernur pasca rontoknya kekuasaan soeharto. tatkala jabatan gubernur di pegang putra daerah. berlahan-lahan tapi pasti orang-orang riau menginginkan jabatan bupati. sekarang gubernur— bupati sudah berada ditangan putra daerah. itu pun dianggap belum puas oleh gerakan putra daerah akhirnya masuk di jabatan camat maupun desa. ternyata orang riau juga rakus kuasa. setelah pucuk-pucuk pimpinan secara vertikal dikuasai oleh putra daerahnya. penguasaannyapun terus diperlebar dan diperbesar dengan target selanjutnya adalah jabatan-jabatan temasuk di dinas, kabag dan kantor serta merambah ke perusahaan-perusahaan swasta pun direbut oleh mereka. gerakan putra daerah di riau merupakan gambaran tingginya politisasi ‘isu putra daerah’ untuk menguasai semua lini jabatan-jabatan strategis baik di level pemerintahan maupun level swasta. gerakan ini tergolong dahsyat dalam pengelolaan politik desentralisasi. d. isu penguasaan sumber daya ekonomi perkembangan ekonomi pasar berskala global dewasa ini telah mendorong berbagai kelompok masyarakat kembali bernaung dalam ikatan tradisi dan solidaritas yang lingkupnya lebih kecil. misalnya kesukuan, agama, kedaerahan dan berbagai golongan berdasarkan strata ekonomi, muncul dan mengekspresikan tuntutannya tanpa kompromi, melawan segara objek atau kekuasaan yang dianggap menganggu kelangsungan hidupnya. untuk kasus kalimantan barat yang mayoritas masyarakatnya etnis dayak telah lama melakukan perlawanan terhadap perusahaan. sentimen menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 131 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ etnis dayak terhadap perusahaan yang mengesploitasi hutan sudah berlangsung. bahkan perlawanannya pun dengan menggunakan kekerasan sebagaimana ditulis oleh pratikno. pertama, melalui pengrusakan dan pembakaran base camp, jembatan dan fasilitas perusahaan oleh masyarakat setempat ketika pemerintah daerah dan pt lingga tejawana tidak peduli dengan tuntutan mereka. kedua, pembakaran kantor utama, gudang, perumaham karyawan, bengkel, generator dan alat-alat berat, milik pt bantana jiaya karena tidak kunjung merealisasikan janji mereka terkait dengan pelibatan warga dalam penanaman sawit dan kredit kepada masyarakat. karakter keras orang-orang dayak dalam mengekspresikan tuntutannya sangat berbeda dengan masyarakat riau. perjuangan masyarakat riau untuk mendapatkan hak-hak ekonomi yang lebih adil dilakukan dengan cara terorganisir dan damai. meskipun pemintaannya tidak mudah dikabulkan oleh pemerintah pusat tetapi semangat dan tekanan lokal terus dilakukan untuk memaksa pusat merealisasikan permintaannya. hasilnya cukup mengesankan dalam rapbd riau 1999 mendapat 251 miliar meningkat pada tahun 2000 menjadi 756 miliar. seiring dengan berjalannnya waktu di bawah kepemimpinan sang putra daerah saleh djasit pemasukan riau bertambah besar yakni 3,9 triliuan. pemasukan ini sangat wajar dan cukup berasalan karena riau adalah salah satu daerah kaya sumberdaya alamnya. 3. menata politik etnisitas kebangkitan politik etnisitas di ranah lokal sebagaimana dijelaskan di atas, tentu saja butuh pencermatan yang lebih serius. karena kalau tidak, akan terjadi gesekan dan pertentangan yang maha dahsyat untuk indonesia ke depan. karena itu indonesia yang plural dari sisi etnisitas menimbulkan pertanyaan dapatkan masyarakat yang multi-etnik ada tanpa konflik yang berarti dikalangan kelompok-kelompok etnis yang berbeda? jawaban atas pertanyaan di atas adalah demokrasi konsosiasional. karena demokrasi konsosiasional menyarankan agar semua aktor yang ada di dalam masyarakat melakukan kerjasama antara etnisitas. demokrasi konsosiasional mengharapkan berbagai kelompok etnis itu saling merembes secara teritorial dan genetika. sedangkan dari sudut pandang menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 132 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politik demokrasi konsosiasional berusaha menciptakan suasana harmonis antar etnis dengan menerapkan dua nilai penting, yakni. pertama, tidak terdapat susunan kelompok hirarkis sehingga tidak ada kelompok yang dominan atau yang mengeksploitir yang lainnya. kedua, terdapat pembagian kekuasaan politik yang sama dan semua kelompok etnis terwakili secara proporsional di dalam strukur kekuasaan. dua nilai yang ditawarkan dalam demokrasi konsosiasional tentu saja membutuhkan prasyarat dan aturan main yang harus ditaati oleh semua komunitas yang begitu plural pembilahan sara-nya di beberapa lokal. ada empat prasyarat menurut lijphart (1997) dalam mempraktekkan demokrasi konsosiasional di ranah lokal. pertama, kemampuan dan kemauan untuk mengakui bahaya-bahaya instabilitas yang merupakan inheren dalam masyarakat yang tingkat fragmentasi dan polarisasi sosialnya tinggi. kedua, memerlukan adanya komitmen untuk memelihara nationstate yang ada. artinya para tokoh masyarakat harus mempunyai keinginan untuk mencegah adanya kemungkinan disintegrasi daerah. ketiga ada kemampuan untuk mengangkat persoalan antar sub kultur masing-masing cleavages ke tingkat yang lebih tinggi. keempat ada kemampuan untuk menempa usaha mencari penyelesaian yang tepat guna memenuhi tuntutan dari masing-masing sub kultur, dengan ditemukannya aturan main yang jelas serta pada tingkat kelembagaan yang tepat. aturan main merupakan hal yang sangat esensial dalam demokrasi konsosiasional. adapun aturan mainnya mencakup: politics is not a game, it is a business. artinya proses politik hendaknya ditujukan untuk mencapai hasil, bukan untuk melihat siapa yang kalah dan yang menang; agree to disagree. artinya setiap sub kultur harus mengakui ada perbedaan yang tajam dalam hal-hal tertentu, misalnya ideologi, sehingga tidak perlu ada pemaksaan dari satu ideologi atas ideologi yang lain; summit mooting. yang dimaksudkan disini adalah diplomasi pada tingkat puncak. memang akan ada peranan yang besar dari para pemimpin, akan tetapi hal ini ditujukan untuk meredam konflik sehingga tidak meluas. peranan mereka adalah menemukan persamaan supaya tercapai konpromi; proportionality. artinya sub-kultur akan memperoleh porsi kekuasaan dan konsekuensikonsekuensinya sesuai dengan proporsi kekuatan yang dimiliki; depolitization. artinya, bahwa dalam memberikan argumen hendaknya menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 133 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ argumen. tersebut tidak selalu diwarnai oleh sentimen politik agar emosi massa dapat diredam; secrecy. maksudnya adalah bahwa para tokoh harus mampu membatasi dan menjaga kerahasiaan dari apa yang telah diputuskan tidak perlu dibawa ke masyarakat, dengan demikian sentimen politik dapat dikurangi dan negosiasi mudah untuk dilaksanakan. model demokrasi konsosiasional ala arend lijhart (1997) cocok untuk pengelolaan politik identitas indonesia ke depan. tawaran ini membuka kebekuan dan sekat-sekat politik primordial sedang marak di ranah lokal. pengadopsian demokrasi konsosiasional akan mengikis pandangan oposisi biner yang selama ini dijalankan oleh para elit untuk menggapai kekuasaan bisa diminimalisir. politik itnisitas yang di bangun di atas fondasi politik perbedaan tidak lagi sebagai sesuatu yang terpisah atau dari yang lain dan masing-masing berdiri sendiri. homi k bhabha menganjurkan terjadi ruang negosiasi identitas cultural yang mencakup perjumpaan dan pertuakaran budaya untuk menghasilkan pengakuan timbal-balik. tawaran bhabha menarik, hanya saja belum terbukti. sementara tawaran arend lijhart dengan demokrasi konsosiasional terlepas dari cacat bawaannya sudah teruji dalam penataan politik identitas khususnya di eropa barat, misalnya di negara kanada, belgia dan swis. bahkan van den berghe mengemukakan bahwa swis adalah contoh terbaik bagi keharmonisan etnistitas. selanjutnya dengan nada berkelar van den berghe mengatakan “jika negara ini tidak ada, maka negara ini perlu ditemukan”. ia berkata demikian karena kemampuan swis dalam menata negaranya yang multi etnis. kesimpulan penguatan politik etnisitas merupakan potret diri dari pergulatan politik lokal. sebuah potret yang berwajah ganda. wajah pertamanya berwujud dengan putra daerah sebagaimana terjadi di kalimantan barat, riau, papua dan kalimantan tengah, tetapi wajah lainnya dari politik identitas bisa berwujud pada perjuangan untuk mendapatkan alokasi dana dari pemerintah pusat. dimana proses desentralisasi politik ternyata diiringi dengan isu putra daerah. sebuah isu yang sarat makna dan sangat mengkhawatirkan bukan hanya proses demokrasi lokal akan terancam, menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 134 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tetapi juga menjadi petunjuk memudarnya semangat nasionalisme. daftar pustaka afan gaffar.1990. “teori empirik demokrasi dan alternatif pemikiran tentang pelaksanaan demokrasi pancasila” dalam akhmad zaini abar (peny) beberapa aspek pembangunan solo: ramadhani cornelis lay. 2003. ‘otonomi daerah dan keindonesiaan’ dalam a. gaffar karim (ed) kompleksitas persoalan otonomi daerah di indonesia. yagyakarta, pustaka pelajar dan ilmu pemerintahan, ugm, donald l morowitz.1998. “demokrasi pada masyarakat majemuk’”. dalam larry diamond dan mars f plattner. nasionalisme, konflik etnik dan demokrasi bandung. itb pres. gerry van klinken.2007. peran kota kecil. jakarta. yoi dan kitlv. henk s nordholt. 2007. “less state, more democracy”. kuliah umum yang diselenggarakan jip dan s2 plod di fisipol ugm pada tanggal 27 april. henk schulte nordholt dan gerry van klinken. 2007. politik lokal di indonesia. jakarta. yoi. jumadi. 2003. “fenomena etnis dalam proses rekruitmen elit politik lokal: kasus pemilihan bupati dan wakil bupati kabupaten ketapang kalbar 2000-2005”. yogyakarta. tesis s2 ugm. kemala chandakirana. 1989. “geertz dan masalah kesukuan”. jakarta. prisma no. 2/1989. lucian w pye. 1993. “pengantar”. dalam harold r isaacs. pemujaan terhadap kelompok etnis jakarta yoi. syamsuddin haris (ed.). 1999. indonesia di ambang perpecahan. jakarta. erlangga. siti zuhro. 1999. “riau dan otonomi daerah”. dalam syamsuddin haris (ed.,). indonesia di ambang perpecahan, jakarta. erlangga. ubed abdilah.2002. politik identitas etnis. magelang. indonesiatera menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 layout desember 2008 297 ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 i putu sastra wingarta national security agency (lemhanas) republic of indonesia. email: sastrawing@yahoo.co.id irwan abdullah cultural sciences of gajah mada university yogyakarta. emai; iabdullah@ugm.ac.id djoko suryo cultural sciences of gajah mada university yogyakarta. email: djoko98@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract globalization and its threat continuously endanger bali, an island with natural and cultural uniqueness, as well as one of the 33 provinces in indonesia. this study aims to find out, how big a threat that endangers the contemporary bali, and the role of ‘jengah’ (selfconsciousness) to face the globalization. it is found in the research that ‘jengah’ and its value transformation in it gives positive contribution to face the threat and those values can guarantee the sustainability of bali uniqueness in the future. the research was conducted at bali province government or ‘pemprov bali’. the research showed that by transforming the ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) values, bali province government succeeded in improving its good governance as well as the apparatuses sense of nationalism. the values also gave the positive impact to prevent the swift threat on bali uniqueness. 298 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keywords: ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness), value transformation, and contemporary bali abstrak globalisasi dengan kandungan ancamannya, terus mendera bali dalam kapasitasnya sebagai sebuah pulau dengan keunikan alam dan budaya yang dimiliki, yang saat ini menjadi salah satu provinsi dari 33 propinsi di indonesia. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui, seberapa besar ancaman yang mendera bali kontemporer, serta peran jengah dalam menghadapinya. ditemukan dalam penelitian ini, jengah dengan transformasi nilai-nilai yang dikandungnya berkontribusi positif dalam menghadapi ancaman itu serta mampu memberikan jaminan kelangsungan masa depan bali dengan keunikan yang dimilikinya. penelitian ini dilakukan terhadap lingkungan pemerintahan provinsi atau pemprov bali, yang menunjukkan bahwa dengan melakukan transformasi terhadap nilainilai jengah, pemprov bali berhasil meningkatkan good governance-nya serta nasionalisme aparaturnya, yang mampu memberikan dampak positif dalam upaya menangkal derasnya ancaman terhadap keunikan yang dimiliki bali. kata kunci: jengah, transformasi nilai, dan bali kontemporer introduction to maintain bali with its culture and natural resource uniqueness is the biggest and endless problems faced and handled by the bali government and stakeholders. globalization, considered as the black sheep which erode the cultural uniqueness and natural resource preservation in bali, is actually a natural dynamic of a change along with its content in the nature that cannot be prevented by any force, unless it is dealt appropriately and wisely to be in line with the life purpose. hindu bali society believes in their cultural and natural uniqueness that always gives them life and ways to live that fit with the hindu teachings. the concept of ‘tri hita karana’ or three reasons leading to the happiness in hindu teaching, by creating the life equilibrium between human and human, human and the nature as well as human and god the creator, is the concept to achieve the ‘moksartham jagatdhita ya ca iti dharma’ or the inner and outer as well as in this world and afterlife happiness based on the ‘dharma’ or truth and benevolence. by applying the ‘tri hita karana’ concept according to the hindu teaching, it is believed that life can be lived properly. the concern to maintain bali’s future with its cultural and natural uniqueness from the globalization threat is the never ending problems faced by bali. the concern arise since there is an awareness and understanding that bali is something unique of an island, which nowadays is as ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 299 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ one of the 33 provinces in indonesia with the bali hindu as the majority, among the indonesian moslem majority, along with the global universal values. the concern on bali’s future with its uniqueness is an ongoing concern since the dutch colonialism. the proof is on the dutch colonial government attitude by creating programs to save the bali religion and culture. the program was called ethical politics (ethische politiek). on the contrary, gouda (2007) said that the ethical politics applied in the 1920s is a fake politics (in indonesian proverb ‘musang berbulu ayam’ or ‘serigala berbulu domba’). it seemed that the dutch colonial understand and appreciate much the meaning of the local custom and tradition, but actually it is as the stalking horse to their hidden agenda to colonize and take the possession of the local resources. in the ethical politics implementation, the dutch colonial collaborated with the ‘puri’ or kings and regain their role to manage the society so that the dutch colonial can protect themselves from being in contact with the native people, which was very ineffective and inefficient, exhausting as well as risky. the ethical politics is the politics that regain the role of ‘puri’ or kings to carry out their social life based on the bali custom and culture, which previously was under the dutch colonial control using the direct role by implementing the modern dutch colonial ways at that time. this ethical politics made the feudalism practice prosper where this practice only gave benefit to the colonial side and a small group of bali people from the ‘puri’ or kings clans. this political ethics did not give answer to bali’s importance at that time, guaranteed the inner and outer welfares with the concept of ‘tri hita karana’. gouda (2007) stated that the ethical politics as the enforcement of mandatory employment that is more feudal for the very poor farmer on the reason to protect this island from the christian missionaries to maintain the authentic bali culture to be inherited for the next generation with its all artistic glory. this kind of situation and condition put the balinese into an irritated attitude collectively. the farmers suffered losses a lot with the implementation of such politics. the reasons from the ethical politics to preserve the nature and culture, where it was considered that the modernization is as the serious threat to the sustainability of the balinese life in the future, were not followed by the actions to make the people prosperous. in fact, the imple‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 300 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mentation of this politics put the poor people into poorer condition because of the discriminative practice and exploitation from the capitalists and the feudal toward the people. after the entire of bali area was put under the dutch colonial kingdom in the early 20 century, the dutch colonial government aroused again the traditional caste of the “exotic” balinese hindu by regaining the ancient name system and put the authority back to the island descended ruler. therefore, the colonial civil employee could take the protection behind the shoulders of balinese people with high caste who used their traditional raise freely. they extended the land occupancy so that they put 94% of the island inhabitants without caste (kasteloos) into loses (gouda, 2007: 159.161.163). the dutch colonial had a very sharp observation in seeing the weak point of the balinese social system to be used for their own benefit. using the ethical politics, the dutch colonial government could limit the possibility of the open opposition politics from the balinese community. the ethical politics stimulated the political and social conflicts within the balinese community themselves, especially along the caste and class pedigree as well as within the ‘puri’ circle. this condition did not motivate the solidarity to fight the dutch. in 1920s for example, there were debates on the special privilege of caste among the educated common people (‘sudra’ caste) and the conservative representatives of other three higher castes (tri wangsa) (robinson, 2005: 20-21). the phenomena happened continuously until the revolution era and after the independence even though the debates were often done underground. the topic was about preserving bali with its unique nature and culture, but the implementation still used the ethical politics essence that did solve the basic problem to provide prosperity to all bali people based on the concept of ‘tri hita karana’. the awareness upon this condition and situation triggered and motivated the critical attitude of the current balinese or contemporary balinese community. they are in opposition to the discriminative practices from the capitalists and feudal people in this current democratic system. there were a certain reasons why the dutch colonial choose and use the ethical politics as the strategy to run the government in their colo‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 301 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nized country. it had something to do with the effort to weaken the internal balinese community strength by creating the never ending political and social conflict within themselves, especially concerning the pedigree of the castes and classes in the balinese graded system. focusing the attention to face the internal conflict made balinese community did not have solidarity to fight the dutch colonial who was very malicious and never stopped to seize bali resources. with its capital strength, the dutch colonial as the capitalist, could apply the ethical politics smartly to get the most benefit from bali natural resources especially from the farming products. they got the farming products from the ‘sudra’ farmers or ‘jaba wangsa’, and also from the slaves that belonged to ‘sudra’ caste. this phenomenon and paradigm still exist currently in the contemporary bali nowadays with the different form of capitalists. previously the capitalists were the colonial as the state actor, and now they become the non-state capitalists who take control toward the most balinese people who are poor and do not have capital. theoretical framework there are a lot of researches done to study the paradigm phenomenon of ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) attitude within the implementation of the ethical politics in bali society. the earlier researches that have similar result with this research are the researches done by howe (2005), robinson (2005), gouda (2007), kembar kerepun (2007), wijaya (2009), and atmadja (2010). after the bali bombing i in 2002 and bali bombing ii in 2005, ‘ajeg bali’ is continuing to be declared. almost all of balinese, from the lower to the higher class, talk about ‘ajeg bali’, which means any effort to protect and preserve bali culture from the outside party intervention. the echo of ‘ajeg bali’ is so high because of the huge contribution given by biggest and most influencing media in bali that most of the stocks belong to balinese. however, in “mencintai diri sendiri, gerakan ajeg bali dalam sejarah kebudayaan bali 1910-2007” (self-love, the ‘ajeg bali’ movement in the balinese cultural history 1910-2007), it is stated in the summary that ‘ajeg bali’ is the one-sided efforts from the organic intellectuals who get the freedom to talk by the ruler to create new symbols of the multi-fac‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 302 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ eted culture in order to preserve the balinese culture. the efforts are done by creating bali as the concrete noun belonged to the hindu bali people, so that any culture created and combined with bali should be considered as the inheritance of the hindu civilization generated from the golden age of the bali kings, where the ‘jaba wangsa’ marginalization is hidden. based on these facts, there is a refusal and opposition from the internal bali community, especially from the ‘jaba wangsa’ side. the concept not only marginalizes the ‘jaba wangsa’ but also it departs from the universal democratic life principles that are marked by egalitarianism. during a century, from 1910 until recently in 2010, there are tracks on the ‘ajeg bali’ movement that focuses on any activities to preserve the balinese culture, but there are veiled attempts to maintain the security of the ideology, politics, economy, and social culture of a certain group of people that collide between one another. furthermore, in “ajeg bali, gerakan, identitas, dan globalisasi” (‘ajeg bali’, movement, identity, and globalization)’ it is stated that the contemporary balinese society is sick now because of various diseases due to the negative attacks of the globalization and modernization (high modernism) since bali is the tourist destination. on the other hand, atmadja asks balinese not to only blame the globalization and modernism. the most important thing is that how to overcome the entanglement of the global-white culture. balinese community should lose their bound to the market religion, consumerism, hedonism, individualism, and other ‘-isms’. in the this context, the hindu religion is very important since the dimensions in its teachings are not only in the ritualistic dimension but also the intellectual, social, ideological, and experiential ones (atmadja, 2010:501). atmaja focuses the self-consciousness of the balinese themselves, who are in bound with the market ideology. the dependency of the balinese to the newcomers is very high, starting from the dependency to the barber from madura, construction workers and har vest labor from banyuwangi as well as other sectors left by balinese so the comers take them. atmaja really demand the self-consciousness attitude from the balinese to pay attention to the globalization and modernism that contain the threat to the uniqueness of the bali culture and nature. from the explanation above, it is known that some studies have the ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 303 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ similarity and differences with this study. the similarities are on the concerns on the bali future with its uniqueness, but it is different on the phenomenology methods, its scope and site of the research. the earlier research does not reveal thoroughly the role of the self-consciousness to guarantee the sustainability of the bali future with its uniqueness that is in line with the hindu teachings. considering on how interesting it is to view the balinese phenomena to face the globalization and modernism as well as the universal values in it that beset bali before the independent day until the present time, it is important to conduct the research on the role of self-consciousness to neutralize the negative impact of the globalization and modernism toward cultural base of the bali uniqueness in accordance with the hindu bali teachings. this research was conducted to the bali province government. the things that should be identified in this research are the bali characteristics with its uniqueness and its capacity as the tourist destination, the government condition with its development challenges to prosper the people. it is also important to explain that the development dynamics conducted by the bali province government in its capacities as the tourist destination brings the consequences or invite various social diseases in the society, deeper social gap, and away from the ‘tri hita karana’ concept leading to ‘moksartham jagatdhita ya ca iti dharma’. furthermore, based on the identification of the problems above, the problem formulation is as follows: how the self-consciousness values are transformed in the bali province government that influences the realization of the good governance in its governmental system, and then how the transformation of the self-consciousness values brings the nationalism practice in the province government apparatus, how the development results are achieved by conducting the self-consciousness values transformation that can guarantee the sustainability of bali in the future with its uniqueness. based on the above problem formulation, the aims of this research are to find out how the self-consciousness values are being transformed to become the feasible good governance and nationalism practice. the researcher is interested to study more whether the self-consciousness values correlate positively with the performance or practice of the good governance and the nationalism practice. the researcher’s interest to study ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 304 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ more on the self-consciousness role o face the negative impact of globalization is in line with many balinese statements. the community leaders, officials, and academicians believe that the self-consciousness is needed to face the global competitive era because the self-consciousness attitude is believed as the attitude that can strengthen individuals to have qualified performance. research methods this paper is an explorative research that study about the self-consciousness and the value transformation as a way to bali good governance. the method to collect the data use the primary data from the interviews and the secondary data from the literature research that related to this study, for example from the books, magazines, and laws. the analysis technique in this research applies the descriptive analysis of the primary and secondary data by the data triangulation to summarize the data. result and analysis to face the globalization era, bali that has culture and custom uniqueness is required to be wise in addressing the negative impact of the globalization, despite of the positive things in it. especially because bali is the tourist destination that should be open to the outer world with its culture that brings influence. the concern is related to the uncontrolled ‘tri hita karana’ concept because of the over intervention of the worldly/secular interest rather than hereafter interest. bali is a small island of 5.636,66 km square wide or 0,29 % of the indonesian area. it is one of the 33 provinces in indonesia that depend a lot on the tourism sector. because of its unique nature and culture, bali has its own attractiveness in the tourism sector and it also becomes the national mainstay tourism. else, because of its excellence in the tourism sector, bali is in the cross road in facing its future. tourism becomes the double-edge sword that put bali in dilemmatic situation between the source of livelihoods and the destruction of bali culture and nature. the cultural tourism and tourism culture pull each other. the understanding of the ‘tourism culture’ that is translated as a culture that put the tourism as the perspective, leave the culture as the ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 305 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ slave of the tourism. for the sake of tourism, bali generic culture is sacrificed. the local wisdom that prize the nature and environment preservation to realize the ‘tri hita karana’ concept becomes the victim of tourism that demand the development of various infra structure that marginalize the nature and environment preservation. the desire to make bali as the cultural tourism or tourism that is built upon the cultural perspective only remains as the slogan and utopia. based on the rationale above, the self-consciousness attitude from the balinese is very important, especially for its local government apparatus that has significant role in bali development, starting from the planning until the control. 1. bali, government, and its development challenges bali, instead as an island, is also one of the 33 provinces in indonesia. as a tourism destination island, bali is well known in the national and international level. its popularity is proven by its name such as the island of gods, the island of paradise , the island of thousand temples, the morning of the world and the its newest name is the island of love after the film starred by julia roberts entitled eat, pray, love took bali as its location in 2010. bali is divided into 8 regencies and one city, 57 sub-districts, 715 villages, and 1483 ‘desa pekraman’ and 3625 ‘banjar pekraman’. there is something unique in bali government system because it combines the national system like sub-district and village and the traditional system based on the custom that is protected by the laws like ‘desa pakraman’ and ‘banjar pakraman’. ‘desa pakraman’ is a custom law based community at bali province that is unified in the hindu tradition and manners passed by generations in the bound of ‘kahyangan tiga’ or ‘kahyangan desa’ that has its own area and property therefore they have the right to manage their own household (article 1 no. 4 of the bali province local regulation number 3/2001 about ‘desa pakraman’). ‘banjar pakraman’ is a community as a part of ‘desa pakraman’. therefore, ‘desa pakraman’ is the hindu bali community organization that is based on the shared inhabitant and spiritual religious area that form a very basic relationship and social interaction pattern in bali society. article 6 of the bali local government no 3/ 2011 arrange the ‘desa pakraman’ that has authority to: resolve the cus‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 306 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tom and religious dispute within their area by considering the harmony and tolerant between the ‘krama’ villages that is in line with ‘awig-awig’ and the local custom; participate in every decision making to do the development in their area, especially the one that correlates with ‘tri hita karana’. each ‘desa pakraman’ should get along with the existing ‘tatwa’ (philosophy) and ‘dresta’ (regulation). it also has its own autonomy to conduct its own way (desa mawa cara), which is stated in the rules or regulations applied in each village (desa) called ‘awig-awig’ that may different from one ‘desa pakraman’ to another. this is the factor that makes bali very vulnerable to have conflict especially the conflict on the behalf of the custom that originated from the different ‘awig-awig’ (regulation) of the different ‘desa pakraman’. it will even get worse when the conflict is infiltrated by different political and economical interest. even the tourism investors blemish the philosophy concepts from the bali hindu teachings, which becomes the way of life in ‘desa pakraman’ like “paras-paros”, sagilik-saguluk, salunglung sabayantaka” (consensus agreement). the practices in ‘desa pakraman’ today should be able to protect, develop, and preserve the bali cultural values to be used in all sectors development especially in the religious, cultural, and social sectors in bali. on the other hand, those practices are also already blemished by the secular interest, which contradicts with the culture that bases its consideration on the heavenly factors along with the religious values. the result is that there are a lot of conflicts between ‘desa pakraman’ and ‘banjar pakaraman’ on the behalf of the custom, which actually have political and economical motive as well as to serve the tourism investors. in addition to the custom conflicts or conflict on behalf of the custom in bali at present, tourism in bali got criticism from a time magazine journalist named andrew marshal in april 2011. he wrote about the disappointing bali tourism in his article entitled “holidays in hell: bali’s ongoing woes”. marshal expressed his regret when taking holiday in bali as taking holiday in hell because of the drawbacks that bali has as the world class tourist destination. marshal highlighted the poor infrastructure in bali such as the availability of the clean water, rotating blackout, piles of garbage, sewage overflow, poor plant treatment, traffic jam like in ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 307 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ jakarta, indonesian capital city. even though jero wacik, the minister of culture and tourism, did not agree with marshal’s criticism, but bali governor, made mangku pastika, appraised the critics positively to improve the quality of bali tourism in the future. mangku pastika (mp) as the head of government asked balinese and government employees to be self-conscious in responding the criticism. “don’t be angry”, he said. bali province government is the institution that is responsible to follow up marshal’s criticism. when bali governor, mangku pastika, invites balinese to be self-conscious, the province government apparatus should be the first to exhibit their deeds. moreover, marshal’s criticism is actually the iceberg phenomenon of many problems and challenges faced by bali so far. the existing problems makes bali further leave the ‘tri hita karana’ concept and away from the life philosophy leading to ‘moksartham jagatdhita ya ca iti dharma’ condition meaning to have physical and spiritual as well as in the world and hereafter happiness based on ‘dharma’ or the truth and benevolence. not all of the universal values that emerge into bali life fit the balinese culture that emphasize on the religiosity based on the hindu teachings. the development problems include the garbage disposal, clean water, population explosion, traffic jam, transportation, infrastructure development, security such as roaming dogs in the streets that may cause rabies, anarchy demonstration, and hoodlum, inter balinese conflict and balinese and non-balinese conflict, social diseases, poverty and unemployment. 2. self-consciousness and its values transformation for good governance practice many hindu teachings or values are expressed and become bali values. one of them is ‘jengah’ or self-consciousness. in sanskrit, it is called ‘hrih’ means “having a feeling of being humble”. the feeling of humble has correlation with the ‘sloka’ in ‘bhagavadgitha’, when arjuna refused to have a battle with kurawa. at that time, kresna gave suggestion to arjuna not to do a disgraceful deed, as a knight who refused to go to the battle. the battle was to fight the ‘adharma’ (bad deed) in order to maintain the ‘dharma’ (righteous). aplying ‘jengah’ or self-consciousness is as if going to the battle (urip sekali di perang) or ‘jihad’, which has similarity to ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 308 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ protestant ethic and tokugawa ethic. ‘jengah’ is successful when there are achievements, victory, and the discovery of ‘dharma’ way that leads to glorifying the god. in the cultural context, ‘jengah’ means having the spirit to make the innovation to arise from the downturn. ‘jengah’ is the basic of the dynamic trait as the base of any changes in the community life. the dynamic traits correlate with the efforts to survive the life. the dynamic traits lead to the tenacity. this is in line with the definition of tenacity formulated by national security agency of indonesian republic. (lemhanas ri). the national security is a dynamic condition of the integrated entire nation life aspects that contain the tenacity and toughness to face the threat. the dynamic condition can be achieved by doing changes that in line with situation and condition while the tenacity and toughness is the same as the feeling and action of ‘jengah’. the change is a possibility to guarantee the viability. bandem (2006) said that the culture that is rigid and cannot adjust with the change will be vanished. bali holds various problems in applying the ‘tri hita karana’ concept in its development that may have the potential to ruin it. to avoid the downfall, bali should apply ‘jengah’ and bali should change. the comment on the change: “…is a process where we can move from one prevailing condition to another desired condition, done by the individual, groups of people and organizations to respond the dynamic strengths internally or externally” (cook, 1997:530 in winardi, 2008:39). winardi (2008) continued that the prevailing condition or the current condition is not satisfying; therefore the change is needed to achieve the desired condition. the desired condition is about fulfilling the society needs and performing good governance. to be able to do so, the balinese and bali local government should do the transformation based on the ‘jengah’ values. bali province government is the most responsible institution to guarantee balinese life with the ‘tri hita karana’ concept. under bali governor, mangku pastika and puspayoga, the government implements the transformation of the ‘jengah’ values by conducting the clean and open, responsive, and responsible governance. it is found in this research that bali governance has already implemented the clean and open governance, executed the programs like performing the integrity agreement in the ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 309 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ government apparatus circle in order to develop the moral agreement not to do disgraceful things in performing the duty. the local government apparatus also succeed to improve the quality of the financial administration management from ‘disclaimer’ into ‘wajar dengan perkecualian (wdp)’ (reasonable but with the exception), and the efforts to change the work custom and habits that are ineffective and inefficient into motivation to improve their performance by combining ‘jengah’ as the local wisdom with the modern management, similar to what mario teguh, a motivator, and hermawan kertajaya, a marketing expert, said. it is also found in this research that bali province government conducts the responsive governance by implementing various innovative programs. responsive government is the government that is able to listen and understand the grassroots aspiration. mp-puspayoga government has high commitment to do such a thing. in other words, the mp-puspayoga government applying ‘jengah’ concept makes serious efforts to serve the society or applies the ‘pick up the ball’ concept in overcoming the problems. there are programs that motivate the government apparatus to use their day off at the weekend, saturday and sunday, to do the social activities to reduce the poverty. the other programs are social communication called ‘simakrama’ and the retirement and employee rationalization policies as the examples of the responsive programs to realize the good governance. this research also discovers that the bali local government to conduct the good governance applies the prime programs. the programs aim to become the affirmative policy from the bali province government to the society. the prime programs like bali green and clean, bali organic, bali mandara health insurance program (jkbm), simantri program (integrated farming system), bedah rumah (house renovation) bali mandara jamkrida (regional credit guarantee) shows the responsibility of the bali province government as the agent who must guarantee the security and prosperity of the people. all of them lead to the good governance. the programs are initiated by mp-puspayoga government as the prime programs in order to apply ‘jengah’ to be responsible to realize the security and prosperity. ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 310 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. ‘jengah’ and its values transformation for the nationalism practices when the nationalism means grand solidarity by ernest renan who does not know the ethnic, religious, descendant differences, but it is the matter of common people who really appreciate the equity and equality as the bases of the democratic life, the nationalism in bali becomes difficult to realize. the difficulties come from the community class system that is formed based on the descendant. it makes difficult for the bali society to apply the social system as expected in the democratic life. it is very difficult to build grand solidarity, as needed in the nationalism, because of the classes based on the descendant called caste. therefore, when nationalism as the new ideology offered to substitute the feudalism and imperialism, the bali nationalist make serous efforts to build the grad solidarity based on the spirit and shared goals. contemporary bali continuously undergoes this condition that demand the use of the modern management in their democratic system among the tradition, culture, and religion that still implement the multi-layered society. bali government experienced this kind of situation during the early government system. however, this research found that there are efforts to change or at least not to mix-up the multi-layered society system and the modern management practice in the government institution. the bali province government lead by made mangku pastika realizes the condition that makes them to be self-conscious and ask the government apparatus to face the condition rationally, proportionally, and professionally without arising new problem because touching the tradition, culture, and religion. nationalism with the principle of solidarity demand unity and integrity to achieve the shared goals. te goals, of course, are the better condition compared to the previous time. so, everybody must be self-conscious. mp uses this consciousness as the guide to control his government. in addition, this research also discover the bali province efforts to improve the government apparatus performance by make them realize the nationalism formulated by weber. almost all of the apparatus come from balinese ethnic. it is said that the nationalism is something that “…closely related to the ‘prestige’ interest…..maintaining the group ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 311 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ uniqueness….or at least not to change the cultural values that should be preserved and improved by maintaining the group excellence” (weber, 2009:211). by emphasizing on that kind of nationalism, all bali apparatus should improve their performance by conducting the innovative programs like self-consciousness programs to build the solidarity, to erase the feudalism and negative client-patron, and programs to sustain bali. in the self-conscious program to build the solidarity, there are selfconscious programs to build the struggle, to progress and be modern, to become the icon of the governor and vice governor who are considered as the couple from two different castes, from the common people and noble descendant, united together to conduct the duty for bali as part of the indonesian republics. the dichotomy of the caste system is prevented to emerge in the bali province management system in the joint self-conscious program to erase the feudalism and negative client-patron, this research discover the implementation of the modern management program to avoid the practices of feudalism negative client-patron that is common in balinese community system. this condition is closely related with the multi-layered system that still exists in balinese traditional community. bagus (1970) said that the multi-layered system is known by ‘triwangsa’ and ‘jabawangsa’. ‘triwangsa’ and ‘jabawangsa’ are the fur layers of the society differentiated based on the caste concept. ‘tri wangsa’ includes ‘wangsa (or caste) brahmana, ksatria, dan wesya, while ‘jaba wangsa’ is ‘sudra’ caste. this multi-layered society is the tradition of the balinese and maintained by the dutch colonial through their ethical politics. the dutch colonial with their ethical politics can get the advantage from this multi-layered system, at least in running the slavery programs and slave trade. the dutch colonial can get the slave from the ‘sudra’ caste or ‘jaba wangsa’ that reach up to 85% of the entire bali people. bali people should accept this multi-layered system based on the descendant as the life fate along with the consequences. balinese hindu who comes from ‘sudra’ caste or ‘jabawangsa’ should accept their fate as the slaves who are ready to be traded or work without payment. this system supports the feudalism. at the early republic of indonesia independence that offers the nationalism on the bases of equality to substitute the feu‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 312 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalism, most of balinese, the ‘jabawangsa’ ones, accept gladly the offer. some ‘triwangsa’ caste also supports the eradication of feudalism. wijaya (2009) gives definition on ‘tri wangsa’ and ‘jabawangsa’. ‘jaba wangsa’ is the ancient bali noble, while ‘tri wagsa’ is the new bali noble. these groups are bounded by history demarcation at the time before and after majapahit rule in bali. during the dutch colonial, the social system use the system inherited by the majapahit rule and the dutch colonial put the ‘tri wangsa’ as the groups who have better right and higher privileges than the ‘jaba wagsa’ or ‘sudra wangsa’. made kembar kerepun (2007) discusses about the caste meaning in his book “mengurai benang kusut kata, membedah kiat pengajegan kasta di bali”. the social conditions as well as the multi-layered system in bali give opportunity to maintain the feudalism and client-patron practices in the current demand of the modern management and local government. bali province government decides to put aside the influence of feudalism practices and not to mix-up the modern management bureaucratic system in bali province government with those practices. in the self-conscious program to sustain bali, this research discover various programs conducted by bali province government to create the security or bali sustainability in every aspects of life, including geographical, demography, natural resources, ideological, political, economical, cultural social, and security and defense aspects. in a ‘simakrama’ event held in ‘wantilan’ of the bali province regional parliament (dprd prov bali) on saturday, 28 august 2010, mmp governor asked balinese to put aside the issue on the ‘ajeg bali’ or ‘bali ajeg’ term. “…the most important thing is that we should join together to implement ‘bali mandara’, ‘bali yang agung’, the great bali, ‘bali yang maju, aman, damai dan sejahtera’ (progressive, secure, peaceful, and prosperous bali)”. ‘bali mandara’ or ‘the great bali’ is the acronym for ‘bali yang maju, aman damai dan sejahtera’ (progressif, secure, peaceful, and prosperous bali). bali mandara becomes the development mission in bali stated in the rpjmd (regional medium term development plan) of bali province year 2008-2013, and it also becomes the regulation in the regional regulation or ‘perda’ number 9 year 2009. various programs prepared by the regional work unit (skpd) and work units within bali province gov‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 313 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ernment are aimed at to support the sustainable bali in each aspect of life that is in line with the duties and function of each skpd or work unit. since 2008-2011, during three years, under mp-puspayoga leadership there are improvement on the security or sustainable bali in almost all aspects of life both in its quality and quantity. conclusion the important summary of this research is that ‘jengah’ or self-consciousness with its values transformation is needed by contemporary bali (hindu) society, especially for the government apparatus of bali province government to maintain the bali sustainability with all of its life aspects particularly the ones that related to the cultural asset or cultural capital that is based on the hindu religion. ‘jengah’ and its values transformation in contemporary bali is needed to create the resilience of its life aspects, including the geographical, demographical, resources, ideological, political, economical, cultural, and security aspects. this research shows that there are two important answers from the two primary questions from this research about the result of this research from the transformation of the ‘jengah’ and its value transformation within the government apparatus of the bali province. first of all, the result of the ‘jengah’ value transformation in performance of the bali province government to create good governance can be found in the practices performed by the bali province government who has spirit to change and is willing to do the social transformation. the government also has willing to conduct the good, open, responsive, clean, and responsible governance. secondly, the result of the ‘jengah’ value transformation on the nationalism practices can be seen in the improvement of the loyalty transfer practices among the individuals or groups to create the grand solidarity to develop the struggle, togetherness to realize the advancement in using the nationalism ideology, to erase the feudal culture along with its negative client-patron culture within the bali province government circle. it seems that those two primary questions separates to each other, between the good governance realization with the nationalism practices, however both are united aspects that influence each other between one ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 314 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and another or vice versa. both of them aims to realize the bali sustainability in the field of geography, demography, natural resources, ideology, politics, economy, culture, and security. in the future, the real action is needed to improve the quality of the ‘jengah’ or self-consciousness of the bali (hindu) society to develop and maintain its cultural assets that is based on the hindu religion. a leader should be able to perform the ‘jengah’ value transformation in their leadership activities to improve the competitiveness. because ‘jengah’ is a war, therefore fear should be thrown far away or in balinese language, it is called ‘joh uli jerih’ meaning to be aware of the threat before our eyes that to be faced by conducting the change or in balinese term ‘eling nagata’, and continuing to ask the guidance and protection from god the almighty or ‘hyang widi’. the recommendation is that to conduct ‘jengah’ or selfconsciousness means to ‘jengah’ that stands for ‘joh uli jerih, eling nagata, dan berserah diri kepada hyang widi’ (attentive, transformative, and surrender to god). references atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. ajeg bali, gerakan, identitas, dan globalisasi. yogyakarta: lkis. bagus, i gusti ngurah. 1970. manusia dan kebudayaan di indonesia. jakarta: penerbit djambatan. bandem, i made. 2006. “menuju kebangkitan global kebudayaan indonesia (peran kebudayaan dalam peneguhan ketahanan nasional)”. orasi ilmiah pada peringatan hut ke-41 lemhannas-ri. howe, leo. 2005. the changing world of bali, religion, society and tourism, the taylor & francis e-library. kembar kerepun, made. 2007. mengurai benang kusut k asta, membedah kiat pengajegan kasta di bali. denpasar: panakom. lemhannas-ri. ketahanan nasional indonesia, jakarta. robinson, geoffrey. 2005. sisi gelap pulau dewata, sejarah kekerasan politik. yogyakarta: lkis. weber, max. 1946. sosiologi from max weber: essays in sosiology. oxford: oxford university press. diterjemahkan oleh noorkholis dan tim penerjemah promothea. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar yogyakarta. ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 315 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ winardi. 2008. manajemen perubahan. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. yudhis, m.burhanudin. 2008. bali yang hilang pendatang, islam dan etnisitas bali. yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius. ‘jengah’ (self-consciousness) and its value transformation: a road toward good governance at bali province / i putu wingarta wingarta, irwan abdullah, djoko suryo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0016 layout desember 2008 religious namely muslims (the largest group), christians, catholics, hindu, buddhists, and confucians (suryadinata, 2002: 1-3). according to geertz’s thesis (1960: 4-6), javanese society can be categorized into three groups i.e. abangan (stressing the animistic aspects and broadly related to the peasant element), santri (underlining islamic aspects and related to the trading element in general), and priyayi (emphasizing the hinduist aspects and related to the bureaucratic element). this theory is still relevant with current political dynamics that politics mostly divides the reality into various classifications such as muslim and non muslim, javanese and non javanese as well as young and old people. the weather of indonesian politics experienced rapid changes when new order dictatorial regime under president of soeharto breakdowns on may 21st, 1998. afterward, since 1999 indonesian people have been participating to give their vote in the election without any pressure which it was took place during new order. however, according to ufen (2009: 153), democracy in indonesia is still fraught with many weaknesses. the protracted transition fosters uncertainty and, thus, exacerbates party institutionalization. in such a situation a mix of over-or under-centralization, internal conflict and money politics is common. therefore, it should be evaluated. in previous elections (1999, 2004, 2009), indonesia was succeded to produce local and national leaders through fair mechanisms without violence and separatism movements. the idiom “one person one vote one value” (abbreviated as opovov) eventually is part of societal values. besides, people independently have rights to choose their candidates even to use their vote or not. as a result, civil liberties, law inforcement, against poverty, and corruption eradication are becoming common agenda for both government and society. in 2014, indonesian people cope with the democratic agenda for a fourth time both legislative and executive election. in the legislative election, people elect local and national parliament candidates which held on april 9th, 2014 while in the executive election, people choose the package of president and vice presiridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti department of government affairs and administration universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta e-mail: ridhoalhamdi@yahoo.com, suranto_umy@yahoo.com, b_eka001@yahoo.com, mas_tunjung@yahoo.com, awang.darumurti@yahoo.co.id the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election1 a survey in special region of yogyakarta http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 abstract the research examines the perception of young voters regarding the quality of the implementation the 2014 election. there are six indicators to measure the integrity: 1) the election law, 2) the electoral procedure, 3) the voter registration, 4) the political party and its candidate registration, 5) the role of mass media, and 5) the candidate campaign. the research findings revealed that, in general, young voters have an adequate perception concerning the electoral integrity. more specifically, the good perception is only to two things namely political party and its candidate registration and the electoral procedure. the rest is adequate perception. in addition, the research portrayed that young people have highest trust merely to the corruption eradication commision (kpk). on the other hand, they have lowest trust into two institutions: political party and parliament. key words: young voters, perception, the 2014 election, trust introduction indonesia is the fourth most populous nation in the world (hefner, 2000: 6) and the product of dutch colonialism although the japanese was occupied in the early 1940s. it has a multi-ethnic society consists of about 300 ethnic groups with javanese (47 percent) as a dominant ethnic. one study put forward more than 600 ethnic groups including sub-ethnic groups. however, the precise number of ethnic groups is debatable. in addition, indonesia is a multi-religious state and has at least six major the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 105 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 dent candidate which held on june 9th, 2014. although it experienced long debates, the amount of permanent voters (daftar pemilih tetap or dpt) in the 2014 election slightly above 180 million (ww.kpu.or.id). among of them, the quantity of young voters is extremely significant. they are frequently just become a political exploitation which carried out by political parties rather than significant groups who play vital roles in the election. there are two motives why young people are a fascinating subject to be studied. firstly, the 2014 election is the first moment for young voters to give their vote although they have took part in the political campaign. it is the precise time to provide a comprehensive account on democracy and election to young generation in order to have a good explanation about it. secondly, they are the indonesian next leaders. it is a good moment to direct young voters’ opinion regarding the electoral implementation since political party registration until the electoral evaluation. thus, it is crucial that the government should present a positive understanding on democratic system and electoral procedure as a precise way to earn people welfare. therefore, the research aims to describe in detail two things. fist is the index of the perception of young voters regarding the integrity of 2014 election. second is the index of young voters’ trust toward huge institutions both state and private. theoretical framework this research will apply two main analytical frameworks. first is explaining theories on perception. it is used to describe the variety of young voters’ belief, knowledge, and opinion. second is exploring some works on young people. it is employed to depict the features of young life and interests in contemporary politics. theory on perception – there are many theories which postulated about perception. in this sense, the research merely applies relevant thesis. first and foremost, perception can be defined as a function of stimulation. they assume the perceptual mechanism as a seeker of stimulation. the mechanism is a system, an apparatus which explores available stimuli and adjusts the sense organs in order to achieve optimum reception (gibson and gibson, 1972: 711). moreover, the stimuli which give rise to any perception are always states and fluctuations. stimuli should not be confused with the physical object, which along with the medium is their source. therefore, perception is a process by which an individual maintains contact with his environment (gibson, 1959: 471). gibson thesis (1959: 465) that perceptual learning takes place when the phenomenal world and objects come into closer agreement with either proximal stimuli or physical objects suggests that we are to identify perception with being aware of phenomenal objects and events, and that perception becomes better when they become more like physical stimuli. in addition, gibson (1966: 2) also underlines perception as the information detection about the world. other experts assume that perception estimates true properties of an objective world. they justify this assumption with an argument from evolution: natural selection rewards true perceptions. hoffman (2009: 21) proposes instead that if true perceptions crop up, then natural selection mows them down; natural selection fosters perceptions that act as simplied user interfaces, expediting adaptive behavior while shrouding the causal and structural complexity of the objective world. in support of this proposal, he discussed mimicry and mating errors in nature, and presented simulations of an evolutionary game. hoffman (2009: 21) claimed that natural selection drives true perception to swift extinction: nowhere in evolution, even among the most complex of organisms, will you find that natural selection drives truth to fixation, i.e., so that the predicates of perception (e.g. space, time, shape, and color) approximate the predicates of the objective world (whatever they might be). natural selection rewards fecundity, not factuality, so it shapes interfaces, not telescopes on truth. the challenge is clear: provide a compelling counterexample to this claim. young people – in the british, during the 1990s academic debates and media speculations have been increasingly exercised over the alienation of young people from political life. today’s young people, like their previous generations, will acquire interest in politics as they grow older and as politics begins to have more relevance in their lives. the suggested decline in political interest and behaviour of young people, therefore, should be attributed to the changing social and economic environment in which young people now live (white, bruce, and ritchie, 2000: 1). young people believe that politics lacks relevance for their preoccupation with other interests and concerns. other studies also highlight to the complexity of politics the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 106 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and the difficulties young people have in understanding political life and processes (white, bruce, and ritchie, 2000: 1). with the exception of work carried out by park (1999) that young people have also been found to hold politicians in low esteem, lacking trust in them (bentley and oakley, 1999), or respect for them (pririe and worcester, 1998). some researches which confront the image of young people as alienated and disaffected has uncovered a high level of voluntary and campaigning activity amongst 14 and 16 year olds (roker et al., 1997). bhavnani’s (1991) ethnographic study raised the possibility that young people could be involved in activities that they themselves would not define as politics, but which could be placed within a broad domain of political interest. likewise, some of the participants in a richardson’s study (1990) had been involved in activities or committees at school, but they seldom saw this as a political activity. the reasons why young people do, or do not, participate in political activities is not well understood. richardson, for instance, claims that politicians are not interested in young people’s views. jowell and park (1998) suggest that their lack of participation results from other preoccupations and interests, such as finding partners, homes, and jobs. besides, marsh (1989) argues that broader social changes are also undermining the extent to which existing institutions inform young people’s political beliefs and actions. he claims that deindustrialisation, the demise of trade unions, and social and geographical mobility have all had an effect on the traditional political socialisation of young people. white, bruce, and ritchie (2000: 2) believe that there has been increasing concern that schools are not doing enough to educate children about political institutions and processes. since the introduction of the national curriculum, politics has only been covered in an ad hoc manner, as the 1998 education reform act did not require schools to have any central responsibility for civic and political education. following the crick report in 1998, which provided guidelines for effective education for citizenship, it was announced in 1999 that citizenship will become a compulsory subject for 11–16 year olds. it is planned that this will include learning about proportional representation, the operation of parliament, resolving moral dilemmas and ways to participate in community service. at primary school, citizenship lessons will be part of existing courses in personal, social, and health education (pshe). moreover, according to us census bureau (2005), in 2004, young voter turnout in america improved more than in any election since 18 year olds won the right to vote 35 years ago. turnout among american youngest voters’ ages 18-24 increased 11 percentage points from 36 percent to 47 percent. meanwhile, turnout among 18-29 year olds rose 9 points from 40 percent to 49 percent. based on report of new voters project and circle (2005), this trend continued in 2005 when student-dense precincts in virginia saw a turnout increase of 15 percent. the research which was conducted by the graduate school of political management, george washington university (2007: 3) reported that analysts and academics agree that one of the key factors driving this recent increase in turnout is that there has been, for the first time in decades, a major investment in mobilizing these voters. non-partisan organizations which ran peer-to-peer field operations, media, and visibility campaigns spent an estimated $40 million on registering and turning out young voters, a presidential campaign made a media buy targeting young voters, and partisan organizations both inside and outside of the party structures mobilized supportive youth. these turnout efforts paid off on election day 2004 as more than 20 million 18-29 year old voters went to the polls. the lesson learned is that today’s young adults are an engaged generation that will vote in higher numbers if they are asked. given their sheer size—topping 42 million in 2006 and growing rapidly—it is a crucial demographic to engage and ask to vote. nevertheless, white, bruce, and ritchie (2000: 3) presume that the existing literature reveals that there is still a lack of understanding about how young people view the political world, both the political institutions and the people who operate them. it is also not obvious what aspects of politics attract young generation. afterward, there is insufficient knowledge about the ways in which the young do, or do not, engage in the civic process. given there is such concern about the disconnection of the young from politics, and the implications this will have on future democratic practice, there is a need to understand these issues in much greater depth. the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 107 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ research method the research employs descriptive-qualitative approach which describing data systematically in order to be scrutined and concluded. to data gathering, it utilizes survey method by giving 33 statements to respondents. the survey was carried out during four weeks between november and december 2013. the respondents were selected purposively accros five districts and municipality in special territory of yogyakarta (well known as daerah istimewa yogyakarta or table 1. the list of respondents the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 108 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diy) i.e. kota yogyakarta, sleman, kulonprogo, bantul, and gunung kidul. they are pupils in 42 senior high schools by covering minimum 17 years-old (on april 9th, 2014). selecting these locations as a research area is based on a consideration that diy is one of the education cities in indonesia which has swift changes amongst other regions. therefore, young people in diy can become main benchmark for the quality of young people’s view concerning the 2014 election. the amount of respondents is 900 out of approximately 163.912 young voters in diy with margin of error 10 percent. moreover, the amount of young voters is 6 percent out of 2.731.882 permanent voters in diy. to data gathering, the research team can meet respondents even after fourth visit due to intricate school bureaucracy. after the data were collected, the next step is entering the data into the program of statistical product for service solution (spss) and analyzing to obtain a precise conclusion. in term of respondent features, the research considers four things. first is the geographical feature between urban and rural/hinterland area. second is the equality between state and private school – including muslim and non-muslim schools. third is the sexual category. fourth is the religion representative. as a result, 900 pupils can be divided into 42 schools at table 1: discussion and results 1. respondent identity the target of the respondents’ age is 17 years on april 9th, 2014. it is main condition for indonesian people to gain their rights as a voter in the election. the research demonstrates that the majority of young voters’ age is 1718 years (88 percent). the rest (12%) is between 19 and 22 years. thus, there is no one under 17 years. meanwhile, the number of girl voters, according to the regional election committee (komisi pemilihan umum daerah or kpud) diy, is higher than boy voters although its difference is not too significant. thus, the research also presents similar data that those boy voters (49.2 percent) are lower than girls (50.8 percent). regarding determining respondent’s faith, it is based on selecting schools. there are two types of schools i.e. state school and private school. in term of private school, the research chooses muhammadiyah’s schools, nahdhatul ulama’s schools, catholic’s and christian’s schools as well as other private schools. as a result, the research shows that 87 percent are muslims. the rest are catholics (7.9), christians (5.1), and budhists, hindu as well as confucions respectively reached 0.1 percent. more interestingly, the research postulates some evidences on young voter’s features. fistly, urban voters are more materialistic than rural voters. it can be proven by giving funds to urban voters in order to attract their desire to fulfill the question sheets. secondly, rural voters are more serious in answering the questions than urban voters. it can be shown by rurar voters’ attitudes when they frequently ask for some difficult questions. consequently, they need much time. in addition, they give different answers for each question. meanwhile, urban voters answer the questions swiftly with same choice for each question. 2. the perception towards the integrity of the 2014 election according to oxford dictionary (2008: 232), the term “integrity” means honesty goodness. in this sense, the electoral integrity can be seen from the entire procces of the election since registration of political parties until the day of voting. to measure the integrity, the research provides six indicators and 23 statements. the six indicators are the election law no. 8 2012, the electoral procedure, the voter registration, the registration of political party and its candidates, the role of mass media, and the candidate campaign. meanwhile, the 23 statements will be explored in each indicator. furthermore, the indicators and statements will be scored by applying interval scale from “not good” until “very good” (1-5) as below: very good : 4.21 5.00 good : 3.41 4.20 adequate : 2.61 3.40 less good : 1.81 2.60 not good : 1.00 1.80 concerning the answer for each indicator, the research employs optional answers from negative to positive. more specifically, there are six alternative answers namely not know, extremely not agree, not agree, hesitant, agree, and extremely agree. the answer choices certainly will be presented with model of percentage (%) and horizontal bar charts. the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 109 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ a. the election law no. 8 2012 one of the changes in the current election law no. 8 2012 is increasing the parliamentary threshold from 2.5 percent in the 2009 election to 3.5 percent in the 2014. the statement 1-3 describes the percentage of young voters’ perception towards three indicators of the election law. for the first statement “the election law is fair for small parties”, the majority of respondents hesitate and not know (49 percent) whether the current election law is fair for small parties or not. it implies that young people obviously not know about the law. afterward, most respondents agree with the statement 2 that “the 2014 election law discriminates the small party group and in turn more profitable for the ruling party”. meanwhile, a large majority of respondents agree with the statement 3 that “the election law preserved the people rights”. if the statement 1-3 is measured with the scale, the index of the perception of young voters concerning the election law is 3.12. it means adequate. their perception is neither positive nor negative. nevertheless, this score enables to become a good perception. b. procedure of the 2014 election the electoral procedure is mechanisms and the rule of the game during electoral procces. the statement 4-7 explains the proportion of young voters’ perception to four indicators of the electoral procedure. the statement 4 points up that a large number of respondents tend to hesitate the management of electoral procedures although it is also noticeable that other significant opinions agree with the election was organized very well. regarding the statement 5 “it is easy to find the information on techniques in voting”, a large amount of informants agree this statement. it implies that they have excellent knowledge on how to vote precisely. moreover, concerning the statement 6 “the election committee is honest and fair”, the largest parts of respondents are not sure with the statement. it can be seen from their answer that 52 percent stated negative perception. meanwhile, when the respondents comment to the statement 7 “the realization of the election was appropriated with the law”, most of them (62 percent) not reject it. if the statement 4-7 is measured with the scale, the index of the perception of young voters toward the procedure of the 2014 election is good (3.53). the positive perception should be appreciated and flourished continuously. it portrays that the election committee’s performace succeeded to gain the positive perception of young people. c. voter registration the procees of voter registration is one of the important steps for people to obtain their rights as a voter. the statement 8-10 focuses to explore the percentage of young voters’ perception regarding three indicators of the voter registration. concerning the statement 8 “most people who have the rights they are not registered”, young voters tend to agree and really agree (58 percent) with this perception. regarding the inaccurate data of the permanent voter (daftar pemilih tetap or dpt), the statement 9 namely the list of the permanent voters is inaccurate is describing that the majority of informants agree with the statement although another important answer decided to give a hesitant perception. meanwhile, most perceptions to the statement 10 that “many ineligible people are registered as a voter” are agreed. it depicts that the clash between the kpu and other interest groups inserts the voters’ faith that the process of voter registration is not running very well. if the statement 8-10 is measured with the scale, the index of the perception of young people concerning the process of voter registration is 2.61. it implies adequate. d. registration of political party and its candidates when the respondents fill the answer sheets, the registration of political parties and their candidates is finish. thus, it is easy to identify their perception. the statement 11-13 concerns to illustate the proportion of young voters’ perception towards three indicators of the registration of political party and its candidates. regarding the statement 11 that “some opposition candidates are obstructed when they register as legislative contenders”, most respondents didn’t know and hesitate (58 percent) with the statement. it demonstrates that they really not understand with the topic. concerning the statement 12 that “women have equivalent chances to register as candidates”, a large majority of respondents agree and really agree (80 percent). meanwhile, young voters not reject (63 percent) with the statement “insignificant ethnics have similar chances to fight as candidates in the election”. the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 110 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ if the statement 11-13 is measured with the scale, the index of the perception of young people toward the registration of political parties and their candidates in the 2014 election is good (3.61). it implies an excellent perception and proves that young voters appreciate with the kpu performace in the topic. e. roles of mass media during reformation era, mass media have vital and significant roles in influencing and persuading public opinions even the government policies. the case of the clash of kpk vis-a-vis the police force (famous as cicak versus buaya) and the breakdown of the renovation of the parliament building are some evidences of the mass media roles. the statement 14-19 reveals the percentage of young voters’ perception to six statements of the role of mass media in the 2014 election. on the topic of “newspapers and magazines present equivalent and accurate news on election”, respondents mostly assume to give a positive perception (70 percent) with the statement 14. furthermore, on the subject of “television is more advantageos for the ruling party”, respondents generally not refuse (57 percent). the statement 16 is “television merely tends to publish certain parties”. young voters agree and really agree (60 percent) with this statement. afterward, a large amount of pupils agree (31.6 percent) with the statement 17 that “the political party and its candidates got equal chances in advertising themselves” although other respondents hesitate (26.2 percent) with the statement. meanwhile, concerning the statement 18 that “journalists presented fair newcasts and reports on the election”, respondents mostly agree (34.6 percent) although some of them hesitate (27.6 percent) it. the last indicator of the roles of mass media is the statement 19 that “social media such as facebook, twitter etc are utilized to uncover electoral deceits”. a large number of respondents decided to agree (25.7 percent) with the statement although some of them also refuse and hesitate (37.8 percent) it. nevertheless, although most respondent’s answers are positive as pictured in the statement 14-19, the index concluded that the perception of young people concerning the roles of mass media on the 2014 election is 3.10 (adequate). it implies that their perception neither good nor awful although it has possibility to become a good perception. f. candidate campaign when the survey is conducted, the process of candidates’ campaign is still running until around march 2014. therefore, respondents at least have knowledge to show their views to the topic. the statement 20-23 demonstrates the proportion of young voters’ perception concerning four statements of the candidate campaign during the 2014 election. in term of the statement 20 “candidates’ campaign through television and banners affects electorates to vote”, most respondents agree (36 percent) although a lot of them not agree and hesitate (44.2 percent) it. afterward, concerning the statement 21 that “there is no different campaign between muslim and nationalist candidates”, young voters mostly agree and extremely agree (54 percent). meanwhile, the popular answer to the statement 22 that “some candidates are obstructed in conducting campaign” is not know and hesitant (54 percent). it implies that young generation not concern and care with this affair. the last statement is “only party’s elites who have chances to be elected in the 2014 election”. the majority of young people agree (26.2 percent) with the statement although a lot of them not agree and hesitate (41.2 percent) it. nevertheless, if the statement 20-23 is measured with the scale, the index of the perception of young voters regarding candidates’ campaign is adequate (2.92). g. index of young voters’ perception previous accounts have explored the proportion of young people’s perception. in this section, the research will present the index of young voters’ perception regarding the integrity of the 2014 election. figure 1. the perception to the integrity of the 2014 election the horizontal bar chart 1 illustrates that the most prominent feature is the higest score of the young voters’ perception is registration of the political parties and their the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 111 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ candidates by grade slightly above 3.6. the following degree is procedure of the 2014 election. inasmuch as young people are the next leaders, these positive perceptions should be flourished amongst them. if they have a positive perception to democracy, people prosperity will be implemented as soon as possible. in contrast, the process of voter registration becomes the least grade with just above 2.6. this grade almost reaches a negative perception. therefore, it is part of vital evaluation for the government particularly the kpu. still other indicators received adequate perception namely the election law no. 8 2012, the role of mass media, and candidates’ campaign. in general, the index of young voters’ perception regarding the integrity of the 2014 election is adequate (3.15). it implies that young generation has neither good nor awful perception. nevertheless, this score has good potential to become an outstanding perception if the government and society perpetually work together to evaluate indonesian democratic system. in addition, having a serious commitment is an obligation and responsibility for each indonesian citizen. 3. index of young voters’ trust towards the national institutions in this part, the research will present the index of young voters’ trust toward the national institutions both state and private sectors which have significant roles in the 2014 election. to measure the quality of the trust, the research applies score with distance from 1 (lowest trust) until 10 (higest trust) as below: very good 8.21 10.0 good 6.41 8.20 adequate 4.61 6.40 less good 2.81 4.60 not good 1.00 2.80 after the gathered data are to be processed, the research presents the result as demonstrated in the horizontal bar chart 2. the bar chart 2 portrays that the most distinguishing feature is the corruption eradication comission (komisi pemberantasan korupsi or kpk) obtains the highest trust amongst other. although the score is adequate the kpk has potential grade to become a credible institution. in contrast, the parliament and political parties receive the lowest trust. it implies that young people have terrible belief, experiences, and opinions to both institutions. it can be seen from current cases which are suffered by some elites in political parties. in the case of hambalang and wisma atlet, some elites in the democrat party (yudhoyono’s party)2 are decided as suspected persons. they are anas urbaningrum (general chairman of the democrat), andi mallarangeng (concellor of the democrat), muhammad nazaruddin (treasurer of the democrat), and angelina sondakh (democrat’s cadre). these four persons are young elites who have significant roles in the democrat party. consequently, the protracted clash among the party’s elites took place particularly conflict between anas group and cikeas group.3 figure 2. the degree of trust towards the national institutions moreover, in the case of beef bribery, the kpk arrested the top leader of the islamist party prosperous justice party (partai keadilan sejahtera or pks)4 namely luthfi hasan ishaq or lhi in the early of 2013. lhi’s case also dragged other elites in the pks such as hilmi aminuddin (founder and chairman of pks’ concultative council), siswono (pks’ cadre as well as minister of agriculture), and ahmad fathonah (lhi’s closed friend). both democrat party and pks are major political forces in indonesia which represent nationalist and muslim groups. similar cases definitely can be found in other parties. in different cases, overwhelming clashes among elites in the party can be found in the traditionalist-muslim party the national awakening party (partai kebangkitan bangsa or pkb) between abdurrahman wahid or gus dur (the founder of pkb) and muhaimin iskandar (general chairman of pkb and young generation). meanwhile, sexual cases also aggravated the emage of some parties such as sexual scandal between a golkar cadre yahya zaini and a dangdut singer maria eva. similarly, a controversial issue on sexual deed also suffered by one of the cadres in the indonesian demothe perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 112 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cratic party-struggle (partai demokrasi indonesia-perjuangan or pdip) namely carolina margareth natasha. meanwhile, other institutions earn adequate grade respectively. they are printed media, kpu, television, the attorney, government, and the constitution court (mahkamah konsitusi or mk). it is also noticeable that the mk almost receives the grade “less good” as shown in the figure 2. it can be seen from the case suffered by akil mochtar (chairman of mk) who is an alleged person who took a part in the corruption of regional election (pilkada) in district of lebak, banten. as a result, the mk’s good impression immediately changes to an awful image. conclusion by concidering the given data and previous discussions, the research has, at least, two theoretical implications. most studies postulated that young people are alienated from the political live and having no rational purposes to engage in the political dynamics. in contrary, the research found distingtive evidences. it can be seen that, indeed, the democratic system provides entire accounts to young people on the political dynamics. various dilemma and obstacles under democratic systems eventually produced young people as rational voters and have their own perceptions. besides, there is no different perceptions between muslim and non-muslim youths. they are not trapped in the social cleavages due to their ethnicity, religion, and other emotional factors. in addition, the research rejects the assumption that young people’ perception is not too important for the government and political affairs because they are immaturity people group. on the contrary, due to rapid psychological development among young people in the contemporary live, young people can assume not only how to earn numerous achievements in the educational world but also to create precise strategies to gain the triumph even in the political world. the elected young leaders in some cities in the usa and other states as well as indonesia revealed that their perception should be appreciated and managed in order to give constructive suggestions to build the nation. to sum up, the research demonstrates that the perception of young voters regarding the integrity of the 2014 election is neither positive nor negative. nevertheless, the perception tends to become positive if the government and society have a commitment continuously to evaluate and improve people proseperity-based democratic system. additionally, the research has some recommendations to the vital institutions. 1. the kpk is becoming the most credible institution amongst other. on the contrary, the political party and parliament are the most notorious institute. it is a critical note that those two political institutions should repair their performance rather than advertise in mass media everlastingly. 2. it is part of responsibility of kpu, bawaslu (the election supervisory board), and other independence institutions to give more political educations to young people. these institutions should control the implementation of election and brave to cope with all sorts of infractions. furthermore, political parties not only conduct pragmatical campaigns in the certain time but also take part to implement one of their responsibilities namely a political education in order to give a noble heritage to society on politics and democracy. meanwhile, the kpk should protect itself from other interest groups and any pressure. likewise, people must reinforce the kpk to become a clean and independent institution in indonesia. 3. the college and school should stress the important of political education to pupils in order to have good and right awareness on politics. the education can be presented through certain lessons such as civic education or short courses. references bentley, t. and oakley, k. with gibson, s. and kilgour, k. 1999. the real deal: what young people really think about government, politics and social exclusion. london: demos bhavnani, k. 1991. talking politics: a psychological framing for views from youth in britain. cambridge: cambridge university press crick, b. et al. 1998. education for citizenship and the teaching of democracy in schools: final report of the advisory group on citizenship. london: qualifications and curriculum authority geertz, clifford. 1960. the religion of java. chicago and london: university of chicago press gibson, james. 1966. the senses considered as perceptual the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 113 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.1 february 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ systems. boston: houghton mifflin co. _______. 1959. “perception as a function of stimulation” in s. koch (ed.) psychology: a study of a science, vol. 1. new york: mcgraw-hill gibson, james and e. gibson. 1972. “the senses as information-seeking systems,” times literary supplement, june 23rd hefner, robert w. 2000. civil islam: muslim and democratization in indonesia. the united kingdom: princeton university press hoffman, donald d. 2009. “the interface theory of perception: natural selection drives true perception to swift extinction” in s dickinson, m. tarr, a. leonardis, b. schiele (eds.), object categorization: computer and human vision perspectives. cambridge: cambridge university press jowell, r. and park, a. 1998. young people, politics and citizenship: a disengaged generation? london: the citizenship foundation marsh, a. 1989. political action in europe and the usa. london: macmillan new voters project and circle. 2005. youth voter turnout in virginia continues upward trend. press release, november 9th park, a. 1999. “young people and political apathy” in r. jowell, j. curtice, a. park and k. thomson (eds.) british social attitudes, 16th report. aldershot: dartmouth pirie, m. and worcester, r.m. 1998. the millennial generation. london: adam smith institute richardson, a. 1990. talking about commitment. the views of young people on citizenship and volunteering. london: social and community planning research roker, d., player, k. and coleman, j. 1997. challenging the image. leicester: youth work press suryadinata, leo. 2002. elections and politics in indonesia. singapore: iseas ufen, andreas. 2009. “political perties and democratization in indonesia” in marco b nte and andreas ufen (eds.), democratization in post-soeharto indonesia. new york: routledge the graduate school of political management, george washington university. 2007. young voter mobilization tactics: a compilation of the most recent research on traditional and innovative voter turnout techniques white, clarissa and bruce, sara with ritchie, jane. 2000. young people’s politics: political interest and engagement amongst 14–24 year olds. layerthorpe: joseph rowntree foundation ww.kpu.go.id (footnotes) 1 we would like to special thanks to the assistant team for their keen feedback and help in data gathering: hajar sutadi, eko santoso, yogi novianto, bayu prayogo ujariyadi, reza gufron akmara, cahyaningtyas laksita k., riska sarofah, devieka geomalitha apsyari, aghisna, rudiyanto, and wahid fatoni. 2 susilo bambang yudhoyono or sby is the sixth president of republic of indonesia during 2004-2014. he is the founder of the democrat party which became the ruling party in the 2009 election. 3 “cikeas” is name of village in bogor, west java. it is also well know as sby’s home and frequently becomes central of democrat’s consolidation and informal meeting amongst the party’s elites. there are many democrat’s activities which hold in the place. 4 pks obtained significant votes and seats in the parliament during 2004 and 2009 elections. the party can be named as the most influential single islamist party for indonesian muslim people during reformation era. the perception of young voters towards the integrity of the 2014 election a survey in special region of yogyakarta / ridho al-hamdi, suranto, bambang eka cahya widodo, tunjung sulaksono, awang darumurti / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2014.0009 doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i2.12737 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan content of policy and context of implementation in tourism sector: case bintan regency to handling covid-19 mahadiansar* 1, andy fefta wijaya 2, alfi haris wanto 3, firda hardayati 4 abstract: this paper discusses efforts to strengthen policy implementation in handling covid-19 in the tourism sector in indonesia as a form of strengthening every tourism policy. this study uses the grindle concept to identify policy content and implementation context in handling covid-19 in the tourism sector of bintan regency. the qualitative approach used includes data collection tech niques, observation, interviews, and documentation. the data obtained are tested using nvivo 12 pro, then analyzed with a triangulation approach. the results of the study indicate that the emphasis on handling covid-19 in the tourism sector in the regency needs to be strengthened by existing stake holders, meaning that on the policy content side, it consists of the interests affected, types of benefits, degree of change, location of decision making, program implementation and resources used. still focused on central regula tions and rules so that local government authorities cannot initiate policy strat egies for handling covid-19 in the tourism sector in bintan regency. showed a good contribution in handling covid-19 in the tourism sector in bintan re gency. keywords: content of policy; context of implementation; tourism; bintan regerency; covid-19 abstrak: penelitian ini membahas upaya penguatan implementasi kebijakan dalam penanganan covid-19 di sektor pariwisata di indonesia sebagai bentuk penguatan setiap kebijakan pariwisata. penelitian ini menggunakan konsep grindle untuk mengidentifikasi konten kebijakan dan konteks implementasi dalam penanganan covid-19 di sektor pariwisata kabupaten bintan. pendekatan kualitatif yang digunakan meliputi teknik pengumpulan data, observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. data yang diperoleh diuji menggunakan nvivo 12 pro, kemudian dianalisis dengan pendekatan triangulasi. hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa penekanan penanganan covid-19 pada sektor pariwisata di kabupaten perlu diperkuat oleh stakeholders’ yang ada, artinya pada sisi isi kebijakan terdiri dari kepentingan yang terkena dampak, jenis manfaat, tingkat perubahan, lokasi pengambilan keputusan, implementasi program dan sumber daya yang digunakan. masih fokus pada regulasi dan aturan pusat sehingga otoritas pemerintah daerah tidak bisa memprakarsai strategi kebijakan penanganan covid-19 di sektor pariwisata di kabupaten bintan. menunjukkan kontribusi yang baik dalam penanganan covid-19 di sektor pariwisata di kabupaten bintan. kata kunci: isi kebijakan; konteks pelaksanaan; pariwisata; kabupaten bintan; covid-19 149 affiliation: 1,2,3universitas brawijaya (ub) correspondence: mahadiansar@student.ub.ac.id how to citate: mahadiansar, m., wijaya, a.f., wanto, a.h., & hidayanti, f. (2022). content of policy and context of implementation in tourism sector: case bintan regency to handling covid-19. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(2). 149-187 article history: received: september 9, 2021 reviewed: october 7, 2021 accepted: feb 2, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:mahadiansar@student.ub.ac.id https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3549-7128 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9083-7052 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0321-6010 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7662-8342 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 150 introduction tourism is an activity related to economic movement and related to the interaction of local and foreign communities that cross borders in certain regions or countries (elsa, 2017; nissan et al., 2011; roche et al., 2013). ease of access causes the emergence of interest in making good visits to do business in tourism for everyone, this opens up opportunities and becomes a challenge for every citizen in carrying out tourism activities (hudson, 2011; khotimah et al., 2017). in the current era of globalization, the tourism sector is the largest and most potential sector in financing the global economy, in several developing countries they agree to develop or explore new opportunities to expand tourism opportunities (bhatia, 2006; mkwizu, 2019). tourism development can be carried out by the country it self, but also through cooperation in order to get more benefits and support given the existence of cooperation in achieving the same goals, one of which is by collaborating (mowforth & munt, 2015; patterson, 2016). cooperation in the tourism sector is an instrument used for relations between one region and another as part of good cooperation, with cooperation being one of the soft power instruments (minardi et al., 2020). indonesia is known as a country that has rich and diverse tourism potential. indone sia, which is rich in natural and cultural diversity, has great po tential, especially in the field of tourism (firdaus, 2018). indonesia’s diversity can attract millions of tourists to visit indo nesia. from 2015 to 2019, indonesian tourism contributed 10% of the national gdp and was ranked fourth as a contributor to national income after oil and gas, coal, and palm oil which amounted to 93%. in terms of workforce, indonesian tourism contributes 9.8 million jobs, or 8.4% (ministry of tourism and creative economy, 2019). the attraction in the field of tourism that indonesia has brought tourists from various countries in the world. indo nesia is also rich in cultural tourism as evidenced by the exist ence of historical relics as well as a variety of customs and arts and culture of the community (salim et al., 2018; samad et al., 2018). indonesia’s huge tourism potential makes many foreign jurnal studi pemerintahan tourists come to indonesia, the attraction in the tourism sector that indonesia has brought tourists from various countries in the world (rahma, 2020; zebua, 2016). indonesian tourism is indeed one of the destinations that are in high demand by many tourists because of the natural beauty in it. in addition to mil lions of charms of natural beauty, indonesia is also rich in cul tural tourism, as evidenced by the existence of historical relics as well as a variety of customs and arts and culture of the commu nity. indonesia’s huge tourism potential makes many foreign tour ists come to indonesia. from 2015 to 2019, it was recorded that foreign tourists who came to indonesia always experienced an increase every year. graph 1. number of tourist visits to indonesia 2015-2020 source: indonesian central statistics agency, researcher process (2020) the increase in the number of foreign tourists in indonesia is also directly proportional to foreign exchange which continues to increase from 2015 to 2019, but in 2020 due to the covid 19 pandemic, tourist visits to indonesia decreased by 82%. the contribution of the tourism sector can be measured by several main indicators, the first is the visit of tourists both domestic and foreign. second, the expenditure of visiting tourists. the last one is private sector investment and government investment, as well as government spendings in the tourism sector, such as 151 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 152 tourism promotion and tourism development, so from several indicators, the contribution of tourism is in critical condition during the covid-19 pandemic (king et al., 2021; kristiana et al., 2021; riadil, 2020; silfia et al., 2021). the tourism sector in indonesia, which is one of the mainstay sectors in the riau is lands province, precisely in bintan regency, is currently having an impact on the covid-19 pandemic (dinarto et al., 2020). the tourism sector owned by bintan regency makes the local gov ernment continue to improve in developing the tourism sector in a sustainable manner, the tourism sector began to be devel oped in 1990 now, one of the attractions in bintan regency that is being promoted is the development of the tourism industry area (kurnianingsih et al., 2021; muzdalifah, 2019). bintan regency has very strategic tourism potential, with di rect borders with neighboring countries such as singapore and malaysia, so the number of tourist visits, both domestic and for eign tourists, is the main contributor to locally-generated rev enue from the tourism sector (mahadiansar et al., 2021b). based on bps data from bintan regency, the increase in the number of tourists in 2016 was 305,404 people, then in 2017 the num ber of visitors was 368,592 people and in 2019 the number was 522,399 people. tourism development is aimed at sustainable regional tourism by strengthening the role of local governments as the leading regional tourism sector, it is considered to be able to encourage collaboration between sectors (actors) to manage sustainable local tourism. tourism management must be a com prehensively planned management so that optimal benefits can be obtained for the community, both from an economic, social and cultural perspective (oktaviana et al., 2021; sentanu & mahadiansar, 2020). jurnal studi pemerintahan graph 2. local revenue in the tourism sector of bintan regency 2016-2020 source: national statistics bintan regency, 2020 based on the graph above, this figure from year to year shows that the tourism sector continues to experience positive growth in bintan regency. however, the impact of the covid-19 pan demic in 2020, the locally-generated revenue in the tourism sec tor decreased by 98%, which in the previous year experienced a significant increase. referring to regional regulation number 5 of 2016 concerning the rpjmd of bintan regency 2016 -2021, one of the points is the coordination of synchronization of de velopment implementation in the tourism sector or all stake holders in bintan regency (mahadiansar et al., 2021a). the fo cus of the article will discuss the implementation of tourism de velopment policies in bintan regency during the covid-19 pandemic with discussions covering several aspects of using the concept (grindle, 2017), namely: content of policy, which con sists of: interests affected, types of benefits, degree of change, location of decision making, program implementation and re sources used. then the context of implementation, which con sists of powers, interests, and strategies of the actors involved. characteristics of institutions and regimes and compliance and responsibility. literature review quoted in the concept (grindle, 2017:15-17) which explains 153 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 154 that the success of public policy implementation is influenced by two fundamental aspects, namely content of policy and con text of implementation. the content of policy variables is 1. interest affected, is the interest in a policy and the extent to which these interests are affected by the implementation of the policy (fisher, 1977), the implementation of tourism will certainly involve the interests of actors because tourism devel opment cannot be separated from strategic and innovative policies (hardini, 2018). 2. type of benefit, the type of benefit in implementing the policy is a policy that has benefits, including the development of activities in the implementation of the policy (associates, 1985), the benefit in question is a policy effort that has a posi tive and ideal impact so that it can be felt participative, both informally and in its implementation can be felt by all par ties. 3. extend of change envision, a clear scale of the desired change from the implementation of a policy. this means that the implementation of policies that were built previously did not have the involvement of all parties, which would be a very good alternative if the implementation of significant changes can be predicted (myers, 1997). 4. site of decision making, where is the location of the decision making of a policy to be implemented. there must be clarity from which a policy can be formed. if the location of the decision-making is not clear, it will not be able to achieve the goals to be achieved (prastacos, 2009). this means that in general interests must have a way of placing policies in accor dance with the regulations and rules made in the implemen tation of these policies 5. program implementors, a policy must have proper and clear implementers, which are usually depicted in a chart structure that is channeled through information and communication media so that it can be known by the public. however, it will be very important to be involved in synchronizing the imple jurnal studi pemerintahan mentation of policies, which are administratively systematized in the implementation that is implemented (march & simon, 1958). 6. resources committed, the implementation of the policy must be supported by adequate resources and good management arrangements for the resources themselves (durai, 2010). policy implementation pays attention to human resources and natural resources informing useful policies. the indicators in the context of implementation mentioned include having 3 char acteristics including 1. power, interests, and strategies of actors involved are owned by the stakeholders in implementing the policy 2. institution and regime characteristics, institution, or regime in power at the time the policy was implemented 3. compliance and responsiveness of the target group. the imple mentation of the policy in question is a process and adminis tration. the implementation of this policy describes the decision making process carried out by various actors, wherein the end result is determined by the program material that has been achieved as well as through the interaction of decision -makers in the context of administrative politics (grindle, 2017:281). from the two aspects above, after being implemented, you will know the outcomes (final results), namely to impact on society, both individuals and groups involved, changes and acceptance after implementation, these outcomes will determine whether the policy has been implemented in accordance with the designed program and whether it has achieved the previously set goals or vice versa. the implementation process can start when the ob jectives and objectives of the policy have specificity when the policy program has been carefully designed when funds have been allocated in accordance with the objectives. this is a basic condi tion for the direct execution of the public policy process. so that the policy process, the program that is run must be integral which can determine the level of success of the program. 155 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 156 research method this research is qualitative research with a case study approach. qualitative research is method to explore and understand the meaning that comes from social or humanitarian problems, case study research with an exploratory approach (creswell, 2009). it was done to explore unique and interesting cases in certain lim ited systems. it is also more detailed in describing a phenom enon by collecting data directly. the research focus is intended to limit the object of study so that it is easier for researchers to determine the data needed for a study. as for the focus of re search on the implementation of tourism policy in bintan re gency, the discussion covers several aspects, namely: first, con tent of policy, which consists of: interests affected, types of ben efits, degree of change, location of decision making, program implementation and resources used. second context of imple mentation, which consists of powers, interests, and strategies of the actors involved. characteristics of institutions and regimes. and compliance and responsibility (grindle, 2017). in this study, the research instruments used for primary data collection were researchers, interview guidelines, and research supporting tools. data collection techniques there are 2 (two) types of data used in this study, namely primary data and sec ondary data. primary data is data obtained directly from infor mants. while secondary data is support obtained from relevant sources, usually in the form of retrieval of documents, reports, or data, as well as other materials and information that support the research (galvan & galvan, 2017; moleong, 2012). data col lection techniques were carried out by means of observation, interviews, and documentation. the analytical method used in this research is qualitative analysis, namely by analyzing the prob lem by looking for solutions and strategies by using case study analysis. data analysis consists of examining, grouping, tabulating, test ing, or recombining evidence, to produce empirically based find ings using the nvivo 12 application (bazeley, 2007). strategy analy jurnal studi pemerintahan sis, this technique is specifically aimed at dealing with problems when conducting case study research. the specific technique has 3 steps, namely pattern matching, developing explanations, and logical models. after carrying out data analysis techniques, re searchers will sharpen the analysis of the qualitative data to per form data coding (coding) using nvivo 12 software so that the analysis data is relevant and strengthens the arguments and facts that occur in the implementation of tourism policies in bintan regency. based on the encoded data segments, charmaz sug gests three types of coding, namely word-by-word coding, line-by line coding, and incident-per-incident coding. (incident-by-inci dent coding). however, in this case, the researcher will choose a more ideal coding (word-by-word coding) in proving data analysis on the implementation of tourism policies in bintan regency to stake holders. validity test data using becomes very important in qualitative research. triangulation can increase the depth of understanding of researchers both regarding the phenomenon under study and the context in which the phenomenon appears, both a deep understanding of the phenomenon under study is a value that every qualitative researcher must strive (yin, 2015). because, qualitative research was born to capture the meaning (meaning) or understand certain symptoms, events, facts, events, realities, or problems. result and discussion coding of the entire interview script 1. nvivo word-by-word results overall informants the results of the interview are in the form of recordings in the form of mpeg-1 audio layer 3 (mp3) from the recordings using cellphone media which then the mp3 data is processed by the author using the nvivo 12 application. word / word -by-word using the nvivo 12 application, the word frequency table can be seen in the following table 157 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 words that are often spoken word count percentage 158 word frequency of the entire interview text by informants length (%) businessman 9 68 2,06 bintan 6 66 2,00 tourist 10 62 1,88 village 4 61 1,85 covid 5 47 1,42 traveler 9 47 1,42 government 10 38 1,15 tour 6 31 0,94 service 5 30 0,91 lam 3 30 0,91 public 10 28 0,85 activity 8 24 0,73 cooperation 9 23 0,70 culture 10 22 0,67 party 5 21 0,64 borders 6 20 0,61 open 7 19 0,58 local 5 18 0,55 culture 6 17 0,51 budpar 6 17 0,51 lagoi 5 17 0,51 program 7 17 0,51 area 6 16 0,48 hotel 5 16 0,48 bumdes 6 15 0,45 work 5 14 0,42 foreign 5 13 0,39 package 5 13 0,39 health protocol 6 13 0,39 village head 5 12 0,36 promotion 7 12 0,36 tour 4 12 0,36 goddess 5 11 0,33 events 5 11 0,33 policy 9 11 0,33 communication 10 11 0,33 enter 5 11 0,33 singapore 9 11 0,33 walk 8 10 0,30 jurnal studi pemerintahan 159 source: processed by researchers using the nvivo 12 pro, 2021 based on the results of words-by-words coding obtained from the results of research using the nvivo12 pro application, it was found that “entrepreneurs” ranked first with a total word fre quency of 68 words (2.06%) of the entire interview text. this shows that in the concept of tourism development there are influenced interests according to the concept of dimensions (grindle, 2017:11-15). “entrepreneurs”, in this case, hotel own ers, tourist cottage owners, business owners in the tourism sector, and several other stakeholders are the parties who have experienced the most effects from the reduced tourism sector due to the covid-19 pandemic. here are some statements that can describe “entrepreneurs”. based on the results of the inter view with adji suradji muhammad as an academic as well as a tourism policy observer who stated that “informant’s understanding is that tourism can be said to be in “sus pended animation” when covid is physically present, but its activ ity has drastically decreased”. (interview on saturday, april 24, 2021). based on adji suradji muhammad’s statement, it is illustrated that tourism activities in bintan can be said to be “suspended” due to the covid-19 pandemic. as a result, entrepreneurs ex perience the worst effects due to this decline in tourism activity. the tourism industry is felt directly by the impact of the covid words that are often spoken word count percentage by informants length (%) hope 10 10 0,30 problem 7 10 0,30 political 7 10 0,30 come 6 9 0,27 district 9 9 0,27 employee 8 9 0,27 role 5 9 0,27 csr 3 8 0,24 group 8 8 0,24 head 6 8 0,24 media 5 8 0,24 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 160 19 pandemic and wants a policy that takes sides. this was con veyed by the informant andika that: “entrepreneurs feel the most impact from the absence of tourists. policies regarding quarantine and negotiations between countries need to be encouraged so that quarantine policies and border opening are relaxed.” (interview on thursday, april 6, 2021). this agrees with informant ramlan as the head of teluk bakau village, bintan regency, who stated that “the hope is that it will continue to open the border so that entrepre neurs can run their business well.” (interview on wednesday, march 31, 2021). then the uncertainty of border opening in order to reacti vate tourism activities in bintan regency during the covid-19 pandemic, other industries hope for alternative policies that can be implemented, this was conveyed by informant wan rudy iskandar as head of the bintan culture and tourism office, “currently, of the 15 hotels that are open, only 7 hotels and the remaining 8 hotels are still closed). 8 closed hotels are still waiting for the borders to open.” (interview on wednesday, march 24, 2021). figure 1. the hotel in bintan lagoon looks lonely with no visitors source: researcher’s documentation (march 24, 2021) jurnal studi pemerintahan based on the three informants, it was described that “entre preneurs” experienced the greatest impact because there were no tourists in bintan. of the 15 hotels in bintan 8, they are still closed because they are waiting for the border to open. they have hope for the government to relax quarantine policies and specially to reopen the border so that foreign tourists visit bintan so that “entrepreneurs” can run their business properly again. based on the picture above, the findings of the researcher also show that many hotels are closed due to the disadvantage that there are no foreign visits to bintan regency. furthermore, coding in “bintan” as the research location was widely discussed based on the overall interview obtained with a total of 66 words (2.00%) of the total interview text obtained by the researcher. this shows that “bintan” is the research subject of the interview. “bintan” as a tourist destination understudy became the focus of discussion by all interviewed informants. the discussion of the bintan focus produced is in accordance with the regional tourism master plan 2021-2025 that the research focus is bintan regency which is the subject of the “tourism destination s” un derstudy. the following are some statements that can describe “bintan” based on the results of the interview with the infor mant adji suradji muhammad as an academic and tourism policy observer, that “opening a special tourism border/door and supported by the policy of the bintan regent who wants to prioritize bintan tourism. pro vincial and district governments earn profits and are calculated by the central government other than bali and yogyakarta”. (inter view on saturday, april 24, 2021). based on adji suradji muhammad’s statement, the tourism sector in “bintan” is one of the priorities of the provincial and regency governments. the tourism sector in “bintan” has a positive influence on regional income. in addition, the tourism sector in “bintan” is one of the main sources of income for the central government besides bali and yogya. the regional gov 161 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 162 ernment in “bintan” under the command of the governor and the ministry of tourism and creative economy and other min istries has made efforts to reopen the border with the implemen tation of the rgl/tca concept which will be carried out with several countries which are expected to be carried out on april 21, 2021. this was conveyed by the informant wan as head de partment of culture and tourism bintan, that “bintan’s efforts are under the governor’s command by communicat ing with the ministry of tourism and creative economy, ministry of law, ministry of health, ministry of foreign affairs to open bintan tourism. hopefully, on april 21 the border will be opened with the green bubble travel system.” (interview on wednesday, march 24, 2021). however, the fact that researchers have encountered so far for opening borders with the implementation of rgl/tca has not been implemented, this is still the high rate of spread of the covid-19 pandemic in bintan regency. furthermore, the next highest number of frequencies is “tourism” with a total word frequency of 62 words (1.88%) of the entire interview script. “tourism” is the main thing or as the main topic under study. this shows that “tourism” is the main discussion of the entire informant manuscript obtained. here are some statements that can describe “tourism”. the results of the interview with the informant adji suradji muhammad as an academic and tour ism policy observer, that “sustainable tourism in bintan has an std forum for entrepre neurs, the government, travel agents, and academics in the std forum which is institutionally not legal or registered with the tour ism office. however, the existence of the forum has been recognized by the regional government and has produced work meetings or work meetings several times. there is a contribution and needs to be taken into account from the forum to tourism sustainability”. (interview on saturday, april 24, 2021). jurnal studi pemerintahan the impact of the absence of an std forum in a joint discus sion on tourism conditions in bintan regency, then std not running well will disrupt all industrial sectors which have a causal impact on the weakening of tourism activities in bintan regency, this was conveyed by the informant wan rudy iskandar head of budpar district bintan, that “the tourism sector has a big influence and must be maintained because it contributes greatly to regional income. if tourism is on the road, grouper farmers will be sold to hotels/entrepreneurs. there is no intervention in the tourism sector because the tourism sector is affected by many other sectors.” (interview on wednesday, march 24, 2021). based on the findings of the researchers that the statement of adji suradji muhammad and wan rudy iskandar had a very strong argument, this researcher found an increase in the unem ployment rate which certainly weakened the tourism sector in bintan regency. overall, the results of the interview scripts ob tained by the researchers have met the standard interview guide lines and data collection techniques that have been designed in this study. interviews were conducted so that the informants stay on track to discuss the main focus of the research, the results of the word frequency table that appear are considered to have met the needs of researchers in capturing the focus of the research being discussed. the level of compliance and responsiveness of stakeholders regarding the implementation of sustainable tour ism development policies in the bintan regency can be said to be quite positive. this is reflected in the preparations for reopen ing the border that is running according to planning, one of the factors that cause this to happen is the increasing public trust because regulations on tourism implementation tend to be strict. however, there is a negative reaction from stakeholders caused by the absence of a special s.o.p that regulates empowerment based tourism activities. 163 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 164 thematic analysis pattern results pattern analysis or commonly called thematic analysis was carried out to match the patterns on each theme discussed by 6 informants. this pattern grouping is then used as a reference in developing descriptive, discussing, and making mind maps resulting from this research. the following are the results of pattern matching on 6 informants which can be seen in the table table 2. number of coding results based on 6 informants informant code quantity reference wan rudy iskandar (head of tourism and 72 511 culture office of bintan regency) ronny kartika (head of the bintan regency 68 365 village and community empowerment service) mustafa abbas (head of the bintan regency 65 191 malay customary institution / lam) ramlan (head of teluk bakau village, bintan 64 275 regency) adji suradji muhammad (academic and tourism 55 292 policy observer, raja ali haji maritime university) andika (owner of blue bintan coral beach tour) 34 138 source: processed by researchers using the nvivo 12 pro, 2021 based on the overall thematic coding carried out, informant wan rudy iskandar was most widely referenced, namely 511 ref erences while informant andika was the least with 138 refer ences. this means that from the stakeholder side of the imple mentation of tourism policies in bintan regency at this time, entrepreneurs do not really understand the strategic steps in tour ism development in bintan regency, this is a lot of rules and regulations from various levels of the central government and local governments in preventing covid -19. content of policy bintan regency tourism development 1. interests affected interest affected relates to the interest affected by a policy. this indicator argues that a policy in its implementation must jurnal studi pemerintahan involve many interests and the extent to which these interests have an influence on its implementation. refers to the parties (stakeholders) who are affected by the implementation of the policy or not. the more interests there are in a food policy, the more difficult it will be to implement it. interests influenced by policy implementation, this indicator argues that a policy in its implementation must involve many interests and the extent to which these interests have an influence on its implementation. these regulations have a direct and indirect influence on the sustainability of tourism activities in bintan. changes that occur in the conditions of sustainable tourism development in bintan regency, it is certain that common interests greatly affect, as stake holder actors involved in tourism development during the covid-19 pandemic have limitations. the implementation of the policy regarding the prohibition of foreigners from entering the territory of the republic of indonesia has a very bad impact on tourism activities in bintan. it is proven by the statement from wan rudy iskandar, start ing from march 2020 there has been almost one year of no guests with the border closed. according to andika’s statement, andika suggested that the government ease the quarantine rules for for eign tourists. in addition, andika suggested that negotiations with several countries of origin of the most tourists be carried out so that foreign tourists can return to tourism activities. in 2021 there will be discussions about the opening of the border for tourists with the implementation of (rgl/tca) for several countries, namely singapore, china, south korea, and the united arab emirates. the following are some statements from the in formants regarding the implementation (rgl/tca). this is reinforced by the statement of the teluk bakau village head informant who stated that “this year there is a plan to open the border. the village is waiting for confirmation from the governor and the central government to open the border.” (interviewed on wednesday, march 31, 2021). 165 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 166 if this statement can be realized, then the interests that are affected lie in leadership from both the regional and national levels. based on the statement, the teluk bakau village head needs strong synergy between the interests that are influenced by the central government and local governments in taking policy steps for sustainable tourism development in bintan regency during the covid-19 pandemic. in addition, it is also impor tant to engage in cooperation with neighboring countries in an effort to convince the need to convince foreign tourists to come to bintan regency by reopening the border area. this was con veyed by academics and observers of tourism policy, adji suradji muhammad who explained that: “the discussion between the indonesian government and the singapore government is to provide special policies so that tourists can enter bintan regency and batam city by opening the border. as of april 21, the border will be opened if it is in accordance with the policies made”. (interview on saturday, april 24, 2021). based on the above statement, it gave a positive response re garding the planned implementation of the program (rgl/tca) which will be implemented on april 21, but in reality, it is now july and there is no certainty regarding the implementation of this (rgl/tca). the singapore government has so far opened (rgl/tca) only for two countries, namely brunei darussalam and china, while the policy decision (rgl/tca) with the re public of indonesia is still being postponed until an undeter mined time (ica, 2021). interests affected by the existence of a policy regarding the prohibition of foreigners from entering the territory of the republic of indonesia is carried out in order to prevent the spread of new covid-19 originating from abroad. the interest affected is public health in the republic of indone sia. this policy regarding the prohibition of entry of foreigners has a very bad impact on the tourism sector in bintan. in accor dance with wan’s statement that no foreign tourists have en tered the bintan area since the implementation of this policy. jurnal studi pemerintahan furthermore, the covid-19 task force circular no. 12 of 2021 contains travel regulations within the country. with the issu ance of the circular, several informants stated that the circular was a polemic in the midst of the covid-19 pandemic. infor mant andika as the owner and manager of the bbc stated that: “the government needs to loosen the rules for domestic travel, be cause from monday to friday the number of guests can be counted on the fingers so that operational costs are not covered. (interview on wednesday, april 6, 2021). then it was strengthened by regional stakeholders who stated that with circular potential tourists would incur a large enough cost. this was conveyed by the informant wan rudy iskandar, head of the culture and tourism office of bintan regency, “departure restriction policies, rapid antigen / swab / pcr poli cies. tourism has become expensive because of the swab/antigen policy which incriminates potential tourists in the covid-19 con dition.” (interview on wednesday, march 24, 2021). the establishment of domestic travel restrictions has a bad impact on the tourism sector. according to wan, the require ment for a negative result certificate is burdensome for poten tial tourists. according to him, tourism becomes very expensive with this regulation, tourists need to spend more money. the bad impact of implementing this rule is the reduced number of tourists visiting the blue bintan resort tourist attractions, ac cording to the informant, on monday-friday the number of tour ists can be counted on the fingers and causes difficulties for the company to cover the company’s operational costs. andika sug gested loosening the rules regarding domestic travel restrictions to stimulate domestic tourists to visit bintan. interests affected by the existence of a policy regarding restrictions on domestic travel is one of the efforts in preventing and terminating the spread of covid-19 in the tourism sector in the country as stated in letter a, the background section of the circular letter of the 167 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 168 covid-19 task force number 12 of 2021. then there is the chse certification policy set by the minis try of tourism and economy as a guide for the implementation of chse which includes hygiene, health, safety, and environ mental sustainability. there are 11 guidelines in the implemen tation of chse including the tourist attraction guide, hotel guide, homestay guide, mice guide, activity implementation guide (event), and so on that must be implemented in bintan regency. the implementation of this chse certification is in tended as one of the efforts in preventing and handling covid 19 in the tourism sector. the guidelines are described in great detail for example in the hotel guide regarding health protocol equipment, optimizing air circulation, cleaning and disinfecting implementation, entrances, rooms, meeting rooms, dining rooms, swimming pools, fitness centers, prayer rooms, and other public facilities in the area. business. regulation regarding the health protocol, one of the infor mants thought that the health protocol would increase the bur den on the bintan regency entrepreneurs because they had to provide the health protocol. interests affected by the existence of a policy regarding the implementation of chse based on the decree of the minister of health of the republic of indonesia no. hk.01.07/menkes/382/2020 is an effort to restore the tourism sector. in addition, the interests that are influenced are also to create sustainable tourism in bintan regency in accor dance with the rules and policies that have been set, so the inter ests that are influenced in general only maintain the continuity of good tourism activities. 2. types of benefits the implementation of a policy must try to show or explain that a policy must produce several types of benefits that show a positive impact, the more stakeholders or the community who feel the benefits of the implemented policy, it means the policy is implemented well. the benefits arising from the implementa jurnal studi pemerintahan tion of this policy are to prevent the spread of new variants that develop overseas to enter the territory of the republic of indo nesia. for example, several variants that are currently being dis cussed are variant b117 (english variant) there have been 13 cases of transmission in indonesia, b1617 (indian variant), and b1351 there is 1 case (south african variant) (kangsaputra, 2021). with the prohibition of foreigners from entering the territory of the republic of indonesia, the spread of this new variant case can be well suppressed, especially since the bintan regency area is close to border access, so it needs to be anticipated with high caution. in addition, the implementation of quarantine when foreigners enter the territory of the republic of indonesia spe cifically in bintan regency in the tourism sector prevents local transmission within the country. then the benefits arising from the implementation of this policy are to prevent the spread and break the chain of the spread of covid-19. however, this has a negative impact on domestic tourism travel in bintan regency, some informants think that the existence of domestic travel rules causes bintan regency tourism to be expensive with the need to check the status of covid-19 before traveling. in fact, with the issuance of circu lar no. 12 of 2021, the addition of rules regarding genose c19 is easier and cheaper for tourists visiting bintan regency. other benefits are creating the trust of potential tourists, creating the trust of foreign countries to carry out rgl/tca with the re public of indonesia, and restoring the tourism sector of bintan regency. it is hoped that the implementation of the chse policy will increase the number of returning tourists. bintan regency is one of the regions that is a priority for the regional govern ment and the central government in implementing chse by doing it in the first stage because bintan is considered “one of the lowest hanging fruits” (journey of indonesia, 2020). 3. extend of change envision, policies that are implemented must have targets to be achieved. 169 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 170 the degree of change to be achieved must have a clear scale. a program or activity that aims to change the attitudes and behav ior of the target group is relatively more difficult to implement than a program or project or activity that only provides direct assistance. how many change targets are set by the implementor, the more targets are set, the more difficult the success of a policy will be. the degree of change that can be seen in the implemen tation of chse in the tourism industry of bintan regency, as for the involvement of the program can be seen in the following table: table 3. bintan tourism industry with satisfactory chse no tourism industry amount 1 tourist transport 1 2 travel attractions 2 3 homestay 9 4 hotel 23 5 restaurants / eating 10 6 golf business 2 total 47 source: bintan regency culture and tourism office, 2021 based on the table, the implementation of chse in bintan regency is in the satisfactory category of as many as 47 business units. however, the application of the chse in the satisfactory category needs to be improved because in the tourism transpor tation industry there is still 1 verified unit in bintan regency. this is the task of the local government and other stakeholders in disseminating the application of chse to prevent the spread of the covid-19 pandemic in the bintan regency. in addition to the tourism industry in the hospitality sector, local govern ments need supervision, because the chse category is satisfac tory in bintan regency, the most hospitality tourism industry. the degree of change to be achieved with the prohibition of foreigners from entering the territory of the republic of indone sia is to prevent the spread of the new variant in the tourism jurnal studi pemerintahan sector which will have an impact on the border tourism area of bintan regency. the degree of change to be achieved with the implementation of chse in bintan regency is for the recovery of the tourism sector in bintan regency to run quickly and smoothly. to date, there are 47 business places in the tourism sector in bintan that have the “very satisfying” chse certifica tion (department of culture and tourism, 2020). this shows the readiness from the start at the place of business or msme actors in bintan regency in implementing excellent chse imple mentation. in addition, the degree of change that the bintan regency culture and tourism office wants to make in 2020 during the covid-19 pandemic is an effort to develop tourism industry cooperation in the form of mapping for the long term by creating integration-based tourism destinations that have sus tainable tourism potential. the following can be seen in the mapping conducted by the department of culture and tourism of bintan regency, bintan regency, figure 2. mapping tourism sector long-term development of bintan source: department of culture and tourism of bintan regency, 2020. based on the picture above, the degree of change to be achieved has been well prepared as an effort to form sustainable tourism 171 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 172 development in bintan regency. the characteristics of sustain able tourism development have received the attention of the cen tral government, which focuses on bintan regency in reviving tourism in the midst of the covid-19 pandemic. although bintan regency is not included in the super-priority strategic program by the indonesian government, domestic and foreign industries engaged in the tourism sector are very helpful in the development of tourism in bintan regency with the mapping that has been made by the culture and tourism office in 2020. 4. site of decision making decision-making in a policy has an important role in the imple mentation of a policy, both prepared and implemented. in this case, the decision-making referred to is more dominant regard ing the prohibition of foreigners, in this case, foreign tourists from entering the territory of the republic of indonesia, based on the ministry of law and human rights under the command of the immigration agency as the institution that is authorized to give permission for foreigners to enter the territory of the republic of indonesia. indonesia. decision-making regarding restrictions on domestic travel is based on the circular of the covid-19 task force under the command of the ministry of health. the decision-making regarding the implementation of the chse was determined by the ministry of tourism and cre ative economy under the command of the ministry of health as an effort to prevent covid-19 and restore the tourism sector. based on the description of the location of decision making by three central government stakeholders, it is appropriate to strengthen the tourism sector in preventing the covid-19 pan demic, if there is no location for decision making, it will have a negative impact on tourism activities from foreign tourist visits in bintan regency so that network governance has the basic power of rules. regulations for the sustainability of tourism in indone sia, especially bintan regency. jurnal studi pemerintahan 5. program implementors in carrying out an action program or activity, it must be sup ported by competent policy implementers. the implementation of the policy of prohibiting foreigners from entering the terri tory of the republic of indonesia has been implemented since april 2020 until now. the prohibition of foreigners from enter ing the territory of the republic of indonesia is granted an ex ception for foreigners who come from countries that are free from covid-19, have a covid-19 free certificate in english, and a letter of willingness to take part in a 14-day quarantine carried out by the republic of indonesia. so it can be empha sized that the implementation of the program is emphasized in an administrative form before starting all activities in indonesia, meaning that the tourism sector which is in great demand by foreign tourists visiting bintan regency must follow health pro tocol as a form of preventing the spread of covid-19. then the implementation of the domestic travel restriction program is carried out in all airports, ports, stations, and terminals that con nect between cities, regions, and provinces. this domestic travel restriction program is made easier by the existence of new rules in circular no. 12 of 2021 with the enactment of the rules re garding genose c19. the implementation of the chse imple mentation program in bintan was carried out for the first time in indonesia (journey of indonesia, 2020). the bintan regency chse training was held in two stages in 2020, the first phase of phase 1 was held in the lagoi area (nirwana garden resort, the anmon resort bintan, and angsana bintan) which was attended by 800 participants and the second phase of phase 2 was held in the trikora area (de bintan villa and hello bintan), which was attended by 500 par ticipants. until now, the implementation process of implement ing certification in bintan regency is still running for several business places that have been certified, are being processed, and some have not been certified. the ministry of tourism and cre ative economy of the republic of indonesia confirms that the 173 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 174 implementation of this chse to be applied to all business places or msmes will not hesitate to temporarily close / revoke busi ness place permits for actors who have not implemented this chse certification (ministry of tourism and creative economy of the republic of indonesia, 2021). implementing a policy or program must be supported by com petent and capable policy implementers for the success of a policy. and this has to be exposed or contained properly, whether a policy has mentioned the implementor in detail and clearly. then at this time in the context of implementing the bintan regency tourism action program, the local government has an action plan that has been prepared if the implementation of chse has met the standards of the central government, then tourism activities will run again while maintaining the health protocol. based on the researchers’ findings on secondary data in 2020, there were a number of international events and activities prior to the covid-19 pandemic. the action program which has become the annual calendar of the bintan regency culture and tour ism office on an international scale can be seen above. how ever, until now the calendar of tourism activities has entered one semester in 2021, there has not been an event carried out be cause the covid-19 pandemic is still high from various coun tries in the world so that various efforts are made and the readi ness of local governments to strengthen health protocols, vacci nations, chse programs, planning travel corridor arrange ment, application of mice, application of genose so that with the preparation of the strategic plan, international activity pro grams in the regency tourism sector can be carried out in the future. 6. resources committed the development of sustainable tourism in bintan regency requires solid integration and coordination between the use of natural resources, human resources, and artificial resources in a time, spatial dimension, and coordinated to be effective, effec jurnal studi pemerintahan tive, and efficient. the resources needed in implementing the policy for the prohibition of foreigners, especially in bintan re gency, are actually very minimal. however, what is needed is the dissemination of synchronized information prior to the estab lishment of the acceleration policy through international airlines, border domains (singapore, malaysia, china), and through the government’s official website, namely the immigration website, the indonesian tourism website, and several social media to dis seminate policies regarding prohibition of foreigners to enter the territory of the republic of indonesia. furthermore, the resources needed in the implementation of this domestic travel restriction policy are checkpoints before passengers travel domestically for tourism visits. in addition, with the implementation of new regulations regarding genose c19, the government is expected to immediately provide access to all ports and terminals to have a genoese c19 checking tool that can be accessed by all passengers and actors involved in tourism activities in bintan regency. the resources needed in the imple mentation of chse certification in the tourism sector of bintan regency are the need for expert staff who carry out chse certi fication provided by the ministry of tourism and creative economy in the implementation of this chse certification. in addition, from the tourism entrepreneurs side, readiness is needed in the form of health protocol tools, and workers who will be trained by the ministry of tourism and creative economy in tourism activities in bintan regency. the regional government currently requires other resources in the form of vaccination, health protocol assistance for tourism entrepreneurs, rapid imple mentation of chse certification, and forms of continuous su pervision in the implementation of chse after the certificate is given so that bintan regency tourism activities are in line with the targets desired by all stakeholders. 175 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 176 context of implementation of bintan regency tourism development 1. power, interests, and strategies of actors involved the government’s policy in developing sustainable tourism in bintan regency during the covid-19 pandemic to maintain the lives of small communities from the village level will be closely related to the issue of power. the relationship between powers or between the authorities of the government and local govern ments in the management of sustainable tourism development in bintan regency is faced with the problem of attracting inter est in the power of the paradigm. power, interests, and strategies actors in the implementation of the ban on foreigners entering the territory of the republic of indonesia have interests that in clude the protection of public health in this covid-19 pan demic. the strategy that has been made by issuing regulation of the minister of law and human rights no. 11 of 2020 has pur posely limited the spread and cut off the spread of the new covid-19 variant in indonesia. however, for the tourism sec tor in bintan regency, the implementation of the ban on for eigners entering the territory of the republic of indonesia has had a very bad impact, according to several statements by the informants discussed in the previous paragraph. the tourism sector of bintan regency hopes that the gov ernment will immediately cooperate in implementing the travel corridor agreement with several countries to restore the tour ism sector in bintan. the government, the minister of foreign affairs, and the minister of tourism and creative economy have the greatest power in implementing the travel corridor agree ment to immediately implement the planned travel corridor agreement program. furthermore, the power, interests, and strat egies of actors in implementing domestic travel restrictions are carried out based on the goal of preventing and breaking the chain of spreading covid-19 to other regions in indonesia, es pecially bintan regency is a border zone that must be antici pated by stakeholders in bintan regency. this is especially for jurnal studi pemerintahan people who come from the covid-19 red zone who want to travel to other regions. with the policy regarding the need for initial screening before traveling domestically, it is hoped that it can minimize the spread of covid-19 in the domestic tourism sector in bintan regency. the strategy carried out is made easier by checking facilities using the genoese c19 method which is currently available at raja haji fisabililah airport and several ports on bintan i sland. unfortunately, for several other places such as ports and other terminals, there is still a lack of availability of genoese c19 fa cilities. genoese is more affordable and faster, with a cost of 50,000 idr, prospective passengers can get the genoese c19 facility. it is hoped that in the future the government can pro vide genose c19 facilities for all ports and terminals in bintan regency. the powers, interests, and strategies of actors in imple menting chse based on the objective are to recover the tour ism sector quickly. if the business actor has been certified and implemented the chse, it is hoped that potential tourists visit ing bintan regency will feel safe again for vacation. in addition, it is hoped that with a good chse implementation, several coun tries that will cooperate with the travel corridor agreement will feel safe collaborating with the indonesian government because of the government’s seriousness in implementing chse, espe cially the tourism sector in bintan regency. 2. institution and regime characteristics various institutions during the covid-19 pandemic have a special focus on always prioritizing public health. although this is in contrast to tourism activities before the covid-19 pan demic. based on the researcher’s analysis and some of the infor mants’ statements obtained regarding the travel corridor agree ment, this is actually the best solution by continuing to carry out good health protocols and careful preparations from msme business actors in the tourism sector of bintan regency in or der to prevent the spread of covid-19. the planned travel 177 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 178 corridor agreement is the uncertainty of the designated devel oping countries, especially indonesia, especially since bintan regency has a border area with singapore and malaysia. for ex ample, singapore is currently still postponing the travel corri dor agreement with the state of indonesia for an undetermined period of time, not confirmed because the bureaucracy and man agement in handling the covid-19 pandemic have not been good. so, the researcher hopes that the central government, which has the authority to enter into agreements with other coun tries, will immediately re-discuss the previously planned travel corridor agreement by improving good management. the tourism sector of bintan regency must continue to run, according to several statements by informants that the tourism sector of bintan regency provides a very large role for the com munity, regional income, and also the sustainability of tourism activities in bintan regency. with the implementation of this chse, the ministry of tourism and creative economy has sev eral emphases, such as the revocation of the permit or the clo sure of the place of business if it is not chse certified. the ministry of tourism and creative economy is firm in this re gard, but the objectives to be achieved are indeed expected to be commensurate with the efforts made with the implementation of this chse. however, the role of the local government at this time does not have more power because the policies and author ity of the regime are in the central government in controlling and preventing covid-19 in the tourism sector of bintan re gency, currently, the regional government regime and stakeholder actors in bintan regency are only waiting for instructions in car rying out tourism activities in bintan regency. for example, many international-scale tourism events have been delayed by the char acter of the regime holding fully in licensing the implementa tion of tourism activities in bintan regency. 3. compliance and responsiveness compliance in the implementation of the prohibition on for jurnal studi pemerintahan eigners to enter the territory of the republic of indonesia has been carried out well, as shown by the number of foreigners en tering the territory of the republic of indonesia on a year-on year basis, which decreased by 89.05% (bps, 2021). this shows that compliance in the prohibition of foreigners from entering the territory of the republic of indonesia is really implemented. however, the impact that occurred on the level of compliance and responsiveness was that tourism in bintan regency weak ened significantly, this made the local government strengthen and exclude potential tourists in the border area, finally the ex ception used the concept of the travel bubble in bintan regency. in general, there are still foreigners entering the territory of the republic of indonesia because there are exceptions for foreign ers who are willing to follow a 14-day quarantine for tourists who have entered indonesia, especially in bintan regency. the re sponsibility for granting permits for foreigners to enter the terri tory of the republic of indonesia is fully held by the immigra tion agency as the institution that gives the authority to allow or refuse foreigners to enter the territory of the republic of indo nesia in accordance with the requirements of tourism travel that has met the requirements or not in bintan regency. compliance in the implementation of bintan regency certi fication is quite good, but not all business places or msmes in bintan regency have been chse certified. the total percentage of certified business places or msmes in bintan has not been published by the ministry of tourism and creative economy, but to date, 47 business places in bintan are categorized as chse “very good”. responsibility, in the end, is still held by every business place or msme in implementing compliance in tour ism activities, the ministry of tourism and the creative economy in this case can only be an institution that oversees the activities of business places or msmes to implement chse in tourism activities in bintan regency. 179 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 180 conclusion based on content of policy affected interests; there are dif ferences in interests between stakeholders in the implementa tion of tourism development policies in bintan regency, so that it becomes one of the obstacles in implementing tourism devel opment policies in bintan regency. if the difference in interest is not anticipated, it has the potential to create a conflict of inter est. on the type of benefit; there is a gap in terms of the ben efits received between large-scale industries and the benefits felt by the surrounding community and msmes in the implementa tion of tourism policy development in bintan regency. when the covid-19 pandemic occurs, large-scale industries that are more “ready” with health facilities will get greater benefits than msmes that do not have adequate health facilities. in other words, the innovation of tourism development policies in bintan regency has not been optimal so that the perceived benefits are not evenly distributed. next is the desired degree of change; the desired degree of change is the creation of conducive tour ism conditions to create an economic cycle for the community. this is achieved by increasing the s.o.p on the travel bubble. decision making; the central government is still the main actor in decision-making. the thing that is considered by the central government in making decisions regarding the implemen tation of tourism development in bintan regency is the readi ness of stakeholders in implementing chse, mice, and other health facilities. continued program implementation; the pro gram that can be implemented by the government related to tour ism development policies in bintan regency to date is empower ment-based tourism activities carried out by stakeholders at the district level. previously, the government had planned an action program for national and international tourism activities, but this could not be implemented due to the covid-19 pandemic, and required resources; resources (in this case stakeholders) are one of the obstacles in implementing tourism policies in bintan regency. this occurs because of the uncertainty of the jurnal studi pemerintahan transfer of authority regarding standard operating procedures by the central government to relevant stakeholders so that policy implementation cannot run properly, including in the context of the required resources. based on the context of implementation including power, interest, and strategy; the interest in increasing the number of tourists is still the main focus of several stakeholders, especially stakeholders who are the main actors in implementing sustain able tourism development policies in bintan regency. this has an impact on the low level of community involvement and em powerment in policy implementation, which should be a policy innovation, especially during the covid-19 pandemic. but on the characteristics of an institution, institution, or regime; the characteristics of the regime at the time of implementing sus tainable tourism development policies were semi-centralized which was reflected in some affairs, especially natural resources held by the central government. meanwhile, in terms of tourism governance, the characteristics of the regime are centralized which is reflected in the limited authority of local governments in terms of implementing sustainable tourism policies in bintan regency. then obedience and responsiveness; community responses related to sustainable tourism development policies in bintan regency are divided into positive and negative responses. the positive response is reflected in the preparation for reopening the border in accordance with the plan, this is because the regu lations made by the government are quite strict. on the other hand, the absence of standard operating procedures that regu late empowerment-based tourism activities has triggered a nega tive response from the community because, during the covid 19 pandemic, everything that could possibly happen in the tour ism sector has no limited scope. references associates, h. 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(2020). memperkuat peran pemerintah daerah/ : mengelola pariwisata lokal yang berkelanjutan. jurnal ilmu administrasi negara (juan), 8(1), 1–24. https://doi.org/10.31629/juan.v8i1.1879 silfia, b., utami, a., & kafabih, a. (2021). sektor pariwisata di tengah pandemi covid-19. in jurnal dinamika ekonomi pembagunan, 4 (1). https://doi.org/10.33005/jdep.v4i1.198 183 http://www.ceeol.com/ vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 184 tang, r. (2021). does trade facilitation promote the efficiency of inbound tourism? the empirical test based on japan. international journal of tourism research, 23(1), 39–55. https://doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2390 undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 10 tahun 2009 tentang kepariwisataan, pembangunan kepariwisataan. accessed on may 28, 2021 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/ index.php/kerthanegara/article/download/12797/8683 yin, r. k. (2015). case study research: design and methods (5th ed.). sage publication. zebua, m. (2016). inspirasi pengembangan pariwisata daerah. grindle concept model implementation policy tourism bintan regency ju r n a l st u d i p e m e r in t a h a n 1 8 5 a p p e n d ix table 2. treemap hierarchy coding results based on 6 informants vol. 13 n o. 2 july 2022 1 8 6 jurnal studi pemerintahan figure bintan tourism industry with satisfactory chse source: bintan regency culture and tourism office, 2021 187 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123138 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 265 affiliation: 1institut pemerintahan dalam negeri 2 institut pemerintahan dalam negeri 3 institut pemerintahan dalam negeri correspondence: hasna@ipdn.ac.id how to citate: labolo, m., & fadhilah, h. a. (2021). gender politics and political strategies 0f female candidate in lampung province, indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics), 12 (3), 265-281 article history: received:2020-11-19 revision: 2021-10-29 accepted:2021-11-15 gender politics and political strategies of female candidate in lampung province, indonesia muhadam labolo1, hasna azmi fadhilah*2, teguh ilham3 abstract: female politicians in indonesia are still facing social discrimination when run ning for election as regional leaders or legislative members. some of them succeeded in overcoming those challenges, while others still find it difficult. this article studied the implemented strategy by the female political candi date in lampung province, when facing social discrimination during her can didacy. this case study used in-depth interviews with prominent political fig ures, observations and documentation. the result showed that the female candidate during the lampung governor election maximised her social net work, apart from other factors that helped her win the election with her political pair. to overcome social barriers and discrimination, a female political candidate should use many strategies, including the extensive use of social media to win the majority of votes. keywords: gender politics; general election; local election; political strate gies. abstrak: para politisi perempuan di indonesia masih menghadapi diskriminasi sosial saat mencalonkan diri sebagai kepala daerah atau maju sebagai anggota legislatif. beberapa dari mereka berhasil mengatasi tantangan tersebut, sementara yang lain masih merasa kesulitan. artikel ini mengkaji strategi yang diterapkan oleh calon politik perempuan di provinsi lampung, ketika menghadapi diskriminasi sosial selama pencalonannya. studi kasus ini menggunakan wawancara mendalam dengan tokoh politik terkemuka, observasi dan dokumentasi. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa caleg perempuan pada pemilihan gubernur (pilgub) lampung memaksimalkan jejaring sosialnya, terlepas dari faktor lain yang membantunya memenangkan pilkada bersama pasangan politiknya. untuk mengatasi hambatan sosial dan diskriminasi, seorang kandidat politik perempuan harus menggunakan banyak strategi, termasuk penggunaan media sosial secara ekstensif untuk memenangkan suara mayoritas. keywords: politik gender; pemilihan umum; pemilihan lokal; strategi politik. https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.123138 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:hasna@ipdn.ac.id https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6389-553x https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4111-5827 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8985-9281 jurnal studi pemerintahan introduction as a country with the fourth-largest population in the world, indonesia is home to 266.79 million people. the female popula tion reached 131.47 million, almost similar to the male popula tion. yet, judging from the welfare and accessibility aspect, indo nesia still has a lot of work to do to solve the gender disparity problem. the world economic forum gender gap index considers four main factors for gender gap, namely participation and opportu nities in economic aspects, education levels and access to health and political participation. from the mentioned fields, the edu cation gap still needs more attention from the government be cause it exhibits the lowest score. however, indonesia has been praised for its literacy rate as one of the highest in asia, yet this indicator cannot be used as the sole reference. the abc gap between indonesian women and men seems to be a complex problem, other than being influenced by the high number of young females dropping out from primary level in schools, forced to work and getting married early, another factor that widens the education gap is the social stigma towards highly educated women. this is further exacerbated by a large number of regulations that discriminate against women at both local and national levels. data from komnas perempuan (women national commission) at the end of 2018 stated that there were 421 policies limiting women’s activities, including 56% of local regulations, the rest were in the form of circular letters from regional heads from the provincial to the village level. the number of discriminatory regulations is not separated from the low quantity of decision-makers coming from the same gender. it is a given fact that women’s participation in indone sian politics is still very low. during the election for the regional head last year, the percentage of women who volunteered to be leaders was only 6.9%. this figure is down by 0.3% compared to the previous election in 2015. from the minimum affirmation quota of the existing policy (30% of total seats), the percent 266 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 267 age of women holding executive and legislative seats at the na tional level has not significantly increased since abc and has shown no upward movement over the years. the following graphs are processed from the general election commission (kpu) about the percentage of female representatives in the parliamen t (figure 1). figure 1. percentage of women in the indonesian parliament source: the general electoral commission, 2019 the condition of women’s political participation at the re gional level is not that different. one example comes from the south sumatra province; as seen from the members of the re gional people’s representative council (dprd), there are only 13 women councillors from a total of 75 or around 17.23%. this is inversely proportional to the women voters’ participation, whichis quite high at 78%. in the view of this phenomenon, the repre sentatives of the south sumatra dprd stated that working to gether is good for the government, political parties and kpu to provide particular socialisation and regeneration for women to encourage their roles in the political sphere. moreover, the role of women is expected to be much broader in the future; further they can demonstrate a greater influence on the formulation and implementation of regulations at regional and national levels as jurnal studi pemerintahan many public policies intersect closely with women’s basic rights. there number of women representatives at the parliament and the executive level is quite low. however, there is a problem in the way affirmative policies are being implemented. this is caused by the patriarchal culture and various stigmas that are still dominant in indonesia. even in the candidacy and cam paigning of female candidates, it is not uncommon for personal issues, which are not related to work programmes and her vision and mission, to tackle their participation toward policies that exhibit a direct impact on the welfare of women. this gender bias in politics was also discovered when the lampung vice governor candidate, who was also the regent of east lampung, chusnunia chalim participated in a five-year political contestation. when chusnunia and arinal were about to register as candidates for the position of governor, the unmar ried status of chusnunia was questioned by the public. the re search by (cassese and holman 2018) concluded that the popu larity of female candidates is usually affected by their personal lives, and it further decreases due to the public’s interference in personal matters. in contrast to these findings, in the case of local elections in lampung province, the impact of the negative campaign that attacked chusnunia was not remarkable. in the latest release from the kpu, the pair was later declared as the elected pair of governors and deputy governors in lampung prov ince. the challenges faced by women who are actively involved in politics include sexual harassment, discrimination and marginalisation (mlambo and kapingura 2019). a study by sundström and wängnerud (2016) examined how european women face difficulty in overcoming social barriers and political regulation, which further illustrate the obstacles faced by women in political activities. additionally, (mangkurat et al. 2020; white and aspinall 2019) conducted a study on women’s engagement in politics at the parliament level of indo nesia, revealing discrimination in the right of inquiry and politi cal compromise. furthermore, the study found that the cause of 268 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 269 the discriminatory behaviour is a culture that developed in in donesia where women were considered only as wingking konco, or people behind the scene; women were expected to play a role behind the political stage. historically, indonesia’s political and military maps tend to be androcentric in nature, which causes women to be increas ingly marginalised as ‘the second sex.’ a change began to show af ter the fall of the new order regime. women’s political activi ties and spaces in indonesia began to thrive along with the col lapse of the new order regime. various women’s organisations with various bases of struggle began to be established. likewise, mid-level political parties began to show interest in adding a spe cial structure in their organisations or organisational wings based on women’s participation. from the previous research that shows the ‘black campaign’ to weaken female politicians’ position (cassese & holman 2018), we found that their conclusion cannot always be the case. in the 2018 lampung election, a female political candidate could win the majority of votes and win the election. therefore, this study is conducted to find the candidates’ strategies for the election. besides, the findings from this research could provide new in sight into how female politicians should act toward negative pro paganda during their candidacy. by interviewing some key ac tors in lampung province, the results are expected to gain a deeper understanding of how gender politics plays its role in the gover nor race in one of the provinces in indonesia. literature review women representation in politics representation refers to how a person, a group, an idea or a particular opinion is displayed in any media. several studies based on women’s representation in political institutions are interest ing to consider. some of them view that the institution’s form exhibits an influence. it is proven that the likelihood of women being elected increases when the institutional ‘prestige’ is lower jurnal studi pemerintahan (goodnow, madrid, and moser 2019). in this context, they view that women’s electability level as mayors is high, if elected through the representative institutions rather than being directly elected. on another aspect, there is also a view regarding the influ ence of prestige, as measured by electoral arrangements such as the district (electoral system) or at large (elected by the entire elec toral population without electoral districts), to the election of women to fill the seats in the city council. some researchers found that women demonstrate a greater probability of being selected if using a district system (white and aspinall 2019), whereas two studies did not find a correlation between the probability of women being elected in the electoral system (christensen and bardall 2014). in their respective studies, they did not find any correlations of other institutional factors such as salary, length of office and seat size with the high or low level of women’s rep resentation. if explored further, not all institutional factors demonstrate the same effect on all women. for example, in the (charlotte, 2016), researchers found that district selection reduced white women’s level of electability, which was inversely proportional to latin and black women. meanwhile, the study by (brown, 2018) found that black women presented with a higher degree of selec tivity in the district system than women of asian and latin descent. these studies indicate that there is a cross between the institutional factors and the background of female candidates. apart from these studies, research on women and politics has been carried out in many countries. (craske, 2003), in his research in latin america, introduces a new concept called ‘political motherhood’ that depicts the existence of women’s political devel opment being increasingly acknowledged as actively participat ing in various lines. however, not all businesses went well in their development. in their research, white and (aspinall, 2019) iden tified several obstacles that are often faced by women politicians in indonesia: 1. individual constraints in the form of limited education and 270 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 271 experience: since the beginning of the democratic regime in indonesia, politics and political organisation have always been understood as a world of men. this image is so strong that politics always exhibits a face appearance and lifestyle of a man. thus, women who enter this area always get negative attention and are even stigmatised for appearing to be ambi tious and seemingly unscrupulous. 2. structural constraints: the assumption that women are not capable of politics and organisation because women do not demonstrate similar political rights to men. besides, most women are unable to garner the support of their husbands and family. further, they lack confidence because they do not have the support of their community. 3. cultural flames: generally, women are still burdened by tra ditional roles and duties. women are double burden-bearers; they are forced to become a mother or a wife or a daughter who must take care of their family. so, it is considered inap propriate if they are involved in politics or organising a move ment, particularly in traditional muslim communities within indonesia. 4. women are seen to be less capable of being a leader because they are falsely believed to be more emotional than men. the public and religious views in indonesia about the position of women, especially regarding gender relations, are very distorted and biased. research method this study was carried out using a case study research model. lampung province was selected since the woman candidates from this region gained the most significant vote share and left the incumbent behind for the first time. this achievement increased women’s representation in politics, which was below the mini mum quota in lampung province. the lampung case is also unique in indonesia as it presents small female parliament mem bers, but it could have a female candidate that won majority votes. jurnal studi pemerintahan the study was conducted from march 1 to june 20 of 2019. the in-depth interviews were conducted with nine key informants from and beyond local governments, political parties; it also in cluded experts in gender politics who work for the government and in ngos (table 1). the interviews addressed the role of gender politics in governor contestation, as well as the strategies of the woman candidates struggling against misogyny to win the governor election. the secondary data from the local regulations, the provincial grand design of the general election and the re ports on the election activities and women empowerment were also considered. the triangulation technique was used to vali date the data. table 1. list of respondents and questions 272 no. respondent categories questions topic 1. local government 2. political parties and campaign team 3. gender politics experts  election situation  regional characteristics  lampung's current situation (politics and economic situation)  campaign strategies  election situation  gender politics in lampung  chusnunia’s profile  gender politics in lampung result and discussion the portrait of gender in lampung province lampung province is relatively balanced when viewing the ratio of male and female population. the population in lampung province in 2017 was 8.289.577 people, where the male popula tion was 4.247.121 people (51%) and the female was 4.042.456 people (49%). the population distribution in each regency/city is also very diverse. from the most populous in central lampung regency with 1.261.498 people to the least in the west pesisir vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 273 regency with 152.529 people. in terms of sex ratio, lampung is a province with a relatively good parity of 105.06 compared to the world sex ratio, which ranges around 103 to 107. apart from the quantitative data above, various studies on gender are currently underway. they indicate that equality and fairness, related to the roles of men and women, are still an inter esting central issue to study. in various fields, including educa tion, livelihood and so on, many problems are still to be found that indicate the need for significant efforts to reduce and elimi nate the gap. an aspect that still reflects a gender gap in lampung prov ince is education. one indicator in this aspect is based on the ability to read and write for residents in the age group of 15 and above (figure 2). however, the women representation in the leg islative body is still less than 30%, as shown in figure 3. figure 2. illiteracy percentage of population aged over 15 years by regency/ city, gender in lampung province year 2017 source: lampung province government, 2019 jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 3. percentage of population aged 15-24 years by regency/city, gender, and reading and writing ability in lampung province year 2017 source: lampung province government, 2019 the elections in 2019, for the lampung provincial legislative members period of 2019 to 2024, resulted in 85 people elected as legislators, assigned to the lampung provincial kpu decree no. 316/pl.01.1-ba/03/prov/viii/2019. based on figure 3 above, men dominate the seats with 67 legislators (79%), while women occupy only 18 positions (21 %). among the political parties, only pdip, pkb and nasdem reached the 30% seats quota for women; others are below the standard. even some parties, such as pks, pan and ppp, do not have women representatives for the provincial legislature. based on the data above, the gen der inequalities for women in literacy and employment (included in the legislature) are still a challenge. the gender politics in lampung governor election the studies on gender, which is discussed frequently even today, indicate that equality and fairness regarding the roles of men and women is still a central issue. in a lot of fields, includ ing education, employment, etc., inequality is still the main prob lem, which needs a significant effort to reduce and eliminate the gap. in the political sphere, women’s representation in parlia 274 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 275 ment is still less than the minimum quota of 30 %. the domi nant culture of patriarchy in lampung is one of the reasons that best explains this inequality. women are still considered ineli gible to be political leaders. the 2015 lampung province elec tion solidified the initial appearance of women as political lead ers. they were successfully elected as public officials in the ex ecutive branch, such as winarti as the regent of tulang bawang, chusnunia as the regent of east lampung, dewi handajani as the regent of tanggamus and erlina as the vice regent of pesisir barat. while at the provincial level, the unexpired term of lampung regent, chusnunia occupied the position of vice gov ernor in the 2018 election. this achievement crowned her as the first woman to win the provincial level election in lampung (de cree of the lampung provincial election commission no. 373 / hk.03.1-kept / 18 / prov / vii / 2018). table 2. the candidate’s vote acquisition for governor and vice governor of lampung, 2019–2024 period no. name candidates for governor and deputy governor vote acquisition (1) (2) (3) 1. h. muhammad ridho ficardo, s.pi, m.si 1.043.666 basri bachtiar, sh., mm 2. drs. h. herman hasanusi, mm 1.054.646 ir. sutono, mm 3. ir. arinal djunaidi 1.548.506 hj. chusnunia, phd. 4. dr. h. mustafa 452.454 h. ahmad jajuli, s.ip., m.si total 4.099.272 although women politicians started to show their presence in the political stage in lampung, chusnunia’s victory in the lampung province election in 2018 could not be separated from various issues that targeted her personal life. even the issue be gan to surface since her nomination as east lampung regent. personal attacks are carried out by people who claimed to be the members of the public information services authority (lp3ri) jurnal studi pemerintahan non-governmental organisation (ngo), which questioned the status of chusnunia’s child since chusnunia herself had not been married. this action of demonstrators was suspected to be politically motivated to harm chusnunia’s credibility. in response to this demonstration, chusnunia stressed that political opponents should not reduce her lack of marriage and her child as political commodities and reminded that protests should be directed to ward those who abandon children, not to herself who adopted a child. this problem eventually made the indonesian child pro tection agency (lpai) accompanying the east lampung regent to report the lp3ri to the police. the complaint of lpai was in the context of the alleged exploitation of children carried out by the lp3ri demonstrators who put up the picture of the child as an object for demonstration. additionally, lpai east lampung considered that chusnunia’s adopted child, aj, had experienced social exploitation. the female candidate’s campaign strategies in addressing women issues the government is trying to encourage public participation for political development ever since a democratic system was adopted in indonesia. one of the efforts was to implement an affirmative action policy in which political parties are required to have a minimum of 30 % of women in the list of candidates involved in both executive and legislative elections. with this condition, a conventional system that is used as the only subor dinate to the ideology and interests of the ruling party had to switch to the democratic system. the changing system forced the party machine to actively move on to acquire votes from the grassroots. therefore, party management tend to set policies and specific strategies before the election to gain as many votes as possible (muhtadi,2019). this is called political marketing, where a coalition party exploits any possible strategy to take and reach many votes (simbolon, 2016). 276 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 277 the political strategy is simply that political parties should stand shoulder to shoulder with candidates and think and plan on how to achieve their goals (mufti, 2019). the decision making was affected by some essential factors, namely the local culture, local history and the resources owned by competitors, etc. furthermore, (nielsen, 2011) in his article entitled ‘three faces of political marketing strategy’ stated that the term political strat egy should be defined not only from one point of view but from various dimensions: from the design, interpretation and signifi cance. these dimensions should consider the actors, the politi cal environment, the purpose of adopted strategy and the possi bility of conflicts that will be encountered if a policy plan is imple mented. referring to the complexity and the vastness of this defi nition, hereinafter, in the discussion and analysis, nielsen’s theory is used as a reference in describing how the strategy is under taken by the elected governor and vice governor of lampung in response to the stigma and issues of woman empowerment. interestingly, lampung province is dominated by the javanese community, instead of the native inhabitants of lampung. so, the assumption exists that a majority of voters in lampung dem onstrate similar characteristics to the javanese voters, especially central java, east java and yogyakarta. lampung’s openness in accepting people from outside is also reflected in how the com munity is very receptive to their women leaders. although the trend of women leadership in lampung province is ‘new,’ as it happened over the last six to seven years, the trend is moving more and more toward women taking part in the political sphere. chusnunia, the elected vice governor in the 2018 local elections, became the first female leader in lampung province to win the position of the east lampung regent. from this, it can be seen that the rise of women leaders in a region was able to trigger other women to be more interested in politics. the lampung elections for the position of governor presented four candidates, namely m. ridho ficardo-bachtiar basri, herman hn-sutono, arinal djunaidi-chusnunia chalim and jurnal studi pemerintahan ahmad mustafa-jajuli. in the final results announced by the elec tion commission of lampung province, the elected pair was arinal-chusnunia, with 1,584,506 votes or 37.78 % of the total ballots. however, the candidate number 1, who was the incum bent pair, gained 25.46 % of votes, equivalent to 1,043,666. a similar percentage was obtained by candidate number 2, herman hn-sutono with 25.73 % or 1,054,646 votes. in the last posi tion, mustafa-jajuli only got 11.04 % or 454,452 votes. the victory gained by pair number 3 was not predicted by many political analysts. at the beginning of the campaign, some even assumed that pair number 4 and the incumbent candidates would gain a lot of votes. however, in the subsequent develop ments, candidate number 3, who was supported by the pks party, was caught red-handed by the kpk (corruption eradication commission), which changed the political map before the elec tions took place. the political turmoil then increased the prob ability of other candidates to gain a much higher vote share, in cluding the elected candidate. the roadmap strategic design in any elections, the right political strategy design will assist the candidates in gaining the highest vote. therefore, some basic principles that need to be considered by the bearer parties and ‘timses’ (campaign team), such as positioning, branding, seg menting with media and non-media strategy, should be well-pre pared. based on the interviews with the core campaign team, both from golkar and pkb, the positioning strategy of arinal and chusnunia had been applied after the parties declared them as a pair of candidates whom they support. as the only pair with a female figure, they positioned the party to be able to scoop up the votes of women and young female voters. the pair also ben efited from the chusnunia’s background, who was the daughter of a famous kyai (expert in islam) in lampung. it could help them to gain votes, especially from the pilgrims’ recitation and 278 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 279 nahdlatul ulama/revival of the ulama (nu) organisation. the political positioning method performed by political parties can be broadly divided into the following steps: (1) determining the voter segments, (2) setting the priorities approach and (3) pre paring the campaign issue. the provincial election in lampung was quite competitive, so it required a comprehensive and effective strategy along with its interpretation. with the right interpretation of the right plan, it is usually expected to maximise the vote acquisition opportuni ties in densely populated areas. at this stage, the interpretation does not only mean the activity’s implementation, but also the focus on the consistency of campaign teams in maximising re sources and the preparation of the campaign’s programme pri orities. apart from campaign consistency, another strategy is the divi sion of duties among the winning teams for effective and tar geted campaigns. it is understood that social media in lampung still demonstrated a small impact on the campaign. one study indicated a unique principle in the consistency of the campaign by using ‘hashtag’ to promote and voice any programme of the party or candidate (herdiansah 2019; wauters, thijssen, and erkel 2020). the consistency and effectiveness of communication were also applied by chusnunia and the winning team while approaching the voters. with a focus on programme promotion and strength ening her female characters, this campaign method is far more effective and striking in the public mind. besides, she benefited as the only female candidate in the election; it made it easier for the public to remember her. notably, the winning team demon strated no hesitation in highlighting the chusnunia’s feminin ity. although she had been buffeted by rumours related to the child adoption and her unmarried status, chusnunia’s firm and calm demeanour was visible to the public, making people trust what she said, rather than the rumours. in addition to the team’s consistency and hard work in promoting the candidates, the jurnal studi pemerintahan programme prioritisation was based on the demographic profile of the region, which was dominated by small farmers, traders and fishers. arinal-chusnunia introduced pro-poor programmes. conclusion the race for the position of governor in lampung province has shown that there were many factors that affected the final votes, including the impact of the effective campaign strategies to gain popular votes, especially which target the swing voters in the province. an additional point was given to chusnunia’s suc cess in building the public’s political trust. this can be seen from her strategies, both before the campaign period and during, which were her showing respect to the political opponents and using social media platforms to gain attention from the younger gen erations. some significant aspects that made chusnunia accept able among others were effective political communication, strong social networks, the building loyalty among the masses and the well-designed prioritisation of campaign targets. the victory of chusnunia and arinal in the provincial politi cal election in lampung, besides being a new milestone in the local politics of gender, also sparked other women figures to be involved in politics. however, most of them belong to privileged and politically influential families. as for the implications, several ways are required to keep the gender politics in lampung region stable, such as the following: 1) encouraging other women political figures who demonstrate leadership capacities to participate in executive, legislative and judiciary bodies; 2) enhancing the political abilities of women, the local govern ments need to run outreach programs and intensify their po litical education so that the women are elected not just be cause of their mere physical superiority; 3) political parties should be more serious in internal regenera tion, particularly in the recruitment and development of in dependent women candidates, so that they exhibit equal per 280 vol. 12 no. 3 november 2021 281 sistence to engage in political contestation and to serve the community references brown, nadia e. 2018. “ hardy-fanta, carol, pei-te lien, dianne pinderhughes, and christine marie sierra. 2016. contested transformations: race, gender, and politi cal 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https://www.elevenjournals.com/tijdschrift/plc/2020/1/plc_2589-9929_2020_002_001_004 http://www.newmandala.org/why-good-women-lose-elections/ http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0049.277 295 “in 3 years we would have solved this”: jokowi, asean and transboundary haze helena varkkey department of international and strategic studies, university of malaya, kuala lumpur, malaysia email: helenav@um.edu,my abstract joko widodo took up office as president of indonesia barely a month after the republic ratified the asean agreement on transboundary haze pollution. this momentous ratification coupled with the severe haze during his first few months in office, positioned haze as a priority issue for jokowi and his administration. since then, jokowi has been proactively taking action at both the central and local levels. this was hoped to be a stepping stone towards better cooperation at the regional level. however, this was met with a somewhat contradictory state ment by jokowi in 2015 that quite firmly requested the asean region to give him ‘three years’ to solve the haze issue. this could be taken to mean that indo nesia wanted to be ‘left alone’ to deal with fire and haze issues for three years without asean ‘interference’. it is important to also assess this administration’s style of engagement with the asean organization and neighbouring countries over haze issues, particularly malaysia and singapore. a thorough consideration of these factors would be able to provide a detailed assessment of the jokowi administration’s attitude towards asean cooperation over haze, and what this means for the broader asean community. keywords: joko widodo, transboundary haze, asean, peatlands, athp. abstrak joko widodo menjabat sebagai presiden indonesia hamper sebulan setelah in donesia meratifikasi asean agreement on transboundary haze pollution. ratifikasi ini ditambah dengan kabut parah selama beberapa bulan pertama di kantornya, memposisikan kabut sebagai isu yang menjadi prioritas bagi jokowi dan pemerintahannya. sejak saat itu, jokowi telah secara proaktif mengambil tindakan baik di tingkat pusat maupun tingkat daerah. hal ini diharapkan dapat menjadi batu loncatan menuju kerjasama yang lebih baik di tingkat daerah. namun, ini disambut dengan pernyataan yang sedikit kontradiktif oleh jokowi di tahun 2015 yang dengan tegasnya meminta kawasan asean untuk memberinya “tiga tahun” untuk memecahkan masalah kabut asap tersebut. hal tersebut dapat diartikan bahwa indonesia ingin “ditinggalkan sendiri” untuk mengatasi masalah kebakaran dank abut selama tiga tahun tanpa campur tangan asean. penting juga untuk jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 277 received: november 30, 2016 revised: january 12, 2017 accepted: august 30, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0049.277 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 278 menilai gaya keterlibatan pemerintah ini dengan organisasi asean dan negara-negara tetangga mengenai isu-isu kabut asap, khususnya malaysia dan singapura. sebuah pertimbangan menyeluruh dari faktor-faktor tersebut akan dapat memberikan penilaian rinci tentang sikap pemerintah jokowi terhadap kerja sama asean mengenai kabut asap, dana pa artinya ini bagi masyarakat asean yangf lebih luas. kata kunci: joko widodo, kabut asap, asean, lahan gambut, athp. introduction joko widodo took up office as president of indonesia on 20 october 2014, barely a month after the republic ratified the asean agreement on transboundary haze pollution (athp) on 16 september 2014 (sentana & hariyanto, 2014). this was significant, as the asean region has been waiting for more than a decade for indonesia’s ratification. while indonesia was part of the initial cohort that signed the athp in 2002, all the other asean states ratified the agreement before indonesia, with the philippines marking the ninth ratification in 2010. with this momentous ratification as a backdrop for his new presidential position, coupled with the severe haze that blan keted the region during his first few months in office, haze has become a priority issue for jokowi and his administration. jokowi is notable to be the only indonesian president who has gone ‘on the ground’ to witness for himself the haze-producing fires at the end of 2014 (nazeer, 2015). and he famously declared in sep tember 2015 that in three years, the region would see the posi tive results of his efforts to tackle haze (bbc, 2015). since then, jokowi has been proactively taking action at both the central and local levels to address the root causes of fires and haze. literature review and research focus the athp is a legally-binding mechanism for haze mitiga tion under asean, with the objective to ‘prevent and monitor transboundary haze pollution as a result of land and/or forest fires which should be mitigated, through concerted national ef forts and intensified regional and international cooperation’ (asean secretariat, 2002a). however, previous studies have pointed out that the athp is rendered ineffective without indonesia’s ratification (florano, 2003; letchumanan; tan, 2005; varkkey, 2016). hence, indonesia’s ratification in 2014 was seen as an important positive step towards a haze-free asean. indeed, jokowi was quick to put into place several new poli cies and initiatives to combat haze soon after taking office. this was hoped to be a stepping stone towards better cooperation at the regional level, now that indonesia had ratified the athp. however, this was met with a somewhat contradictory statement by jokowi in 2015 that quite firmly requested the asean region to give him ‘three years’ to solve the haze issue. this could be taken to mean that jokowi wanted to be ‘left alone’ to deal with fire and haze issues for three years without asean ‘interference’ (lim, 2015). hence, this paper seeks to evaluate how far this sentiment is true. an important factor to consider is to what extent jokowi’s efforts in managing fires and haze are complementary to the athp. furthermore, it is important to also assess this administration’s style of engagement with the asean organiza tion and neighbouring countries over haze issues, particularly malaysia and singapore. a thorough consideration of these fac tors would be able to provide a detailed assessment of the jokowi administration’s attitude towards asean cooperation over haze, and what this means for the broader asean community. the objectives of this research are thus as follows: 1. to take stock of the jokowi administration’s efforts in com bating haze 2. to consider how far these efforts are complementary to the athp 3. to analyse the jokowi administration’s attitude towards asean and member states over haze and cooperation in gen eral a leader’s personality is particularly important in decision making on the international level (smith, 2012). this paper uses the idiosyncrasy credit theory to explain jokowi’s behaviour. hollander (1958) defined idiosyncrasy credit as “an accumula jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 279 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 280 tion of positively disposed impressions residing in the percep tions of relevant others; it is… the degree to which an individual may deviate from the common expectancies of the group”. in other words, it describes an individual’s capacity to acceptably deviate from group expectations. indeed, jokowi is known for his positive idiosyncrasies. one scholar has described jokowi’s idiosyncrasies as follows: “jokowi has more positive emotions than negative ones. he is comfortable when socialising with the community… he has a tendency for social affiliation and has more stable and organised emotions. besides being very intellec tual, he has other qualities that enable him to carry out his du ties well like communication skills, decision making skills, analysis and finding creative solutions” (m. situmorang, 2015). from this list, it is clear that jokowi’s idiosyncrasies are largely positively disposed. hence, according to the idiosyncrasy credit theory, jokowi has the ability to accumulate considerable idiosyncrasy credit to enable him to deviate from the common expectancies of the group. in this paper, i argue that because of jokowi’s idio syncrasy credit, he is able to deviate from the common expectan cies of the asean organization, which is to cooperate fully with the athp. research method the results and findings of this paper are obtained through a thorough process of document analysis. local and international newspaper articles were important primary sources for this pa per. haze being an issue that is of great concern to the indone sian public, the region, and the larger global community, progress on the subject is closely followed and reported in the local and international media, making it an invaluable source of informa tion for this paper. these findings were corroborated with gov ernment and asean documents, think tank and other organi zational reports, as well as academic articles on this subject. result in a candid statement in september 2015, president jokowi declared that he “no longer want[s] to talk about the cause of the problem or what is the solution. everyone knows what needs to be done” (nazeer, 2015). in this context, this section details the specific efforts put into place by the jokowi administration to combat fires and haze in indonesia. the jokowi administration identified a multi-pronged approach to tackle the root causes of haze, consisting of law enforcement, fire prevention, peatland restoration, the one map and moratorium of new concessions (m. sembiring, 2016). fig. 1: jokowi’s multi-pronged approach one of jokowi’s first acts in office was the merge the ministry of forestry and ministry of environment, to form the mono lithic ministry of environment and forestry. before the merger, the environment ministry was in effect a ‘junior ministry’ with limited influence over other ministries like the forestry minis try (varkkey, 2016). this resulted in land use licenses being given out without ecological considerations (purwanto, 2014). when sensitive lands like peatlands are given out without such envi ronmental considerations, haze is more likely to occur because peatlands are highly fire-prone. with the merger, all services re jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 281 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 282 lated to the issuance of permits could be brought under one roof (h. n. jong, 2014), and due considerations can be given to ecological concerns before lands are released. furthermore, it is hoped that the merger will improve bureaucratic coordination and efficiency in responding to haze and other environmental issues (m. sembiring, 2015). however, due to the fact that the forestry ministry is traditional the more ‘powerful’ ministry (varkkey, 2016), there are legitimate apprehensions that environ mental concerns will be stifled by the more developmental minded forestry bureaucrats. others are concerned that the merger would only further complicate inter-sectoral coordina tion (m. sembiring, 2015). there have been some visible positive outcomes of this merger. soon after the unification, jokowi formally ordered the ministry to tackle these permit-issuance problems. a presidential instruc tion was announced in 2015 that no new development should occur on any peatlands in indonesia, even those covered by ex isting concessions. previously, the moratorium put into place by the former premier, susilo bambang yudhoyono, did not include such a clawback clause for existing concessions. this was comple mented by two edicts from the ministry. however as yet, jokowi has not declared a presidential decree, which would enable this ban to be codified in national law. without such a decree, this ban will lack legal basis (jacobson, 2016) and will merely be treated as ‘planning document’ or ‘suggestion’ to local authorities, where it is likely to be ignored (haze beat, 2015). in this vein, jokowi established the peatland restoration agency (brg) in early 2016, in order to coordinate and acceler ate the recovery of peatlands. this agency reports directly to the president. led by a team of conservationists, it aims to rehabili tate more than 2 million hectares of peat by 2019. restoring peatlands is expected to increase resilience against fires especially during the dry season. an important step in this process is the mapping of burnt and degraded peatlands (a. w. situmorang & dunstan, 2016). jokowi has also issued another presidential decree to speed up the implementation of the one map for this purpose, however this remains a slow process (h. n. jong, 2016a). restoration will begin in earnest in 2017 when a state budget will be allocated for this purpose (a. w. situmorang & dunstan, 2016). currently, the agency is focusing on determining the best procedures for restoring peatlands. it is in discussion with malaysia’s tropical peat research laboratory (tprl) over resto ration methods (sun daily, 2016), but some scientists have ex pressed concern over the tprl’s preferred method of restora tion which involves compacting the peat (wijedasa et al., 2016). law enforcement has also been one of the priority areas of the jokowi administration in response to the haze. jokowi in structed the environment and forestry ministry and the police to work together to revoke the licenses of companies which break land use and burning laws. so far, the administration has ar rested executives from seven companies accused of contributing to the haze pollution in the region (s. ismail & siswo, 2015). the ministry has further revoked or suspended the land-clear ing licenses of 27 firms linked to land and forest fires (arshad, 2016). a few high-profile cases have also resulted in victory for the government. for example, the supreme court ordered palm oil firm pt kallista alam to pay $26 million in fines and repara tions (jacobson, 2016), and pt nasional sago prima was ordered to pay an even higher sum of $91.7 million for causing forest fires and haze (m. sembiring, 2016). however, there are still chal lenges with regards to law enforcement, including mindsets of the judges themselves. palembang pulp and paper supplier pt bumi mekar hijau was found not guilty for causing fires on their land, as judges decided that there was no damage done to the environment as a result of the fires, and the indonesian govern ment had not experienced losses as a result of the forest fires (s. ismail, 2015). in other areas, the riau police have issued letters of order to stop investigations upon 15 companies, citing a lack of supporting evidence (m. sembiring, 2016). the riau police example of suddenly dropping investigations jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 283 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 284 is related to another deep-seated problem in fire and haze man agement in indonesia. due to decentralization, central initia tives are often overruled or downplayed by local administrators who do so for their own vested interests (varkkey, 2016). local military and police personnel, in classic patron-client fashion, have in fact been known to personally protect well-connected wrongdoers, very much like hired guards (h. n. jong, 2016b). in an attempt to reduce such instances, jokowi has announced that fire activity will be included in police and military officials’ key performance indicators. if the administration area of the official shows high fire activity, the official will be removed from his or her position. likewise, if there is a decrease in fire activity, the official will be promoted (humas, 2016). this may be an impor tant first step towards breaking the strong patron client relations that have built up between such officials and businesses involved in land mismanagement at the local level (varkkey, 2016). how ever, while the central government does hold the power to re ward and punish military and police officials, it cannot do the same for administrative officials, who are often also patrons and are only answerable to local leaders. hence, there is still a gover nance gap here which can be abused by well-connected clients. getting the police and military on board nevertheless is an important part of fire and haze mitigation on the ground. in his effort to improve patrol and fire suppression response time (m. sembiring, 2016), jokowi has also set up a specialised haze emer gency task force, led by the ministry of environment and for estry. the task force in meant to better coordinate emergency response of the national police, indonesian army, national agency for disaster management (bnpt), transportation min istry, and regional level task forces. this task force aims to over come the weaknesses of previous efforts, which have included a lack of financial support and coordination with the central gov ernment. for instance, in the past, fire suppression has been slow because permission to fly was slow to obtain. now, with the central transportation ministry as part of the task force, permis sion can be quickly and easily granted (h. n. jong, 2015). as a whole, jokowi has definitely been very proactive in put ting into place new initiatives, and strengthening older ones, in his administration’s efforts to curb haze. it is observable how ever that most of jokowi’s initiatives have been focused on the central level. while promising, many of the root causes of fires and haze actually originate from the local level, as a product of the decentralization of land management and related matters (varkkey, 2016). jokowi’s clout at the local level is certainly con strained by indonesia’s decentralization laws. however despite these constraints, jokowi confidently declared that his adminis tration can see and end to the fire and haze crisis within three years. the following section thus delves deeper into this state ment, discussing it within the context of asean cooperation over haze. discussion and implication certainly, all the measures that jokowi put into place were done under the so-called spectre of the newly-ratified athp. indeed, before indonesia’s ratification, the lukewarm success of the athp in curbing regional haze was often blamed on indonesia’s non-ratification. hence, it would be timely now to consider to what extent jokowi’s efforts would contribute to plug ging the shortcomings of the athp pre-ratification by indone sia. in general, indonesia’s prior non-ratification had limited the effectiveness of the athp in three distinct ways: 1. non-ratification has delayed the establishment of the asean coordination centre for haze (acch) and its dedicated secretariat in riau, which was supposed to be for the pur poses of facilitating cooperation and coordination among the parties in managing the impact of land and/or forest fires in particular haze pollution arising from such fires (asean sec retariat, 2002b). currently, the asean secretariat in jakarta, which acts as an interim coordination centre, is crippled by its limited staff and location far away from the fires. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 285 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 286 2. as part of the athp mechanism, if a serious forest fire was spotted by the asean specialised meteorological centre, neighbouring states could activate fire-fighting services and move in, without having to write in to the receiving govern ment to get diplomatic clearance for aircrafts and permission from local fire services for each new case (khalik, 2006). how ever, this clause was only applicable if both countries have ratified the treaty. 3. asean-level initiatives have not been able to address sensi tive issues like influencing indonesian land and forest policy and the implementation of laws. article 9 of the agreement does call for the development of appropriate policies to curb activities that may lead to land and/or forest fires (asean secretariat, 2002b), however this is only applicable to ratified states. among the list, the acch was expected to be the low-hang ing fruit for indonesia to take up soon after ratification. indeed, the acch would seem to be an ideal home for indonesia’s haze emergency task force that has been set up. a home in riau, close to many of the fires, would allow for more ownership and better coordination all around (varkkey, 2016). however, indonesia seems to be dragging its feet on this matter. while asean con tinues to urge indonesia to set up the centre, indonesia’s only formal move towards this thus far has been one workshop on the preparation for the establishment of the acch held in april 2016 in jakarta (environment division, 2016). no further indi cation has been made on when the acch would finally be es tablished. as it is, indonesia task force continues to be housed in jakarta under auspices of the ministry of environment and forestry. not much progress has been made in terms of fire-fighting cooperation and assistance as well. while indonesia’s new task force technically enables faster permissions for fire-fighting planes to be granted, this does not seem to have been extended to for eign planes, even though the athp allows for it. indeed, indo nesian law dictates that provinces have to declare an emergency before foreign countries can help (channel newsasia, 2015), and even then, diplomatic clearance is still required. track record has shown that emergencies are often declared too late (ferguson, 2004), when fires and haze are already out of control. for ex ample, many were expecting president jokowi to declare an emer gency when he visited ground zero in south sumatra during the fires in october 2015, however he did not (soeriaatmadja & chan, 2015). a somewhat disheartened statement by malaysia’s minister for natural resources and environment (mnre) ex pressed this: “don’t assume that just because we have something here, we can just bulldoze (through) anything, that when we know there is a fire somewhere, we can just go in on a boat or ship or truck or car, and cross over to the border and start doing it, we can’t do it like that. that’s still a foreign country and we have to deal with them and we must respect our neighbour’s sovereignty. we cannot assume that because the agreement already exists and we want to set up certain things, that we (can) do it whatever way we want to. we can’t.” (naidu, 2016) the final area is in terms of addressing sensitive issues like policymaking and implementation. while jokowi’s administra tion has put into place many new policies pertaining to the issu ance of licenses and peatland management, there has been no indication that any of this was done under consultation with asean. indeed, indonesia’s minister for environment and forestry, dr siti nurbaya bakar, was conspicuously absent from both the 2015 and 2016 meetings of the conference of the par ties to the asean agreement on transboundary haze pollu tion. instead, only a senior advisor on energy attended on behalf of the ministry (naidu, 2016). this has doubtlessly made it diffi cult for asean and its member states to advise and share best practises on policies and implementation without the proper leadership in attendance for asean-level meetings. given, as mentioned above, indonesia’s brg has been seeking advice from jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 287 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 288 the malaysian tprl, however this seems to intentionally exclude the global environment centre, a malaysian ngo specialising in peatlands that is one of asean’s key partners on peatland management (gec, 2016). hence, it can be concluded that the jokowi administration’s efforts on haze mitigation has not been geared towards fulfilling its responsibilities under the athp. instead, they seem to focus more on strengthening indonesia’s ability to manage the fires and haze independently from asean. while this is good, and in line with one of the athp’s objectives to ‘strengthen national capabilities’(asean secretariat, 2002a), it portrays a state that has grown wary of regional pressure and wants to take matters into its own hands. indeed, actions like the indonesian minister not attending important asean-level haze meetings would seem like indonesia is deliberately making it difficult for asean to engage with indonesia over haze. hence, when jokowi stated that “in three years we would have solved this”, ‘we’ here can be taken to mean indonesia alone, and not indonesia and asean. hence, the three years could be understood as not three years of full cooperation from indonesia on regional efforts, but three years free of regional scrutiny or pressure while it works inter nally address fires and haze. on the government-to-government level as well, this sentiment remains. a spokesperson from the malaysian mnre explained that since ratification, indonesia has in fact been more reluctant to engage in any bilateral activities for haze mitigation (muralitharan, 2016). for example, malaysia previously had a collaboration with riau as part of the athp, to help with capac ity-building, community training, peatland rehabilitation and early warning systems (bahagian udara, 2010; malaysia & re public of indonesia, 2008; new straits times, 2008; varkkey, 2016). however, when malaysia recently approached indonesia to re vive this collaboration in the spirit of the recent ratification, this was met with a resounding no (muralitharan, 2016). another mnre official confirmed indonesia’s extremely defensive and aggressive attitudes during recent asean-level haze meetings that he attended. furthermore, the indonesian environment and forestry minister recently refused to accept a meeting with her counterpart in malaysia to discuss haze matters (paramasua, 2016). indonesia also vehemently turned down several offers of fire-fighting assistance by both malaysia and singapore during the fires of 2015, with the environment and forestry minister saying that indonesia has things under control, and that foreign help would be ‘insignificant’ (afp, 2015; lassa, 2015)1. with jokowi coming into power just weeks after indonesia’s ratification of the athp, many in the region expected indone sia to commit to the agreement with renewed vigour (straits times, 2014). jokowi studied forestry in university (emont, 2016) and furthermore, one of jokowi’s closest advisors is alexander sonny keraf, a former indonesian environment minister. in fact, keraf was head of the delegation to asean during the forma tive period of the athp, and one of the strongest advocates for its ratification at home (varkkey, 2016). hence, indonesia’s rati fication of the athp in the days leading up to jokowi’s presi dency should have set the scene for the new administration to reinvigorate engagement with asean and its member states over haze. however, it must be noted that jokowi’s administration was not the administration that ratified the agreement – it was rati fied under yudhoyono’s administration, as one of his few final acts in office. while jokowi has been very vocal about seriously resolving the haze issue within indonesia once and for all during his tenure (lim, 2015), the illustrations above indicate that jokowi has little interest to do so in collaboration with asean. indeed, it may be argued that, considering indonesia’s responses, ratifi cation has actually made no difference at all – at the regional level at least. indeed it is questionable if jokowi would have over seen a ratification of the agreement at all, if yudhoyono did not push it through at the last minute. this actually may not be so surprising, and may not be unique jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 289 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 290 to the case of the haze. in fact, the early days of jokowi’s admin istration already showed tendencies that jokowi is turning away from asean. in a statement that can be taken to express his sentiment on relations with asean and its member states, jokowi said that “if it’s not beneficial, i won’t do it…we’ll still meet but not too much” (parameswaran, 2014). this may be a snide jab at asean’s high volume of meetings per year. true enough, breaking from the traditional asean-wide visits once a new leader took office, jokowi conducted his first foreign trip as premier not to a neighbouring state but to china, and visits to asean member states did not immediately follow (yahya, 2015). furthermore, apart from haze cooperation jokowi has been unsupportive of other notable asean initiatives like the asean economic community’s goal of a single market and production base (syailendra, 2015). this may be a way for jokowi to forge his own path. ever since the late president suharto, indonesian leaders have consis tently placed asean as an important cornerstone of their for eign policy (yahya, 2015). yudhoyono, for example, especially focused on asean multilateralism and regional norms promo tion during his reign (syailendra, 2015). in contrast, jokowi’s presidential campaign highlighted nationalist sentiment and promised a more inward-looking, ‘pro-people democracy’ (dlamini, 2015). hence, this turn away from regional multilateralism may be jokowi’s way of fulfilling his election prom ises. indeed, jokowi’s eagerness to defeat haze may be spurred more by nationalistic concerns and his people’s well-being rather than by any feeling of regional responsibility. jokowi has indeed displayed much concern for the local indonesians living close to the haze, as his many visits to ground zero and surrounding vil lages can attest (nazeer, 2015; soeriaatmadja & chan, 2015). another factor may be jokowi’s political background. jokowi famously rose to fame as a former governor of jakarta. some say this rise was too fast, and jokowi’s lack of political experience at the international level has meant that he is less than adept at dealing with international players (otto & rachman, 2015). his relative overconfidence in relying on internal means to address the haze could also be due to such inexperience, and underesti mation of the complexity involved in governing a sprawling coun try, in contrast to the city of jakarta. for example, as part of his presidential campaign, jokowi promised a ‘mental revolution’ that would discard patronage for accountability and hard work (hutton, 2016). such a mental revolution is essential in ensur ing the workability of some of jokowi’s key haze mitigation poli cies would work; namely those involving policy and law enforce ment which rely very much on the buy-in of local officials. how ever, patronage politics, which often discourage these local offi cials from taking action that may not be in the best interests of their ‘clients’ (blake, 2016), are notoriously hard to dismantle or destroy (varkkey, 2016). these observations paint a clearer picture of a more complex idiosyncratic personality as the largely positive one described in the literature review section. while jokowi is indeed comfort able when socialising with communities in indonesia, this com munal comfort does not extend to the asean community, pos sibly because his own personality is constrained by his national istic presidential campaign persona which focused inwards. in deed, one’s political persona, especially that related to presiden tial campaigns, often conflicts and constrains one’s true person ality, or in this case, idiosyncrasy (marshall & henderson, 2016). that being said however, his positive qualities of intelligent deci sion making and analysis, as well as finding creative solutions to problems did indeed come through in the novel national-level mechanisms that he has put into place to address haze. jokowi’s haze mitigation efforts certainly stand out as compared to the efforts of yudhoyono before him. however again, his campaign persona possibly restricts him from applying these same intelli gent and creative solutions at the asean level through enhanced cooperation over the athp. despite this, the fact remains that jokowi is a very positive personality, and is well-liked not only by jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 291 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 292 indonesians but also by other asean leaders (bernama, 2016; parlina, 2016). hence, jokowi’s largely positive idiosyncrasy credit, at the national as well as at the regional level, enabled him to deviate from the common expectancies of the asean organiza tion without much consequence. even though there is some underlying negative sentiments from other member states as detailed above, the asean organizations seems willing to adopt a “wait and see” attitude and give the new president a chance to prove himself in his independent efforts to combat haze on his own terms. conclusion while the region still experienced bad episodes of haze in 2015, 2016 has been a relatively haze-free year for malaysia and singapore. however, this may be due more to favourable weather than positive outcomes of jokowi’s haze mitigation efforts (reuters, 2015). for example, while there were many hotspots detected in several places in indonesia in march 2016, the pre vailing winds did not blow the resulting smoke over to malaysia at the time (cheng, 2016). and later in the year, there were less hotspots than usual in indonesia, due to la nina that has brought heavy rains. hence, a haze-free 2016 may not be indicative of any success on jokowi’s part just yet, and neighbouring countries are appropriately only ‘cautiously hopeful’ (blake, 2016). either way, asean itself remains ever hopeful, indicating that it expects faster and more effective implementation of all other aspects of the athp by indonesia once the acch is op erational (environment division, 2016). even while commenta tors say that three more years ‘is ridiculous’ (malay mail, 2015), asean has allowed jokowi to deviate from expectations to fully cooperate with the athp, by tacitly acknowledged jokowi’s timeline. after decades of regional pressure from asean, it would perhaps not be entirely out of line for jokowi, on behalf of indonesia, to request (or demand) three year’s breathing space for the state to put its house in order without asean (politely) breathing down its neck. today, barely one year down the road, it still remains too soon to tell if the region is merely underesti mating jokowi’s capabilities to rally the nation towards a haze free asean in 2020. the true test of jokowi’s progress will be the next el nino drought cycle, where the lack of rains will re veal to what extent jokowi’s ambitious plans for haze mitigation have indeed borne fruit. endnotes 1 indonesia did finally accept these offers of assistance, but only long after its own fire fighters were overwhelmed by the out-of-control fires references afp. 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(2005). the asean agreement on transboundary haze pollution: prospects for compliance and effectiveness in post-suharto indonesia. n.y.u. environmental law journal, 13, 647-722. varkkey, h. (2016). the haze problem in southeast asia: palm oil and patronage . lon don: routledge. wijedasa, l. s., jauhianen, j., kononen, m., lampela, m., vasander, h., leblanc, m.-c.,... varkkey, h. (2016). denial of long-term issues with agriculture on tropical peatlands will have devastating consequences. global change biology (online first). yahya, t. (2015, 1 june). has jokowi put asean on the sidelines? jakarta post. http://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/jurnalilmiahhubunganinternasiona/article/view/1442 http://journal.unpar.ac.id/index.php/jurnalilmiahhubunganinternasiona/article/view/1442 http://www.e-ir.info/2012/10/16/personality-in-foreign-policy-decision-making/ http://www.e-ir.info/2012/10/16/personality-in-foreign-policy-decision-making/ http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1070496506288369 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1070496506288369 https://www.routledge.com/the-haze-problem-in-southeast-asia-palm-oil-and-patronage/varkkey/p/book/9781138858640 ridho al-hamdi 161 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 ridho al-hamdi ilmu pemerintahan universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. e-mail: ridho@umy.ac.id abstract this research studied on political elite in muhammadiyah as moderate representatives in post-new order in response of the dynamics islam and politics. there are three issues as basic analyzes, i.e. the emergence of islamic political parties, the desire of returning the jakarta charter as the state principle as well as phenomenon of terrorism which is always attached a term of “jihad” in islamic tradition. meanwhile, to conduct data and information, the research uses a qualitative approach as methodology as well as documentation and interviews as a technique of collecting data. the collected data then is analyzed and interpreted descriptively to get a proper conclusion. the result of the research shows that there are four variants in political elite in muhammadiyah, i.e. transformative-idealistic, moderateidealistic, realistic-critical, and accommodative-pragmatic. the variations are deeply influenced by two factors, i.e. sociological elite background and organizational. keywords: political attitudes, muhammadiyah’s elite, islam and politics abstrak penelitian ini mengkaji tentang politik elit muhammadiyah sebagai representasi kaum modernis dalam merespon dinamika islam dan politik pasca orde baru. ada tiga isu yang dijadikan sebagai basis analisis, yaitu munculnya partai-partai islam, keinginan untuk pengembalian piagam jakarta sebagai azas negara, dan munculnya fenomena terorisme yang selalu dilekatkan sebagai jihad. dalam menggali data, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif serta teknik dokumentasi dan wawancara dalam mengumpulkan data. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa ada empat varian perilaku kaum modernis, yaitu sikap transformatif-idealistik, sikap moderat-idealistik, sikap realistikkritis, dan sikap akomodatif-pragmatis. keempat varian tersebut sangat dipengaruhi oleh dua faktor utama, yaitu faktor latar belakang sosiologis masing-masing elite dan faktor pemahaman masingmasing elite terhadap organisasi muhammadiyah. kata kunci: sikap politik, elite muhammadiyah, islam dan politik pendahuluan runtuhnya rezim orde baru ditandai dengan lengsernya soeharto pada 21 mei 1998 dari tahta kekuasaannya menjadi sejarah baru bagi perkembangan perpolitikan di indonesia. momentum tersebut telah menjadi tanda, bahwa rezim otoriter telah berakhir. sejak orde jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 162 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 baru tumbang, perubahan iklim politik di indonesia berjalan secara cepat dibandingkan dengan era sebelumnya. kemudian tahta kekuasaan diserahkan kepada bj habibie. menurut sahdan (2004: 87-92), ada beberapa hal yang menyebabkan terjadinya masa transisi ini. pertama, terjadinya krisis basis material (ekonomi) yang dipicu oleh krisis ekonomi regional. kedua, terjadinya krisis legitimasi kekuasaan soeharto. ketiga, kuatnya desakan dari civil society (para demonstran) yang berkehendak untuk menjatuhkan kekuasaan soeharto. keempat, keretakan di kalangan elite soeharto, seperti adanya pengkhianatan beberapa elite, jatuhnya pamor militer, birokrat, golkar, dan para teknokrat akibat dianggap sebagai penjilat kekuasaan, serta munculnya tokoh-tokoh oportunis yang berlaih mencaci maki soeharto. masa transisi ini pula yang menurut amir (2003: 278), menyebabkan peta politik nasional diselimuti oleh eforia politik yang terbelah secara tajam menjadi kekuatan politik kaum reformis versus kekuatan politik status quo. golkar dinobatkan oleh kaum reformis sebagai penjelmaan status quo. hal ini kemudian berimplikasi luas terhadap perkembangan politik di indonesia. aura politik yang dirasakan bagaikan angin segar yang dapat dinikmati oleh siapapun tanpa ada tekanan dari rezim yang berkuasa. fragmentasi politik di kalangan aktivis gerakan islam kian beragam. diskursus seputar islam dan politik muncul kembali ke permukaan, ditandai dengan lahirnya beragam partai politik islam, perdebatan tentang dasar negara, serta munculnya fenomena terorisme selalu dilekatkan dengan kosa kata “jihad” dalam tradisi islam. di kalangan para aktivis islam pun belum menemukan titik temu tentang perdebatan itu. jika kita menengok kembali sejarah, dinamika antara islam dan politik telah dimulai sejak menjelang kemerdekaan indonesia. hal ini dapat terlihat ketika perdebatan tentang dasar negara dalam sidang bpupki yang diselenggarakan pada tanggal 29 mei 1 juni 1945. perdebatan di antara para anggota sidang memunculkan dua gagasan utama tentang dasar negara sebagaimana dikemukakan oleh anshari (1997: 27-28). kelompok nasionalis islam menginginkan agar indonesia didirikan sebagai negara islam. sedangkan kelompok nasionalis sekuler menginginkan indonesia sebagai negara persatuan nasional yang memisahkan antara urusan negara dan islam, dengan kata lain: bukan negara islam. menurut anshari (1997: 34), selain kelompok nasionalis islam, seperti kahar muzakkir, jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 163 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 abikoesno tjokrosoejoso, agus salim, ahmad soebarjo, dan wachid hasyim yang tergabung dalam “panitia sembilan” sebagai penggagas piagam jakarta, anggota sidang bpupki lainnya yang juga mendukung piagam jakarta adalah ki bagus hadikusumo, saat itu menjabat ketua pp muhammadiyah. kemudian, lanjut anshari (1997: 46), sehari setelah kemerdekaan, 18 agustus 1945, anggota ppki yang terdiri dari 21 orang mengadakan sidang untuk menetapkan uud beserta mukadimah dan persoalan lain yang diusulkan oleh para anggota sebelum dan sesudah kemerdekaan. dalam sidang itu, menurut thaba (1996: 47), mohammad hatta menyampaikan beberapa usulan perubahan, di antaranya perubahan pada preambul piagam jakarta, yaitu anak kalimat: “berdasarkan kepada ketuhanan, dengan kewajiban menjelankan syariat islam bagi pemeluk-pemeluknya” diubah menjadi “berdasarkan atas ketuhanan yang maha esa”. pada awalnya, sebagian anggota sidang ppki menolak gagasan bung hatta (sapaan akrab mohammad hatta), seperti ki bagus hadikusumo. namun, setelah bung hatta, teuku muhammad hasan, wachid hasyim, dan kasman singodimejo meyakinkan ki bagus dengan berbagai alasan agar jangan sampai pecah dengan non-muslim demi kemerdekaan indonesia, akhirnya ki bagus menyetujui perubahan tersebut. akhirnya, syariat islam sebagai ideologi negara mengalami kegagalan. sepuluh tahun kemudian, setelah pemilu 1955, menurut maarif (prisma no. ekstra, 1984 th. xiii: 74-75), perdebatan tentang islam dan pancasila kembali dibicarakan pada pelataran konstitusional. pemilu pertama ini bertugas membentuk parlemen dan majelis konstitutante. semula majelis konstituante diharapkan mampu membuat uud yang permanen untuk menggantikan uuds yang pernah dimiliki. namun, usaha itu belum dapat terselesaikan sekalipun sudah mencapai 90% hingga sidang terakhirnya, 2 juni 1959. situasi yang setengah macet ini diatasi oleh soekarno dengan mengeluarkan dekrit presiden pada tanggal 5 juni 1959 dengan membubarkan majelis konstituante dan menetapkan kembali berlakunya uud ‘45 sebagai dasar ideologi negara, dengan tetap mempertimbangkan piagam jakarta tertanggal 22 juni 1945 yang menjiwai uud ’45 dan merupakan satu rangkaian dengan uud tersebut. ini artinya, perjuangan syariat islam kembali menemukan kegagalan untuk yang kedua kalinya. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 164 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dalam persoalan partai, komunitas islam pasca kemerdekaan menyepakati didirikannya suatu partai islam. keinginan ini, menurut jurdi (2010: 116-117), diperkuat dengan ada himbauan pemerintah pada 3 oktober 1945 yang mengajak rakyat untuk mendirikan partai. himbauan serupa diulang kembali pada 3 november 1945 yang ditandatangani oleh bung hatta. atas himbauan itu, umat islam mengadakan kongres umat islam indonesia pada 7-8 november 1945 di madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta. dari kongres ini disepakati lahirnya masyumi sebagai satu-satunya partai islam di indonesia. gagasan ini disambut baik oleh seluruh ormas islam, termasuk muhammadiyah yang kemudian menjadi salah satu anggota istimewa masyumi. bentuk penyambutan yang sangat antusias itu dibuktikan dengan keterlibatan secara langsung kader-kader muhammadiyah yang duduk di jajaran kepengurusan masyumi, seperti fakih usman, ki bagus hadikusumo, sutan mansur, hamka, ahmad badawi, djindar tamimy, dan elite-elite muhammadiyah lainnya. selain di masyumi, elite muhammadiyah lainnya ada yang mendirikan partai islam, seperti mas mansur mendirikan partai islam indonesia (noor, 1987: 102, 103, 111 dan pp muhammadiyah, 2010: 27, 33, 36, 47). seiring berjalannya dinamika politik bangsa, perjuangan politik islam tidak selamanya bernasib baik. pada akhir 1959 masyumi dibubarkan oleh soekarno karena tuduhan terlibat dalam pemberontakan prri/permesta. setelah itu, politik islam sempat vakum, sekalipun tokoh-tokohnya selalu mengadakan pertemuan untuk membahas tentang politik islam. ketika keluarga besar bulan bintang ingin merehabilitasi masyumi, gagasan tersebut ditolak oleh soeharto sebagai penguasa pengganti soekarno. sebagai jalan tengah, menurut ramly dan sucipto (2010: 237), lahirlah parmusi dengan ketua umumnya djarnawi hadikusumo dan lukman harun sebagai sekretaris umum. kedua tokoh puncak parmusi ini merupakan kader-kader muhammadiyah. namun, nasib parmusi sama seperti masyumi, bahkan umurnya lebih pendek. rezim orde baru menginginkan penyederhanaan partai, sehingga partai-partai islam, seperti nu, parmusi, psii, dan perti mengalami fusi menjadi ppp yang lahir 5 januari 1973 (djojosoekarto dan sandjaja, 2008: 24). jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 165 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 keberadaan ppp dalam prakteknya tidak selalu merepresentasikan politik islam sekalipun mayoritas penduduk indonesia beragama islam. pada setiap pemilu sejak tahun 1977 hingga tahun 1997, perolehan suara ppp tidak pernah di atas 30% dan selalu berada pada urutan kedua di bawah golkar dan di atas pdi (djojosoekarto dan sandjaja, 2008: 2529).1 di bawah rezim orde baru, perbincangan tentang islam dibungkam, terutama setelah pemberlakuan asas tunggal pancasila. berdasarkan ketetapan mpr ri no. 11/1983 yang secara operasional dituangkan dalam uu no. 3 dan no. 8 tahun 1985 tentang pemberlakuan asas tunggal pancasila, maka seluruh ormas maupun orpol harus menjadikan pancasila sebagai asas gerakan atau partainya (satu abad muhammadiyah, 2010: 278). setelah rezim orde baru lengser, dinamika tentang islam dan politik kembali mencuat ke ranah publik yang ditandai setidaknya oleh tiga momentum. pertama, banyaknya partai islam yang bermunculan setiap menjelang pemilu. pada pemilu 1999 ada 20 partai islam yang menjadi peserta, pada pemilu 2004 ada enam partai islam, dan pada pemilu 2009 ada empat partai islam. kedua, terjadinya perdebatan tentang dasar negara saat sidang tahunan mpr yang membahas amandemen uud ’45. sebagaian fraksi dalam dpr ri memperjuangkan kembali piagam jakarta sebagai dasar negara. momentum yang demikian didukung oleh sejumlah aksi yang terjadi di beberapa daerah. ketiga, munculnya fenomena terorisme sejak peristiwa hancurnya gedung wtc (11 september 2001) sebagai lambang keperkasaan negara amerika. akibatnya, sejumlah aksi terorisme domestik terjadi di tanah air. setidaknya tiga momentum tersebut yang akan diajukan sebagai fokus isu dalam penelitian ini. sebagai kelompok yang berkepentingan, elite-elite islam dari berbagai aliran, termasuk elite muhammadiyah di dalamnya, berupaya untuk berperan dalam merespon dinamika tersebut. sebagai gerakan islam modern, sikap elite muhammadiyah tidaklah bersifat tunggal, melainkan plural. perbedaan sikap pun, menurut mashad (jurnal politika, volume 2 no. 2: 125-126) tidak lagi berpola klasik antar sub-kultur tradisional versus modernis, tetapi lebih kompleks akibat sub-kultur itu sendiri mengalami perpecahan antara kelompok substansialis versus kelompok formalis. 1 pada pemilu 1977 ppp memberoleh suara 22,29%. pada pemilu 1982 memperoleh suara 27,78%. pada pemilu 1987 memperoleh 15,97%. pada pemilu 1992 memperoleh 17,01%. pada pemilu 1997 memperoleh 22,43%. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 166 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 ada dua alasan mengapa tema ini signifikan untuk dikaji. pertama, berbicara tentang sikap politik di kalangan masyarakat umum atau partai politik mungkin sudah menjadi hal biasa dan juga telah banyak peneliti yang mengkaji tentang hal ini. sedangkan penelitian yang mengkaji tentang sikap politik dalam konteks civil society (muhammadiyah) sejauh ini belum terlalu banyak. pada kenyataannya, sikap politik elite muhammadiyah tidaklah tunggal, melainkan plural. gerakan muhammadiyah yang bercorak modern, dinamis, dan progresif tidak selamanya berlaku normatif, bahwa aktivisnya pasti rasional. faktor kepemimpinan yang bersifat kolektif-kolegial dan tidak adanya satu komando juga mempengaruhi variasi sikap politik elite muhammadiyah. kebijakan-kebijakan yang telah menjadi keputusan pun terkadang tidak begitu berpengaruh, seperti kasus kelahiran pan maupun pmb yang tetap memunculkan perdebatan publik mengenai hubungannya dengan muhammadiyah. begitu juga sikap-sikap elite muhammadiyah terhadap piagam jakarta dan terorisme yang terlihat variatif. kedua, penelitian ini memperkaya kajian tentang politik yang terjadi di negara berkembang, negara yang sedang menata diri menuju demokrasi yang dewasa, sehingga terwujud cita-cita luhur, yakni kesejahteraan sosial. dalam prakteknya, pengaruh politik elite mengalami keruntuhan disebabkan oleh hilangnya politik aliran dan pudarnya kepemimpinan kharismatik yang melekat pada elite muhammadiyah. atau power sharing yang terjadi pada muhammadiyah tidak terpusat melainkan tersebar merata sehingga menyebabkan sikap politik elitenya yang variatif. karena itu, studi ini ingin menggambarkan apakah politik aliran (dalam hal ini agama) masih berlaku di muhammadiyah atau sudah hilang, serta sejauh mana spektrum fragmentasi sikap politik para elitenya akibat model kepemimpinan yang kolektif-kolegial. studi yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini dibatasi waktu antara 1998-2010. tahun 1998 merupakan momentum bersejarah dimana terjadi peralihan kekuasaan dari era orde baru ke era reformasi. sejak tahun ini, peta perpolitikan indonesia mengalami perubahan yang cukup besar. sedangkan tahun 2010 merupakan tahun terakhir periode kepemimpinan muhammadiyah yang terjadi setiap lima tahun sekali. berdasarkan latar belakang di atas, penelitian ini mengajukan rumusan masalah: bagaimana sikap politik elite muhammadiyah jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 167 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 periode 1998-2010 dalam merespon relasi antara islam dan politik? apa saja faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhinya? kerangka teoritik pembahasan kerangka teoritik mencakup empat hal, yaitu (1) islam dan politik, (2) teori elite dan studi elite di indonesia, (3) konsep elite dalam islam, dan (4) sikap politik elite islam. 1. islam dan politik islam tidak memisahkan antara urusan agama dan politik. justru, islam memandang politik sebagai bagian dari jalur dakwah yang harus dimanfaatkan oleh umat islam. jika kita menegok sejarah, praktek politik di kalangan umat muslim telah dilakukan sejak masa nabi muhammad saw, terutama saat lahirnya piagam madinah dan juga masa setelah itu, yaitu masa khulafaurrasyidin di awal-awal tahun hijriyah (thaba, 1996: 83-111). dinamika islam dan politik di indonesia telah dimulai sejak pra kemerdekaan, tetapi pasca kemerdekaan dimulai saat terjadi perdebatan tentang dasar negara. di satu sisi, kelompok nasionalis islam memandang, bahwa islam harus menjadi dasar negara yang kemudian tertuang dalam piagam jakarta. di sisi lain, kelompok nasionalis sekuler memandang bahwa, islam harus dipisahkan dari urusan kenegaraaan alias menolak islam menjadi dasar negara. kemudian muncul gagasan pancasila yang kemudian resmi menjadi dasar negara. setelah mengalami kegagalan, perdebatan tentang dasar negara muncul kembali setelah pemilu 1955 dengan dibentuknya majelis konstituante yang bertugas menyusun uud yang permanen. namun, majelis konstituante menemui jalan buntu hingga tahun 1959 dan dipandang oleh soekarno tidak dapat bekerja dengan baik. akhirnya, dengan dekrit presiden, majelis konstituante dibubarkan dan uud ’45 kembali diberlakukan sebagai uud permanen. lagi-lagi gagasan negara islam mengalami kegagagalan. perjuangan politik melalui partai juga menjadi menarik untuk dikaji, melihat mayoritas penduduk indonesia adalah umat islam. setelah gagasan negara islam gagal, umat islam sepakat mendirikan masyumi. namun, perpecahan terjadi di tubuh masyumi. nu memisahkan diri menjadi partai nu dan sarekat islam mendirikan psii. perjuangan politik masyumi pun tidak selalu bernasib baik. di penghujung tahun 1959 bersamaan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 168 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dengan dibubarkannya majelis konstituante, masyumi pun dibubarkan oleh soekarno karena dianggap terlibat dalam pemberontakan prri/permesta. proses rehabilitasi selalu diusahakan oleh kalangan elite masyumi, tetapi selalu gagal. begitu juga, ketika rehabilitasi dilakukan di era soeharto tetapi kembali ditolak. sebagai jalan tengah, lahirlah partai baru bernama parmusi. namun, nasib tidak baik juga menimpa parmusi yang harus mengalami fusi partai menjadi ppp. dari tahun ke tahun, partai islam selalu mengalami penurunan suara. selain itu, fenomena terorisme yang selalu dikaitkan dengan jihad dalam tradisi islam tak kalah menarik untuk ditelaah. kajian tentang terorisme menjadi makin semarak terutama setelah peristiwa 9/11 yang meledakkan dua menara kembar milik negara adikuasa, as. pasca peledakan tersebut, sejumlah aksi terorisme mewarnai di berbagai daerah di tanah air. fakta menyebutkan, aktor di balik setiap kejadian tersebut adalah aktivis dari kelompok islam. ada apa sebenarnya? di sinilah pada akhirnya, terorisme tidak sekadar menjadi fenomena kejahatan semata, melainkan dapat menjadi alat politik untuk berbagai kepentingan, misal untuk mengalihkan isu, melemahkan pemerintah, dan lain sebagainya. “islam” menjadi begitu seksi untuk ditarik pada wilayah politik. 2. teori elit dan studi elit di indonesia pembahasan tentang elite dalam kerangka teoritik ini merujuk pada makna yang telah dikonsepsikan oleh putnam, pareto, dan mosca. menurut putnam (2001: 80), elite merupakan sekelompok orang yang memiliki kekuasaan politik yang lebih dibandingkan dengan yang lain. fokus kajiannya adalah kekuasaan, yang terbagi ke dalam dua konsepsi. pertama, kekuasaan sebagai kemampuan untuk mempengaruhi individu-individu lain. kedua, kekuasaan sebagai kemampuan untuk mempengaruhi pembuatan keputusan kolektif, seperti undang-undang. karena itu, putnam membagi elite ke dalam dua kelompok, yakni mereka yang memiliki kekuasaan politik “penting”, dan mereka yang tidak memilikinya. sedangkan berdasarkan konsepsi mosca dan putnam, elite dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam dua kelompok sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh pareto dan dikutip ulang oleh bottomore (2006: 2). pertama, elite yang memerintah (governing elite), terdiri dari individujurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 169 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 individu yang secara langsung atau tidak langsung memainkan peranan yang besar dalam pemerintahan. kedua, elite yang tak memerintah (non-governing elite) yang mencakup sisanya. dari sini dapat dipahami, bahwa konsep elite setidaknya memenuhi kriteria sebagai berikut. pertama, elite merupakan kelompok pilihan yang jumlahnya minoritas. kedua, elite memiliki kekuasaan politik penuh. ketiga, dapat mempengaruhi dan menentukan arah perubahan sosial dalam lingkup kekuasaannya. keempat, elite adalah kelompok yang terorganisir dan terstruktur. kelima, elite dapat melakukan perintah terhadap orang selain mereka atau massa yang tak terorganisir. dalam konteks indonesia, kartodirjo (1981: vii) memberi pemahaman tentang elite sebagai golongan sosial terkemuka yang memiliki kekuasaan dan memainkan peranan penting dalam menentukan arah gerak perubahan sosial di indonesia. lebih lanjut, baswedan (2006) memetakan elite politik indonesia berdasarkan kurun waktu tertentu. berikut digambarkan dalam tabel. tabel 1. formasidansirkulasi rulling elite indonesiaversianiesbaswedan fase pembentukan elite fase maturitas elite periode tren/ jalur rekruitmen periode maturitas rulling elite 1990-an – 1930-an pendidikan modern 1940-an – 1960-an intelektual 1940-an – 1960-an perjuangan fisik 1970-an – 1990-an angkatan bersenjata 1960-an – 1990-an organisasi massa/ politik 2000-an – 2020-an aktivis 1990-an – sekarang pasar/dunia bisnis 2020-an – ? enterpreneur / bisnisman sumber: tabel ini dikembangkan oleh alfan alfian berdasarkan opini “siapakah rulling elite indonesia” karya anies baswedan, kompas, 31 oktober 2006. pembentukan ruling elite indonesia versi baswedan (2006) ditentukan atas dasar dua hal, perekrutan anak-anak muda dan tren utama bangsa. tren utama bangsa ini berubah dari satu masa ke masa berikutnya seiring dengan perjalanan sejarah. anak-anak muda yang pada masa mudanya terlibat dalam tren utama yang mewarnai bangsa ini kelak akan menjadi aktor-aktor di dalam ruling elite. di sinilah kerangka path dependence (historical institutionalism) jadi relevan dan powerful. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 170 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 3. konsep elit dalam islam menurut mulkhan (1989: 17), elite dalam islam dapat disimbolkan dengan adanya ulama, kyai, mubaligh, dan guru ngaji. pasca orde baru, keberadaan ulama tetap menjadi elite penentu dalam kaitannya dengan dunia politik. hal ini terbukti ketika politik santri memperoleh kemenangan dengan terpilihnya gus dur menjadi presiden ri keempat dan amien rais menjadi ketua mpr ri. kedua tokoh ini mewakili organisasi islam terbesar di negeri ini, nu dan muhammadiyah. menurut latif (2005: 583-584), seiring perkembangan zaman, ketika banyak sarjana muslim belajar ke universitas-universitas barat dan mulai diperkenalkannya pelajaran-pelajaran umum dalam institusi-institusi pendidikan agama dan pelajaran-pelajaran agama dalam institusi-institusi pendidikan sekuler, semakin membuat kabur perbedaan antara “ulama” dan “intelektual”. banyak intelektual tampil sebagai figur-figur keagamaan yang terkemuka, sementara banyak ulama yang tampil sebagai juru bicara terkemuka dalam isu-isu sekuler. selain itu, lanjut latif (2005: 584-585), semakin banyaknya perguruan tinggi agama, dimana banyak ulama yang memiliki gelar akademis dan juga diperkenalkannya fakultasfakultas umum di perguruan tinggi agama, menciptakan kebingungan apakah para lulusan dari institusi-insitutusi tersebut sebaiknya disebut sebagai ulama ataukah intelektual. sebuah kode baru dibutuhkan untuk menandai fusi kedua kategori itu. titik temu dari fusi tersebut bukanlah terletak pada kata “intelektual” atau “ulama”, tetapi pada sebuah neologisme yang netral, yaitu “cendekiawan”. istilah “cendekiawan muslim” menjadi semakin sering dipakai dalam ruang publik indonesia sejak tahun 1980-an sampai sekarang (pasca orde baru), terutama sebagai suatu penanda bagi perkembangan eksplosif dari intelek-ulama dan ulama-intelek muslim. dari sini dapat diketahui, bahwa elite islam dapat dikategorikan ke dalam dua kelompok, yaitu elite ulama dan elite cendikiawan muslim. pertama, elite ulama. ulama memiliki tiga criteria: (1) memiliki kedalaman makrifatullah, seperti mempunyai ilmu yang dalam, tingkat ketakwaan yang tinggi, banyaknya amal shaleh, dan berakhlak yang terpuji; (2) kedalaman ilmu syariah dalam arti luas meliputi ilmu aqidah, ilmu hukum, dan ilmu akhlak; (3) kedalaman pengetahuan tentang ayat-ayat kauniyah, yakni ilmu pengetahuan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 171 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 yang didasarkan pada pengetahuan empiris dan eskperimental (abdurrahman, brm juni 1995: 14-15). kedua, elite cendekiawan muslim. ada tiga unsur kegiatan yang melekat pada cendikiawan muslim: (1) melakukan analisis terhadap gejala sosial dan pembangunan serta melakukan kritik dengan menulis atau berbicara di seminar-seminar dan diskusi; (2) mengembangkan pemikiran kritis dengan menyusun model-model pengembangan masyarakat; (3) menghasilkan karya-karya profesional di berbagai bidang keilmuan. faktor lain yang turut mencitrakan kelompok cendekiawan muslim adalah upaya mereka menerjemahkan dan menampilkan profil dan pemikiran cendekiawan luar negeri. secara lebih sederhana, cendekiawan muslim adalah mereka yang pernah mendapatkan pendidikan barat (rahardjo, 1996: 25, 26, 66). setelah kita mengetahui kelompok elite islam, langkah selanjutnya adalah metode apa yang digunakan untuk menganalisa elite yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini. karena itu, peneliti menggunakan tiga pendekatan dalam menganalisa elite sebagaimana dikemukakan oleh putnam (2001: 91-94). pertama, analisa posisional, yang menganggap bahwa elite adalah mereka yang menduduki posisi tertinggi dalam struktur organisasi formal. analisa posisi ini merupakan teknik yang paling mudah dan paling umum untuk mengetahui siapa yang berkuasa. kedua, analisa reputasional, yang menganggap bahwa elite adalah mereka yang tidak berada pada posisi formal dalam organisasi, namun mereka mengetahui mekanisme politik dari dekat. ketiga, analisa keputusan, yang menganggap bahwa elite adalah mereka yang memiliki pengaruh dan berhasil mengajukan inisiatif atau menentang usul-usul keputusan. sedangkan elite yang merupakan cakupan dalam penelitian ini akan menggunakan dua pendekatan, yaitu pendekatan posisional dan pendekatan keputusan. jika penelitian ini hanya menggunakan pendekatan reputasional atau pendekatan posisional, maka cakupan bahasannya terlalu luas. begitu juga jika jika menggabungkan ketiga pendekatan di atas, maka cakupan bahasannya semakin meluas lagi. sebagai jalan tengah, peneliti menggabungkan dua pendekatan tersebut di atas agar memudahkan menemukan varian perilaku elite, di samping tidak meluasnya pembahasan penelitian ini. karena itu, penelitian ini pertama-tama akan mengidentifikasi siapa saja elite yang berada di dalam struktur organisasi. kemudian disaring lagi, siapa saja elite yang memiliki pengaruh terhadap jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 172 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 kebijakan-kebijakan organisasi. elite-elite inilah yang akan menjadi cakupan bahasan dalam penelitian ini. 4. sikap politik elite islam mengkaji tentang sikap politik (political attitudes) berarti mengkaji tentang pemikiran dan pandangan seseorang yang didasarkan pada pendirian mereka berupa pendapat atau keyakinan (kbbi, 1990: 838). karena itu, penelitian ini akan memfokuskan pada bagaimana pemikiran dan pandangan politik elite muhammadiyah dalam merespon dinamika seputar islam dan politik. dalam mengkategorisasikan sikap politik elite, digunakanlah tesis tarik-menarik antara dua kutub ekstrem, yaitu sikap inklusif dan sikap eksklusif. sikap inklusif lebih mengedepankan substansi (bahkan lebih dari sekadar substansi) daripada simbol. sedangkan sikap eksklusif lebih mengedepankan simbol daripada substansi. dua kutub ekstrem inilah yang selalu mewarnai sikap politik di kalangan elite menengah muslim di indonesia. model bentangan dua kutub ekstrem ini, menurut nashir (2000: 150-151), juga dikembangkan dalam teori daniel s. lev tentang golongan atau kelas menengah dalam konteks orde baru yang melahirkan polarisasi politik sebagaimana pendapat mahasin, bahwa setelah tahun 1996, kelas menengah mulai berkembang pesat dalam iklim ekonomi orde baru yang menguntungkan sampai batas tertentu menguntungkan secara politik. hubungan kelas menengah dengan pemerintah orde baru menunjukkan kecenderungan terpecah-belah oleh beragam orientasi terhadap negara, terhadap kekuasaan politik. jika menguntungkan, akan berdampak menyenangkan. sebaliknya, jika antagonistik, akan berdampak tidak menyenangkan. atas dasar itulah, peneliti mencoba mengkategorisasikan sikap politik elite islam yang pernah menjadi kajian terdahulu ke dalam tiga model sikap sebagaimana tergambar dalam tabel berikut ini. tabel 2. kategorisasi sikappolitikelite islam model inklusif model moderat model eksklusif jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 173 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 akomo datif transfor matik idealistik formali stik totalis tik pragm atis kritis moderat realistik substantivi stik sumber: diolah berdasarkan hasil analisa penelitian ini. kategorisasi di atas pada kenyataannya bisa saja mengalami kombinasi antara satu sikap dengan sikap yang lainnya, asalkan relevan dengan penelitian ini. secara lebih detail, berikut ini akan dijelaskan kriteria masing-masing sikap mulai dari model eksklusif dan dilanjutkan ke model moderat hingga model inklusif dengan merujuk pada sejumlah kajiankajian terdahulu. a. sikap politik totalistik. kelompok ini mendasarkan sikapnya pada teks yang bersumber dari wahyu, sehingga tidak ada ruang kosong kenyataan yang majemuk (anwar, 1995: 175-176). b. sikap politik formalistik. kelompok ini mendasarkan sikapnya pada ketaatan ajaran islam. mereka lebih menekankan pada politisasi yang cenderung menopang bentukbentuk masyarakat politik islam seperti yang dibayangkan. bentuk-bentuk itu muncul dengan adanya partai islam, ekspresi simbolis, hingga pada sistem ketatanegaraan islam (anwar, 1995: 144-145). c. sikap politik idealistik. kelompok ini mendasarkan sikapnya pada “islam cita-cita” yang sesuai al-qur’an dan as-sunnah. perumusan “islam cita-cita” sebagai pembeda dengan “islam sejarah”, yakni islam yang dipahami ke dalam konteks sejarah oleh umat islam (anwar, 1995: 178-179). d. sikap politik moderat. kelompok ini berada di tengah-tengah antara sikap formalistik dan sikap pragmatis, sehingga tidak memiliki kecenderungan pada salah satu di antara keduanya (nashir, 2000: 150-151). e. sikap politik substantivistik. kelompok ini lebih menekankan substansi daripada simbol-simbol keagamaan yang sifatnya tekstual. ajaran-ajaran islam memiliki makna universal dan harus dikontekstualisasikan dengan realitas sosial (anwar, 1995: 155156). jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 174 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 f. sikap politik transformatik. kelompok ini mendasarkan sikapnya pada misi kemanusiaan. ajaran-ajaran islam harus dikebumikan agar menjadi kekuatan yang mampu membebaskan manusia dari ketidakadilan, kebodohan, dan keterbelakangan. proses islamisasi direfleksikan dalam karya-karya produktif yang berorientasi pada perubahan sosial (anwar, 1995: 162). g. sikap politik kritis. kelompok ini mendasarkan sikapnya pada penyelesaikan persoalan dengan melihat aspek sistem dan struktur sebagai sumber masalah. pendekatan struktural membantu untuk menganalisa dan mengidentifikasi ketidakadilan serta kesalahpahaman dalam memahami realitas, misalnya aksi terorisme (fakih, 2001: 35). h. sikap politik realistik. kelompok ini lebih menekankan pada keterkaitan antara dimensi substantif dengan konteks realitas sosial yang ada. islam perlu dihadirkan secara realistik dalam keragaman yang diwarnai oleh perjalanan sejarah (anwar, 1995: 182-183). i. sikap politik akomodatif. kelompok ini lebih menunjukkan hubungan baik serta mengembangkan kerjasama, tetapi tetap bersikap kritis atas penyimpangan tanpa mengintegrasikan diri ke dalam lingkaran kekuasaan. sikap ini cenderung lentur dalam menghadapi perkembangan politik (jurdi, 2010: 40). j. sikap politik pragmatis. kelompok ini memiliki pandangan, agar umat muslim menempuh langkah-langkah praktis, harus meninggalkan pandangan-pandangan yang idealistik. sikap ini juga menghendaki ditinggalkannya pola politik yang diwarnai konflik pribadi dan konflik golongan (nashir, 2000: 42). 5. faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi sikap politik tidak hanya bersifat tunggal (jurdi, 2010: 35). karena itu, sikap politik bisa gabungan, tidak hanya terdiri satu sikap saja. kemudian, munculnya sikap politik yang beragam tersebut tidak bisa dilepaskan oleh faktor-faktor yang beragam. berpijak pada analisa surbakti (1992: 132-133) dan budiarjo (2007: 49), penelitian ini memfokuskan pada dua faktor yang mempengaruhi sikap politik elite. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 175 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 pertama, kategori latar belakang sosiologis. secara sosiologis, latar belakang seseorang dapat diidentifikasi, antara lain berupa jenis kelamin, umur, pendidikan, asal daerah, suku bangsa, paham keagamaan, pekerjaan, pergaulan, pengalaman organisasi, orientasi hidup individu, latar belakang keluarga, dan lain sebagainya. dalam konteks penelitian ini, latar belakang sosiologis difokuskan pada empat faktor yang akan menjadi kecenderungan utama dalam pempengaruhi sikap-sikap politik mereka, yaitu faktor pendidikan, pekerjaan, relasi atau pergaulan, dan orientasi politik individu. kedua, kategori organisatoris. secara terperinci, kategori organisatoris terbagi menjadi tiga faktor: (1) faktor budaya politik organisasi, yaitu pandangan dan sistem nilai yang terkait erat dengan setiap keputusan politis dan sudah berlaku di dalam sebuah organisasi (nashir, 2000: 53-54); (2) faktor kepentingan politik organisasi, yaitu tujuan dan target yang dikejar oleh sebuah organisasi dari hasil proses politik (budiarjo, 2007: 49; firmanzah, 2008: 52); (3) faktor kebijakan organisasi. setiap organisasi pasti memiliki keputusan resmi dalam menyikapi segala hal yang berimplikasi pada kehidupan manusia secara umum dan organisasinya secara khusus. setiap keputusan yang dibuat tentu sudah mengalami proses pemufakatan di internal elite organisasi yang harus ditaati oleh seluruh pihak yang terlibat dalam organisasi tersebut. metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang mengacu pada berbagai teknik termasuk di dalamnya proses observasi dan wawancara intensif guna memahami pengalamanpengalaman dari para informan dan kita dapat menemukan sikap tegas mereka (marsh dan stoker, 2002: 197). karena itu, penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-analitis yang akan menjelaskan secara komprehensif tentang sikap politik elite muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dalam merespon dinamika islam dan politik di era reformasi. sumber data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini dapat terbagi menjadi dua bagian. pertama, data primer yaitu kata-kata dan tindakan (moleong, 2004: 157). data primer yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah pemikiran dan pandangan dari individu-individu elite muhammadiyah di media massa dan karya-karya mereka yang pernah dipublikasikan. di samping itu, data hasil wawancara termasuk juga data primer. kedua, data sekunder yaitu dokumen resmi yang disimpan jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 176 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dalam arsip muhammadiyah terutama sejak pasca orde baru, penelitian-penelitian para ilmuwan terdahulu, buku-buku, media massa, jurnal, makalah, serta berbagai laporan yang dianggap penting dan relevan dengan penelitian ini. teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ada dua. pertama, metode wawancara. metode ini digunakan untuk mengumpulkan data-data yang belum pernah dikaji dan dibahas oleh literatur yang lain (harrison, 2007: 104), serta digunakan untuk mengkonfirmasi pernyataan-pernyataan mereka yang pernah dimuat di media massa. individu yang menjadi sasaran dalam penelitian ini adalah informan. para informan dipilih secara sengaja (purposive sampling) dengan harapan mereka dapat memberikan keterangan yang sesuai dengan kebutuhan penelitian ini. kedua, metode dokumentasi. dokumen merupakan setiap bahan baik yang tertulis maupun film (moleong, 2004: 216). metode ini digunakan untuk mengumpulkan karya-karya elite muhammadiyah yang pernah dipublikasikan dalam berbagai bentuk. selain itu, peneliti akan mengumpulkan karya-karya dari para ilmuwan yang pernah membahas tentang pemikiran dan sikap elite yang dimaksudkan dalam penelitian ini serta arsip, surat keputusan, dan dokumen-dokumen penting yang dianggap memiliki relevansinya dengan penelitian ini. semua data yang sudah terkumpul dianalisa secara detail dengan menggunakan tiga tahapan (sarantakos, 1993: 300-301). pertama, reduksi data. tahapan ini digunakan untuk memilih dan memilah data yang sudah terkumpul secara cermat dan teliti sesuai dengan kebutuhan penelitian. tahapan ini dilakukan secara terus menurus selama proses penelitian ini berlangsung. kedua, penyajian data. setelah proses pemilihan dan pemilahan data selesai dilakukan, tahapan selanjutnya adalah me-nyajikan data penelitian secara deskriptif dan detail sesuai dengan sistematika yang telah ditentukan sebelum-nya. ketiga, interpretasi data. proses terakhir yang tidak bisa dipisahkan adalah analisis interpretatif terhadap uraian yang telah disajikan sesuai dengan metode yang berlaku, lalu diuji validitasnya, sehingga mendapatkan temuan yang kemudian ditarik kesimpulan sebagai hasil dari jawaban atas rumusan masalah. kesimpulan itulah yang disebut sebagai temuan baru. hasil dan analisis jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 177 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 bagian ini akan menguraikan tentang siapa saja yang termasuk elite-elite muhammadiyah sebagai representasi kaum modernis, bagaimana sikap politik mereka dalam merespon dinamika islam dan politik, serta apa saja faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi masing-masing sikap politik mereka. 1. siapakah elite-elite muhammadiyah? meminjam analisa putnam (2006: 91-94), elite muhammadiyah yang dimaksud dalam penelitian ini adalah kader muhammadiyah yang menjabat secara struktural di pp muhammadiyah sejak periode 1998-2010 yang memiliki pengaruh kuat terhadap setiap kebijakan organisasi. secara lebih detail, dari proses pengumpulan data, terdapat 32 nama yang termasuk pejabat struktural pp muhammadiyah. namun, dari 32 nama tersebut, terdapat nama-nama yang tidak masuk kategori elite muhammadiyah. berikut ini alasanalasannya dijelaskan dalam tabel. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 178 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 tabel 3. pimpinan pusat muhammadiyah yang tidak masuk kategori elit no. daftar nama pp muhammadiy ah alasan 1. sutrisno muhdam pendeknya masa jabatan (1998-2000), sehingga tidak dapat mengaktualiasikan dirinya secara intensif. 2. rusydi hamka pendeknya masa jabatan (1998-2000), sehingga tidak dapat mengaktualiasikan dirinya secara intensif. 3. ramli thaha pendeknya masa jabatan (1998-2000), sehingga tidak dapat mengaktualiasikan dirinya secara intensif. 4. lukman harun meninggal dunia pada tanggal 8 april 1999, sehingga tidak banyak terlibat dalam percaturan politik pasca orde baru. 5. bambang sudibyo jabatan yang bersifat administratif (bendahara periode 2000-2005) dan tidak aktif karena menjadi mendiknas era kepemimpinan sby-jk masa jabatan 2004-2009. 6. anhar burhanuddin meninggal dunia pada tahun 1999, sehingga tidak banyak terlibat dalam percaturan politik pasca orde baru. 7. rosyad sholeh sekalipun pernah menjadi wakil ketua pp jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 179 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 muhammadiyah, kepemimpinan rosyad tidak begitu nampak. aktivitasnya justru lebih nampak pada hal-hal yang bersifat administratif, terutama saat menjabat sebagai sekretaris umum (2005-2010). 8. rahimi sutan jabatan yang bersifat administratif dan pendeknya masa jabatan (bendahara 1999-2000), sehingga tidak ada waktu lagi untuk urusan-urusan yang bersifat substansial gerakan. 9. dasron hamid jabatan yang bersifat administratif (bendahara 2000-2005), sehingga tidak ada waktu lagi untuk urusan-urusan yang bersifat substansial gerakan. 10. zamroni jabatan yang bersifat administratif (bendahara 2005-2010), sehingga tidak ada waktu lagi untuk urusan-urusan yang bersifat substansial gerakan. 11. husni thoyar beberapa bulan setelah muktamar, mengundurkan diri dari pp muhammadiyah karena terpilih sebagai ketua pwm dki jakarta dalam musywil. 12. fasich tidak aktif karena menjadi rektor its surabaya. sumber: hasil analisa terhadap seberapa jauh keaktifan nama-nama tersebut di pp muhammadiyah. sedangkan mereka yang termasuk elite dalam kategori ini ada 20 nama sebagaimana diseleksi dengan pendekatan analisa posisional dan analisa keputusan. mereka itu adalah amien rais, syafii maarif, din syamsuddin, ismail sunny, amien abdullah, munir mulkhan, dawam rahardjo, yahya a. muhaimin, yunahar ilyas, malik fadjar, asjmuni abdurrahman, watik pratiknya, haedar nashir, sudibyo markus, syukriyanto, ar, muhammad muqoddas, hajriyanto y. thohari, dahlan rais, goodwill zubir, dan muchlas abror. 2. varian politik elite muhammadiyah sebagai representasi kaum modernis jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 180 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 fokus penelitian ini adalah sikap politik elite muhammadiyah dalam merespon dinamika antara islam dan politik. isu yang dijadikan sebagai basis analisa ada tiga. pertama, gagasan negara islam, khususnya tentang keinginan pengembalian piagam jakarta dalam amandemen uud ’45 saat sidang tahunan mpri ri 2000-2002. kedua, lahirnya partai-partai islam setiap menjelang pemilu. ketiga, fenomena terorisme yang selalu disalahpahami oleh masyarakat umum dan umat islam pada khususnya. setelah dilakukan pengumpulan data dan proses analisa terhadap pemikiran dan pandangan politik elite-elite muhammadiyah dalam merespon tiga isu tentang dinamika islam dan politik, maka penelitian ini mencoba untuk mengklasifikasikan sikap-sikap mereka ke arah mana kecenderungannya sesuai dengan kerangka teoritik yang ditawarkan dalam penelitian ini. tentu, proses klasifikasi tersebut didukung oleh data-data berupa pemikiran dan sikap-sikap mereka yang tertuang dalam berbagai karya maupun media yang telah dipublikasikan. atas dasar proses dan tahapan tersebut, ditemukan empat kecenderungan sikap politik elite muhammadiyah yang berkembang dalam penelitian ini. keempat sikap itu adalah transformatik-idealistik, moderat-idealistik, realistik-kritis, dan akomodatif-pragmatis. keempat varian sikap yang berkembang tersebut setidaknya dapat menggambarkan variasi sikap politik di kalangan elite-elite muhammadiyah di berbagai level struktur. pertama, sikap transformatik-idealistik. sikap transformatik-idealistik memiliki ciri-ciri sebagai berikut. pertama, berpijak pada misi ideal islam sebagai agama kemanusiaan. kedua, penekanan bukan hanya sekadar pada pemahaman doktrin islam, tetapi lebih pada pemecahan masalah-masalah sosial, penyadaran akan hak-hak politik sipil, membebaskan masyarakat dari ketidakadilan, penindasan, dan keterbelakangan. ketiga, nilai-nilai islam diimplementasikan ke dalam bentuk pemberdayaan masyarakat (community empowering) dengan pengembangan program-programnya ke dalam lembaga-lembaga sosial, semisal lsm dan sejenisnya. keempat, proses islamisasi direfleksikan dalam karya-karya produktif yang berorientasi pada perubahan sosial-ekonomi dan politik menuju terciptanya masyarakat yang sejahtera. mereka yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini secara sosiologis adalah kalangan cendikiawan di lingkungan kampus dan aktivis sosial yang tergabung dalam berbagai lsm. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 181 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 gagasan-gagasan mereka dikenal kritis dan berdimensi transformatik. tak jarang pemikiran mereka menjadi hot discourses bahkan kontroversial. mereka yang termasuk dalam kelompok ini adalah syafii maarif, dawam rahardjo, munir mulkhan, amin abdullah, haedar nashir, dan sudibyo markus. syafii maarif, kini dikenal sebagai guru bangsa yang selalu menyuarakan isu-isu kemanusiaan, toleransi, dan pluralisme. muhammadiyah di bawah kepemimpinannya, terbilang cukup berhasil menjaga jarak dengan penguasa di samping itu, gerakan-gerakan atau komunitas intelektual yang bersifat kultural pun muncul ke permukaan, seperti psap, maarif institute, jimm, dan majelis reboan. karena dedikasinya yang mulia itulah, maarif menerima berbagai penghargaan, seperti hamengkubuwomo ix award tahun 2000 untuk kategori multikulturalisme (detiknews.com, 29/11/2010), magsaysasy award untuk kategori perdamaian dan pemahaman internasional di manila filipina, 31 juli 2008 (tokohindonesia.com, 01/08/2008), penghargaan mpu peradah 2009 oleh perhimpunan pemuda hindu indonesia (peradah indonesia) sebagai tokoh yang memiliki dedikasi dan kepedulian terhadap pluralisme (detiknews.com, 14/06/2009), dan habibie award untuk bidang harmonisasi kehidupan beragama pada tanggal 30 november 2010. dawam rahardjo, dikenal dengan gagasan “teologi transformatif”-nya. dia merupakan salah satu cendekiawan muslim orde baru yang telah melahirkan berbagai lembaga sosial seperti lp3es dan lsaf sebagai arus baru pemikiran islam yang mengusung ide-ide pembaharuan. selain itu, rahardjo juga pernah memimpin dua media berskala nasional, yaitu majalah prisma dan jurnal ulumul qur’an yang sempat menjadi corong utama bagi kalangan intelektual indonesia. munir mulkhan, merupakan cendekiawan yang memiliki kepiawaian dalam berbagai disiplin ilmu, di antaranya sosiologi, filsafat, pendidikan, dan tasawuf. dia dikenal juga sebagai penafsir tunggal gagasan-gagasan kyai dahlan, pendiri muhammadiyah. pada tataran tertentu, pemikirannya sangat sufistik, sehingga terkadang orang lain mengalami kesulitan dalam mencerna setiap pemikiran dan gagasannya. tak jarang label “pemikir liberal” melekat padanya. label “pemikir liberal” juga disandang oleh amin abdullah, rekan mulkhan di uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta. baik mulkhan maupun abdullah, kedua tokoh ini selalu dianggap oleh sebagaian kelompok islam sebagai “orang kafir”. terlepas jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 182 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dari itu, pemikiran abdullah yang cukup fenomenal di kalangan sarjana muslim adalah gagasan “integrasi dan interkoneksi” untuk disiplin ilmu-ilmu islam dengan ilmu-ilmu sekuler lainnya. dengan gagasan ini, abdullah berharap, tidak ada dikotomi antara satu ilmu dengan ilmu yang lainnya. pemikiran. haedar nashir, aktivis muhammadiyah sejak dididik di ipm. namanya mulai dikenal oleh warga muhammadiyah ketika terpilih menjadi pengurus pp muhammadiyah periode 2000-2005. nashir termasuk salah satu kader muhammadiyah yang cukup produktif menulis baik dalam bentuk buku maupun artikel. hal inilah yang kemudian membawanya menjadi pemred suara muhammadiyah¸ majalah resmi milik muhammadiyah. nashir pernah mendapat julukan sebagai “panglima ideologi muhammadiyah” di saat muhammadiyah mengalami konflik ideologis dengan salah satu partai politik bersayap dakwah, yaitu pks, sejak tahun 2000-an. berbagai tuduhan negatif dari aktivis-aktivis gerakan tarbiyah ditanggapinya dengan sika-sikap yang cerdas, sebagaimana yang tertuang dalam bukunya manifestasi gerakan tarbiyah (2007). karena itulah, nashir melakukan riset ilmiah tentang gerakan-gerakan islam syariat yang kemudian menjadi disertasi doktoralnya di sosiologi agama. sudibyo markus, aktivis ngo/lsm sejak tidak menjabat pns di departemen sosial ri (1973-1998). berbagai lsm pernah diikutinya, seperti menjadi koordinator program di undp jakarta (1988-1996), direktur pt indorayon/rgm internasional, direktur asia pacific rresource international holding, sterring commite pada humanitarian forum london. kini mendirikan lsm, seperti civil islamic institute (cci) dan indonesian institute for social development (iisd). salah satu pendiri imm ini dikenal pula sebagai kader muhammadiyah yang memiliki jaringan luas dengan berbagai pihak baik di eropa, australia, dan amerika. elite-elite muhammadiyah yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini ketika merespon isu partai islam, mereka berpandangan, apapun jenis ideologi partainya mereka harus benarbenar memperjuangkan kepentingan dan hak-hak rakyat, misal mengentaskan kemiskinan dan kebodohan, melawan korupsi, serta memperbaiki sistem pendidikan yang masih belum tertata dengan baik. karena itu, kelompok ini tidak begitu memperdulikan asas partai, apakah islam atau sekuler. visi kelompok ini cukup ideal, yaitu semua partai harus menjadi artikulator kepentingan rakyat. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 183 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dalam merespon isu piagam jakarta, kelompok ini menolak secara tegas pemberlakuan kembali piagam jakarta sebagai dasar negara. alasan mereka adalah, bahwa masyarakat indonesia itu majemuk dan plural yang membutuhkan sebuah naungan yang lebih netral. karena itu, konsep negara islam tidak harus disimbolkan secara formalistiklegalistik. negara islam cukup dimanifestasikan dalam perilaku sehari-hari masyarakatnya sehingga terwujud sebuah masyarakat yang ideal, sejahtera, dan demokratis. sikap yang sama juga ditunjukkan mereka dalam merespon fenomena terorisme yang selalu dikaitkan dengan jihad. kelompok ini berpandangan, bahwa terorisme bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai jihad yang berorientasi mulia. jihad harus dimaknai sebagai perjuangan keras dalam melawan ketidakadilan dalam berbagai bentuk, sehingga terwujud masyarakat yang damai dan sejahtera. sedangkan terorisme adalah tindakan kekerasan dan melawan semangat humanisme. kedua, sikap moderat-idealistik. sikap idealistik-moderat memiliki ciri-ciri sebagai berikut. pertama, orientasi sikap diarahkan menuju islam cita-cita, yaitu islam yang sesuai dengan etik dan moral al-qur’an dan as-sunnah yang otentik. kedua, menyetujui adanya kontekstualisasi ajaran islam tetapi tidak sekadar ditafsirkan asal-asalan, karena untuk menjadi penafsir ajaran-ajaran agama ada syarat-syarat khusus dan tidak sembarang orang. ketiga, tetap menghargai adanya perbedaan sebagai fitrah manusia, namun perbedaan itu dapat disatukan. keempat, ada keinginan untuk mengajak “islam sejarah” agar bergerak menuju islam cita-cita. kelima, memahami metodologi dan cara analisis ilmu-ilmu barat, tetapi tidak semua ilmu-ilmu barat mereka gunakan, karena kelompok ini tetap meyakini islam sebagai sistem yang sempurna. secara sosiologis, kelompok moderat-idealistik bekerja sebagai birokrat (dosen) di universitas milik pemerintah. secara keilmuan, mayoritas mereka memiliki konsentrasi ilmu-ilmu islamic studies, seperti asjmuni abdurrahman ahli di bidang hukum islam, yunahar ilyas ahli di bidang tafsir, muhammad muqoddas di bidang sastra arab, dan goodwill zubir ahli di bidang ilmu dakwah dan ilmu keislaman. elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini sering disebut juga sebagai ulamanya muhammadiyah. karena itu, keberadaan elite ini setidaknya menutupi kerinduan warga muhammadiyah akan sosok seorang kyai atau ulama. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 184 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 selain itu, elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini adalah mereka yang pernah menjadi pengurus muhammadiyah di bidang tarjih dan tabligh. majelis tarjih merupakan komisi yang memberikan fatwa tentang masalah-masalah hukum islam. sedangkan majelis tabligh merupakan majelis yang menjadi motor penggerak untuk melahirkan mubalighmubaligh muhammadiyah. asjmuni pernah menjadi ketua dan pembina majelis tarjih pp muhammadiyah selama dua 20 tahun (1985-2005). selain itu, abdurrahman pernah juga menjadi ketua mui diy dan wakil ketua komisi fatwa mui pusat. yunahar ilyas memimpin mtdk pp muhammadiyah sejak 1995 hingga 2005. barulah tahun 2005 hingga saat ini, menjadi ketua pp muhammadiyah yang membidangi majelis tarjih. selain di muhammadiyah, ilyas aktif sebagai wakil ketua mui pusat. muhammad muqoddas pernah menjadi ketua pwm diy (1995-2000). setelah itu, muqoddas menjadi pengurus pp muhammadiyah yang membidangi majelis tabligh. goodwill zubir juga pengurus muhammmadiyah di bagian majelis tabligh sejak di sumatera barat (19851990). setelah meninggalkan kampungnya, zubir bergabung di lembaga dakwah khusus pp muhammadiyah (1990-2000) hingga menjadi pengurus pp muhammadiyah sejak 2000 hingga saat ini. perlu dicatat juga, bahwa ilyas, muqoddas, dan zubir adalah dewan pembina majalah tabligh, sebuah majalah bulanan di bawah pembinaan majelis tabligh pp muhammadiyah. tema-tema yang diangkat oleh majalah ini seputar aliran-aliran sesat dalam islam, menghujat aliran sekularisme, pluralisme, dan liberalisme, melawan israelyahudi, serta tema-tema sejenis. selain itu, ilyas dan muqoddas disinyalir memiliki hubungan yang dekat dengan kelompok-kelompok islam seperti mmi, hti, fpi, dan lain sebagainya. hal ini tidak bisa dipisahkan dari latar belakang mereka yang pernah studi di timur tengah (saudi arabia). dalam merespon isu-isu yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini, kelompok ini cenderung bersikap moderat dan tidak berada pada salah satu titik ekstrem tertentu. karena itu, menurut kelompok ini, partai islam tetap diperlukan oleh masyarakat indonesia untuk mewakili suara kepentingan islam. pada isu piagam jakarta, sejatinya kelompok ini menolak gagasan tersebut. hanya saja, penolakan mereka tidak begitu keras seperti yang terlihat dalam sikap yang lainnya. begitu juga dengan isu terorisme, kelompok ini juga menolak jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 185 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 cara-cara brutal yang dilakukan oleh para teroris, namun sikap penolakan mereka tidak setransformatik atau sekritis kelompok lainnya. ketiga, sikap realistik-kritis. sikap realistik-kritis memiliki ciri-ciri sebagai berikut. pertama, melihat keterkaitan antara dimensi substantif daripada doktrin agama, dengan konteks sosial masyarakat. kedua, islam yang universal harus dihadirkan secara realistis dalam keragaman dan kemajemukan. ketiga, tidak ingin terjebak pada “politik gincu” yang sebenarnya tidak ada manfaat bagi kebaikan negeri ini. bagi kelompok ini, falsafah “politik garam” jauh lebih mulia dan justru sesuai dengan nilai-nilai ajaran islam. keempat, sangat mungkin ada proses islamisasi dan akulturasi dengan budaya lokal agar islam tetap diterima sehingga terjadi keragaman dana manifestasi islam, walaupun semua didasarkan pada keutuhan ajaran islam. mereka yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini adalah amien rais, malik fadjar, yahya a. muhaimin, ismail sunny, watik pratiknya, dahlan rais, syukriyanto ar, dan muchlas abror. secara sosiologis, semua elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini adalah birokrat yang bekerja di berbagai instansi milik pemerintah, seperti kampus dan depag. akibatnya, mereka selalu bersentuhan dengan masyarakat secara langsung dan problematikanya. bahkan, sebagian dari mereka ada yang pernah menjadi elite legislatif maupun eksekutif, seperti amien rais, malik fadjar, dan yahya muhaimin. secara keilmuan, mayoritas mereka berangkat dari kelas terdidik, bahkan pernah mengenyam pendidikan barat. berikut ini, penjelasan singkat latar belakang sosiologis mereka yang dapat diklasifikasikan ke dalam dua kelompok. pertama, kelompok elite yang pernah studi ke luar negeri, seperti amien rais (dosen ugm, pendiri pan, dan pernah menjadi ketua mpr ri), malik fadjar (dosen uin syarif hidayatullah dan pernah menjadi menteri agama dan mendiknas), yahya a. muhaimin (dosen ugm, politisi pan, dan pernah menjadi mendiknas), dan ismail sunny (dosen ui jakarta, pernah menjadi duta besar ri di saudi arabia dan oman, serta pernah menjadi anggota dpr/mprs tahun 1967-1969 dan anggota mpr ri periode 1992-1999). kedua, kelompok elite yang studi di dalam negeri, seperti watik pratiknya (dosen ugm, kini direktur eksekutif the habibie center), dahlan rais (dosen uns dan ums), syukriyanto ar (dosen uin sunan kalijaga, merupakan putra kh ar. fachruddin, tokoh jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 186 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 sentral muhammadiyah di era orde baru), dan muchlas abror (pensiunan depag diy, dosen uad, dan pernah dikader kh. ar. fachruddin). dalam merspon isu piagam jakarta, kelompok ini berpandangan, bahwa realitas sosiologis masyarakat indonesia yang multietnis, multiagama, multiras, dan multibahasa tidak tepat menghadirkan islam dengan jargon-jargon yang simbolik. jika hal ini dilakukan, maka yang terjadi bukanlah perdamaian, tetapi konflik yang berkepanjangan dan akan berdampak pada persatuan dan kesatuan indonesia. karenanya, perjuangan islam tetap dilakukan, tetapi kita harus melihat realitas masyarakat yang kita hadapi, sehingga untuk konteks saat ini islam cukup menampilkan nilai-nilai yang substantif yang jauh lebih bermakna ketimbang hal-hal yang besifat simbolik. kelompok ini juga menolak cara-cara kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh para teroris yang selalu mengatasnamakan agama, karena terorisme bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai universal jihad. pada isu kepartaian, kelompok ini menjatuhkan pilihan politik pada perjuangan-perjuangan yang non-simbolik, sehingga afiliasi politik mereka tidak ada kecenderungan pada pilihan partai yang berasas islam. keyakinan mereka didasarkan pada realitas sejarah politik islam yang selalu mengalami kegagalan dalam setiap memperjuangkan gagasan-gagasan islam. keempat, sikap akomodatif-pragmatis. sikap akomodatif-pragmatis memiliki ciriciri sebagai berikut. pertama, meletakkan sikapnya pada posisi kooperatif, bahkan terkadang kompromistis dengan pihak-pihak yang menurut kelompok ini menguntungkan, atau setidaknya berpihak pada apa yang sesuai dengan kehendaknya. kedua, mencari basis legitimasi untuk memperkuat bargaining position dengan pihak kompetitor (untuk tidak mengatakan pihak lawan). ketiga, sikap yang tidak konsisten dalam merespon berbagai realitas yang berkembang. karena itu, segala hal yang bersifat ideologis tidak begitu diperhitungkan oleh kelompok ini. sikap yang demikian dapat kita lihat pada sosok din syamsuddin dan hajriyanto y. tohari. din syamsuddin atau ds lahir dari lingkungan keluarga nu. semasa mudanya, ds sudah menjadi ketua ipnu cabang sumbawa besar (1970-1972). namun, semasa mahasiswa, aktivitas organisasinya berganti haluan di imm. karir ds terus berlanjut hingga berhasil meraih posisi puncak sebagai ketua umum dpp-sementara imm (1985). sejak saat ini, ds jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 187 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 dekat dengan lukman harun, mantan petinggi parmusi dan politisi golkar yang selalu berseteru dengan amien rais. nama ds semakin melambung ketika terpilih menjadi ketua umum pp pemuda muhammadiyah (1989-1993). apalagi saat itu ds baru saja kembali dari studi masternya di ucla (1988). banyak orang melihat, ds merupakan tokoh muda muhammadiyah yang akan menjadi tokoh masa depan. leonard binder, profesornya ds di ucla, sempat meramalkan, ds akan bersaing dalam arena politik dengan amien rais (tohari, 2001). setelah tidak di pemuda muhammadiyah, ds (sebutan lain untuk din syamsuddin) bergabung di golkar tahun 1993-1999. berbagai posisi pernah diraihnya seperti ketua departemen litbang dpp golkar dan wakil sekjen dpp golkar. selain itu, ds pernah menjadi wakil ketua fraksi karya pembangunan mpr ri hingga tahun 1999. ds berhenti dari kegiatan politik pada bulan januari 1999. sejalan dengan aktivitasnya di golkar, ds menjadi dirjen pembinaan penempatan tenaga kerja departemen tenaga kerja (binapenta depnaker) ri sejak 1998-2000 (ramli dan sucipto, 2010: 288-289). namun, berhenti pada bulan juli 2000. jabatannya sebagai dirjen dimanfaatkan ds untuk berkeliling indonesia dalam rangka mempopulerkan dirinya jelang muktamar muhammadiyah tahun 2000 di jakarta. berkat usahanya tersebut, ds meraih suara terbanyak kedua setelah syafii maarif. perolehan suara ini sangat spektakuler, karena ds sebelumnya belum pernah menjadi pengurus pp muhammadiyah, ketua majelis, ketua lembaga, atau pengurus pwm dan pdm. dalam berbagai kesempatan, pernyataan-pernyataan ds selalu melahirkan tafsir yang beragam. ketika pan berdiri dan dinyatakan secara tegas tidak ada hubungan organisatoris dengan muhammadiyah, ds tetap menyatakan, bahwa pan harus menjadi partai yang mewakili aspirasi politik warga muhammadiyah. berikut ini petikan pernyataannya: “pan adalah de facto sebagai tempat kawan-kawan muhammadiyah berkumpul. oleh karena itu, muhammadiyah perlu mendorong partai itu untuk berperan. dan, muhammadiyah bisa memanfaatkannya sebagai medium dakwah lewat jalur politik. tapi, muhammadiyah juga harus menjaga hubungan yang sama dengan parpol lain karena, secara faktual, warga muhammadiyah tersebar di semua partai politik” (jawa pos, 8/07/2005: 1). jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 188 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 pernyataan ds diatas mengandung dua makna yang satu sama lain saling bertentangan. di satu sisi, ds menyatakan muhammadiyah perlu mendorong pan karena partai ini tempat berkumpulnya kawan-kawan muhammadiyah. di sisi lain, ds menyatakan politik warga muhammadiyah tersebar di semua partai. terlepas dari itu, sikap ds secara normatif bertentangan dengan sikap muhammadiyah yang secara tegas telah menyatakan sikap netral terhadap semua partai, sebagaimana tarmaktub dalam khittah denpasar: “muhammadiyah tidak berafiliasi dan tidak mempunyai organisatoris dengan kekutankekuatan politik atau organisasi manapun. muhammadiyah senantiasa mengembangkan sikap positif dalam memandang perjuangan politik dan menjalankan fungsi kritik sesuai dengan prinsip amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar demi tegaknya sistem politik kenegaraan yang demokratis dan berkeadaban” (hambali, 2008: 155-156). setelah ds terpilih sebagai ketua umum muhammadiyah yang baru di malang, pernyataan simpatik pun muncul dari bibir licinnya. ds menyatakan, bahwa muhammadiyah tidak mempunyai hubungan organisatoris dengan partai manapun, serta menjaga jarak yang sama dengan semua partai. muhammadiyah tidak menekankan politik kepartaian, tetapi lebih mengedepankan politik dakwah (jawa pos, 7/07/2005: 2). bahkan, pernyataan filosofis yang cukup dahsyat pun sempat disampaikan ds saat pidato penutupan muktamar di malang. ds menyatakan: “berpikir tentang politik pun tidak, apalagi melakukannya”. tak lama setelah itu, ketika pan dianggap gagal menghantarkan “kader terbaik” muhammadiyah amien rais manjadi presiden ri pada pilpres 2004 dan banyaknya kaderkader muhammadiyah yang tidak lolos ke senayan, kekecewaan muncul dari amm. akibatnya, kelompok muda progresif ini mendirikan pam pada tanggal 9 maret 2005 sebagai cikal bakal kelahiran pmb. di tengah proses pembentukan partai tersebut, ds tampil sebagai sosok yang memberikan restu terhadap kelahiran pmb. lagi-lagi, pernyataan ds tak seirama dengan pernyataan-pernyataan sebelumnya. ds menyatakan, pada pemilu 2004 banyak partai yang mengklaim dekat dengan muhammadiyah. tetapi, pada kenyataannya partai yang mengklaim itu sama sekali tidak membela kepentingan muhammadiyah dan tidak seluruhnya menampilkan nilai-nilai jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 189 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 muhammadiyah. “sekarang jangan ada lagi parpol yang mengklaim dekat dengan muhammadiyah tetapi tidak memperjuangkan kepentingan muhammadiyah,” tukas ds. ketika ditanya wartawan, apakah yang dimaksud itu adalah pan, ds membantahnya (kompas.com, 9/07/2008). di samping itu, ketika muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak menyatakan dukungan terhadap pasangan capres-cawapres manapun dalam pilpres 2009, ds justru memfasilitasi pertemuan di antara para calon tersebut kecuali pasangan sby-boediono. pertemuan itu membahas tentang gugatan pelaksanaan pilpres serta meminta pengunduran jadwal pencoblosan. sikap yang demikian menunjukkan kesan, bahwa muhammadiyah terlibat aktif dalam aksi dukung-mendukung terhadap capres-cawapres tertentu. kalau sudah begini, keputusan resmi muhammadiyah seolah tak ada artinya. pada kasus yang lain, ketika mpr ri sedang menggodog amandemen uud ’45 dan muhammadiyah secara resmi menolak gagasan negara islam, ds justru tampil sebagai tokoh islam yang menyatakan dukungannya terhadap pemberlakukan kembali piagam jakarta sebagai dasar negara. pernyataan-pernyataan ds dapat terlihat dalam harian republika (19/10/2001) dan tempointeraktif.com (5/11/2001) sebagaimana telah dikemukakan di awab bab ini. padahal, dalam tulisan-tulisan ilmiahnya sebelum menjadi ketua umum muhammadiyah, ds (ulumul qur’an no. 2 vol. iv, 1993: 4-9) menolak pemberlakukan syariat islam di indonesia. menurutnya, “negara pancasila” pada hakikatnya adalah “negara islam”. pada akhir tahun 2005, ds pernah mengeluarkan pernyataan atas nama muhammadiyah tentang dipersilahkannya umat kristiani untuk memanfaatkan fasilitas aum dalam rangka untuk natalan. berikut pentikan pernyataannya: “menjelang natal dan tahun baru kami tidak ingin ada lagi insiden natal berdarah. dan bagi umat kristen atau katolik yang tidak dapat menjalankan ibadah natal karena tempat ibadahnya masih ditutup, muhammadiyah menawarkan sarana gedung atau ruang pertemuan milik muhammadiyah seperti sekolah, kampus, rumah sakit dan sejumlah tempat lainnya untuk dijadikan tempat natalan.” demikian kata ds kepada wartawan disela-sela pertemuan dengan puluhan tokoh lintas agama yang tergabung dalam indonesian community for religion jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 190 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 and peace di gedung pp muhamamdiyah, 21 desember 2005 (suarapembaruan.com, 22/12/2005). pernyataan ds di atas dianggap oleh masyarakat sebagai pernyataan resmi muhammadiyah. padahal, selama ini muhammadiyah dikenal sangat anti terhadap gerakan kristenisasi sebagaimana diungkap dalam buku alwi shihab yang berjudul membendung arus (1999). sejak berdiri, muhammadiyah tetap konsisten untuk memerangi segala bentuk kristenisasi, seperti yang telah ditegaskan dalam rekomendasi muktamar muhammadiyah ke-41 (7-14 desember 1985) di surakarta. dalam rekomendasi itu dinyatakan: “pelaksanaan peringatan natal di sekolah-sekolah, kantor-kantor, perusahaan-perusahaan, dan lainnya agar mengingat pedoman yang telah disiapkan pemerintah, yaitu surat edaran menteri agama yang isinya tidak dibenarkan mengikutsertakan orang-orang pemeluk agama di luar agama kristen” (m. djaldan badawi, 2005: 317). di balik sikap-sikapnya yang tidak konsisten dan setiap pernyataannya yang selalu bersayap, ds dikenal sebagai sosok yang menggembar-gemborkan isu-isu seputar perdamaian dan dialog antar peradaban. berbagai organisasi berskala nasional maupun internasional yang konsen dengan isu-isu perdamaian juga diikuti oleh ds (ramly dan sucipto, 2010: 289).2 fakta-fakta di atas telah memperlihatkan sikap akomodatif ds terhadap berbagai pihak dengan membungkus isu “islam formal” dan isu-isu kemanusiaan untuk orientasi politik pragmatisnya. ds seolah ingin menampilkan dirinya sebagai tokoh yang rekonsiliatif dalam membangun perdamaian. pernyataan-pernyataan akomodatifnya terlihat dalam wawancara republika dengan ds. ketika ditanya, bagaimana hubungan muhammadiyah dengan pihak eksternal? ds menjawab: 2 beberapa organisasi yang diikuti oleh ds, yaitu ketua indonesia committee on religions for peace (icomrp) sejak 2000-sekarang, chairman of center for dialoge and cooperation among civilizations (cdcc) sejak 2007-sekarang, chairman world peace forum (wpc), president asian committee on religions for peace (acrp) yang bermarkas di tokyo sejak 2004-sekarang, dan honorary president world conference on religions for peace (wcrp) yang bermarkas di new york sejak 2006-sekarang. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 191 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 “kita proporsional saja. baik itu terhadap partai politik, pemerintah maupun dunia internasional. pada partai politik, kita tetap tegas, bahwa tidak ada hubungan emosional apapun terhadap partai manapun. muhammadiyah mengambil sikap netral. kalau saya pribadi netral aktif, bukan netral pasif” (republika, 10/07/2005). ketika ditanya lagi, kenapa kalau pasif? ds kembali menjawab: “jika netral pasif, warga muhammadiyah akan menjadi sasaran pangsa pasar dari partaipartai politik dengan segala eksesnya. tapi, kalau netral aktif, mencoba melihat bahwa partai-partai politik itu merupakan sarana dakwah yang bisa dimanfaatkan. untuk itu, perlu menjaga hubungan dan kedekatan yang sama. jadi, bukan sekadar jaga jarak saja, tetapi juga menjaga kedekatan yang sama. misalnya, membuka jalan bagi warga sendiri untuk berpolitik” (republika, 10/07/2005). efendi (tesis, 2010: 51) mengatakan, bahwa ds dalam memimpin cenderung menampilkan langgam kepemimpinan yang akomodatif-rekonsiliatif. hal ini dibuktikan dengan usaha-usahanya yang selalu meredam ketegangan agama serta mencari corak gerakan perjuangan yang kontributif dan saling mendamaikan. paling tidak, buah dari ikhtiar itu sudah terlihat dalam bingkai hubungan antara muhammadiyah dan nu yang cenderung lebih kondusif sebagai dua ormas terbesar di indonesia. di bahwa kepemimpinan ds, muhammadiyah turut berperan dalam upaya mengatasi konflik di thailand selatan, bahkan raja bhumibol sendiri meminta langsung agar muhammadiyah ikut membantu penyelesaian konflik antara warga muslim dan pemerintah setempat. yudi latif, ketika diwawancarai oleh islamlib.com, menilai, bahwa ds merupakan seorang politisi. menurut latif, ds memang cenderung lebih berpikir politis. padahal, sejauh yang kita simak, yang dikehendaki orang dari pemimpin baru muhammadiyah adalah sebuah kejujuran. artinya, bagaimana ia bisa menempatkan kepemimpinan itu bentul-betul untuk kemaslahatan warga muhammadiyah, bukan untuk kepentingannya sendiri atau mengantarkan obsesi-obsesi politiknya. dari berbagai analisa di atas, peneliti mengambil kesimpulan, bahwa sikap politik ds mengarah pada sikap politik akomodatif-pragmatis. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 192 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 selain ds, ada juga hajriyanto y. tohari yang termasuk dalam kelompok ini. tohari adalah wakil ketua mpr ri (2009-2014). dia pernah menjadi dosen undip semarang (19841997), namun keluar dan bergabung menjadi politisi golkar. berkat ketekunannya di dunia politik praktis, tohari terpilih menjadi anggota dpr ri sejak 1997 hingga sekarang. selain ds, mantan ketua umum pemuda muhammadiyah (1993-1998) ini turut mendukung kelahiran pmb sebagai artikulator politik dari kalangan amm. dalam berbagai pertemuan, tohari selalu memfasilitasi keinginan dari senior-seniornya semisal addaruqutni dan murod. padahal, dalam berbagai tulisannya, tohari menolak segala bentuk politik yang dilabelkan dengan islam, termasuk partai islam. 3. faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi ditemukannya empat variasi sikap politik tersebut tidak muncul begitu saja tanpa suatu sebab. karena itu, sikap yang variatif itu dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor yang dapat dikategorisasi ke dalam dua bagian, yaitu kategori latar belakang sosiologis elite dan kategori organisatoris. pertama, kategori latar belakang sosiologis elite. ada empat faktor yang termasuk dalam kategori latar belakang sosiologis elite. a. faktor pendidikan. perbedaan minat kajian antara yang islamic studies dan ilmu-ilmu sosial krisis melahirkan cara pandang yang berbeda di kalangan elite muhammadiyah. elite yang minat pada islamic studies cenderung bersikap moderat-idealistik. sedangkan elite yang minat pada kajian ilmu-ilmu sosial kritis cenderung bersikap realistik-kritis dan transformatik-idealistik dengan titik tekan yang berbeda di antara keduanya. b. faktor pekerjaan. sebagian besar elite muhammadi-yah yang dikaji dalam penelitian bekerja sebagai birokrat. hal ini menyebabkan mereka selalu berinteraksi dengan banyak pihak yang memiliki beragam kepentingan. dari sinilah, tututan untuk bersikap bijak mempengaruhi cara pandang mereka. pada akhirnya, keberadaan mereka sebagai birokrat menyebabkan elite-elite muhammadiyah selalu bersikap realistik dalam melihat sebuah persoalan. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 193 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 c. faktor relasi atau pergaulan. besarnya gerakan muhammadiyah menyebabkan eliteelitenya memiliki relasi dan spektrum pergaulan yang luas dengan berbagai pihak dengan latar belakang yang berbeda-beda. dari proses pergaulan itu, tentu elite selalu berinteraksi dengan berbagai pihak. bagi elite yang pernah menjadi pejabat publik cenderung bersikap realistik. bagi elite yang dekat dengan kelompok islam progresif dan islam liberal serta dekat dengan elite agama lain, sikap mereka cenderung transformatik. bagi elite yang dekat dengan kelompok islam garis keras, sikap mereka cenderung moderat sebagai pilihan sikap aman. sedangkan bagi elite yang dekat dengan semua pihak, mereka memanfaatkan untuk menggalang kekuatan bersama demi kepentingan pragmatisnya. d. faktor orientasi politik individu. setiap elite memiliki orientasi politik yang berbedabeda di balik setiap manuver-manuvernya. ada elite yang orientasinya di muhammadiyah benar-benar berjuang dan berdakwah untuk kepentingan umat. tetapi ada juga elite yang memanfaatkan muhammadiyah sebagai kendaraan untuk menuju puncak kekuasaan, bahkan ada pula elite yang memanfaatkan muhammadiyah sebagai lahan untuk mencari nafkah. kedua, kategori organisatoris. ada tiga faktor yang termasuk dalam kategori organisatoris. a. faktor visi gerakan muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah memiliki visi ideal miys. visi ini dalam berbagai kesempatan selalu dikaji dan dirumuskan. berkat pemahaman yang luas terhadap visi ini, akhirnya muncul sebuah pemahaman bersama, bahwa berjuang di muhammadiyah tidak hanya di politik saja, tetapi bisa di bidang pendidikan, kesehatan, sosial, budaya, dan ekonomi. b. faktor sikap resmi muhammadiyah. elite muhammadiyah adalah elite yang menjadi teladan bagi para pengikutnya. sebagai sosok teladan yang baik dan harus memberikan contoh pada umatnya, elite harus benar-benar taat pada setiap kebijakan yang sudah diputuskan oleh persyarikatan. karenanya, tidak semua elite muhammadiyah terlibat dalam politik praktis. menurut mereka, berdakwah untuk umat tidak kalah terhormatnya daripada di politik, bahkan jauh lebih mulia. jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 194 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 c. faktor kontinuitas sejarah. sejarah akan selalu terus berulang. begitu juga dengan sejarah muhammadiyah dan peran para elite-elitenya dalam perjuangan bangsa. bagi sebagian elite, keterlibatan para tokoh muhammadiyah terdahulu dalam partai politik menyebabkan mereka terlibat juga dalam partai politik. menurut kelompok ini, perjuangan yang riil untuk mewujudkan miys ada di partai dan parlemen. sedangkan bagi sebagian elite yang lain, untuk mewujudkan miys tidak harus di partai. semua jalur bisa dimanfaatkan untuk mewujudkan sebuah masyarakat yang sejahtera. kesimpulan politik kaum modernis di era reformasi yang direpresentasikan oleh elit-elit muhammadiyah tidaklah bersifat tunggal melainkan variatif. varian sikap politik tersebut dapat tergambarkan dalam tabel yang disajikan di bawah ini. tabel 4.variansikappolitik elitemuhammadiyah jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 195 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 sikap politik nama elit karakteristik sikapnya transforma tikidealistik syafii maarif, dawam rahardjo, munir mulkhan, amin abdullah, haedar nashir, sudibyo markus  segala bentuk perjuangan politik islam, semuanya harus didasarkan pada penyelesaian problem sosial, seperti mengentaskan kemiskinan, melawan korupsi, dan memperbaiki sistem pendidikan.  pemikiran dan aksi-aksinya lebih senang diwujudkan ke dalam lembaga sosial (lsm) dengan program-program pemberdayaan masyarakat atau community empowering serta menuangkannya ke dalam tulisan-tulisan yang produktif.  elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini dekat dengan kalangan pemikir dan aktivis islam progresif dan islam liberal. tak jarang mayoritas elite dalam kelompok ini mendapatkan stempel sebagai “pemikir liberal”. moderatidealistik asjmuni abdurrahman, yunahar ilyas, muhammad muqoddas, goodwill zubir  politik islam tetap diperlukan, tetapi harus sesuai dengan al-qur’an dan as-sunnah.  tidak berpihak pada salah satu titik ekstrem sikapbaik eksklusif maupun inklusif.  kelompok ini tetap menolak cara-cara yang serba simbolik, kekerasan, maupun teror.  kelompok ini dikenal juga sebagai seorang mubaligh, namun disinyalir dekat dengan aktivis-aktivis islam semisal hti, mmi, fpi, pks, dll. realistikkritis amien rais, malik fadjar, yahya a. muhaimin, ismail sunny, watik pratiknya, syukriyanto  lebih mengedepan falsafah “politik garam” daripada “politik gincu/lipstik”.  menolak dengan tegas cara-cara yang bersifat simbolik maupun kekerasan.  realitas masyarakat indonesia yang majemuk dan plural tidak memungkinkan hadinya gagasan negara islam.  semua elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 196 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 sikap politik nama elit karakteristik sikapnya ar, dahlan rais, muchlas abror bekerja sebagai birokrat (pns) di berbagai institusi pemerintah, bahkan sebagian dari mereka mantan pejabat publik. akomodatif -pragmatis din syamsuddin, hajriyanto y. tohari  selalu menunjukkan sikap-sikap akomodatif dan kooperatif dengan semua pihak. karena itu, kelompok ini tidak pernah berpihak ekstrem dengan siapapun. jika dilakukan, akan merugikan secara politik.  mencari momentum atau peluang politik untuk menarik simpati dari kalangan islam.  memiliki orientasi kekuasaan.  elite yang tergabung dalam kelompok ini mantan dan masih menjadi politisi golkar. kedua-duanya juga mantan elite pemuda muhammadiyah. sumber: hasil analisis. terjadinya varian sikap politik tersebut dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor yang dapat dikategorisasikan ke dalam dua hal. pertama, kategori latar belakang sosiologis elite, meliputi empat faktor yaitu: faktor pendidikan, faktor pekerjaan, faktor relasi atau pergaulan, dan faktor orientasi politik individu. kedua, kategori organisatoris, meliputi tiga faktor yaitu: faktor visi gerakan muhammadiyah, faktor sikap resmi muhammadiyah, dan faktor kontinuitas sejarah. masing-masing faktor mempunyai pengaruh kuat dalam menentukan perbedaan sikap di antara elite-elite muhammadiyah. daftar pustaka alfian, m. alfan (2009). menjadi pemimpin politik. gramedia. jakarta amir, zainal abidin (2003). peta islam politik pasca-soeharto. lp3es. jakarta anshari, endang saifuddin (1997). piagam jakarta 22 juni 1945: sebuah konsensus nasional tentang dasar negara republik indonesia 1945-1949. gema insani press. jakarta jurnal studi 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putnam, robert d (2001). “studi perbandingan elit politik” dalam mohtar mas’oed dan colin mac andrews, perbandingan sistem politik. gama press. yogyakarta rahardjo, m. dawan (1996). intelektual, intelegensia, dan perilaku politik bangsa. mizan. bandung ramly, najamuddin dan hery sucipto (2010). ensiklopedi muhammadiyah: pemikiran dan kiprah dalam panggung sejarah muhammadiyah. best media utama. jakarta sahdan, gregorius (2004). jalan transisi demokrasi pasca soeharto. pondok edukasi. yogyakarta sarantakos, sotirios (1993). social research. macmillan education australia pty ltd. melbourne jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 198 ridho al-hamdi dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 surbakti, ramlan (1992). memahami ilmu politik.: grasindo. jakarta thaba, abdul aziz (1996). islam dan negara dalam politik orde baru. gema insani press. jakarta tim lembaga pustaka dan informasi pp muhammadiyah (2010). profil satu abad muhammadiyah. pp muhammadiyah. yogyakarta tim penyusun departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan ri (1990). kamus besar bahasa indonesia. balai pustaka. jakarta tohari, hajriyanto y (2001). muhammadiyah dari dahlan sampai amien rais. makalah tidak dipublikasikan 2. arsip, dokumen, dan keputusan resmi muhammadiyah badawi, muhammad djaldan (2005). 95 tahun langkah perjuangan muhammadiyah: himpunan keputusan muktamar. dokumentasi lembaga pustaka dan informasi pp muhamamdiyah. yogyakarta panitia pemilihan. daftar calon sementara anggota pp muhammadiyah periode 1995-2000 _______. daftar calon sementara anggota pp muhammadiyah periode 2000-2005 _______. daftar calon sementara anggota pp muhammadiyah periode 2005-2010 _______. daftar calon tetap anggota pp muhammadiyah periode 2010-2015 pp muhammadiyah. laporan pp muhammadiyah periode 1995-2000 yang disampaikan pada muktamar ke-43 muhammadiyah di jakarta _______. laporan pp muhammadiyah periode 2000-2005 yang disampaikan pada muktamar ke-44 muhammadiyah di malang 3. harian, jurnal, majalah, dan website harian jawa pos. 7 juli 2005 _______. 8 juli 2005 harian republika. 19 oktober 2001 _______. 10 juli 2005 jurnal politika. volume 2 no. 2, 2006 jurnal ulumul qur’an. nomor 2 vol. iv, th. 1993 majalah prisma. no. ekstra, 1984 th. xiii www.detiknews.com, 29 november 2010 _______. 14 juni 2009 www.islamlib.com www.kompas.com, 9 juli 2008 jurnal studi pemerintahan volume 3 nomor 1 februari 2012 ridho al-hamdi 199 dinamika islam dan politik elit elit muhammadiyah periode 1998-2010 www.suarapembaruan.com, 22 desember 2005 www.tempointeraktif.com, 5 november 2001 www.tokohindonesia.com, 01 agustus 2008 layout desember 2008 284 collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 piyakorn whangmahaporn sripatum university, bangkok, thailand. e-mail: piyakornwh@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research project studies collaboration of public services of phayao elderly people in the northern part of thailand. the research questions are: ‘which factors that make the collaboration possible?’, ‘what are the processes of collaboration?’ and ‘what are the final results of the collaborations?’ this research aims to investigating the conditions leading into the collaboration of the school, examining the collaboration process and studying the results arising from the collaboration. this is a qualitative research using the phayao elderly school as a case study. this school is the most successful elderly school in thailand. structured interviews and observations are used to understand the incidents as a framework for the interviews. content analysis is also used to analyze recorded transcripts of the interviews. the findings of this research are: 1) the factors which led to the formation of the elderly school are the deteriorations of the elderly people’s health, the increasing population of the elderly people, and the utilization of the elderly people’s free time after retirement to maintain and improve their lifestyles. 2) a network of collaboration to ensure the implementation of the elderly school and 3) the school can encourage the integrity and self-esteem of the elderly people. the number of students is increasing every year. however, the funding for governmental collaboration has not increased. keywords: phayao elderly school, collaboration abstrak 285 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penelitian ini merupakan studi kolaborasi mengenai pelayanan publik di sekolah lansia phayao di bagian utara thailand. pertanyaan penelitiannya adalah: faktor-faktor manakah yang sangat mungkin mempengaruhi kolaborasi? apa sajakah proses-proses dalam melakukan kolaborasi? dan apa hasil akhir dari kolaborasi tersebut? penelitian ini bertujuan untuk meneliti kondisi yang mengarah pada kolaborasi di sekolah, memeriksa proses kolaborasi dan mempelajari hasil yang timbul dari kolaborasi ini. penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan sekolah lansia phayao sebagai studi kasus. sekolah ini merupakan sekolah tua yang paling sukses di thailand. wawancara terstruktur dan observasi digunakan untuk memahami peristiwa itu sebagai kerangka untuk wawancara. analisis isi juga digunakan untuk menganalisis transkrip rekaman dari wawancara. temuan dari penelitian ini adalah: 1) faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan pembentukan sekolah lansia adalah mengalami kerusakan kesehatan orang-orang lanjut usia itu, populasi yang semakin meningkat dari orang tua, dan pemanfaatan waktu luang orang-orang tua setelah pensiun untuk mempertahankan dan meningkatkan gaya hidup mereka. 2) sebuah jaringan kerjasama untuk menjamin pelaksanaan sekolah lansia, dan 3) sekolah dapat mendorong integritas dan harga diri dari orang tua. jumlah siswa meningkat setiap tahun. namun, pendanaan untuk kolaborasi pemerintah tidak bertambah. kata kunci : sekolah lansia phayao, kolaborasi introduction issues of social, economic, political and technological globalization are a challenge to both developed and developing countries. there is a need to focus and accelerate the work to find ways to prevent and resolve many issues such as poverty, education, public health, equality, unemployment, inflation and energy shortages. the countries, whether developed or developing, such as thailand are facing an increasing number of the elderly people. for thai elderly, in 2009 there were 4.8 million people over the age of 60. by 2025, the figure will rise to 14.9 million people. (college of population, 2011, online). thailand has been preparing to cope with the demographic change for over nearly three decades, since 1982, as shown in the national long-term plan for the elderly. most public services for the elderly have been operated by the government focus on social work, for example; housing and social service centers to help disadvantaged elderly people. in 2003, thailand’s elderly act acknowledged that people who are over 60 years of age will receive subsistence allowance of 500 baht per month. the projects for the elderly by non-governmental organizations are also on the increase under the concept that the elderly people can rely on themselves even without the assistance of the government. phayao elderly school is the pioneer of collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 286 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ three elderly schools in thailand. this research aims to investigate the conditions that lead to the collaboration of the school, to know the collaboration process and to study the results arising from the collaboration. this is a qualitative research using the phayao elderly school as a case study. the school is the most successful elderly school in thailand. structured interviews and observations are used to understand the incidents as a framework for the interviews. content analysis is also used to analyze recorded transcripts of interviews. the research project will provide empirical evidence as a model for the other elderly schools on which collaboration is shaped, to provide management structure as a result of the collaboration and to provide recommendations for further study on this topic. theoretical framework the research collaboration of public services of phayao elderly people in the northern thailand reviewed relevant research literature and theories as follows. the concept of collaboration is derived from two political concepts, those are, classic liberalism and civic republicanism. the first approach focuses on personal benefit. the collaborative process is a collection of private or personal preferences in order to have the power to negotiate for their own interests. the second concept is broader than any personal benefit. collaboration is a process of gathering various benefits based on mutual understanding, trust and compassion for one another. as frederick w. taylor and other scholars have focused on max weber’s bureaucracy such as chain of command, delegation, formal structure and communication from top to bottom. organizations in authoritarian state provide public services by that manner. however, with the lack of such rule, we see a more moderate view that looks like an intersection between states with a democratic system as american values and equality of participation. with the clash between these two values, the government seeks alternative management known as a network or intersectional collaboration to improve performance and quality of life. the theory of networks between organizations or sectors which means a combination of organizations has been stated since the 1960s. the federal public service is operated from within the state to local government and collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 287 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ communities to improve public services and reduce costs. merriam-webster (online, 2011) defines the term collaboration as ‘to work jointly with others or together especially in an intellectual endeavor’ or ‘to cooperate with an agency or instrumentality with which one is not immediately connected’ or ‘working with others by sharing ideas’ or ‘in cooperation with the organization or to use as a tool to connect to each other.’ the scholars such as robert agranoff and michael mcguire (2003 : 4) defines collaboration is a process that encourages organizations to work together. the objective is to improve the potential of a single organization. the collaboration also includes the search for innovative alternatives to resolve the limitations of existing knowledge such as time, budget, and competition. while ring and van de ven (cited in ann marie thomson, 2006: 23) define collaboration as the process which is free to interact through formal negotiations and non-formal rules to create a common structure, responsibilities and practices in relation to each other or decide on issues together. such a process is the sharing of the best practices for mutual benefit. there are many scholars using the term ‘collaborative governance’, instead of collaboration as sang ok choi and heon-hyung lee (2001), chris ansell and alison gash (2007), gerry stoker (1998), means dominated by one or more agencies, collaboration with relevant non-governmental organization, decision-making-together process. in short, the meaning of ‘collaboration’ and ‘collaborative governance’ is not different. so, this research uses the word “collaboration” which means a process that encourages organizations to work together. the objective is to improve the potential of a single organization. there are many reasons that lead organizations work together. the scholars have mentioned a great number of factors or conditions that lead to such collaboration. michael mcguire (2006: 34) identifies the main factors that lead to an agreement. first, social change is one of the reasons, because today is the era of information society and it (information age) which resulted in a structure to be able to spread across the scope and function of any organization. diversity is very high and power is disrupted. the world’s needs and the freedom and the individual are very high, causing the era of networking and collaboration. second, the current issues that government is facing will not be able to be managed collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 288 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ efficiently if only relying on one organization. such current issues among other are solving poverty problem, health care, deforestation and exploitation of natural resources. therefore, the governments need mechanisms that are different. they must be flexible. the collaboration between various sectors is formed to address these problems. as john m. bryson and others (2006: 45-46) identified, conditions which give rise to collaboration among the organizations are composed of three factors. first, the environmental factors which each organization cannot refuse to work with other organizations. second, individual sector fails to solve public problems. third, the direct antecedents of collaboration formation cause the collaboration to happen. when organizations work together to create an agreement; management agrees to achieve common goals effectively. in sum, the conditions that lead organizations to work together are social change, dysfunctions of bureaucracy and the direct antecedents of collaboration formation. collaborative process is important and is the next step from the collaboration formation. robert agranoff & michael mcguire (2006: 4) define ‘collaborative process’ as a process that encourages organizations to work together to resolve the problems which cannot be solved successfully by a single organization. ann marie thomson and ted miller (2002) conducted research and found that there are four dimensions. the first factor concerns with the government. the government makes a decision together with the rules and regulations including the negotiation and agreement together. second, the same as in the management dimension, the network involves a variety of different roles and support such as facilities, financial support to achieve common goals. third, there are also dimensions of independence. there is a merging interest with the public. fourth, the dimension of exchange is another important aspect. the organizations share the benefits of information, discussing them and building mutual trust. in addition, peter smith ring and van de ven (cited in ann marie thomson, james l. perry, 2006: 22-23) presented a framework for the process of collaboration as follows : 1) to bargain mutual benefits with all parties 2) to establish a mutually acceptable agreement to be implemented in the future through various interactions 3) to implement the decision according to the agreement and 4) to collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 289 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ evaluate on the basis of the whole process. also robert agranoff (2007: 26) and michael mcguire (2006: 37) have outlined the process of cooperation, which is also supported by the concept of peter smith ring and van de ven, as follows : 1) to recruit the right people and resources that are necessary to achieve the goals of the operation 2) to create a framework or planning for joint operations, and 3) to create an environment and conditions intended to benefit sharing among the parties. john m. bryson and colleagues, (2006: 46-48) mention about collaborative process and divide the process into five areas of collaboration as follows 1) to establish a formal agreement on elements of the mission 2) to build leadership in the process of collaboration of the two types of leadership, having authority and access to resources and champions, being leaders committed to the operational cooperation 3) to establish a legitimacy 4) to build trust and hold the people to act together and 5) to plan as an indicator of future success. in sum, the research uses the concept of collaboration that comes from robert agranoff & michael mcguire, ann marie thomson and ted miller, peter smith ring and van de ven and john m. bryson. the collaboration process includes 1) the dimension of management, in which, the network involves a variety of different roles and supports of organizations such as facilities, financial support and recruiting the right people and resources that are necessary to achieve the goals of the operation 2) the dimension of independence, in which, a merging interest with the public exists. 3) the dimension of exchange, in which, the organizations share the benefits of information, sharing and building mutual trust. article entitled “collaboration between state and health ngos in the kyrgyz republic” of the alexander pugachev (2007) studies cooperation between government and ngos., factors that lead to cooperation, factors contributing to the success of the partnership, and problems of cooperation in public health research in the kyrgyz republic. the results showed that the lack of resources, including medical personnel and budget, and public health problems, including high birth rate, high adult mortality, and low longevity, are the most influencing factors. the ngos are funded and accessible to the public and has been working with the community over the government. in addition, donors have no idea that collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 290 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the cooperation between ngos and governments are going to make up the partnership as the official word. collaboration means that the two organizations work together with the same purpose. this role must be clearly defined and mutually agreed. it is important to have a good understanding between the fund and government on achieving the goal of solving problem. the difference between the organizational structure of ngos and government can be the factors that will affect the success of the partnership. the results showed that understanding between ngos and the state is an important factor affecting the success of the partnership as an understanding of common goals. mutual understanding can also exist from the mutual exchange of the information, by means of conferences, seminars, trainings, and also the consultations that are contributed by the governmental agencies to the organizations. an article from alex murdox (2006) entitled “the delivery of public service by the third sector examines the emergence and the development of contractual partnerships between the third sector and government”s. this article aims to study the organization of public services by third sector or non-profit organization including corporation and public interests, volunteer organization, and charities. the third sector plays a huge role in providing public services to the public because the service is economical and flexible. the article also points out issues of cooperation between the third sector and the state. this article points out that the role of third sector is good. it is flexible and quick. the service it gives to meet the public demand is quicker and more flexible than the government does. figure 1: conceptual framework collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 291 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ research methods this research is a qualitative research. a sample or case study is used in this study for the elderly school. the case study used purposive sampling to obtain information about the conditions that lead to cooperation, the collaborative process and the results of the collaboration because phayao elderly school is the most successful elderly school in thailand. the structured interview was used as a framework for the interview with observations to understand the events. the structure of the content consisted of four main parts: general features of the data, the conditions that led to the collaboration of the elderly, the collaborative process and the results from the collaboration. the creation of this interview was intended as a tool to study the concept of the collaboration of ann marie thomson, james l. perry and theodore k. miller, john m. bryson and others, robert agranoff, michael mcguire, peter smith ring and van de ven. the structured interview was to examine the content validity by three academic professors in the public administration field. data that was used were coming from various types of documents : general written texts, regulations, statistics and related information, research reports, academic research papers, theses and information from field research. content analysis was used to analyze recorded transcripts of interviews. result and analysis this research project aims to investigate the conditions that led to the collaboration of the school, to study the collaboration process and to know the results arising from the collaboration of phayao elderly people in northern thailand. the results showed that : 1. factors leading to the formation of the elderly school were as follows : a. the social change: in thailand, a country in southeast asia, the number of elderly in 1990 is 7.36 percent. in 2000 the elderly increases to 9.38 percent. in 2010 the population is 11.89 percent and in 2020 the elderly will be 17.51 percent of the total of population. for the northern part of thailand, the number of the elderly is the third largest in the country. the elderly usually has the deteriorations of memory collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 292 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and physical health. the retired civil servants would like to utilize of the elderly people’s free time after retirement to improve their lifestyle. and it is an alternative for the retired civil servants to benefit to local communities. b. the dysfunction of bureaucracy: most public services for the elderly operated by the government focus on social work, for example; housing, allowance and social service centers to help disadvantaged elderly people. a big budget will be increased in the near future. the elderly are receivers. the government does not encourage the community to help themselves. when the distribution of power from central to local government. local governments provide public services focusing on infrastructure while providing quality of life projects are limited. also the services do not comply with the requirements of the elderly. c. the direct antecedents of collaboration formation: the elderly school is not derived from the elderly clubs or other organizations. since mr. pattana sukasem, the principle, wants to spend his free time after retirement. 2. the collaborative process of the school a. the elderly school background mr. pattana sukasem is the head of the school. the school is an ngo that was established in 2009. there are two types of committees at the elderly school. one is the working committee and another one is the advisory committee. the working committee consists of the retired civil servants and the government officials. while the advisory committee consists of marshals, president of the elderly association in mae chai district, municipal and district administrations, and president of the district culture council and abbots. there are four branches of the school as in the following districts : muang district, chun district, chiang kham district, dok kam taai district. most of the members are elderly women, and a few of them are under 60 years old. the purposes of the school are : 1) to enhance the value and the wisdom of the elderly 2) to encourage the elderly to care for their own physical well-being and mental health. 3) to cultivate a culture of care for youth as they enter old age. it is supported financially by the sub-district adcollaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 293 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ministrative organization. the school stimulates learning to improve the lives of the elderly under the self-sufficiency concept. the activities are defined from the beginning. they achieve the objectives in all respects and help themselves to improve the lives of the elderly. the school opens teaching and learning, similar to the school in the regular one. however, the school does not usually open on time because the elderly school is formed by volunteers. there are many activities such as the provision of traditional knowledge to the young, music therapy, art therapy, and laugh therapy, and religious and cultural tourism. the collaborative process of the elderly school with the committee relies on the network. the school will communicate both formally and informally to lead to common agreement with the committees. however, the ad-hoc committee makes the school inefficient. they do their own works and have no time to join in the school meeting. mr. pattana usually goes to consult them informally. so, the committees are the facilitators and consultants, for example, lending locations, budget and recommendations. the school has the relations with four learning centers in the districts of phayao province in which abbots are the directors. the school recommends each agency to establish a learning organization and to improve quality of life for the elderly by considering the needs and the availability of local personnel in order to define projects for the agency. agencies work together to exchange information. the communication between the agencies and the students is informal through visiting, and formal through the local radio. the results from the collaboration of the school show that the school can create new identities for the elderly; and improve worth, dignity and health. it can be seen in the eyes of the members themselves as they increase in integrity and self-esteem. the numbers of students of the elderly school have increased every year. however, the problems that the school encountered are: 1) the committee from the government is not consistent in its support to the school. 2) the shortage of volunteer speakers are not always dependable because of the commitment with their own families. collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 294 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ conclusions this research project studied collaboration of public services to the elderly people of the phayao elderly school in phayao province in the northern part of thailand, emphasizing the need for a unified, improved vision. applying the proposed approach as described above, a final vision statement of the phayao elderly school is developed. for the proposed vision to be realized, the main requirement is related to the development of the senior-friendly collaborative services, to facilitate both their usage as elderly as well as supporting the interaction between seniors and stakeholders. in relation to the societal aspects, there is a need to enhance the positive perception of society of the elderly people who are viewed not as a socio-economic burden, but as a knowledged and experienced population segment that will give a great value to the society. agencies ought to work together to share information with each other which leads to mutual trust as john m. bryson and colleagues (2006: 4648) said that building trust and holding the people to act together is important for collaboration. as determined by the results of this study, the following recommendations are made: 1. attract further funding streams by using innovative techniques that are likely to attract donors. 2. maintaining staff stability through motivation, leadership and encouraging peer mentoring/volunteering to support them. 3. enhance older people’s sense of self-worth through strengthening their personal abilities. integrate volunteers fully into the multi-professional team and encourage a partnership among professionals and volunteers based on mutual acceptance and appraisal. 4. inform younger generation about the health promotion program in order to enhance inter-generational interaction and to change negative old-age stereotypes. references agranoff, robert & michael mcguire. 2001. “big questions in public network management research.” journal of public administration research and theory.11, 3 : 295-326. collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 295 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ agranoff, r & mcguire, m. 2003. collaborative public management : new strategies for local governments. washington, dc : georgetown university press. agranoff, r. 2006. “inside collaborative networks :ten lessons for public managers.” [special issues]. public administrative review. 66, 6 (2006, december) : 56 65. agranoff, r. 2007. managing within networks : adding value to public organizations. washington, dc : georgetown university press. ansell, chris and gash, alison. 2007. “collaborative governance in theory and practice.” journal of public administration research and theory. november 13, 2007 : 1-29 bryson, john s. and other. 2006. “the design and implementation of cross-sector collaborations : propositions from the literature.” public administration review. december 2006. special issue : 4455. choi, sang ok and lee, heon-hyung. 2010. “collaborative governance in the low-income housing services in the united states : roles of non-profit organizations.” 2010 korean association for public administration international conference, seoul in korea. oct. 7th – 8th , 2010 : 1-39. college of population, chulalongkorn university. 2011. “the elderly statistics in thailand.” accessed november 25, 2011 from http:// w w w . c p s . c h u l a . a c . t h / p o p _ i n f o / t h a i / n o p 7 / n o p 6 / n 6 whole.htm concepcion, mercedes b. 1996. “the graying of asia : demographic dimensions,” in added years of life in asia, current situation and future challenges. new york : united nations, escap, asian population studies series no. 141. jones, kenneth .r. & perkins, daniel f. 2006, spring. “youth and adult perceptions of their relationships within community-based youth programs.” youth and society. 38 : 90-109. mcguire, m. 2006. “collaborative public management : assessing what we know and how we know it.” [special issues]. public administrative review. 66, 6 (2006,december) : 33-43. merriam-webster. 2011. “collaboration” (online) accessed november collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 296 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 10, 2011 from http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/collaborate murdox, alex. 2006. “the delivery of public service by the third sector : the emergence and development of contractual partnerships between the third sector and government.” 3 rd sino-us international conference for public administration, june 8-9, 2006, beijing p.r. china. pp. 1-35. pugachev, alexander. 2007. “collaboration between state and health ngos in the kyrgyz republic .” [online] accessed march 25, 2012 from http://src.auca.kg/ index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=274&itemid=48&lang=en ring, peter smith and van de ven, andrew h. 1994. cite in thomson, ann marie. 2006. “collaboration processes: inside the black box.” public administration review. (december 2006) special issue: 2032. stoker, gerry.1998. “governance as theory : five propositions.” international social science journal.50: 17-28. thomson , ann marie and miller, ted. 2002 . “knowledge for practice: the meaning and measurement of collaboration.” paper presented at the 2002 arnova conference. november 14 – 16 , montreal, canada. thomson , ann marie, miller, theodore k. and perry, james l. 2007. “collaboration : meaning and measurement.” journal of public administration research and theory. 1-34. collaboration of public services of phayao elderly school, northern thailand / piyakorn whangmahaporn / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0015 layout februari 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0050.277-289 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 277 received: april 4, 2017 revised: april 7, 2017 accepted: april 10, 2017 disaster mitigation and response of government: comparative studies between kelantan, malaysia and jigawa, nigeria kehinde adekunle aliyu & nurul hazany halim school of applied psychology and social policy universiti utara malaysia. corresponding author: aliyuadek@gmail.com abstract the incessant occurrences of natural and human induced disasters have become a serious menace to the world especially in the developing countries. the low level of technological know-how employed to combat disasters adds to the problem. this paper looks at the implication of lack of political will using unpolished and inaccessible methods of managing risks and disasters in both rural and urban areas of the two selected places in malaysia and nigeria at the expense of cheap, reliable, precise method of management and remote sensing technologies. the aim of this work is to compare the political will of the government on disaster management and asserting the roles of government and social workers in assisting the victims. mixed method research design was adopted for the work. data collected with the secondary data and interview schedule for the affected community people. this was administered to a group of people in both country, which comprises male and female in the kelantan and jigawa respectively. the researcher conducted an interview with the participants to see how they viewed the government response to disaster management. the focus of the data collection was on the roles of government regarding the mitigation of disaster in the two community in line with family welfare. the purpose of the study was to compare the responsiveness of the both countries governments and to show how both can learn from each other’s mistakes and generally learn from developed countries. keywords: disaster, mitigation, response, initiatives, mailto:aliyuadek@gmail.com abstrak kejadian gencarnya bencana alam dan manusia telah menjadi ancaman serius bagi dunia, terutama di negara-negara berkembang dan juga masyarakat. dengan tingkat pengetahuan teknologi rendah yang digunakan untuk memerangi bencana menambah masalah. makalah ini ingin melihat implikasi dari kurangnya kemauan politik dalam menggunakan metode yang tidak dapat diakses dan tidak dapat diakses untuk mengelola risiko dan bencana di daerah pedesaan dan perkotaan dari dua tempat yang dipilih di malaysia dan nigeria dengan mengorbankan metode manajemen yang murah, andal, tepat dan terpencil. teknologi penginderaan. tujuan dari pekerjaan ini adalah untuk membandingkan kemauan politik pemerintah pada manajemen bencana dan menegaskan peran pemerintah dan pekerja sosial dalam membantu para korban. desain penelitian dengan metode campuran diadopsi untuk pekerjaan. data dikumpulkan melalui data sekunder dan wawancara. jadwal untuk masyarakat yang terkena dampak. ini diberikan kepada sekelompok orang di kedua negara, yang terdiri dari pria dan wanita di kelantan dan jigawa masing-masing. peneliti melakukan wawancara dengan para peserta untuk melihat bagaimana mereka memandang respon pemerintah terhadap manajemen bencana. fokus dari pengumpulan data adalah pada peran pemerintah mengenai mitigasi bencana di dua komunitas sejalan dengan kesejahteraan keluarga. tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk membandingkan respon pemerintah kedua negara dan untuk menunjukkan bagaimana keduanya dapat belajar dari kesalahan masing-masing dan umumnya belajar dari negara-negara maju. kata kunci: bencana, mitigasi, respon, inisiatif. introduction the discipline of mitigation goals means for reducing the impacts of disaster whether it is natural or manmade events. mitigation is defined as a sustained action to reduce or eliminate risk to people’s life and property from hazards and the effects of disaster. the purpose of mitigation differs from the other emergency management disciplines because it looks at longterm solutions to reducing risk as opposed to preparedness for hazards in a giving location or settlement, the immediate response to a hazard or the short-term recovery from a hazard event. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of gove rnme nt & politi cs) 278 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 279 in addition, mitigation is usually not considered as part of the emergency phase of a disaster as in response, or as part of emergency planning as in readiness to salvage both the life of the people, their property and the community as a whole (purnomo et al., 2017). the retrieval function of emergency management still epitomizes one of the best chances for mitigation, and until recently, this phase in a disaster provided the most substantial funding for mitigation activities due to natural events overrunning many cities and state. in recent years, there has been a trend to greater spending on pre-disaster mitigation first in project impact and the establishment of the pre-disaster mitigation program in many nations including nigeria and malaysia. there are difference sets of mitigation apart from the disciplines of emergency management itself. implementing mitigation programs and activities requires the participation and support of a large range of players outside of the traditional emergency management circle such as government at all levels. mitigation involves, among others, land use planners, construction and building officials, both public and private, business owners, insurance companies, community leaders and politicians at all stages. brief history of kelantan malaysia kelantan is derived from the malay word ‘kilatan’ which means ‘lightning’. there was frequent lightning phenomenon often experienced by seafarers during their sail into mouth of the kelantan river in early days according to history. this made the people to call the place kelantan which means ‘the land of lightning’. on the other hand, the richness of cultural heritage is related to the strong influence of the siamese empire, funan kingdom by the mekong river and the sumatran srivijaya empire. today, it is a predominantly muslim state ruled by an islamic pas government, where 95 percent of the state population is made up of malays followed by the chinese, indians, then and other races. kelantan people owns fair and sharp feature. the races of the kelantanese are impossible to be distinguished by the looks and speeches as the community sound and look similar in their behavior and the ways of life generally. moreover, kelantan has a visible assimilation between races. chinese and thai are known with malay names like awang for ah yuan, hussein for chong seng and so on. this peculiarity is only acceptable and common in kelantan. non-malays utter ‘insyaallah’ or make promises to go for appointment ‘lepassubuh’ or ‘lepaszohor’ are normal due to influence of islamic culture practiced by the majority, muslim malays. such situations have been accepted as a part of kelantan culture which contribute to the beauty and diversity of the people through assimilation. one other thing is “tunkuing’, a malay tradition of applying pressure with hot rock on stomach during confinements has been widely practiced by kelantan chinese. they are all part and parcel of kelantanese way of life which make them unique from other state. in the recent time flood affected east-coast of malaysia, especially kelantan in year 2014 which disrupted and caused big damages to the kelantan community physically and mentally. by definition, the destructive flood is normally due to heavy rainfall brought by the northeast monsoon which mainly begins from november until march every year. the phenomenon has become a common natural hazard for kelantan community as the event happen annually. however, the 2014 flood was the largest and uncontrollable recorded flood in the history of kelantan. it was described as the “tsunami-like disaster” in which 202,000 victims were displaced (mustapha muhammad, 2014). the flood was called ‘bah kuning’ (yellow-coloured flood) because of it is high in mud. prime minister datuk seri najibrazak also has described the severe floods faced by kelantan as a major disaster which has brought much destruction to the people and state. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of gove rnme nt & politi cs) 280 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 281 the people in the affected area have to be evacuated and move their private belonging to a safer area. they also have to bear with many kind of other physical losses, health problems, electric and phone disruption as well as the psychology effect. the unprecedented floods in kelantan have caused an estimated rm 200 million in losses, said state flood disaster management director datuk seri mustapa mohamed. besides, hospital universiti sains malaysia (husm) in kubangkerian is the only remaining hospital in flood-ravaged kelantan that is fully functioning and able to treat critical medical cases, especially those dependent on life-support systems and other medical equipment (mustapha muhammad, 2014). it is clear that the recent flood has given an enormous impact on the kelantan and its people. thus, this paper wants to evaluate the changes of the kelantan community has experienced during the hard time surviving from the impact ofs flood disaster. this research is intentionally carried out to compare their culture changes before and after the big incident, either the flood has greatly affect the uniqueness and richness of the kelantanese culture or likewise. brief history of jigawa, nigeria the topography of the state is generally flat with the northern, central, and eastern parts covered with undulating sand dunes running in the southwest to northeast direction. the area around the state capital dutse is very rocky with some low hills. the southern and western parts of the state around birnin kudu and kazaure have the highest elevations with hills as high as 600 millimeters above sea level. the state is bisected by the hadejia river which traverses the state from the west to the east through hadejia-nguru wetlands and empties into the lake chad. no fewer than 6000 persons in three local government councils of jigawa state have been displaced after two days of rainstorm. taura local government of the state has been reported as the worst hit, where about 13 villages were completely flooded. chairman of the council, alhaji suleiman dauda taura, told vanguard that 1,351 households were affected while 2,057 women including widows and divorcees were affected. tools for mitigation practitioners agree that the primary intent of mitigation is to ensure that little or no communities and individuals become victims of disasters whether natural or manmade. the goal of mitigation is to create economically secure society, socially stable, better built and more environmentally sound communities that are out of danger of any kind. there are numerous tools available to accomplish this task. hazard identification and mapping the most essential part of any mitigation strategy or plan is an analysis of what the hazards are in a particular area. the resources for hazards identification are numerous. the federal government in nigeria has extensive programs that map virtually every hazard and these products are available to communities. federal emergency management agency (fema)’s national flood insurance program (nfip) provides detailed flood maps and studies and the u.s. geological survey (usgs) provides extensive earthquake and landslide studies and maps. many state agencies have refined the products for hazards identification. for example, special soil stability studies and geological investigations which are required in some parts of california further refine this analysis. design and construction applications the designing and construction process offers one of the most cost-effective means of addressing risk. this process is governed by building codes, architecture and design criteria, and soils and landscaping considerations. most often code criteria that support risk reduction apply only to new construction, substantial renovation or renovation to change the type or use of the building. enactment of building codes are the responsibility of the states and most state codes are derivatives of one of the three model codes which reflect geographical differences across the united states. some states delegate code adoption responsibility to more local governmental authorities. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of gove rnme nt & politi cs) 282 discussion lessons identified during this work are listed or were identified bellow but not in any other of importance. some are general lessons (fire incidents, road accidents, etc.) have been included to reflect their importance in current humanitarian work. these lessons can be apply to other types of humanitarian response, whether it is the need for organization or discussion with the affected people, also apply to floods. what makes floods different is that their impact may be long term, either through sustained waterlogging or through the impact that it has on livelihoods of any given community. firstly, needs assessments should situational knowledge and be flexible. world bank recently, review that ‘the most immediate needs following a flood are for a safe water supply, food, shelter, and medical care’ (ieg, 2010). even though the basic pattern of needs is clear, a great deal of effort often goes into overly detailed and poorly coordinated needs assessment that yields little new information (acaps, 2012; darcy et al., 2013:). needs assessment is often given a great deal of eminence in the early stages of a disaster response, even though ‘the results of formal assessments are often marginal to the decisions taken’ (darcy and hofmann, 2003). said that ‘the most powerful influence on donor ability to fund in accordance with needs is not necessarily ultimately the availability of evidence.’ for any agency, they must be familiar with the capacities of a floodaffected community, and with the likely impacts of flooding, a needs assessment can be limited to identifying (1) the affected areas and the extent to which they are affected and (2) the scale of the response by other actors on the needs assessments may be constrained by access difficulties. secondly, floods are not short-term events. taking decision on whether to intervene or not, agencies of government should consider how long their engagement is likely to last, there must be a time frame. the impact of a flood can last for a considerable time. even when a flood is of short duration of one to seven day (1-7 days), such as a storm surge or tsunami, its impact – the consequences of the loss of assets, shelter and livelihoods and the deaths of economically active household members n endure for many years. this makes floods a significant disruption to the development narrative of any group. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 283 thirdly, disasters create opportunities for disaster risk reduction. every disasters draw attention not only to themselves but also to the hazards involved and the possibility of reducing risks from future repeat disasters (care brazil, 2010). government can use this to make heightened awareness of flooding to reduce the risk from future floods. risk reduction work should be built into the response and care must be taken to ensure that actions taken during the response do not make the affected people more vulnerable to flooding or other hazards. fourthly, economically vulnerable people are most at risk of death during flooding. according to pradhan et al., (2007). says the 1993 floods in nepal, more poor people died compared to wealthy people to extent of six times more. in bangladesh, save the children found that ‘poverty is intrinsically linked with the impact that floods have on any given segment of the population, and its influence can be seen as crosscutting all areas’ (save the children, 2006: 6). the government need to address vulnerability sustainably, it is necessary to deal not only with specific issues such as housing type but also with poverty and the risk of future disasters, there must be an interventions that address poverty as well as physical issues are more likely to be sustainable. this method is particularly appropriate in urban flooding contexts. however, the risk of disease outbreak is real but lower than commonly thought. in many cases flooding can have both shortand long-term health impacts on the affected general public of a given community. evidence suggests that the danger of epidemic after flood may have been overstated. watson et al. (2006) noted that natural disasters that do not result in displacement are rarely associated with an increased risk of epidemics. who (2006) warned that while ‘the overall risk of communicable disease outbreaks is lower than often perceived, the risk of transmission of certain endemic and epidemic-prone diseases can increase following natural disasters.’ disease surveillance is critical after floods to detect changing disease patterns and potential outbreaks and floods may lead to increases in other threats to health (such as snakebite), and these may, to a degree, be context dependent. agencies should be aware of previous morbidity patterns following floods. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 284 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 however, the risk of disease outbreak is real but lower than commonly thought. in many cases flooding can have both shortand long-term health impacts on the affected general public of a given community. evidence suggests that the danger of epidemic after flood may have been overstated. watson et al. (2006) noted that natural disasters that do not result in displacement are rarely associated with an increased risk of epidemics. who (2006) warned that while ‘the overall risk of communicable disease outbreaks is lower than often perceived, the risk of transmission of certain endemic and epidemic-prone diseases can increase following natural disasters.’ disease surveillance is critical after floods to detect changing disease patterns and potential outbreaks and floods may lead to increases in other threats to health (such as snakebite), and these may, to a degree, be context dependent. agencies should be aware of previous morbidity patterns following floods. moreover, engagement with local authorities is critical. it is pertinent to engagement of the community and of local authorities, so as to to their immediate needs, it must be seen as a critical factor in humanitarian action, it is of particular relevance in flood relief operations. that is because of the long-term nature of many flood impacts and because many of the measures required for effective risk reduction require intervention by the local authorities. bang et al., (2008) stated that in sri lanka, for example, a red cross communitybased health project was very thorough in its approach to working with the local authority and was regarded by local officials as being more sustainable as a result, one challenge for local engagement is the turnover of aid personnel. engagement with the local authorities may take many forms, including advocacy. given the long-term nature of flood impacts, agencies need to engage closely with local authorities to be able to advocate for the most vulnerable and for sustainable policies. another way is engagement of the affected population. there are most likely the natural tension between speed and sustainability in humanitarian response in any disaster. but particularly this relevant in flooding, due to the sustained nature of the flooding itself, when waterlogging lasts several months, or of the impact of the flooding. the lesson here is that responses should engage in effective consultation to ensure that their actions are as sustainable as possible. vol. 8 no. 2 as a red cross review of recovery operations noted, ‘taking adequate time at the beginning to consult with the affected population and other stakeholders can make things go faster later and can improve the quality of the outcomes’ (ifrc, 2006). in continuation shelter reconstruction works best when it is owner controlled. in the aftermath of floods, typically it destroy a large number of houses. munich (2013). in his work that the 2012 bangladesh floods destroyed over 250,000 houses, and there was not a record of rebuilding of any housing for a long period of time since after the floods. it is generally accepted that owner involvement in shelter reconstruction helps to promote positive outcomes. in a review of four case studies, davidson et al. (2007) found that this was true when the users were involved at the planning and design stage and owner-driven construction is usually preferable when replacing housing lost to floods, but this works best when the house owners are given good support. relocation should be treated as a last resort in any flood case. a review of tropical cyclone response in the philippines from 2009 to 2011 found that ‘relocation of affected people outside of their areas of origins should be the last option’ (grünewald and boyer, 2013). the world bank advised: ‘avoid relocation if at all possible. especially avoid relocation to distant sites’ (jha et al., 2010). such relocation can delay communities’ development. relocation may move people away not only from their livelihoods but also from their kinship networks and social support systems, relocation after floods should be the last resort, as it normally moves people away for their livelihoods and not just about shelter, or even shelter and services, but all of the elements that make it possible for a community to live and function at a particular location. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 conc lusio n in conclusion many types of disasters, such as floods, fire, drought, cyclones, volcanic eruptions, etc. will have certain antecedents. the satellites can detect it at the early stages of these events as irregularities in a time series. government should be ready and take to warnings of imagery that is available at regular intervals and when disaster eventually happed, the government should swing into action and with all the available resources to save life and properties. many disasters may affect large areas and no other tool than remote sensing would provide a matching three-dimensional coverage both government should give priority to this. references bang, t., nielsen, c. c., and ravichandran, j. p. 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(2006) ‘epidemic risk after disasters’, in emerging infectious diseases 12(9): 1468-1469. who (2006) communicable diseases following natural disasters: risk assessment and priority interventions. geneva: who. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 289 layout desember 2008 225 konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 rusdi j. abbas mahasiswa program doktor ilmu politik marmara university istanbul, turki. email: rusdi.jarwo.abbas@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research explains on local elite conflict that happened in the election of regional leader of north maluku 2007-2008. this research uses inductive approach with literature and in-depth interview. the area of this research is ternate city. the result of this research shows that local elite contention happened in some areas confronting them, either in small arenas or big arenas. the source of this conflict was taken from province of north maluku 1999 formation, behind of abdul gaffur and thaib armayin’s elite local emulation and regional leader election of north maluku 2001-2002. otherwise, configuration of local elite existing in north maluku is divided into three big parts. they were traditional elite, new elite, and local elite. the election of regional leader of north maluku 20012002 could be said as an arena contention of elite local of north maluku which happened in big scale, in this arena abdul gaffur who won the previous election, finally had to fail tragically and was removed by thaib armayin. keywords: local elite conflict, local elite configuration, local elite arena. abstrak penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang konflik elit lokal yang terjadi dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2007-2008. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan induktif dengan metode kajian literatur dan wawancara. lokasi penelitian di kota ternate. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa pertarungan antara elit lokal terjadi dalam beberapa arena, baik di arena yang berskala kecil maupun di arena besar. konflik yang terjadi berakar dari pembentukan provinsi maluku utara 1999, persaingan elit lokal di belakang abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin, dan pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2001-2002. 226 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ konfigurasi elit lokal yang ada di maluku utara sendiri terbagi dalam tiga bagian besar, yaitu elit tradisional, elit baru, dan elit lokal. pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2001-2002 bisa dibilang merupakan arena pertarungan elit lokal maluku utara yang terjadi dalam skala besar, dalam arena ini abdul gaffur yang sebelumnya memenangkan pemilihan, akhirnya harus kalah dari thaib armayin. kata kunci: konflik elit lokal, konfigurasi elit lokal, maluku utara. pendahuluan sebagai provinsi baru, maluku utara (malut) telah dua kali melaksanakan pemilihan kepala daerah (pilkada). pertama, pilkada malut 20012002 yang dipenuhi konflik dan kemudian dimenangkan oleh pasangan thaib armayin dan madjid abdulah secara dramatis, setelah mengalahkan pasangan abdul gaffur dan yamin tawari secara tragis, yang sebelumnya telah memenangkan pilkada malut 2001-2002. kemudian yang kedua, pilkada malut 2007-2008, yang diikuti empat pasang kontestan ini, kembali lagi mempertemukan abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin dalam satu arena pertempuran, yang sekali lagi sebagai kompetitor. pertemuan abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin yang kedua kalinya ini, menjadi sesuatu yang menarik dikarenakan sejarah pertarungan keduanya di masa lalu. di samping itu, keduanya merupakan elit lokal maluku utara, yang pengaruh dan kapasitasnya paling besar dibandingkan dengan kontestan lainnya. pertarungan antara abdul gaffur dan thaib amayin, beserta para pendukungnya yang merupakan elit lokal, dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008, dipenuhi oleh konflik politik, dan terbungkus dalam tiga asumsi besar, yaitu; (1) kontestasi masa lalu abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin yang berangkat dari pilkada malut 2001-2002; (2) pertaruhan harga diri dalam perebutan jabatan politik disatu sisi dan mempertahankannya disisi yang lain; (3) kutubnisasi dan konflik dari elit lokal yang mencoba mengambil keuntungan, bila salah satu dari kedua aktor ini duduk sebagai gubernur. berdasarkan uraian diatas, maka dilakukan penelitian dengan judul “konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2007-2008”. kerangka teoritik konsep yang digunakan adalah (1) konsep konflik elit, berguna untuk menjelaskan pertarungan antara elit lokal, dalam bingkai persaingan antara abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin, dan (2) konsep konflik politik sebagai konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 227 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penjelasan, bahwa pilkada menjadi ajang pertarungan atau arena konflik bagi para elit. 1. konflik elit sulit dipungkiri bahwa dengan mudah di masyarakat dapat ditemukan adanya sekelompok individu yang mempunyai peran dan pengaruh lebih besar apabila dibandingkan dengan peran dan pengaruh yang dimiliki individu-individu yang lainnya. mereka mempunyai kemampuan untuk memainkan peran dan pengaruh tersebut karena keunggulan-keunggulan yang dimilikinya. dengan keunggulan-keunggulan yang melekat pada dirinya, mereka dapat mengelola dan mengendalikan cabang kehidupan tertentu, dimana pada gilirannya yang bersangkutan akan dapat memainkan peran dan pengaruhnya tersebut untuk menentukan corak dan arah bergulirnya roda kehidupan masyarakat (haryanto, 2005; 63). 2. konflik politik secara umum konflik dalam pilkada merupakan konflik politik. karena dalam pilkada terjadi pertarungan atau perebutan kekuasaan secara legal, yang diatur oleh undang-undang dan melibatkan lembaga-lembaga politik dan pemerintahan. konflik politik, menurut surbakti (2007; 151), terjadi karena pihak yang berkonflik meminta pemerintah membuat keputusan yang adil. atau terjadi campur tangan pemerintah dalam konflik tersebut, karena kalau tidak cepat dan tepat ditangani, dapat mengganggu kepentingan umum. secara umum sejumlah konflik bisa dikatakan konflik politik, karena langsung melibatkan lembaga-lembaga politik dan pemerintahan. secara longgar konflik politik adalah, perbedaan pendapat, persaingan, dan pertentangan diantara sejumlah individu, kelompok ataupun organisasi dalam upaya mendapatkan dan/atau mempertahankan sumbersumber dari keputusan yang dibuat dan dilaksanakan pemerintah (yang dimaksud pemerintah, meliputi lembaga eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif). sebaliknya secara sempit konflik politik adalah kegiatan kolektif warga masyarakat yang diarahkan untuk menentang kebijakan umum dan pelaksanaannya, juga perilaku penguasa, beserta segenap aturan, struktur, dan prosedur yang mengatur hubungan-hubungan di antara partisipan konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 228 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ politik. metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan induktif, dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif-eksploratif. adapun lokasi penelitian adalah kota ternate. penelitian ini menggunakan dua jenis sumber data, yaitu; data primer berupa wawancara dengan responden yang dianggap representatif dan data sekunder dari literatur dan data pustaka yang relevan. pengumpulan datanya menggunakan metode kajian literatur dan wawancara. sedangkan untuk analisa data, data yang sudah diperoleh di lapangan dianalisis secara kualitatif, yaitu dengan memberikan gambaran informasi masalah secara jelas dan mendalam dengan menggunakan teori-teori konflik elit dan politik sebagai alat interpretasi terhadap data yang diperoleh. hasil dan analisis 1. konfigurasi elit lokal maluku utara konfigurasi elit lokal di maluku utara terbagi dalam tiga bagian besar yakni, (1) elit tradisional yang terdiri dari kesultanan, tokoh agama, dan tokoh masyarakat (etnis); (2) elit baru yang terdiri dari elit politik dan elit pemerintahan (birokrat); (3) elit lokal maluku utara dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008, yang terdiri dari kubu thaib armayin-gani kasuba dan kubu abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo. a. konfigurasi elit tradisional maluku utara kesultanan maluku utara memiliki sejarah panjang tentang empat kesultanan yang dimilikinya, yaitu kesultanan bacan, kesultanan jailolo, kesultanan ternate, dan kesultanan tidore. dalam sistem pemerintahan tradisional, lembaga kesultanan mempunyai peran sebagai penyelenggara pemerintahan, dalam bentuk kerajaan atau kesultanan islam. memasuki zaman kemerdekaan, peran dari lembaga kesultanan masih terasa dominan, walaupun dengan lingkup yang lebih terbatas, dominasi lembaga kesultanan setidaknya masih terasa hingga akhir 1950-an, dengan peran mereka sebagai kepala daerah di wilayah maluku utara. baru pada 1960-lah peran lembaga kesultanan memudar. ini ditandai dengan terpilihnya jahir anong sebagai bupati konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 229 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maluku utara. dengan peran yang semakin memudar, lembaga kesultanan di maluku utara akhirnya muncul dalam bentuk individuindividu (sultan) yang mencoba bertahanan dengan memanfaatkan dukungan dari massa adatnya, dalam memperebutkan jabatan-jabatan politik yang ada di maluku utara. tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat (etnis) terdapat empat agama besar yang ada di maluku utara yang secara berurutan, yaitu islam, kristen, katholik, dan hindu. sedangkan dalam komposisi etnis, ada empat etnis besar yang mendiami wilayah ini, yaitu, etnis makian, tobelo/galela, sanana, dan ternate/tidore. keberadaan agama dan etnis mayoritas ini, tentunya memunculkan mereka sebagai kekuatan tersendiri, yang kemudian menjelma sebagai elit tradisional. apalagi representasi dari agama dan etnis mayoritas ini, kemudian berada dan menguasai jabatan-jabatan penting, dalam bidang politik, dan pemerintahan di maluku utara. b. konfigurasi elit baru maluku utara elit politik maluku utara merupakan salah satu lumbung suara partai golkar yang masih tetap ada dan bertahan sampai saat ini. dominasi golkar di maluku utara sudah dimulai sejak 1971 dan terus berlanjut hingga 2004. dominasi golkar di maluku utara, khususnya pada masa orde baru ditunjukkan dengan selalu menguasai kursi bupati maluku utara, oleh tni ad. secara langsung, dominasi golkar di maluku utara, menjadikan partai tersebut sebagai elit lokal, baik sebagai institusi atau sebagai personal bagi individu-individu yang bernaung di bawah partai ini. elit pemerintahan (birokrat) sebagian besar orang maluku utara pada umumnya masih mengidolakan bekerja sebagai pegawai negeri sipil (birokrat). pekerjaan ini dianggap sebagai sesuatu yang dapat memberikan jaminan uang pensiun dan masa depan yang lebih baik. apalagi dengan sistem disentralisasi, posisi birokrat pada umumnya didominasi oleh putra daerah, yang tentunya secara emosional dekat dengan masyarakat sekitar. sehingga para birokrat, mempunyai posisi tawar yang lebih tinggi, dalam memperebutkan jabatan-jabat politik di maluku utara, setidaknya hal ini dibuktikan oleh thaib armayin dalam keberhasilannya menduduki kursi gubernur maluku utara dua kali konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 230 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berturut-turut. c. konfigurasi elit lokal maluku utara dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008 tanpa bermaksud mengesampingkan calon gubernur dan wakil gubernur lainnya yang bertarung dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008, sesungguhnya pertarungan hanya terjadi antara pasangan thaib armayin-gani kasuba melawan pasangan abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo. ini terbukti dengan terciptanya dua kubu besar, yaitu kubu thaib armayin-gani kasuba dan kubu abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo yang menarik sebagian besar dukungan masyarakat, elit eksekutif, elit legislatif, elit politik, dan juga elit lainnya, untuk bergabung ke dalam salah satu dari kedua kubu ini. bahkan dua kandidat calon gubernur dan wakil gubernur yang lainnya, juga turut tersedot kedalam salah satu kubu ini. 2. arena dan akar konflik elit di maluku utara a. arena konflik elit lokal di maluku utara arena konflik elit di maluku utara terbagi dalam tiga arena, yaitu, (1) arena-arena lainnya, dalam arena ini, konflik yang terjadi masih dalam skala kecil; (2) pembentukan provinsi maluku utara 1999; (3) pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008. arena yang kedua dan ketiga, terjadi dalam skala dan intensitas yang lebih besar. konflik yang terjadi dalam arena ini berlangsung dalam skala yang lebih kecil, bersifat laten dan tidak menimbulkan efek yang negatif. arena tersebut antara lain: (1) perang statemen di media massa antara elit lokal; (2) kebijakan pemerintah provinsi maluku utara, yang kadang tidak sejalan dengan pemerintah kabupaten dan kota; (3) pertarungan antara partai politik yang terbungkus dalam pertarungan antara kepala-kepala daerah yang ada di maluku utara; (4) persaingan empat etnis besar di maluku utara dalam struktur masyarakat, pemerintahan, dan politik. pembentukan provinsi maluku utara 1999. dalam pembentukan provinsi maluku utara, konflik yang terjadi adalah seputar perjuangan aspirasi rakyat maluku utara, untuk membentuk provinsi sendiri, yang telah dimulai sejak 1957 dan baru terrealisasi pada tahun 1999. arena konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 231 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ini kemudian menjadi konflik antara elit lokal, ketika ada gesekan elit lokal yang mendukung dan menentang pembentukan provinsi maluku utara. di samping itu, konflik juga terjadi ketika terdapat perbedaan mengenai letak ibu kota provinsi maluku utara, yang kemudian disepakati ibu kota sementara provinsi maluku utara adalah ternate, untuk kemudian secara definitif pindah ke sofifi. pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2001-2002 dan 20072008. pilkada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008 pada dasarnya sama seperti pilkada lainnya di indonesia, dimana pilkada merupakan salah satu arena kontestasi antara elit lokal, guna mencari pemimpin daerah. namun, yang terjadi dalam pilkada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008 berbeda dari pilkada lainnya yang ada di indonesia. pilkada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008 menjadi pilkada yang terlama di indonesia, dengan mamakan waktu lebih dari satu tahun untuk menentukan siapa pemenang pilkada tersebut, dan tentunya menjadi bagian paling kelam dalam sejarah maluku utara. b. akar konflik elit lokal di maluku utara dalam pilkada malut 20072008 akar konflik elit lokal di maluku utara dalam kaitannya dengan konflik elit lokal dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008 dapat dijelaskan dengan tiga kejadian yang saling berkaitan satu sama lainnya dan bersifat turunan: (1) pembentukan provinsi maluku utara tahun 1999; (2) persaingan elit lokal yang berada di belakang sosok abdul gaffur dan juga thaib armayin, (3) pilkada malut 2001-2002. pembentukan provinsi maluku utara 1999. saat terjadi ide pemekaran provinsi maluku utara pada 1999, mayoritas elit lokal pada waktu itu seperti thaib armayin, syamsir andili, dan bahar andili mendukung adanya pembentukan provinsi maluku utara dan ikut berjuang agar pembentukan provinsi maluku utara segera terwujud. posisi sebaliknya justru diambil oleh abdul gaffur yang tidak memberikan sumbangsih dan dukungannya terhadap pembentukan provinsi maluku utara. tidak adanya dukungan dan sumbangsih dari abdul gaffur dalam pembentukan provinsi maluku utara inilah yang kemudian dijadikan salah satu senjata musuh-musuh politik abdul gaffur untuk menjegal dan menyudutkannya dalam pilkada malut konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 232 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008. persaingan elit lokal di belakang abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin. abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin yang berasal dari latar belakang berbeda, selalu bertemu dalam dua kali pilkada malut, baik pada 20012002 maupun 2007-2008. elit-elit lokal yang berada di belakang abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin kemudian menciptakan konflik tersendiri untuk mendudukkan kandidat mereka sebagai gubernur maluku utara. di antara sekian gerbong/elit yang mendukung abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin, pertarungan paling nyata terlihat dari persaingan yang terjadi antara partai golkar dipihak abdul gaffur dan partai penguasa (demokrat) di pihak thaib armayin. persaingan antara partai golkar sebagai partai nomor satu di maluku utara melawan partai penguasa, pada akhirnya turut andil dalam menciptakan konflik dalam pilkada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008. pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2001-2002. pilkada malut 2001-2002 merupakan arena yang secara nyata dan tegas memisahkan abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin, untuk pertama kalinya sebagai kompetitor. dalam pilkada malut 2001-2002, pemilihan harus dilaksanakan dan diulang sampai tiga kali, yang akhirnya memunculkan nama thaib armayin dan madjid abdulah sebagai gubernur dan wakil gubernur maluku utara. pada pemilihan i (5 juli 2001) dimenangkan oleh pasangan abdul gaffur dan yamin tawari (dicalonkan fraksi golkar). pemilihan ii (7 maret 2001) dimenangkan oleh pasangan thaib armayin dan yamin waisale (dicalonkan fraksi partai reformasi). pemilihan iii/terakhir (28 oktober 2002) dimenangkan oleh thaib armayin dan madjid abdullah (dicalonkan fraksi pdip). kemenangan sah abdul gaffur pada pemilihan i yang kemudian dibatalkan oleh dprd malut dan memunculkan nama thaib armayin sebagai gubernur, merupakan sebuah kenangan buruk bagi abdul gaffur terhadap thaib armayin. jadi, tidaklah mengherankan bila pertemuan kembali abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin dalam pilkada malut 2007-2008 berlangsung dalam atmosfer politik yang lebih panas dan diwarnai aroma balas dendam. 3. pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara 2007-2008: rematch konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 233 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abdul gaffur versus thaib armayin sebagaimana proses pilkada malut 2001-2002 yang tidak mulus, karena terjadi konflik antara elit lokal saat itu, pilkada malut 2007-2008 pun mengalami hal yang serupa dan berjalan tidak lancar, sehingga memakan waktu sampai satu tahun lebih. dalam pilkada malut 20072008 ini, kembali lagi mempertemukan abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin dalam satu arena. konflik di antara keduanya beserta elit lokal di belakang mereka, setidaknya dapat dijelaskan dengan tiga titik konflik yang terjadi dalam skala besar, yaitu; (1) jadwal kampanye pilkada malut 2007-2008: (2) rekapitulasi suara; dan (3) gugatan thaib armayin dan kpud malut. a. jadwal kampanye pilkada malut 2007-2008 tahapan jadwal kampanye pilkada malut 2007-2008 yang sebelumnya telah ditetapkan oleh kpud malut adalah 8 oktober 2007 sampai dengan 21 oktober 2007. masa tenang 22 oktober 2007 sampai dengan 24 oktober 2007 dan hari pemungutan suara pada 25 oktober 2007. namun, jadwal tersebut mendapat penolakan yang kuat dari tiga calon gubernur (cagub) dan calon wakil gubernur (cawagub) yang, sedangkan dukungan terhadap jadwal tersebut hanya datang dari pasangan thaib armayin-gani kasuba. penolakan tahapan jadwal kampanye pilkada yang dimotori oleh pasangan abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo ini, selain dikarenakan bertepatan dengan bulan puasa, juga diindikasikan bernuansa politis untuk melemahkan posisi thaib armayin yang bertarung sebagai incumbent. walaupun pada awalnya kpud malut bersikukuh untuk tidak merubah tahapan jadwal kampanye pilkada, namun akhirnya kpud malut tunduk pada desakan yang begitu kuat dari sebahagian besar kontestan pilkada malut 2007-2008. selanjutnya kpud malut mengeluarkan keputusan bernomor 270/335/kpu/2007, yang isinya mengubah jadwal tahapan kampanye pilkada malut menjadi, kampanye dimulai pada 17 oktober 2007 sampai dengan 30 oktober 2007. masa tenang 31 oktober 2007 sampai 2 november 2007, dan hari pemungutan suara pada 3 november 2007. b. rekapitulasi suara rekapitulasi suara pilkada malut 2007-2008 sebelumnya telah dijadwalkan oleh kpud malut berlangsung selama tiga hari, mulai konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 234 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dari 7 november 2007 sampai dengan 9 november 2007. tercatat kpud kota tidore kepulauan, merupakan kpud kabupaten/kota pertama yang memasukkan hasil rekapitulasi suara cagub dan cawagub malut ke kpud malut, 8 november 2007. sedangkan kpud kabupaten halmahera barat memasukkan hasil rekapitulasi suara cagub dan cawagub malut ke kpud malut, pada 11 november 2007 dan merupakan kpud kabupaten/kota terakhir, yang memasukkan hasil rekapitulasi. masalah kemudian muncul ketika kpud malut mempermasalahkan rekapitulasi suara di kabupaten halmahera barat, dan kemudian kpud malut berinisiatif untuk melakukan pleno rekapitulasi ulang di kabupaten tersebut. hasil rekapitulasi kpud malut ini kemudian berbeda dengan apa yang telah dihasilkan oleh kpud kabupaten halmahera barat. selanjutnya kpud malut melakukan rekapitulasi suara seluruh kpud kabupaten/kota se-provinsi malut, yang pada perhitungan tersebut memunculkan nama pasangan thaib armayingani kasuba sebagai pemenang pilkada malut 2007-2008 dengan jumlah perolehan suara sebesar 179.020 dan menyisihkan kandidat lainnya. keputusan tersebut kemudian tertuang dalam surat keputusan kpud malut no. 20/kep/pgwg/2007. kpu pusat sebagai lembaga yang berada di atas kpud malut, kemudian mengambil alih pelaksanaan pilkada malut 2007-2008. pengambilalihan ini dikarenakan kpu pusat beranggapan, kpud malut tidak bisa menyelesaikan tahapan pilkada malut 2007-2008 dengan baik. kpu pusat kemudian melakukuan pleno ulang, untuk menentukan pemenang pilkada malut 2007-2008. dalam hasil pleno yang dilakukan kpu pusat, pemenang pilkada malut jatuh pada pasangan abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo dengan perolehan jumlah suara sebesar 181.889 suara dan tertuang dalam surat keputusan kpu pusat n0. 27/15-ba/xi/2007, 22 november 2007. hasil rekapitulasi suara pilkada malut 2007-2008 yang dilakukan oleh kpud malut dan kpu pusat ini hasilnya berbeda satu sama lainnya, sehingga menimbulkan gejolak ditengah-tengah masyarakat dan juga kandidat yang bertarung. c. gugatan thaib armayin dan kpud malut konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 235 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengambilalihan wewenang yang dilakukan oleh kpu pusat terhadap kpud malut dan hasil rekapitulasi yang memenangkan pasangan abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo, akhirnya mendapat tentangan dari kpud malut dan juga dari pasangan thaib armayingani kasuba. kemudian baik thaib armayin-gani kasuba dan kpud malut, menggugat keputusan kpu pusat melalui mahkamah agung (ma). menanggapi gugatan yang dimasukkan oleh thaib armayin-gani kasuba dan kpud malut, pada 18 januari 2008, ma mengeluarkan surat keputusan no. 03.p/kpud/2007, yang intinya membatalkan semua keputusan kpu pusat dan menghimbau agar kpud malut untuk sesegera mungkin melakukan penghitungan ulang di kecamatan jailolo, ibu selatan, dan sahu timur di kabupaten halmahera barat. menindaklanjuti keputusan ma tersebut, baik kpud malut di bawah pimpinan rahmi husen dan kpud malut di bawah pimpinan muchlis tapi tapi, melakukan penghitungan dan rekapitulasi suara ulang. dari dua penghitungan ulang dan rekapitulasi yang dilakukan kpud malut dengan dua pimpinan berbeda ini, kemudian mengeluarkan hasil yang berbeda pula. hasil kpud malut dibawah pimpinan rahmi husen, memenangkan pasangan thaib armayin-gani kasuba dengan perolehan suara sebesar 179.020 suara, sedangkan kpud malut pimpinan muchlis tapi, memenangkan pasangan abdul gaffur-abdur rahim fabanyo dengan jumlah suara sebesar 181.889 suara. menanggapi dua hasil berbeda dari dua kubu kpud malut yang juga berbeda, mengenai pemenang pilkada malut 2007-2008, pemerintah pusat dalam hal ini depatemen dalam negeri yang akhirnya berinisiatif untuk mengambil alih pilkada malut 2007-2008, untuk kemudian menetapkan siapa yang berhak memenangkan pilkada malut 2007-2008. setelah melalui proses yang panjang dan juga berbagai pertimbangan pada 2 juni 2008, menteri dalam negeri (depdagri) mengeluarkan penjelasan mengenai kisruh pilkada malut 2007-2008, yang kemudian memenangkan pasangan thaib armayingani kasuba sebagai gubernur dan wakil gubernur maluku utara. pilkada malut 2007-2008 yang berlangsung lebih dari satu tahun, kemudian berakhir pada 29 september 2008, dengan dilantiknya konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 236 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pasangan thaib armayin dan gani kasuba sebagai gubernur dan wakil gubernur maluku utara periode 2008-2013 oleh mendagri mardiyanto. kesimpulan walaupun eksistensi, pengakuan, dan keberadaan suatu elit, sangat bergantung pada massa, namun secara nyata posisi elit adalah sesuatu yang selalu berada di atas massa dan dominan lebih cenderung mempengaruhi massa. ini dikarenakan elit memiliki sejumlah sumber daya, terutama materi dan sejumlah akses pembuatan kebijakan, yang sangat jarang dan mungkin saja tidak dimiliki oleh massa. eksistensi elit lokal yang ada di maluku utara, selain karena adanya dukungan dari massa disekitar mereka, juga didukung dengan adanya arena kontestasi untuk menegaskan kapasitas dan pengaruh mereka terhadap massa. pilkada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008, yang mempertemukan abdul gaffur dan thaib armayin, kemudian menjadi arena kontestasi bagi keduanya untuk menegaskan posisi mereka sebagai elit lokal maluku utara. dalam arena pilkada yang memang merupakan sebuah kompetisi yang telah diatur dengan aspek legal formal, dan seharusnya menjadi salah satu instrumen penyelesai konflik, malah berubah menjadi instrumen penyebab konflik. hal ini dikarenakan terjadinya gesekan kepentingan antara elit-elit lokal di maluku utara, dimana kepentingan tersebut saling berlawanan. sejatinya dalam pilk ada malut 2001-2002 dan 2007-2008, kemenangan secara sah berada ditangan abdul gaffur, namun dikarenakan kedekatan thaib armayin dengan penguasa (presiden), bisa membuat thaib armayin akhirnya yang terpilih sebagai gubernur maluku utara dua kali berturut. kejadian dalam pilkada malut, kemudian menegaskan, bahwa dalam pilkada kemenangan tidak hanya ditentukan oleh jumlah suara yang didapat, tetapi juga sangat ditentukan dengan seberapa dekat seorang calon kepala daerah dengan “penguasa”. daftar pustaka berita acara rekapitulasi hasil penghitungan suara pemilihan umum gubernur dan wakil gubernur provinsi maluku utara oleh komisi konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 237 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemilihan umum. nomor: 27/15-ba/xi/2007. jakarta, 22 november 2007 haryanto. 2005. kekuasaan elit: suatu bahasan pengantar. yogyakarta. program pascasarjana politik lokal dan otonomi daerah. keputusan komisi pemilihan umum provinsi maluku utara nomor 20/ kep/pgwg/2007 tentang penetapan dan pengumuman pasangan calon terpilih pada pemilihan umum gubernur dan wakil gubernur maluku utara tahun 2007. ternate, 16 november 2007 penjelasan menteri dalam negeri tentang pilkada maluku utara 2 juni 2008. jakarta, 2 juni 2008. surbakti, ramlan (2007). memahami ilmu politik. jakarta. grasindo. konflik elit lokal dalam pemilihan kepala daerah maluku utara / rusdi j abbas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0012 layout desember 2008 powerbase, which actually is vital for winning the fight against corruptive system keywords: public, private, corruption a. introduction: confusion within the fight this paper aims to uncover the logical framework, which politically structures the reform within public organization, with special reference to the fight against corruption in indonesia. it departs from a proposition that the fight against corruption is a discourse-driven process. therefore, scrutinizing concepts, models or theoretical frameworks, which are on offer to inspire the fight against corruption in post-soeharto indonesia, is important. the discourse, for sure has not been neutral. it, for example, embodies public anger or attempt to distance from the so-called corruptive practices. this apparent from the way the fight corruption was articulated. the post-suharto era has been characterized by the strongly articulated pledge to battle corruption as something that considered to plague the previous regime. this is pretentious given the fact that none can dismiss the fact that public itself is participant of so-called corruptive practice. as the reform agenda becomes public, it is important to bear in mind the way the idea of public has been understood and shared. as public organization reform articulate the idea of bureaucratic reform, good governance, enhancement of civil society in fighting against corruption etc.; it is important to recognize that a particular definition of public were introduced and articulated. previously, the purwo santoso gadjahmada university, indonesia. purwo@gmail.com thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 abstract various concepts, models or theoretical frameworks are on offer, to frame the public in fighting against corruption in indonesia. they include: bureaucratic reform, good governance, civil society engagement etc. in response to the failure to bring corruptionfree status, experts unnoticeably tend to blame public officers instead of ensuring the accuracy and the reliability of the framework. this reflective literature review reveals such tendency. to begin with, it maps out the logical basis of each approach, particularly in conceptualizing the ‘public’, the ‘private’, and their relationship. the reliability of the approaches will emerge as we link the conceptualization with real life the public or socio-cultural context. the review reveals that analysis on corruption and its imperative are ideologically driven, and hence, suffers from ideological bias. it obsesses with altering the behaviour of public officers, which inevitably entrapped with particular set-up. as liberal discourse take place in non-liberal institutional set-up, the public fail to comprehend the nature of the problems and the solution on offer. instead of setting up context-specific agenda, public a dragged on various forms of reform such as granting political rights, enhancing civil society, articulate more autonomy and alike. as overwhelming individual within the battles against corruption overloaded with asserting of more public role, they encountered with difficulty in setting the boundary between the public and the private. as indonesia has been endowed with different institutional set-up in governing public affairs, corruption-free public governance remains elusive. this is because the reforms dismantle the existing 426 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ idea of public primarily refers to what the government does. public more or less equivalent with what the state does. as public discourse on corruption gaining more popularity, new genre of public come to prominence. public, in this regard refers to issues which are beyond any individual capacity to deal with. certainly, public is not merely leave to the government or the state, but also the business of every individual. what really matter in this review is that the fighting against corruption no longer an exclusive government agenda. it, to some extent even implies that the hard-core of the public is the nonstate’s actors which push forward agenda of ensuring government institutions do their job properly. the prevalence of the new genre of public allows particular way of constructing corruption and the way to fight against it. moreover, state’s bureaucracy in indonesia since then on has been widely considered as part of the previous authoritarian regime, which inherits rampant practices of corruption. at the same time, state bureaucracy keep reproducing the old idea of the public. the fight against corruption apparently carries confusion or tacit disagreement on the meaning of public. the confusion is difficult to grasp as it compass the interlinking notion embodies within the idea of reform. what lie behind the idea is he presumptions of liberal democracy, which has been widely adopted by the scholars in the post-suharto era. that further confusion hides even deeper confusion, which even more difficult to assess and accept. for example, the discourse indicate strong optimism on the workability of programs like ‘good governance’ and ‘bureaucracy reform’, ‘decentralization’ and ‘public private partnership’ and alike. they are derived from the discourse on primacy of liberal democratic order. their implementation has been long enough to be observed; and yet the further the reform goes, the more frustration the analyst be. the status corruptionfree country is remote still. various measures initiated as parts of those programs turn out to render the situation worse as corruption practices become more rampant, sophisticated and systematic. it involve broader segment of the society, not only the bureaucracy.1 the current situation described above attracts curiosity from the author. indonesian case becomes more interesting as the public opinion; both in indonesia and globally, are divided between two main camps. on the one hand, the discourse in indonesia articulates the seemingly best practice of transition toward liberal democracy. it produce a sense of pride, given the country has been having long history of authoritarian rule with huge and diverse population, albeit they are predominantly moslems.2 on the other hand, there is also wide public scientism that within the prominent of discourse on the primacy liberal democratic order, the country has experiencing the growing rampant and systematic practices of corruption.3interestingly, so prevalent explanation has been on the failure to comply with the discourse of the primacy of liberal democracy, instead on questioning the prevailing framework. the lack reflective discourse within the reform, allows the activists who advocate the idea of corruption-free indonesia misjudge what has been happening. the imposition of contextually ungrounded discourse allows the likely misplace reform to take place. the divided opinion on the reform process in post-soeharto indonesia, basically, represents to confusion on how the situation is perceived and thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 427 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ what the most appropriate measure that should be taken is. the confusion evolved around the issue of despite the facts that various reform measures have been taken and legally enforced the bureaucracy in indonesia by many standards is by far severely plagued by corruption. b. uncovering the underlying framework the process of designing the reform agenda in indonesia has been largely influenced by large groups of intelligentsia circles in indonesia. large part, if not larger, of the pro-democracy groups that play prominent role in ending the rule of the new order regime mostly came with strong academic backgrounds, either as students; experts; researchers; and scholars. besides the world bank and international monetary fund with their adjustment package delivered as aid for indonesia to deal with the asia economic crisis, these people are some of the main conduits that introduce and endorse the adoption of new ideas such as good governance and new public management wrapped in the larger issue of democratization. unfortunately, there has been a growing tendency among these circles that instead of ensuring the accuracy and the reliability of the framework through reexamination and adjustment, experts unnoticeably blame public officers in responding to the apparent failure of the reform framework.4 such tendency hides the elusive fallacy of rather put the blame on the realities, instead of the theories, when they do not fit to each other. their confusion in understanding corruption, this regard is a matter of framework, instead of practices. given the prevalence of the confusion, the more appropriate question is not, “what else should we do to generate more effective bureaucracy reform in indonesia?”. it instead, is “what else have we not done to generate more effective bureaucracy reform in indonesia?” the later represents the desperation felt by many people who have much concern on the reform process in indonesia. it is obvious that almost every single prescription of political liberalization have been adopted and incorporated into indonesia’s formal–political structure. in the case of the implementation of decentralization policy, another top priority in reform agenda, the world bank has dubbed the transformation indonesia it as “big bang decentralization”.5decentralization, in this regard, is an attempt to bring the government closer and even easily controlled by individuals. it departs from presumption that, the effectively control of government by the individuals would enhance the effectiveness, efficiency and transparency and accountability of the bureaucracy. however the studies by the proponents of the framework reveals this policy largely fails to achieve its intended and asserted goals. some analysts suggest that decentralization is a new fertile soil for corruption practices.6 obviously, decentralization, which meant to be the solution eventually, reveals itself as problem. at issue here is that, decentralization in its essence might be neutral idea, but the way decentralization has been operationalized and implemented has been problematic. it takes for granted that individuals or societal groups are resilient with their anti-corruption ethic, and at the same time, the government is inherently corrupt. the idea of corruption-free bureaucracy has been a recurrent political discourse in indonesia. however, it signifies different meanings in different regimes as they are derived and closely related thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 428 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ with each regime’s projected socio-political structure. this is so with the ruling regime in postsoeharto indonesia. it is this logic that comes into play in constructing the particular socio–political projection that this article aims to address specifically. the projection of a particular socio–political structure is understood as a process of construction of reality through the process of signification.7examining the underlying logic that underpin the construction of post–soeharto indonesia, specifically the ideal state’s bureaucracy, requires particular set of methods that may enable us to gain the required data. thus, it is necessary to describe the nature of the analysis presented in this article and how it is carried. the term “logic” here is used to denote certain way of thinking. there have been a great number of studies on this issue within reform or democratization in indonesia context. however, the distinctive feature of the study presented in this article is in its specific focus that rather intended to answer the “how” than “what” question.8 on the specific case of bureaucracy reform in post-soeharto indonesia, the analysis presented in this paper focuses on how state’s bureaucracy is understood to required reform and certain reform measures become necessity to be taken”. in short, the analysis here deals more on the epistemological aspect than the ontological one of the object analysed. by doing so, the analysis here is more to deontologise the object analysed since its analysis is based on the proposition that the existence of the object analysed emerge through certain process of social construction. for example, bureaucracy reform, though through different terms, becomes a policy agenda both under the new order and the current democratic regimes in indonesia. however, in each of those regimes, bureaucracy reform signifies different projection of ideal bureaucracy and also different reform measures and programs. last but not least, the analysis presented in this article also aims to offer alternative perspective for bureaucracy reform in the midst of confusion and desperation to accomplish the reform agenda in indonesia. in doing so, it is necessary to venture beyond the confusion mirrored by the divided opinion toward the performance of reform in indonesia after more than a decade mentioned above. thus, through the reflective analysis in this paper, this study aims to critically obtain knowledge that differs with the currently dominant constructions of bureaucracy reform as social realities. the nature of this analysis and how it is carried is based on the work of niels arkerstorm andersen. the analysis on the epistemological aspect of the object analysed, he describes, differs greatly from the analysis on ontological aspect. he used the term of discursive analytical strategy to describe the specific analysis such as presented in this paper. the features of how this discursive analytical strategy is utilized in this article has been mentioned above, but their general description were in contrast with the conventional analysis is shown in the table 1. from the confusion which embedded within the reform, in this regard is due to the tendency to apply reform as a method, as oppose to new decision emerged from deployment of analytical strategy. c. the reform: the mobilization of bias the discourse of bureaucracy reform in postsoeharto indonesia emerged based on the preposithick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 429 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tion that under the previous regime it functioned more as an instrument to serve the interest of the ruler instead of the public of citizens. intertwined with other sub-structures of power relations, based on traditional charismatic, legal, rational, and technical efficiency, dwight y. king the new order regime in indonesia as a bureaucratic authoritarian regime.10this has been alleged as the main factors for the corruption of indonesian bureaucracy. under the ruling regime of post-soeharto indonesia, the bureaucracy is intended to be placed rather to serve the public of citizens instead of the ruler. it is no longer positioned as an entity above the general public and dictates it on what to do and how to it. on the contrary, it is positioned below the general public and serves the function to serve what the general public considers as good and it also subjects to the general public’s scrutiny. however, this is not the first time bureaucracy reform has been heard as a public discourse and policy. previously, under the new order regime, we may also heard a discourse of bureaucracy reform under the term “pemerintahan yang bersih dan berwibawa” – clean and respectable government. this discourse also refers to some measures of eradicating corruption practices within the state’s bureaucracy machineries; repositioning and revitalisation of state’s bureaucracy in order to enhance its efficiency. another term commonly used since around 1988 to denote the bureaucracy reform in indonesia was “deregulasi dan debirokratisasi” or de – regulation and de – bureaucratization. however, these ideas of bureaucracy reform under two different regimes signify different meanings. we shall examine them in the following part of this article. first, we shall examine the underlying propositions on which each of these ideas of bureaucracy reform is based. new order and post–soeharto regimes each projects different socio–political structure of indonesia. this is obvious in the construction of the structure of relationship between the state and the society. the new order regime positioned the state at the top or as the leader who shall clear the path for the rest of the society to follow in order to reach the ultimate goal of economic development. this regime positioned the state and its bureaucracy as well as the embodiment of the general will of the public that was considered, due to their ignorance or underdeveloped mind, inaccessible for most of the individual or partial elements that comprised that public. table 1. method versus analytical strategy9 thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 430 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ under the new order regime this projection of the reality of indonesia as a nation-state entity was also accompanied by the myth of economic development. it ended up to certain practice that is described as “state-led economic development” that on its turn significantly defined the role and function served by the indonesian bureaucracy. under the claim of the state, coterminous with the ruling regime as the embodiment of the general will accessible only to it, the ideal bureaucracy was projected to be one that was able to serve the function as the state’s machinery to implement its development policies and to pursue and ensure that the intended goals are achieved.11 the need to enhance the efficiency of bureaucracy machinery under the new order regime came into consideration for the decision makers at that time as a necessity due to the changing configuration of global economy–politic configuration such as the demise of the communist block accompanied by the heighten interest from the global market to make investment in developing countries such as indonesia. simultaneously, the development policy in indonesia was also undergoing a critical shift from previously relied on the oil export revenue boosted by the oil boom to foreign investment to finance its development project, besides the ever present source of foreign loan and credit. the bureaucracy reform is intended to enhance its efficiency to attract investment and to ensure that their interests are well served in indonesia.12 under the regime that replaces the new order regime, this projection has been almost totally dissolved and reversed. under the notion of good– governance, the state no longer enjoys central and privileged position as every decision made by the state is required to be consulted and approved by many other non-state actors. this notion becomes the new regime in post-soeharto indonesia. the bureaucracy is put in different position here as its function now focuses on the public service delivery. as non-state actors are given broader opportunity to be more active in the decision-making and policy process, the adoption of this regime has been followed by various attempts to empower the non-state actors to participate in those processes. these attempts are dubbed through various terms such as “bottom–up public policy making”; “public participation”; “civil society empowerment” etc.13 each notion of bureaucracy reform under those two different regimes in indonesia turns out to follow the larger projected socio–political structure by each regime. normatively, bureaucracy is claimed to be a state’s machinery that its sole and ultimate purpose is to serve and ensure the fulfilment of public needs. however, as described above, the differences of the notions of ideal bureaucracy and, thus, the necessary measures to be taken for bureaucracy evolve around the differences on the notion of what public is and how it relates the state. the new order regime projected the state, as the embodiment of the general will of the public in the sense similar to the right–hegelian notion. the state represents not only the sum interest of the individual or partial parts that comprise the public but, furthermore, the collective interest of those elements as a collectivity. this collectivity can only be comprehended by and through the state. thus, serving the state will can only carry serving the public general. on the contrary, under the ruling regime in post–new order indonesia, the public and the thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 431 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ individual and partial parts that comprise it are consider as entity that is capable to think and act rationally. this rationality is not bounded to merely their individual or partial rationality, but this is capable to be expanded to construct the collective public rationality comprehensible only to the state under previous regime. the state, and bureaucracy as well, serve only to facilitate the process of constructing this general will by ensuring that every actors comply with the existing and commonly accepted rules and implement the commonly approved and decided general will as policies. this is a much narrower role in comparison with one they served under the previous regime. this notion is obviously based on the notion of liberalism in its substance where the individual freedom and its rational capacity are given primacy. along the course of its history as a modern nation state, it turns out that indonesia has been entrapped in the confusion and extreme swing between two extreme poles of these two notions of public. she took the liberal stance in during the period between the 1950 until the then president soekarno made his presidential decree in july 5, 1959. from then on, under the soekarno’s guided democracy and soeharto’s new order the indonesian public is structured based on the notion of the public as a collectivity. then, after the fall of the new order, indonesia returns to embrace the liberal notion.14 d. who are the public: the underlying confusion the recurrent extreme swing from one extreme to the other in defining indonesian public presents chain effects that one of them leads to confusion of battling corruption as part of the bureaucracy reform we are facing today. the question at hand here is not which one is the true notion of public. it is more complex than merely the either or question. as the following section of this article will discuss, the specific socio–cultural context of indonesia has also been another determining factor that the adoption of either of those notions of public needs to consider and adjust to. it is also noteworthy that those two notion are not totally mutually insulated. each adopts some notions from the others in their logical and operational frameworks.15 the specific socio–cultural context in indonesia has been a factor frequently mentioned but rarely seriously discussed in the issue of bureaucracy reform especially battle against corruption. most existing literatures focus on the hijacking of the democratic regime by the local elites utilizing cultural arguments16; the reluctance or incapacity among the bureaucrats to comply with the stated reform agenda; and the consolidation of new oligarchies under the cloak of democratic regime in post–soeharto indonesia.17 in fact, a clear-cut, well-defined and commonly accepted nationwide notion of publicness is barely exist. it does not mean that it is totally absence. in facts, there have multiple notions of publicness each cross cutting to each other but none has been broad enough to cope the culturally diverse indonesian communities as an entity of nation. since the first establishment of dutch colonial rule, the entity closest in the term of political structure and size of territory to a modern state that cover the nowadays indonesia as a whole, the modern state has been built on top and co-exist with the preexisting socio–political structure. thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 432 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ thus, it is not surprising to find that besides the commonly stated national identity as indonesians, the very same persons may also identified itself as moslems, christians, javanese, acehnese, and many others. these identities could also be combined with almost unlimited possible permutations. the moslems, christians, acehnese, etc. each basically signifies certain distinct construction of public based on a specific and distinct logic of its own. one’s identity in a certain period of time is a resultant of the over determination of these various structures of publicness that structure him/ her.18 the situation described in the last two paragraphs hardly fits the projection of indonesian society as consisted of a group of individual with strong sense and consciousness of common national identity and of their status as citizens entitled to certain rights that the state is obliged to fulfil. it also does not fit with the projection of indonesia as a total unity of its various comprising elements as projected by the soekarno’s guided democracy and soeharto’s new order. in fact, the emergence of indonesian nationalism and the establishment of indonesia nation – state saw this paradox of multiple publicness is left unresolved and termed in somehow loose but capable enough to describe the bound that put various elements of indonesia together as a nation in the national motto of: bhinneka tunggal ika or unity in diversity. meanwhile the motto has been appropriate to describe the nature of indonesian nationality or publicness; it also presents a perennial challenge to actualise the ideal contained in the motto into ever changing specific socio–cultural context. it is in responding to this challenge that indonesia has been facing confusion in defining how they should perceive the indonesian public and through what means. the various regimes that once ruled and is ruling indonesia are entrapped in somehow similar situation of entrapment. those regime have a common tendency that is to search for paradigms that may help them to respond the challenge presented by the specific socio–political context they are facing or once faced.19 just as the previous regime it replaces that tries to incorporate the diverse existing socio–cultural context coercively into its developmental project, the current regime of post-soeharto indonesia also finds itself entrapped in the complexity of diverse socio–cultural context that its paradigm is barely able to cope with. the existing formal–state structure to which the position of citizenship and public of citizens belongs to as one of its elements hardly stands above various other forms of publicness. the corrupt practices in many cases emerge as resultant of the interplay among these various forms of publicness that simultaneously structures one’s way of thinking and behave. for example, there are cases of public or bureaucracy officials who has been alleged or legally sentenced of guilty for corruption practices from the legal – formal point of view, are still regarded highly socially by their fellow members of either ethnic or other primordial groups. for most cases it turns out that those officials channel some of the benefits of their corrupt practices to the resource pool of the primordial group he/she is affiliated. simultaneously, appealing to the common identities, especially primordial one has been proven to be quiet effective to mobilize political support in post – soeharto indonesia. this pattern is best illustrated by the explosion of numbers of autonomous region, especially district, in indonesia thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 433 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ within the period of ten years since the implementation of decentralization policy in 1999. many of these cases of the establishment of new district, and more among the proposed new district, are based or at least incorporated ethnic or other primordial identity issue.20 on the other hand, the particular public to which a public official is affiliated with also expects the discussed official to favour their particular interest over the interest of other groups. on its turn, by giving favour and benefit to this particular public, the official is able to enhance its social position among the other members of the group. in time of need, this social capital could be transform into political capital. thus, in the case of corruption practices among the rank and file of state’s bureaucracy it is understandable that one’s involved have been overloaded with various structures of publicness that “struggles over his/her soul”. here, the boundaries between public and private becomes blur and makes way for the practices of abuse of power and corruption. the point here is that the liberal paradigm’s assumption of conscious and rational individual capable of making decision and to take responsibility of the decision he or she makes is hardly find in indonesia socio–cultural context. most of indonesians still perceives themselves as part of a larger community and give meaning to its existence based on the collectivity of the community he or she is affiliated. on the other hand, this collectivity is also by way far from the indonesia as a totality projected by the previous regimes of soekarno’s guided democracy and soeharto’s new order. the measures currently taken to battling corruption still largely presuppose that the basic assumption of liberal paradigm exist in indonesia. these measures are mostly legal – formal in its nature, such as the establishment of komisi pemberantasan korupsi – kpk or indonesian commission for corruption eradication and promulgation of legal and technical instrument for bureaucracy reform21. while these are necessary measures, they alone are far than sufficient to carry effective bureaucracy reform. the attempts mentioned above should simultaneously work with the attempt to construct conscious and knowledgeable public of citizens. while many civil society actors have engaged in such activities, the complexity of the notion of publicness often miss in the discourse and advocacy of civil society empowerment. it turns out that with the advent of democracy in its liberal sense as the hegemonic regime in post–soeharto indonesia, the absence of the demos or public of citizens has invited the ethnos to fill the void.22 without this, the bureaucracy reform would be merely legal– formalistic and self–referring since there is no outside pressure power that structure bureaucracy to reform itself in certain ways.23 e. conclusion as pointed above one of the main sources of confusion and thus stagnation in the attempt to bring reform among the indonesian bureaucracy is the ambiguity of the notion of publicness the bureaucracy is projected to serve. however, the review above points out that defining and managing the public in indonesia is a matter more complex than merely either or question. hirschman argues that merely clinging onto certain paradigms turns out to be a hindrance to build understanding upon the situation at hand. thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 434 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ this does not mean that paradigms and theories should be abandon altogether as new knowledge never emerges from a vacuum. however, hirschman offers an alternative he dubs ‘cognitive style’. this refers to critical attitude toward the adoption and implementation of certain paradigm and open–mindedness to new kind of thinking when the situation demands. the author has been engaged in probing the possibility of knowledge-based governance as an alternative to institutionalize the notion of publicness in indonesia. this notion is based on the author experience and few recent studies on several policies area, where the state–society relations are based on mutual need to learn from each other to gain new knowledge necessary to cope with the situation at hand. the most recent study author conducted focuses on the practices of this model of governance in disaster management in the case of mount merapi eruption and earthquake in yogyakarta and its adjacent areas. the author is fully aware that this notion still needs further and more comprehensive studies; the author cannot disregard the promising potentials of this notion as an alternative solution to break the stagnancy in indonesian bureaucracy reform. (footnotes) 1 see is, bakarudin, “korupsi apbn: kolusi penguasa dengan pengusaha – corruption on national budget fund: collusion between ruler and businessmen”, http:// birokrasi.kompasiana.com/2011/05/19/ korupsi-apbn-kolusi-penguasa-denganpengusaha/ 2 see for example world bank, 2003, “decentralizing indonesia: a regional public expenditure review”, east asia poverty reduction and economic management unit. (report no. 26191 – ind). the situation of the currently still on going wave of protest demanding more democratic politics and transition to democracy in some arab countries are frequently compared with the situation in indonesia and its experiences in transitional period. see for example kurtlanzick, joshua, “middle east revolutions only aspire to indonesia’s success”, the national, february 20, 2011. 3 see nordholt, henk schulte and garry van klinken (eds.), 2007, politik lokal di indonesia (trans. renegotiating boundaries local politics in postsuharto indonesia by bernard hidayat), jakarta: kitlv and yoi; see also robison, richard and vedi hadiz, 2004, reorganizing power in indonesia: the politics of oligarchy in the age of markets, routledgecurzon. though the issue presented in this paper lean more toward the later opinion regarding the reform in indonesia, it does not pretend to discount the merit of the measures taken since 1998 to transform indonesia toward more democratic country. on the contrary, this paper intends to contribute in this process by offering alternatives to further the democratization in indonesia by analysing and identifying the possible obstacles and opportunities as well on how to reach the ultimate goal of the reform in indonesia. 4 it is easy for us to find in indonesia’s mainstream media, scholars point their finger toward the reluctancy of the state’s bureaucracy to commit themselves to reform. in some other also commonly heard comments, this is articulated in different manner mentioning the moral degradation, especially among the indothick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 435 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nesian public officials, as the main cause of the failure of reform agenda, including battling corruption. 5 world bank, 2003, “decentralizing indonesia: a regional public expenditure review”, east asia poverty reduction and economic management unit. (report no. 26191 – ind) 6 indonesia corruption watch, 2004, laporan akhir tahun 2004: otonomi daerah lahan subur korupsi – annual report 2004: local autonomy a fertile ground for corruption, icw. 7 laclau, ernesto and chantal mouffe, 2001 hegemony and socialist strategy: towards a radical democratic politics, london: verso, first published 1985, p. 105 and 107. see also jorgensen, mariane and louise philips, discourse analysis as theory and method, london: sage publications, pp.8-9 and celik, nur betul, “the constitution and dissolution of kemalist imaginary” in howarth, david; alleta j. norval; and yanis stavrakakis (eds.), 2000, discourse theory and political analysis: identities, hegemonies and social change, uk: manchester university press, p.194 8 andersen, niels arkerstrom, 2003, discursive analytical strategies: understanding foucault, koselleck, laclau, luhmann, uk: polity press, p. xiii 9 ibid.,p.xiii 10 king, dwight y., “indonesia’s new order as a bureaucratic polity, a neopatrimonial regime or a bureaucratic – authoritarian regime: what differences does it make?” in anderson, b.r.o.g. and audery kahin (eds.), 2010, interpreting indonesian politics: thirteen contributions to the debate, singapore: equinox publishing pte. ltd 11 mcvey, ruth t., 1977, “the beamtenstaat in indonesia” in anderson, b.r.o.g. and audery kahin (eds.), 2010, interpreting indonesian politics: thirteen contributions to the debate, singapore: equinox publishing pte. ltd 12 see robison, richard, 1986, indonesia: the rise of capital, asian studies association of australia, p. 383. see also prasojo, eko and teguh kurniawan, reformasi birokrasi dan good governance: kasus best practices dari sejumlah daerah di indonesia, paper presented in the 5th national symposium of jurnal antropology indonesia, banjarmasin, 22 – 25 july 2008 for the similar and contemporary of bureaucracy reform case in south korea. 13 see hanif, hasrul, governing through new social myth: discursive formation of local welfarism in decentralised indonesia, thesis submitted to human rights and democracy in southeast asia (hard-sea) studies, graduate program of political science, faculty of social and political sciences, gadjah mada university in completion of a master degree in political science december 2009 for a study on the transformation of regime at the local level in the regency of purbalingga. see also jaweng, r.e. et.al. 2012, jalan panjang pemberantasan korupsi: peran kemitraan dalam menjembatani negara dan masyarakat, jakarta: kemitraan – partnership, pp. 13 – 18. 14 see santoso, purwo and joash tapiheru, the footprints of reform in indonesia: the absence of public, paper presented in the “seminar nasional asosiasi ilmu politik indonesia – aipi xxiv”, bandung, may 23 – 25, 2012. similar pattern also found in the transformation of indonesian politics on the issue of the structure of relations between the national and local thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 436 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ governments. see santoso, purwo, 2012, dprd: simpul kedaulatan melalui policy making, laporan hasil kajian pembahasan kedudukan, fungsi dan peran dprd dalam revisi undangundang no. 32/2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah untuk asosiasi dprd kota seluruh indonesia (adeksi). 15 see stone, deborah, 1997, policy paradox: the art of political decision making, norton, chap. 1. 16 for example see hidayat syarif, “shadow state? bisnis dan politik di provinsi banten – shadow state? bisnis and politics in banten province” and aragon, l.v. “persaingan elit di sulawesi tengah – elite competition in central sulawesi” in nordholt, et,al (eds.), op.cit. 17 for example robison and hadiz, op.cit.; see also aspinall, edward and gerry van klinken (eds.), 2011, state and illegality in indonesia, leiden:kitlv press 18 see jorgensen and philips, op.cit. 19 hirschman, alberto o., “the search for paradigms as a hindrance to understanding” in world politics, vol. 22, no. 3 (apr., 1970), pp. 329-343, cambridge university press, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/2009600, accessed: 25/ 11/2012 22:00 20 the decentralization assessment in indonesia by asia foundation in 2004 shows that since the initiation of decentralization policy in 1999, ethnicity has been the third mostly used main argument for the establishment of new autonomous regions, either provinces or districts/ municipals by 15% (other main arguments are more equal distribution of economic development by 34%; geographical consideration – 26%; political preference – 12%; public service and other argument – 6% each; and welfare argument 1%) asia foundation, indonesia rapid decentralization appraisal 5 – november 2004, asia foundation, p.20. there have been many more since then. 21 the most recent is the grand design for bureaucracy 2010–2025. reform decreed as presidential decree no.81/2010 22 mann, michael, 2005, the dark side of democracy: explaining ethnic cleansing, cambridge university press, p.3. see also samadi, w.p. and warouw, nicholas (eds.), 2010, building – democracy on the sand: advances and setbacks in indonesia, yogyakarta: pcd press 23 santoso and tapiheru, op.cit. references andersen, niels arkerstrom, 2003, discursive analytical strategies: understanding foucault, koselleck, laclau, luhmann, uk: polity press, p. xiii anderson, b.r.o.g. and audery kahin (eds.), 2010, interpreting indonesian politics: thirteen contributions to the debate, singapore: equinox publishing pte. ltd asia foundation, indonesia rapid decentralization appraisal 5 – november 2004, asia foundation aspinall, edward and gerry van klinken (eds.), 2011, state and illegality in indonesia, leiden:kitlv press grand design for bureaucracy reform 2010 – 2025 decreed as presidential decree no.81/ 2010 hanif, hasrul, governing through new social myth: discursive formation of local welfarism in decentralised indonesia, thesis submitted to human rights and democracy in southeast asia (hard-sea) studies, graduate program thick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 437 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of political science, faculty of social and political sciences, gadjah mada university in completion of a master degree in political science december 2009 for a study on the transformation of regime at the local level in the regency of purbalingga. hirschman, alberto o., “the search for paradigms as a hindrance to understanding” in world politics, vol. 22, no. 3 (apr., 1970), pp. 329-343, cambridge university press, http:// www.jstor.org/stable/2009600, accessed: 25/ 11/2012 22:00 howarth, david; alleta j. norval; and yanisstavrakakis (eds.), 2000, discourse theory and political analysis: identities, hegemonies and social change, uk: manchester university press, p.194 indonesia corruption watch, 2004, laporanakhirtahun 2004: otonomi daerah lahansuburkorupsi – annual report 2004: local autonomy a fertile ground for corruption, icw. is, bakarudin, “korupsiapbn: kolusipenguasadenganpengusaha – corruption on national budget fund: collusion between ruler and businessmen”, http:// birokrasi.kompasiana.com/2011/05/19/ korupsi-apbn-kolusi-penguasa-denganpengusaha/ jaweng, r.e. et.al. 2012, jalanpanjangpemberantasankorupsi: perankemitraandalammenjembatani negara danmasyarakat, jakarta: kemitraan – partnership jorgensen, mariane and louise philips, discourse analysis as theory and method, london: sage publications kurtlanzick, joshua, “middle east revolutions only aspire to indonesia’s success”, the national, february 20, 2011. laclau, ernesto and chantal mouffe, 2001 hegemony and socialist strategy: towards a radical democratic politics, london: verso, first published 1985, p. 105 and 107. see also mann, michael, 2005, the dark side of democracy: explaining ethnic cleansing, cambridge university press nordholt, henk schulte and garry van klinken (eds.), 2007, politiklokal di indonesia (trans. renegotiating boundaries local politics in post-suharto indonesia by bernard hidayat), jakarta: kitlv and yoi prasojo, eko and teguhkurniawan, reformasibirokrasidan good governance: kasus best practices darisejumlah daerah di indonesia, paper presented in the 5th national symposium of jurnalantropology indonesia, banjarmasin, 22 – 25 july 2008 robison, richard and vedihadiz, 2004, reorganizing power in indonesia: the politics of oligarchy in the age of markets, routledgecurzon robison, richard, 1986, indonesia: the rise of capital, asian studies association of australia samadi, w.p. and warouw, nicholas, 2010 (eds.), building – democracy on the sand: advances and setbacks in indonesia, yogyakarta: pcd press santoso, purwo and joashtapiheru, the footprints of reform in indonesia: the absence of public, paper presented in the “seminar nasionalasosiasiilmupolitik indonesia – aipi xxiv”, bandung, may 23 – 25, 2012 santoso, purwo, 2012, dprd: simpulkedaulatanmelalui policy making, laporanhasilkajianpembahasankedudukan, fungsidanperandprddalamrevisiundangthick individuality within thin sense of public confusion within the battle against corruption / purwo santoso / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0024 438 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ undang no. 32/2004 tentangpemerintahan daerah untukasosiasidprd kota seluruh indonesia (adeksi). stone, deborah, 1997, policy paradox: the art of political decision making, norton world bank, 2003, “decentralizing indonesia: a regional public expenditure review”, east asia poverty reduction and economic management unit. (report no. 26191 – ind) world bank, 2003, “decentralizing indonesia: a regional public expenditure review”, east asia poverty reduction and economic management unit. 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https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 238 evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 adriany badrah ketua celebes institut, palu, sulawesi tengah . email: adriany_badrah@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research aims to determine the extent to which advocacy is conducted by front rakyat advokasi sawit (fras) for the handling of conflict in central sulawesi land disputes between famers toili and pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls). the background of this research is about the conflict of land disputes between farming communities toili with pt kls in banggai regency of central sulawesi province. this study uses the method of evaluation that is part of the decision making process, namely to compare an event, activity has been determined. this study uses qualitative analysis and data types. qualitative research aims to describe and analyze problems that become the object of this study as an evaluation of the advocacy process, so this study can give an idea about advocacy in conflict resolution of land disputes and the factors surrounding the advocacy process to determine the success or failure of advocacy efforts related to resolving conflicts and land disputes toili farmers pt kls. keywords: conflict land dispute, advocacy. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui sejauh mana advokasi yang dilakukan oleh front rakyat advokasi sawit (fras) sulawesi tengah untuk penanganan konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls). penelitian ini lebih fokus pada konflik sengketa tanah antara masyarakat petani toili dengan pt kls di kabupaten banggai provinsi sulawesi tengah. penelitian ini menggunakan metode evaluasi yang evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 239 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ merupakan bagian dari proses pembuatan keputu-san, yaitu; untuk membandingkan suatu kejadian, kegiatan yang telah ditetapkan. penelitian ini menggunakan analisis dan jenis data kualitatif. penelitian kualitatif bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisa masalah yang menjadi objek penelitian ini sebagai evaluasi terhadap proses advokasi, sehingga penelitian ini dapat memberikan gambaran tentang advokasi dalam penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah serta faktor-faktor yang melingkupi proses advokasi untuk mengetahui keberhasilan ataupun kegagalan advokasi yang kaitannya dengan upaya penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah petani toili dan pt kls. kata kunci : konflik sengketa tanah, advokasi. pendahuluan apa yang sesungguhnya terjadi dalam konflik agraria diakibatkan perampasan tanah, monopoli tanah yang semakin gencar dan terbuka melalui “mesin negara” yang memberikan keleluasan kepada tuan tanah besar lokal, nasional, maupun internasional untuk menguasai sumbersumber agraria (bumi, air dan ruang angkasa, termasuk kekayaan alam yang terkandung di dalamnya) secara besar-besaran. satu ironi dari sebuah negara yang mayoritas di diami oleh kaum tani justru meminggirkan dan menghilangkan tanah sebagai alat produksi yang paling menentukan bagi kelangsungan dan mengembangkan kehidupan sosial kaum tani. seperti apa yang terjadi tehadap konflik sengketa tanah antara pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls) dengan masyarakat petani kecamatan toili di kabupaten banggai provinsi sulawesi tengah. pt kls memiliki perkebunan kelapa sawit dan hutan tanaman industri (hti) di kecamatan toili dan toili barat kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah. kasus sengketa tanah ini berawal setelah pt berkat hutan pusaka (pt bhp) yang seluruh sahamnya dikuasai oleh pt kls, melakukan konversi hutan ke perkebunan kelapa sawit. pt bhp merupakan perusahaan yang bergerak dalam usaha hutan tanaman industri (hti). perusahaan ini merupakan join bisnis antara pt inhutani i. pt bhp sendiri adalah pemegang izin hti seluas 13.400 ha di wilayah kecamatan toili dan toili barat berdasarkan sk menhut no. 146/kpts-ii/1996, 4 april 1996. pt bhp juga merupakan perusahaan patungan dari pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls) milik murad husain yang menguasai 60% saham dengan pt inhutani i yang mengusai 40% saham pt bhp, namun belakangan pada 2007, pt kls mengakuisisi seluruh saham milik pt inhutani i. konflik sengketa tanah antara masyarakat desa piondo, desa moilong, evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 240 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ desa singkoyo dan desa bukit jaya di kecamatan toili dengan pt berkat hutan pusaka (bhp) dan pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls) merupakan konflik yang telah berlangsung lama. konflik agraria ini setidaknya mulai terjadi ketika pt bhp dan pt kls mulai melakukan aktivitas perkebunan kelapa sawit. sekitar 184 ha areal perkebunan milik petani desa piondo tumpang-tindih dengan areal hutan tanaman industri (hti) milik perusahaan. konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kurnia luwuk sejati (pt kls), merupakan jenis konflik kepentingan yang ditunjukkan dengan ketidakselarasan tujuan (panggabean, 2010;1). bagi petani toili, tanah merupakan sumber kehidupan sebagai penopang hidup. petani toili menggunakan tanah untuk areal perkebunan pertanian yang produktif dengan ditanami berbagai tanaman komoditi, seperti ubi, jagung, rambutan, durian dan coklat. perkebunan petani toili masih menggunakan corak produksi yang tradisional dan sistem pertanian yang masih subsistem. sementara pt kls, sebagai perusahaan industri kelapa sawit sangat membutuhkan banyak tanah-tanah dan dalam pengelolaan lahan menggunakan corak produksi modern. harga minyak sawit mentah (crude palm oil) yang tinggi di pasar internasional membuat pt kls memperluas areal perkebunan kelapa sawit dengan melakukan konversi lahan untuk perkebunan kelapa sawit. dengan adanya kepentingan yang tidak selaras antara petani toili dan pt kls memunculkan konflik dengan memperebutkan tanah sebagai sumberdaya yang sangat dibu-tuhkan. isu mengenai kepentingan melingkupi pertikaian atau konflik yang memperebutkan suatu sumber daya materi tertentu dalam jumlah terbatas sehingga akan ada salah satu pi-hak yang akan berkurang porsinya disebabkan oleh pihak lain (kriesberg, 1998). dalam konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls, menjadikan petani toili dalam posisi yang lemah karena berhadapan dengan kekuatan eksternal, yaitu; modal dan kebijakan investasi. kondisi seperti itulah, mendorong petani toili untuk memperjuangkan kepen-tingannya dengan meminta bantuan kepada lembaga bantuan hukum (lbh) sulawesi tengah dan wahana lingkungan hidup (walhi) sulawesi tengah. lbh sulawesi tengah bersama walhi, mendiskusikan hal-hal yang evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 241 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berkaitan dengan konflik sengketa tanah bersama perwakilan-perwakilan petani dari beberapa desa di kecamatan toili yang bersengketa dengan pihak pt kls. gambaran konflik sengketa tanah yang menghasilkan kompleksitas permasalahan dan begitu banyak desa di dataran toili yang mengalami penggusuran dan penyerobotan tanah akibat dampak dari perluasan perkebunan kelapa sawit, sehingga lbh sulawesi tengah dan walhi memutuskan untuk melakukan advokasi1 bersama dengan beberapa lembaga swadaya masyarakat (lsm) di palu yang me-rupakan anggota jaringan walhi sulawesi tengah serta organisasi petani yang telah terbentuk di toili dengan nama front rakyat advokasi sawit (fras) sulawesi tengah. setiap kerja advokasi yang dilakukan sebagai langkah pertama yang harus dilakukan adalah membentuk “lingkar inti” (allies), yakni kumpulan orang dan/atau organisasi yang menjadi penggagas, pemrakarsa, penggerak, dan pengendali utama seluruh kegiatan advokasi. lingkar inti tersebut merupakan suatu “tim kerja” yang siap bekerja purna-waktu, kohesif dan pejal (topatimasang, 2000; 7). dengan melalui advokasi diharapkan dapat menyelesaikan konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls. metode advokasi yang digunakan oleh fras sulteng adalah litigasi dan non litigasi. beberapa upaya advokasi dengan proses litigasi yang telah dilakukan oleh fras sulteng, antara lain: a. membuat pengaduan ke polda sulawesi tengah tentang prinsip-prinsip pengelolaan hak guna usaha (hgu) pt kls; b. membuat laporan ke polres banggai tentang pt kls tidak memiliki izin usaha perkebunan (iup) atas nama lbh sulawesi tengah; c. membuat pengaduan ke polres banggai tentang alih fungsi hutan tanaman industri (hti) dan kerusakan lingkungan. pengaduan dilakukan oleh serikat petani piondo; d. menyurat ke polsek toili perihal permohonan tindak lanjut tentang pemanggilan terhadap 4 orang petani desa piondo dalam kasus penyerobotan kawasan hti atas laporan murad husein. sementara upaya advokasi dengan proses non litigasi yang dilakukan oleh fras sul-teng, antara lain: bersurat ke menteri kehutanan perihal pengaduan aktivitas hti pt kls di kabupaten banggai yang memuat evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 242 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fakta lapangan pelanggaran hti; a. bersurat ke menteri perkebunan perihal pengaduan prinsip-prinsip pengelolaan hgu pt kls; b. melakukan audiensi dengan komisi ii dpr ri timja pertanahan; c. bersurat ke bpn perihal pengaduan dan permohonan tindak lanjut tentang pengelolaan hgu dan penyerobotan lahan-lahan warga petani yanh beralas hak maupun lahan masyarakat adat tau’taa wana dan pengaduan untuk mengembalikan lahan-lahan warga yang dirampas oleh hgu pt kls; d. bersurat ke mabes tni, mabes polri, kpk tentang pengaduan tindak lanjut atas aktivitas hti pt kls di kabupaten luwuk banggai; e. menyampaikan laporan ke komnas ham atas tindakan pt kls melakukan perampasan tanah dan penggusuran; f. melakukan aksi massa, aksi reclaiming, melakukan dialog, melakukan loby. perkembangan dari proses advokasi yang dilakukan oleh fras sulteng, seluruhnya menunggu tindak lanjut dari pemerintah daerah kabupaten banggai dan seluruh instansi yang terkait dalam penanganan konflik tersebut. dengan kata lain, bahwa proses advokasi belum dapat memberikan hasil terhadap tuntutan petani atas hak mereka atas tanah. advokasi fras sulteng memberikan dampak positif dan negatif dalam penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls tetapi secara strategis belum dapat meresolusi konf lik tersebut. dampak advokasi secara positif, memberikan banyak informasi kepada petani tentang dampak lingkungan, dampak sosial-ekonomi, dan pengetahuan hukum. dan secara negatif, terjadi saling gugat antara pt kls dan petani, penangkapan petani karena melakukan perlawanan secara terbuka, terror dan intimidasi yang terjadi pada petani. menurut valerie miller (1997), untuk melihat dampak dari proses advokasi bisa dilihat pada tiga aspek. pertama, kesuksesan di tingkat kebijakan bisa dilihat pada perubahan kebijakan, program dan perilaku yang mengarah pada pencapaian tujuan advokasi. kedua, di tingkat masyarakat madani, kesuksesan diukur dengan fakta bahwa organisasi rakyat yang melakukan advokasi semakin memiliki daya tawar yang kuat evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 243 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terhadap aktor lainnya. ketiga, pada tingkat demokrasi, advokasi harus mampu memperluas ruang demokrasi, partisipasi dan legitimasi politik masyarakat sipil. ketiga perubahan inilah yang dijadikan ukuran untuk menilai keberhasilan proses advokasi. metode penelitian penelitian ini dilakukan di kecamatan toili kabupaten luwuk banggai, provinsi sulawesi tengah. penelitian ini diarahkan untuk mendapatkan informasi yang dapat digunakan untuk memecahkan masalah. penelitian ini menggunakan metode evaluasi yang merupakan bagian dari proses pembuatan keputusan, yaitu untuk membandingkan suatu kejadian, kegiatan yang telah ditetapkan. penelitian ini menggunakan analisis dan jenis data kualitatif. penelitian kualitatif bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisa masalah yang menjadi objek penelitian. penulis menggunakan sumber data dengan metode pengum-pulan data melalui wawancara dan dokumen ataupun catatan-catatan lainnya yang dapat mendukung penelitian ini. cara pengumpulan data, dari dua jenis sumber data yaitu data primer (responden/informan) dan data sekunder (penunjang). kedua data tersebut sangat penting atau diperlukan untuk ketepatan sejumlah informasi yang relevan dan untuk menyederhanakan data yang dikumpulkan agar dalam penelitian dapat membuat kesimpulankesimpulan dari data yang kumpulkan. responden yang jadi tujuan adalah responden yang representatif dengan tujuan penelitian, yang berasal dari pihak petani toili, pihak pt kls dan pihak fras sulteng. proses analisis data dimulai dengan menelah seluruh data yang tersedia dari berbagai sumber, yaitu wawancara, pengamatan, yang sudah ditulis dalam catatan lapangan dan dokumen. data yang telah terkumpul kemudian dilakukan pengolahan data dengan menggunakan cara sebagai berikut: pemeriksaan data (editing) dan analisis data guna menguji hipotesis yang telah ditetapkan. hasil dan analisis 1. peta konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls lahan yang sekarang menjadi sengketa adalah bagian dari hgu pt kls. pada tahun 1995, melalui program transmigrasi swakarsa mandiri evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 244 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan pola agroestate, pt kls mengikuti tender dan kemudian mendapat persetujuan pemerintah. dalam program ini, pt kls melepas hgu seluas 275 ha dan memperoleh dana kompensasi sebesar 800 juta dari dana apbn untuk keperluan pembebasan lahan dan pembangunan perumahan. sebagai program uji coba, peserta dibatasi hanya 100 kk, terdiri dari 50 kk yang berasal dari masyarakat luar daerah dan 50 kk masyarakat lokal. sesuai ketentuan, di atas lahan yang sudah dilepas, sekitar 50 ha dimanfaatkan untuk lahan tanaman pangan dan fasilitas umum (seperti sekolah, pos layanan kesehatan, sarana ibadah), 25 ha untuk perumahan dan sisanya untuk tanaman coklat, kakao. setiap peserta transmigrasi secara total akan mendapat lahan seluas 2 ha, dengan pembagian ¼ ha untuk rumah dan pekarangan, ¾ ha untuk lahan tanaman pangan, dan 1 ha untuk tanaman kakao. perusa-haan wajib membangun perumahan yang layak huni dan menanam kakao, sedangkan tana-man pangan akan dilakukan sendiri oleh peserta transmigrasi bila sudah menempati pembagiannya masing-masing. peserta transmigrasi agroestate yang berasal dari pulau jawa tiba di lokasi yang telah dijanjikan ternyata sangat berbeda dari gambaran di brosur dengan kenyataan. karena di lokasi tersebut, rumah yang disediakan dibuat secara tidak layak sebagaimana mestinya rumah huni, di lahan-lahan yang akan mereka kelola berserakan kayu-kayu bekas tebangan yang tidak dibersihkan, dan kakao yang terdapat dalam brosur siap produksi ternyata sudah banyak yang mati bahkan ada yang baru ditanam. karena merasa kecewa maka, 21 peserta yang berasal dari jawa langsung kembali ke daerah asalnya. sementara peserta lainnya mencoba untuk bertahan dan megelola lahan dan mulai membayar kredit angsuran bulanan atas lahan tersebut walaupun mereka tidak tahu secara jelas jumlah total yang harus dilunasi dan sampai kapan batas waktu penyelesaian kredit lahan tersebut. pt kls tidak melihat kondisi peserta transmigrasi atas bangunan rumah yang tidak layak huni, fasilitas umum yang tidak layak pakai dan kebun kakao yang tidak layak produksi, justru pt kls melakukan penggusuran lahan masyarakat petani. tanaman di lahan tersebut tibatiba rata dengan tanah akibat penggusuran yang dilakukan oleh pt kls evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 245 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan alasan surat keterangan dari disnakertrans pada 10 september 2008 no.593/710/ nakertrans. 2. masyarakat petani toili meminta pendampingan dalam penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah akibat penggusuran penggusuran-penggusuran lahan yang dilakukan oleh pt kls di beberapa desa membuat beberapa perwakilan masyarakat petani dari masing-masing desa yang mengalami penggusuran menemui salah satu aktivis lingkungan hidup dan menceritakan segala peristiwa yang mereka alami dan dampak dari penggusuran tersebut. perwakilan masyarakat petani meminta agar mereka mendapat pendampingan oleh lembaga swadaya masyarakat (lsm) dalam penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah dengan tujuan agar lahan perkebunan mereka dikembalikan oleh pihak pt kls. keinginan masyarakat petani disampaikan kepada lsm walhi sulteng dan lbh sulteng, dengan pertimbangan bahwa penggusuran tersebut terkait dengan tanah, yang terdapat di atas/ dalam tanah, lingkungan hidup dan masalah kepemilikan tanah (perdata). walhi sulteng dan lbh sulteng merespon pengaduan masyarakat petani toili dan keinginan masyarakat untuk diberikan pendampingan sebagai upaya penyelesaian sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls. hal yang pertama dilakukan oleh walhi sulteng dan lbh sulteng adalah melakukan investigasi terkait penggusuran dan pertemuan untuk mengumpulkan berbagai informasi-informasi dari masyarakat korban penggusuran yang berada di kecamatan toili. dari hasil investigasi yang dilakukan selama satu minggu, hal-hal yang ditemukan adalah penggusuran lahan masyarakat bersertifikat, perusakan lingkungan dan penyingkiran petani dari sumber-sumber penghidupan mereka atas tanah. 3. advokasi sebagai aksi menekan fras sulteng menempatkan advokasi sebagai bentuk gerakan keberpihakan terhadap petani toili yang secara ekonomi lemah dan secara politik tidak berdaya berhadapan dengan kepentingan modal. kebijakan pemerintah dalam pengadaan tanah telah mengganggu keseimbangan penggunaan tanah dan di lapangan terjadi tumpang tindih penggunan evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 246 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tanah. gerakan advokasi di sulawesi tengah lebih menekankan pada metode advokasi melalui aksi massa, sementara pilihan-pilihan lain, seperti; lobby dan atau negosiasi merupakan hal kedua, itupun jika dipandang perlu dilakukan. tekanan terhadap metode advokasi seperti ini adalah bagaimana membangkitkan kedaulatan petani yang sekian tahun tidak berdaya. konsekuensinya, posisi saling berhadapan antara petani dan pihak perusahaan seringkali tidak terhindarkan. bahkan bentuk organisasi direkonstruksi menjadi front perjuangan, sebagaimana semangat yang mendasari pembangunan fras sulteng, yakni mengintegrasikan diri ke dalam permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh petani toili. kaitan terhadap advokasi seperti itu adalah mendorong pemerintah melakukan perubahan kebijakan terkait sengketa tanah antara petani dan pt kls serta pemenuhan kesejahteraan buruh perkebunan kelapa sawit di kecamatan toili. dan pada saat yang sama mendesak dilakukannya penegakan hukum terhadap pt kls sebagai konsekuensi atas pertanggungjawaban para pelaku pelanggaran harus tetap dituntut karena pertanggungjawaban tidak pernah terputus, termasuk sikap pembiaran oleh negara atas terjadinya kekerasan. sekalipun disadari bahwa upaya yang dilakukan diarahkan pada penyelesaian yang bersifat jangka pendek pragmatis demi pencapaian kepentingan jangka panjang, namun demikian keberpihakan pada petani sebagai korban harus menjadi dasar penyelesaian yang utama. 4. dampak positif dan negatif advokasi fras sulteng sejak fras sulteng mengambil peran sentral dalam konflik tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls, nampak jelas terjadi perubahan di tingkat petani. secara psikologi, mereka merasa tidak sendiri dalam menghadapi sengketa dengan pihak perusahaan. apalagi solidaritas itu datang dari banyak kelompok dan daerah-daerah lainnya. sementara bagi fras sulteng, dengan meleburkan diri dalam konflik sengketa ini merupakan bagian dari proses penguatan kesadaran petani dalam memperjuangkan hak-haknya. puncak dari berlarut-larutnya penyelesaian konflik antara petani toili dan pt kls berujung pada aksi pengrusakan dan pembakaran alat berat evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 247 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan kantor milik perusahaan. kejadian itu terjadi pada 26 mei 2010. penangkapan 13 orang petani termasuk koordinator fras sulteng pada akhirnya berdampak pada melemahnya pergerakan di lapangan. secara psikoligi petani mengalami trauma akibat tindakan represif aparat. 5. upaya advokasi yang dilakukan oleh fras sulteng dihubungkan dengan teori advokasi. salah satu kelemahan fras adalah tidak menempatkan evaluasi sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisah dari seluruh rangkaian agenda advokasi yang dilakukan. tahapan evaluasi tidak dipandang strategis karena tidak adanya aturan main yang dibuat secara lebih tegas. advokasi identik dengan aksi massa, dan mengabaikan upaya penyelesaian sengketa melalui jalur-jalur lain, selain aksi massa. tabel upaya advokasi fras sulawesi tengah sumber: data primer evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 248 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan melihat tabel di atas, proses advokasi konflik tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls, nampak bahwa fras sulteng tidak sepenuhnya konsisten dalam mengimplementasi seluruh rangkaian tahapan dalam proses advokasi. fras sulteng lebih cenderung memilih posisi yang saling berhadapan dengan pihak perusahaan. dimana, dalam hal pilihan isu terlihat ingin mengurusi semua hal. sehingga isu utama untuk pengembalian lahan usaha milik petani seringkali tertutupi. secara umum, terdapat dua strategi besar yang dilakukan secara sinergis dalam melakukan gerakan advokasi hak atas tanah perkebunan , yakni strategi penguatan ke dalam dalam bentuk pembangunan organisasi dan pembangunan kesadaran petani. strategi ini, yayasan dopalak indonesia lakukan dengan cara live in di desa-desa. tujuannya adalah membangun ikatan emosional dan interaksi secara lebih dekat. melalui proses diskusi dan dan belajar bersama, maka dibentuklah forum petani buol (ftb) sebagai alat perjuangan. kemudian strategi selanjutnya yang dilakukan adalah dengan cara mendatangi instansi atau lembaga-lembaga birokrasi pemerintahan yang terkait, dalam bentuk aksi maupun melalui lobi dan negosiasi. selain itu, perwakilan perjuangan petani melakukan koordinasi penyusunan dokumentasi sejarah, fakta-fakta lapangan, situasi sosial pedesaan, peta wilayah, dan analisis hukum (legal opinion). bentuk upaya ini dengan cara mengajukan dokumentasi dan permohonan kembalinya hak atas tanah, pertemuan-pertemuan, dialog atau audiensi, negosiasi, lobbying, dan kampanye publik. 6. analisis faktor internal kegagalan advokasi konflik sengketa tanah di toili dalam pilihan strategi, nampak bahwa fras sulteng dalam memilih strategi konfrontasi dalam langgam advokasinya. sekalipun dalam desain dan tahapan kerja mengikuti desain kerja advokasi yang lazim dilakukan: (1) melakukan pendidikan politik kepada petani dengan tujuan penguatan organisasi; (2) melakukan pembangunan aliansi-aliansi kepada organisasi lainnya sebagai pembangunan jaringan; (3) melakukan kampanye media massa tentang tuntutan-tuntutan petani ; (4) melakukan aksi-aksi menunevaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 249 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tut. namun dalam implementasinya, desain tahapan advokasi tersebut tidak didukung dengan kemampuan internal secara lebih memadai sehingga dampak yang timbul kemudiaan adalah rapuh secara organisasional dan upaya-upaya advokasi tidak terkoneksi secara sistimatis dan terukur. hal ini tampak jika diurai secara lebih dalam bagaimana dinamika internal. a. manejemen kerja lemah dalam menjalankan kerja-kerja advokasi secara terintegrasi, fras sulteng memulainya dengan pembentukan tim kerja. tim kerja dibentuk berdasarkan desain tahapan yang sebelumnya sudah diputuskan bersama, yakni tim lapangan, tim riset, tim hukum, tim meteri, dan tim kampanye, dimana kerja-kerja tim dimuarakan pada aksi-aksi. sejauh yang sudah dilakukan kerja tim tersebut beberapa kali di evaluasi. hasilnya, dilakukan perampingan karena beberapa tim dinilai kurang maksimal dalam menjalankan perannya. dinamika yang terjadi di lapangan membuat kerja masing-masing tim saling tumpang tindih. bentuk dan pola gerakan perlawanan lokal yang tumbuh, secara umum tampak masih merupakan pengulangan bentuk dan pola-pola gerakan sebelumnya, untuk tidak menyebut mengalami kemunduran. pada tingkat lapangan, kerja-kerja pengorganisasian telah beberapa kali memobilisasi aksi pendudukan di lokasi perkebunan sawit pt kls, meskipun aksi itu belum berhasil membuat pt kls tergerak memenuhi tuntutan petani. b. protokol komunikasi berjalan tidak efektif satu hal yang sering menjadi hambatan dalam melakukan advokasi dengan melibatkan banyak kelompok adalah persoalan aturan main dan komunikasi antara kelompok dan jaringan, terutama di lapangan. fras sulteng sebagai payung organisasi advokasi konflik sengketan tanah petani toili dan pt kls terlihat mengalami kesulitan dalam mengkonsolidasikan jalur dan protokol komunikasi dan protokol komunikasi antara anggota yang tergabung dalam fras sulteng. seringkali kesepakatan-kesepakatan yang diputuskan tidak terkomunikasi secara lebih baik di internal masingmasing lembaga. akibatnya, banyak program kerja tidak berjalan. kelemahan internal itu yang memfragmentasikan masing-masing kelompok evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 250 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam fras dalam hal pilihan konfrontasi dan koperatif dalam mengupayakan penyelesaian sengketa tanah. c. kriminalisasi terhadap petani faktor yang sedikit banyak cukup berkontribusi dalam memproduksi fakta-fakta gagalnya proses penyelesaian sengketa dan tujuan memenangkan tuntutan petani semakin jauh. bahkan yang nampak saat ini adalah proses penyelesaian tersebut menjadi tersumbat karena kriminalisasi terhadap petani sangat memukul gerakan advokasi yang sudah dibangun selama ini. selama penangkapan dan proses hukum berjalan, seluruh energi fras sulteng terfokus pada proses-proses tersebut. proses hukum yang panjang dan kebutuhan untuk melakukan pembelaan persidangan juga membutuhkan sumberdaya yang terhitung tidak sedikit jumlah. sehingga terhitung sejak kasus kriminalisasi itu terjadi maka praktis perhatian terhadap upaya-upaya penyelesaian sengketa tanah menjadi terabaikan. d. umur organisasi advokasi pendek faktor ini menjadi salah satu masalah tersendiri dalam sejarah gerakan advokasi di sulawesi tengah, tidak terkecuali fras. di mana, organisasi yang dibangun cenderung berumur pendek, karena arah dan target gerakan bersifat kasuistik. pada saat kasus atau tuntutan selesai, maka selesailah perlawanan. kecenderungan ini tentu saja jauh dari harapan gerakan yang nafasnya panjang. misalnya, aktor-aktor utama yang berasal dari lsm yang menggerakkan aksi-aksi itu kerap beralih untuk melakukan advokasi yang sama pada kasus-kasus yang terjadi di tempat lain. e. pengawalan kasus yang tidak maksimal sejak kasus konflik sengketa tanah petani toili dan pt kls diadvokasi oleh fras sulteng terhitung tidak sedikit proses-proses penyelesaian yang sudah dilakukan. mulai dari aksi massa, dialog, hearing di instansi pemerintah daerah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah hingga ke institusi terkait di pemerintah pusat dan komnas ham. dan apabila ditelaah, hampir seluruh dokumen kesepakatan yang dihasilkan dari setiap pertemuan-pertemuan tersebut memposisikan petani toili berada dalam situasi evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 251 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang menguntungkan. sementara di sisi yang lain, pihak pt kls diposisikan lemah berdasarkan tinjauan dari banyak aspek, seperti dari aspek yuridis, lingkungan, pelanggaran hukum, dll. namun satu hal yang seringkali tidak maksimal dilakukan adalah kemampuan fras sulteng dalam mengkonstruksi dan mengkonsolidasi kesepakatan-kesepekatan menjadi titik balik kemenangan petani toili. terlepas dari apakah keputusan politik dari pihak pemerintah yang terlihat mendukung upaya petani hanya karena tekanan massa dari fras sulteng, tetapi paling tidak, hal tersebut semestinya diolah sedemikian rupa untuk dapat memposisikan pihak pt kls agar ingin bersikap terbuka. dalam konteks ini fras sulteng dinilai tidak maksimal dalam mengawal proses kearah penyelesaian. yang nampak adalah hasil yang diperoleh di setiap forum pertemuan tidak berkorelasi langsung terhadap dinamika yang terjadi di lapangan. walapun, pt kls dinilai melanggar dalam melakukan perluasan areal usaha perkebunan tetapi fakta di lapangan tetap saja aktifitas penggusuran dan pencaplokan lahan milik petani berlangsung. 7. analisis faktor eksternal kegagalan advokasi konflik sengketa tanah di toili a. regulasi yang tumpang tindih fakta di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls terjadi dikarenakan adanya tumpang tindih regulasi yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah. pemberian izin usaha sama sekali tidak memperhitungkan keberadaan petani. faktor ini yang berkontribusi langsung atas keberlangsungan sengketa tanah. pihak pt kls dengan leluasa melakukan penggusuran karena mereka merasa memiliki legitimasi, walaupun klaim atas hal ini sepihak. b. aparat keamanan tidak dipungkiri peran aparat keamanan, polisi dan tni dalam konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls turut berkonstribusi atas keberlangsung konflik di lapangan. fakta di lapangan memperlihatkan, aparat keamanan tidak sepenuhnya netral dalam konflik. sementara aparat kepolisian juga memperlihat hal seperti itu. laporan evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 252 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pengaduan dari pihak perusahaan terhadap petani oleh aparat kepolisian ditanggapi dan direspon cepat. sebaliknya, laporan fras sulteng terhadap pt kls cenderung didiamkan oleh pihak kepolisian. terjadinya represi yang berlebihan seperti itu dapat disebut sebagai sebuah upaya menumbuhkan atau iklim ketakutan yang berakibat pada apatisnya masyarakat menanggapi berbagai persoalan yang dihadapinya. 8. proses advokasi fras sulteng a. perubahan kebijakan keberadaan fras sulteng sebagai payung organ advokasi yang yang dibentuk untuk mengintegrasikan diri ke dalam sengketa tanah yang dialami oleh petani toili bertujuan memperjuangkan agar bagaimana tanah petani yang digusur dan dicaplok oleh pt kls dapat kembali, selain tuntutan lainnya seperti penanganan atas tindak perusakan lingkungan, perambahan hutan dan laporan atas alih fungsi lahan yang dilakukan oleh pt kls. keseluruhan atas tuntutan tersebut telah didesakan ke para pihak terkait, terutama ke kementrian kehutanan, pemangku perkebunan, pemerintah daerah dan aparat penegak hukum. perubahan kebijakan diharapkan akan dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah. jika perubahan kebijakan yang dijadikan sebagai indikator keberhasilan maka dalam tahap ini, advokasi yang dilakukan fras sulteng belum dapat dikatakan berhasil. belum ada kebijakan strategis yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah sebagai bentuk solusi atas penyelesaian konflik antara petani toili dan pt kls. yang ada adalah tahap mempengaruhi sikap pemerintah atas posisi kasus. misalnya, sk bupati kabupaten banggai nomor: 525/ 1937/bag.kumdang tentang pembentukan tim investigasi dan advokasi terhadap perkebunan milik pt kurnia luwuk sejati di kecamatan toili dan nota kesepahaman antara petani toili dan pt kls dalam hal ini diwakili oleh pt bhp. b. daya tawar fras sulteng salah satu tujuan melakukan advokasi adalah meningkatkan posisi tawar kelompok masyarakat dalam sebuah proses penyelesaian masalah. apabila posisi tawar yang dimaksud adalah kapasitas fras sulteng sebagai alat perjuangan bersama antara kelompok lsm dan petani toili evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 253 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maka hal tersebut sepenuhnya belum berdaya rekat kuat untuk mempengaruhi agar aktor-aktor lain bersikap lebih konsisten dalam upayaupaya penyelesaian masalah. dalam tingkatan tertentu, eksistensi fras dalam proses advokasi mampu memosisikan aktor-aktor lain, seperti bupati, anggota dprd, komisioner komnas ham, bahkan aparat penegak hukum bersikap turut andil dalam proses penyelesaian konflik. daya tawar yang dimiliki fras menjadi lemah ketika petani diperhadapkan langsung dengan kasus kriminalisasi yang menjadi kekuatan perusahaan di lapangan. di sisi lain, bisa jadi perusahan melakukan upaya-upaya seperti itu karena secara politik terdesak oleh desakan aktor-aktor lain. c. perluasan ruang demokrasi, partisipasi dan legitimasi politik fras sulteng keterbukaan ruang demokrasi dapat dimaknai sebagai bagian langsung dari partisipasi petani mengenai pentinganya berjaringan. lantas bagaimana hal itu dapat mengukur maju-mundurnya, kuat-lemahnya dan perkembangan capaian-capaian yang dilakukan, ini berkaitan dengan kondisi subyektif fras sulteng, sebagai hasil dari interaksi antara organisasi dan aktor-aktor relevan pada penyelesaian sengketa tanah petani. dalam konteks agenda-agenda advokasi yang dijalankan fras sulteng, tingkat kesuksesannya dapat didefinisikan dalam bentuk tanggung jawab sistem kerja advokasi secara menyeluruh meskipun dapat dicapai setahap demi setahap. pertama, capaian akses yaitu kesediaan pemerintah untuk mendengarkan apa yang menjadi tuntutan. kedua, capaian pada tingkatan agenda yaitu kesediaan pemerintah untuk menempatkan tuntutan yang didesakkan menjadi agenda penyelesaian. ketiga, capaian pada level dampak yaitu implementasi kebijakan memberikan dampak pada penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls. kesimpulan konflik penguasaan lahan antara masyarakat desa piondo dan desa bukit dengan pt. berkat hutan pusaka (bhp) sebagai perusahaan patungan pt kurnia luwuk sejati dengan kepemilikan saham 60% merupakan konf lik yang telah berlangsung lama, konflik agraria ini evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 254 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ setidaknya mulai terjadi sejak 1990-1991, ketika pt. bhp mulai melakukan pengukuran terhadap areal hutan tanaman industri (hti) yang dikuasainya secara sepihak tanpa melibatkan masyarakat desa piondo. perlawanan terhadap pihak perusahaan kemudian muncul kembali pada tahun 2002. petani yang semakin kekurangan tanah mulai melakukan pengambilalihan kembali terhadap tanah-tanah yang diklaim oleh pihak perusahaan. masyarakat menanami sejumlah tanaman tahunan di lahan tersebut. komoditi yang paling banyak dijumpai adalah kakao, rambutan, dan sejumlah tanaman jangka panjang seperti, durian. situasi ini berlangsung cukup lama. kegairahan menanam dan bertani yang cukup tinggi di tingkat petani, mempercepat proses produktivitas hasil kakao di daerah ini. hal itu pula yang mendorong petani lainnya untuk terlibat. proses pengambilalihan kembali atas lahan yang dikuasai bahkan sebagian telah ditanami oleh perusahaan terus berlangsung sampai dengan sekitar 2004. dalam proses advokasi konflik tanah antara petani toili dan pt kls, nampak bahwa fras sulteng tidak sepenuhnya konsisten dalam mengimplementasi seluruh rangkaian tahapan dalam proses advokasi. fras sulteng lebih cenderung memilih posisi yang saling berhadaphadapan dengan pihak perusahaan. di mana, dalam hal pilihan isu terlihat ingin mengurusi semua hal. sehingga isu utama, yakni pengembalian lahan usaha milik petani seringkali tertutupi. salah satu kelemahan fras adalah tidak menempatkan evaluasi sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisah dari seluruh rangkaian agenda advokasi yang dilakukan. tahapan evaluasi tidak dipandang strategis karena tidak adanya aturan main yang dibuat secara lebih tegas. advokasi identik dengan aksi massa, dan mengabaikan upaya penyelesaian sengketa melalui jalur-jalur lain, selain aksi massa. referensi dari keberhasilan advokasi konflik sengketa tanah antara petani buol dan pt hip adalah secara umum, terdapat dua strategi besar yang dilakukan secara sinergis dalam melakukan gerakan advokasi hak atas tanah perkebunan, yakni strategi penguatan ke dalam dalam bentuk pembangunan organisasi dan pembangunan kesadaran petani. strategi ini, yayasan dopalak indonesia lakukan dengan cara live in di desa-desa. tujuannya adalah membangun ikatan emosional dan interaksi secara lebih evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 255 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dekat. melalui proses diskusi dan dan belajar bersama, maka dibentuklah forum petani buol (ftb) sebagai alat perjuangan. kemudian strategi selanjutnya yang dilakukan adalah dengan cara mendatangi instansi atau lembaga-lembaga birokrasi pemerintahan yang terkait, dalam bentuk aksi maupun melalui lobby dan negosiasi. selain itu, perwakilan perjuangan petani melakukan koordinasi penyusunan dokumentasi sejarah, fakta-fakta lapangan, situasi sosial pedesaan, peta wilayah, dan analisis hukum (legal opinion). bentuk upaya ini dengan cara mengajukan dokumentasi dan permohonan kembalinya hak atas tanah, pertemuan-pertemuan, dialog atau audiensi, negosiasi, lobbying, dan kampanye publik. adapun faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan kegagalan advokasi yang dilakukan terhadap petani toili kaitannya dengan upaya penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah dengan pt kls dapat dibagi dalam dua faktor, yakni; pertama, faktor internal: manajemen kerja lemah, protokol komunikasi tidak efektif, kriminalisasi terhadap petani, umur organisasi advokasi pendek, pengawalan kasus tidak maksimal. kedua, faktor eksternal terkait inkonsistensi pemerintah daerah, regulasi yang tumpang tindih, aparat keamanan, proses advokasi yang dilakukan oleh fras sulteng adalah: perubahan kebijakan, daya tawar fras sulteng, perluasan ruang demokrasi, partisipasi dan legitimasi politik fras sulteng. (footnotes) 1 menurut bahasa belanda, advocaat atau advocateur berarti pengacara atau pembela. dalam bahasa inggris, to advocate tidak hanya berarti to defend (membela), melainkan pula to promote (mengemukakan atau memajukan), to create (menciptakan) dan to change (melakukan perubahan) (topatimasang, et al, 2000; 7) daftar pustaka agus, salim. 2006. penelitian kualitatif. jakarta. anonim. 2010. “perjuangan petani toili merebut tanah”, edisi 1 tahun 2010. yayasan tanah merdeka (ytm) palu fauzi, noer. 1999. petani & penguasa” dinamika perjalanan politik agraria di indonesia. jakarta. sumardjono, maria. 2008. tanah dalam perspektif hak ekonomi, sosial evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0013 256 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan budaya. jakarta. m. nasir. 1985. metodologi penelitian. jakarta kriesberg, louis. 1998. conscructive conflicts from escalation to resolution. miller, vellerie and covey, jane. 2005. “advocacy and strategy”. panggabean, samsurizal. 2009. “jenis konflik dan intervensinya”. materi kuliah konflik. pusaka-sda.blogspot.com. 2011. “sekilas tentang teori advokasi”, pusat studi kebijakan publik & advokasi, di akses 12 maret rinella putri. 2010. “latar belakang teori negosiasi”, www.vibiznews.com diakses 4 maret sangaji, arianto, 2009. “transisi kapital di sulawesi tengah: pengalaman industri perkebunan kelapa sawit”. kertas posisi 08 t.tama, muh.syafei. 2010. “perluasan sawit berbuah petaka”. kertas posisi 0 9 internet http://www.policy.hu, “adokasi kasus”, diakses 4 maret 2010 http://www.screen-print-t-shirt.info advokasi, diakses 4 maret 2010 www.werbnetweb.princeton.edu/webwn, “dialy archives: negosiasi”, diakses 4 maret 2010 evaluasi advokasi penyelesaian konflik sengketa tanah di kabupaten banggai, sulawesi tengah / adriany badrah / 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and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 372 developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 sapia moalam abdulrachman professor, department of graduate studies, college of public affairs. mindanao state university, marawi city. philippines abdullah sumrahadi lecturer, department of sociology, faculty of humanities and social sciences. sunan kalijaga state islamic university (uin) indonesia badriya p. makol college of law, government and international studies . universiti utara malaysia ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research concludes that development of muslim communities in the philippines primarily relies on local initiatives and people’s assertive character to institute behavioral reform. it entails a transformation process involving all sectors of the society in such a way that true and committed muslim leaders will emerge to provide direction and at the same time orchestrate the development of the communities.it is therefore argued that transformational leadership is the most appropriate model that could improve the living conditions of muslims in the philippines firstly, this study provides the empirical evidence that leaders and followers believe that it is through islamic leadership that their communities can be developed. secondly, the history of the leadership of prophet mohammad and his four caliphs proved that islamic leadership is indeed transformational leadership one, hence, they deserve to be emulated by muslims. key words: islam, transformational leadership and development 373 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstrak riset ini menyimpulkan bahwa perkembangan komunitas muslim di filipina terutama bergantung pada inisiatif lokal dan karakter rakyat untuk reformasi perilaku lembaga. hal ini menuntut suatu proses transformasi yang melibatkan semua sektor masyarakat sedemikian rupa sehingga para pemimpin muslim dan berkomitmen untuk memberikan arahan dan pada saat yang sama mengorganisir pengembangan komunitas.hal ini dikarenakan bahwa kepemimpinan transformasional merupakan model yang paling tepat yang dapat meningkatkan kondisi kehidupan umat islam di filipina pertama, penelitian ini memberikan bukti empiris bahwa para pemimpin dan pengikutnya percaya bahwa melalui kepemimpinan islam yang komunitas mereka dapat dikembangkan. kedua, sejarah kepemimpinan nabi muhammad dan empat khalifah membuktikan bahwa kepemimpinan islam memang kepemimpinan transformasional satu, maka, mereka layak untuk ditiru oleh umat islam.kata kunci: islam, kepemimpinan transformasional dan pengembangan introduction god created the world complete with all the things that human beings need. human needs, including people, change as time passes by and as civilization gets richer. while the early civilization starts in a muslim society, (egypt being the cradle of civilization), now very few, if ever there are, of the muslim countries belong to highly developed ones. perhaps, except for some few muslim countries, which are gifted with oil and gold deposits, most muslim communities are categorized as underdeveloped or still developing. in addition, some muslim areas are in chaotic situation – leaders oppress constituents, constituents demanding for freedom, constituents suffering from poverty while leaders live in luxurious life. the resources given by god for people to benefit have been exploited and enjoyed by a few while the larger population suffers from hunger. absolutely, this is contrary to what god commands us to do. god requires leaders to manage the earth’s resources for the constituents to benefit and at the same requires the constituents to follow and cooperate with the leader for tranquility and peace in the community. considering the unique situation of muslims in the philippines, being minority in a non-muslim country, their conditions deserve academic discussion. muslims in the philippines constitute more or less 5% of the total population. the homeland of these groups is mindanao which is one of the riches islands in the country in terms of natural resources. nevertheless, their communities are one if not the least developed areas. they are also part of the marginalized sectors. as described by jubair and developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 374 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ we quote: the areas occupied by the moros are generally one of the most depressed in the philippines today. life is so miserable that people could hardly make both ends meet they are already at the edge of the socio-economic survival. it is often said that the moros 400 years ago were better off then than their descendants today, despite the blessings of modernism, science and technology (jubair ). the situation of muslims in the philippines is ironical since most of their areas are gifted with natural resources like forest, lakes, rivers and others. the dominant issue being raised is that “is underdevelopment a function of the majority-minority relation?, is it a function of nationallocal relations? or is it a function of leader-followers relationship? the truth is there is no definite answer to this question. however, one thing is sure every sector in the society has a role to play and that each sector must be conscious and responsible to perform its role. what are needed are local initiatives under the guidance and direction of committed leaders to develop locally available resources and most importantly blessings from the almighty allah. in other words, the future awaits these communities and the people therein. it is on this light, why the paper was written. in general, the study aims to formulate an appropriate model of development for muslim communities. to attain such goal, it is deemed important to know and analyze leadership situation in the area. thus, specifically, the study dealt with the following inquiries, to wit: (1) what are the prevailing conditions of muslims in the philippines? (2) what is the relevance of islamic leadership to transformational leadership? (3) what is the concept of leadership among the muslims in the philippines in terms of: (a) meaning of leadership, (b) functions of a leader, (c) characteristics of effective leader; and (4) what are the contemporary leadership practices in muslim dominated areas in the philippines as perceived by leaders and followers? (5) what are the factors that affect leaders’ performance in muslim dominated areas in the philippines? these questions guided the research in its methodology. the study was primarily conducted to formulate a strategy for the development of muslims in the philippines in accordance with islamic developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 375 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perspective. in specific terms, it aims to find out the factors causing the underdevelopment of the communities based on local leaders and constituent’s perspective. research methods the study made use of cross-sectional survey design and document analysis. data pertaining to islamic practices were taken from documents particularly qur’an and hadith of prophet mohammad (pbuh). primary data were collected at one point in time. the population of the study consists of political, religious, civic and leaders in academic institutions, as well as sector representatives. contemporary leaders and sector representatives were selected using purposive sampling to see to it that all groups are represented. data were collected using personal interview and focus-group discussion (fgd). twenty contemporary leaders were personally interviewed and four focus group discussions were conducted. the total number of participants in the fgds was thirty four (34). there were two types of data gathering instrument, interview guide and focusgroup discussion guide. data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. the following discussion presents the results of the study. the study was conducted in muslim dominated communities in the philippines particularly the areas comprising the autonomous region in muslim mindanao (armm). this section portrays some of the relevant descriptions of the situation of muslims in these areas based on secondary and first hand information of the researchers. result and analysis 1. brief assessment of muslims situation in the philippines. a description of the life and conditions of muslims in the philippines is inevitable not only to give justice to the title of the paper, but more importantly to elucidate the urgency of an appropriate leadership strategy. literature dealing with muslims in the philippines may be abundant, but, most of these literatures especially those written by outsiders do not provide a vivid picture of the real situations. muslims in the philippines have their original domicile in the moro province (now named as mindanao region). they constituted the majordeveloping muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 376 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ity (324,816 or 63%) of the population in the early 1900s, as can be seen in the figures below. (see also tables 1, 2 and 3 below).. figure 1 – estimated population of the moro province by groups, 1913 figure 2 – distribution of population in the moro province by religion, 1913 figure 3population estimates in mindanao and sulu by religion, 1918 developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 377 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 1. estimated population of the moro province by groups in 1913 source: peter g. gordon, 1977 cited in jubair (history). table 2. distribution of population in moro province by district, 1913 source: peter g. gordon ( 1977) cited in jubair (history). table 3. population estimates of mindanao and sulu by religion, 1918 at present, although there are muslims residing in areas outside of the armm, the data on table 4 shows that muslims have become minority in places they considered home place prior to the coming of colonizers. figure 4 shows the difference in the proportion of muslims dominated area in mindanao (armm) and other areas in terms of population. developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 378 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ figure 4 current proportion of muslim and non-muslims in mindanao table 4. mindanao area, population and density by administrative region they are likewise part of the marginalized sector. in 1991 family income and expenditure survey, the average household incomes among them were generally low. in addition, most (83 or more) of them lived below the poverty threshold. most of them derived their income from primitive farming, fishing, carving, carpentry, poultry raising and handicrafts. although filipino muslims are predominantly rural dwellers, a significant number have searched for better livelihood opportunities in visayas, luzon and other parts of mindanao due to interrelated reasons such as: lack of livelihood opportunities and local conflict among clans. while the dominant occupation in their area is farming, land ownership is still predominantly communal system. the national census of agriculture reveals that the average farm size of every muslim family is 3 hectares and in most cases the form of land ownership is inheritance. moreover, most of muslim owned lands are either titled under the torrens title but not updated or untitled. another thing that makes muslim communities different from other developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 379 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ communities in the country is the extent of basic services available. in most cases, muslim communities are deprived of basic infrastructure facilities and social services such as: water, electricity, sanitary health facilities and others. in marawi city, for instance, the capital city of lanao del sur of which more or less 97% of the population is muslims, there are only two banks existing (the land bank of the philippines and philippine national bank). physical infrastructure facilities, social and economic amenities in several decades have not significantly changed. in sulu, the 1990 census of population and housing indicated that only 9.4 percent of the households had electricity, in tawi-tawi, 10.0 percent, in maguindanao, 25.8 percent, in lanao del sur, 34.9 percent, and in basilan, 19.4 percent. in the field of education, more than one-fourth of the population has neither entered school nor finished elementary schooling. primary education is the highest educational attainment enjoyed by two-fifths of the population. for every 20 elementary graduates, only seven finish high schools and only one survive to finish a college diploma.” moreover, tanggol avers that most municipalities of muslim-dominated provinces in the south actually do not maintain a single doctor. in some areas where there are official municipal doctors, you will not find them in their respective areas of assignment since most maintain clinics and residences in the provincial capital (tanggol, regional). 2. contemporary issues affecting the muslim communities. the predominant issue considered by the respondents as significantly affecting their lives is degradation of moral values among the muslims. degradation of moral values is indicative of the presence of dishonesty, robbery/burglary, gambling, graft and corruption in government. the other issues felt by all of the respondents are: unemployment, poverty (no stable source of income), unpredictable peace and order due to family feuds and conflict between the armed forces of the philippines and the milf. still another set of problems considered by some of the respondents are incompatibility of islam to the political and social context, drug addiction and drug pushing, lack of physical facilities and social amenities, illness, discrimination, as well as parent-child relationship. the other problems mentioned by the respondents in one of the fgds are: developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 380 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (a) the growing influence of the non-muslim social practices to the muslim’ children and (b) disparity in the level of development between muslim and non-muslim areas. 3. leadership in islam and transformational leadership leadership in islam is something that god gives to whom who deserves to be leader. it is neither applied for nor seeks for. this is clearly evident in the following statements in the holy qur’an. say, o god! lord of power (and rule) thou gives power to whom though pleases, and thou strippest off power from whom thou pleasest. thou enducest with honor whom thou pleasest and though bringest low whom thou pleasest. in thy hands in all good, verily over all things though has power (verse no. 26, translated by ali, 1946:129). the first caliph of the islamic ummah, abubakar sedique, said when he was unanimously selected as the caliph after the death of prophet mohammad (pbuh) “i have been appointed as a ruler over you, although i am not the best amongst you, i swear by allah who holds my life in his hands that i never wanted it and i never prayed to get it . . obey me till i obey allah and his prophet (pbuh) (khan, the pious, 11). one who seeks leadership using the contemporary practices of anomalous elections is not islamic leaders. this explains why leaders of contemporary muslim societies hardly exhibit the requirements of leadership in islam, although with respect to a few who deserve due respect, some of them have shown good examples of leadership. in view of this predicament, discussion of islamic leadership is based solely on the leadership of the prophets sent by god to mankind to reform the society at specific period and the caliphate period. these practices are narrated in the holy qur’an and explained in the hadith of prophet mohammad (pbuh). these two – the qur’an and hadith are the ultimate guides of the muslims in all their undertakings. regarding leadership, it is said that prophets were sent by allah to mankind to propagate the true religion and enlighten their life from ignorance. as the qur’an provides “it is he who has sent his apostles with guidance and the religion of truth, that developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 381 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ he may proclaim it over all religion even though the pagans may detest” (sura assaf (61), verse 9, translated by ali). “o prophet mohammad (pbuh)! verily, we have sent you as witness, and a bearer of glad tidings, and a warner. and as one who invites to allah monotheism, i. e., worship none but allah (alone) y his leave, and as a amp spreading light (through your instructions from the qur’an and the sunnah – the legal ways of the prophet (pbuh). and announce to the believers the glad tidings, that they will have from allah a great bounty. (sura alahzab: verse 45 to 47, translated by al-hilali). the earlier prophets like moses, isa – the son of mariam, taloot, daud and others were sent to specific group of people and specific mission while prophet mohammad was sent by allah to all mankind. the commandments of allah were completely revealed to prophet mohammad and his followers continued enforcing such commandments. for instance, sura al baqara (no. 2) verses 50 and onwards tells how prophet moses (pbuh) saves the people of israel from the oppression of king pharaoh. in the same manner, sura al-kah’f (no. 18), verses 83 to 101 tells how zulcarnain led the nation during his time using unity of command and unity of direction, instilling among the people obedience to law, discipline and cooperation. he gained the confidence and support of his people. prophet muhammad (pbuh) was sent to the whole of mankind to save them from ignorance and suffering. he was, indeed, a role model for muslims. as allah said in the qur’an “ indeed in the messenger of allah (prophet mohammad, pbuh) you have a god example to follow for him who hopes for for (the meeting with) allah and the l:ast day, and remembers allah much” (al ahzab, no. 33, verse 21). his leadership as well as that of his caliphs (abubakr, omar, othman and ali) demonstrated the processes, elements and styles of transformational leadership. he was characterized by being trustworthy, honest, just and most of all pious. he had a vision and he was firmed in pursuing such vision such that when the whole richest of makkah and the most beautiful woman of the time were offered to him, he rejected. while transformational leadership emerged in recent literature as a developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 382 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ result of james macgregor burns’ study in 1978, what is least or not known to many is that the processes involved in transformational leadership and elements have been already demonstrated by the leaders in islam – the prophets sent by god to lead mankind and the four caliphs of the muslim ummah. according to burns,” transforming leadership is a process in which leaders and followers help each other to advance to a higher level of morale and motivation” (wikipedia). this was actually the process which the prophets and the caliphs of the muslim ummah undergone. the various prophets at different point in time were god chosen individuals who possessed very high standard of moral values, higher than their followers at the time. the same is true in the case of the four caliphs after the death of prophet mohammad (pbuh). the elements of transformational leadership which were formulated by bernard m. bass, who expounded on burns original concepts, were clearly evident in the history of the leaders in islam. these four elements are: intellectual stimulation, individualized consideration, inspirational motivation and idealized influence. inspirational motivation was manifested in the history of the prophet like moses, taloot, daud, zulcarnain and mostly prophet mohammad (pbuh) in the sense that all of them were deeply inspired and motivated to effect change in the community through the inculcation of spiritual values and complete submission and obedience to allah. this was their inspirational motivation that guided their mission of reforming the society at the time. they were guided by the vision of fulfilling god’s commandments and the mission to impart the teachings of islam to their people. they possessed the required traits of transformational leader like fairness, honesty, integrity and commitment to help others. they served as role model for their followers. in other words, the element of idealized influence was clearly evident. they were able to conquer the minds and hearts of their followers, such that most of them were willing to sacrifice their lives to defend their leader and their faith. the leaders and the followers were entrenched into high standard of moral values. among these values were : tawhid the belief in the existence of one and only god, the god of the universe, and the life hereafter, trust, (amanah), integrity, service, fairness/justice, equality/ equity, and brotherhood. it is through this relationship that the prophdeveloping muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 383 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ets were able to change the society from ignorance, barbaric and chaotic situation to one that is characterized by tranquility and peace. the second caliph of the islamic ummah, omar ibnol hattab (rad.anho) was an exemplary model of individualized consideration. he personally attended to the needs of his constituents. there were instances that he personally brought sacks of flour and butter to hungry children and cooked their meals himself. it was part of his regular habits to visit the houses of his followers and ask them of their problems. the element of intellectual stimulation was demonstrated in the leadership of prophet mohammad (pbuh). he treated his followers gently and allowed them to participate in decision making. as pointed out in the qur’an, regarding leader-follower relations it is part of the mercy of allah that you do deal gently with them. when you severe or harsh hearted, they would have broken away from about you. so pass over (their faults ), and ask for allah’s forgiveness for them; and consult them in affairs (of moment). then when you have taken a decision, put your trust in allah. for allah love those who put their trust (in him). (sura 3, verse 159). such provision was further elaborated in a hadith which states that the prophet once said “if a slave who has been mutilated is made your ruler and leads you in accordance with allah’s book, listen to him and obey him” (narrated by muslim cited in abdulrachman, 2006 :148). similarly, the four caliphs also gave freedom of expression to their followers. for instance, the first caliph abubakar once said “obey me till i obey allah and his prophet “ (cited in khan, the pious, 244). in the same manner, omar ibnol hattab said when he was appointed as second caliph “don’t obey me when i am disobeying allah. i explain to you the rights you have over me and you are free to demand them anytime” (cited in khan, the pious,244). moreover, during the assumption of othman as the third caliph, he said to his followers and we quote: i am to follow my predecessors and not to create a new thing in the government. i promise you to obey the book of allah, to follow the sunnah of his prophet and to be observant of three matters: (a) the principles formed on the basis of the consensus-opinion of the muslims will be obeyed (b) in case i do not find any principle set by my predecessors i will decide a case after due consultation (c) i will not punish you until it is due in law (cited in khan, the pious, 244). developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 384 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the fourth caliph ali (rad. anho) also encouraged his followers to explore new ways by being democratic in his administration. when appointed qais ibn sa’d as the governor of egypt, hadrat ali wrote to the people of egypt and we quote: you have the right to see if we are following the book of allah and the sunnah of his prophet (pbuh) and are ruling over you according to the right path; and that we may order you according to the ways of the holy prophet and be good to you even at your back (cited in khan, the pious, 245). indeed, the history of how the prophets and the caliphs of islam were able to significantly change the life of the people by redesigning their beliefs and value system is a vivid portrayal of transformational leadership. it is through their combined efforts and power of allah that we find muslims anywhere in the world today. it is sad to mention, however, that people change from generation to generation. the standards of moral values in the earlier times are far higher than we have today. 4. concept of leadership as perceived by the respondents leadership, among the respondents, is a process of setting direction, guidance and doing something for the benefit of the constituents to further improve their living conditions. in this respect, leaders are expected to perform the following functions and responsibilities: (1) enjoin what is right and prohibit what is wrong; (2) personally address the needs of the constituents, provide guidance and direction; (3) ensure that justice and fairness prevail in policy and decision making activities consistently; (4) formulate his vision regarding the future development of the community; (5) make decisions on matters affecting the constituents and the community; (6) initiate and implement public welfare programs in order to reduce if not eliminate poverty in the community; (7) source out fund and implement infrastructure development programs; and (8) establish linkage with other organizations for the establishment of necessary institutions in the community. in order for a leader to perform the above-mentioned functions, respondents disclosed that leaders should possess the following qualities or characteristics: (1) physically, mentally, emotionally, technically and developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 385 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ morally competent, (2) trustworthy, honest and just, (3) generous and committed to help the constituents, (4) have strong faith in god, (5) have shown his capacity to enforce laws, (6) enjoys simple living, and (7) he should be resident of the community where he leads. these characteristics are also considered by the respondents as the qualities of a good leader, hence, these should be made as the criteria or qualifications in selecting leader. nevertheless, it is sad to note that these qualities are seldom found among the contemporary leaders. it should be mentioned at this point that some of the characteristics mentioned above fit well with the elements of transformational leadership mentioned by burns. these characteristics include: moral competence, strong faith in god, and addresses the needs of the constituents. 5. contemporary leadership practices characteristics of contemporary muslim leaders . first of all, among the different types of leaders, the political leaders are considered influential because of their position. they are also the type of leaders that are described by the respondents below. there was an agreement among the individual interviewees and participants of the focus-group discussion on the characteristics of contemporary political leaders in the area. in general, the most common characteristics of political leaders are the following: (1) they assumed their position through the usual electoral practices that are mostly characterized by fraud; (2) personal interest prevails in their decision-making rather than public interest; (3) they seldom respond to the needs of the constituents; (4) most of them do not possess the characteristics of true muslim leaders; and ( 5) most of them belong to rich and influential clan in the area. leaders in the academic sector are described as: knowledgeable of their duties and functions and competent, decisive, have good communication skill and service -oriented. religious leaders are god-fearing, determined, patient, good advocates , conscious of the presence of god, and merciful to the poor. . armed group leaders are courageous and brave, truthful and just, sincere and are willing to sacrifice. traditional leaders are described as: titular, no decisive influence, expert on social relationship and are respected. developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 386 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ leaders’ influence to the community. the different types of community leader vary in their influence to the community. political, religious, armed group and academic leaders are considered highly influential. perhaps, the reason why they are considered influential has something to do with their position and capacity. political leaders are considered highly influential because they have the money and power to do things in the community while leaders in the academic sectors are considered influential because of their credibility as advocates of truth. lastly, the armed groups are considered fighters for freedom and in addition they have weapons to safeguard security in the area. table 5 shows the types of leaders and their level of influence as agreed by fgd participants. table 5. types of leaders and their level of influence satisfaction on the leaders’ performance. the study revealed that respondents are satisfied on the performance of religious leaders (as leaders on religious and some social activities) and the academe as in molding the youth. other groups (political, traditional, and armed groups) are rated fairly satisfactory in their performance. while many people are dissatisfied with the performance of some political leaders, yet, we find some exceptions. there are political leaders who have proven their worth as leaders in their own community. in the case of the armed groups, their performance is considered fairly satisfactory because they are facing different kinds of prohibitions and limitations for them to show their worth as leaders. developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 387 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 6. type of leaders and respondents’ satisfaction rating 6. factors that hinder leaders’ performance the most common factors mentioned by the respondents why leaders are unable to perform their functions and responsibilities were the following: (1) personal interest and greed for wealth (2) lack of appropriate leadership values (3) the culture itself perpetuates irresponsible leadership (tolerance of the people and the national authority of graft and corruption practices); favoritism, indebtedness (utang na loob) (4) lack of skill and know-how to do the job (5) electoral practices ( competent and committed individuals cannot win in election) (6) no fear of allah’s punishment in the life hereafter. ideally, leaders have roles to play in addressing some of the abovementioned problems. upgrading moral values among the people is a joint responsibility of the political, traditional and mostly religious leaders. since they have legal power and authority, political leaders could enhance moral values by formulating and implementing policy measures aimed to encourage people to abide and practice moral deeds and practices, prohibit gambling, robbery and drug trafficking, as well as initiate development programs for the upliftment of the economic and social living conditions of the constituents. in the same manner, traditional and religious leaders could facilitate the observance of moral practices through public advocacy and by example. in practice however, the present political leaders are not able to address the problems in the community simply because they do not possess the characteristics of good leaders. they may even have aggravated the problem due to negligence. they are more inclined to serve the interest of the superior authority at the national level in order to perpetuate their power. they are apathetic to the people’s problems. religious leaders are performing their function of enjoining the practice of right deeds and prohibiting the wrong ones. however, they are developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 388 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ not able to reduce people’s sufferings because they do not have the resources and power to do so. 7. implications of the study on the basis of the findings of the study, several implications are derived. first, the state of underdevelopment of muslim communities in the philippines cannot be explained by only one factor. the factors contributing to their conditions are complex and interrelated. for one thing, the national government assumes certain degree in this dilemma. in fact, majul stressed that a careful analysis of the history of the muslims in the philippines will reveal that the character and attitudes of present-day muslims are not only the result of what they have made out of themselves but also of what others have forced them to become (majul, history). second, muslims could be developed in accordance with the pace they want it to be if they have true leaders imbued with high moral values and commitment to pursue their development. third, muslim communities could be developed in accordance with the islamic view of development where there is unity and cooperation between leaders and followers. and last, reforming the muslim communities in accordance with islamic practices takes a long time. conclusion on the basis of the findings and implications of the study, it is concluded that transformational leadership is the best alternative for muslim communities to develop on the basis of two justifications, namely: firstly, this study provides the empirical evidence that leaders and followers believe that it is through islamic leadership that their communities can be developed. secondly, the history of the leadership of prophet mohammad and his four caliphs proved that these are indeed transformational leadership, hence, they deserve to be emulated by muslim communities. it is further concluded that development of muslim communities in the philippines primarily relies on local initiatives and assertive character to institute behavioral reform. it entails a transformation process involving all sectors of the society in such a way that true and committed muslim leaders will emerge to provide direction and at the same developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 389 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ time orchestrate the development of the communities. in simple terms, while there are many factors affecting the situation of muslims in the philippines, elevating their conditions to at least satisfactory level requires the raising of people’s level of conduct and ethical values. further enhancement of their belief, values and practices in accordance with islamic teachings is the need of the time. it is envisioned that this journey will lead to the emergence of a leader that will provide direction and spearhead the development of the communities. this is actually a leadership transformation process. in essence, transformational leadership means the revival and nurturing of the spiritual dimension of leaders. according to burns, transforming leadership is a process in which “leaders and followers help each other to advance to a higher level of morale and motivation” (burns, leadership). he further revealed that transforming approach creates significant change in the life of people and organizations. it redesigns perceptions and values, and changes expectations and aspirations of employees. (burns, leadership). burns insists that for leaders to have the greatest impact on the “led,” they must motivate followers to action by appealing to shared values and by satisfying the higher order needs of the led, such as their aspirations and expectations. the transformational leadership process is very consistent with islamic concept of development. allah says in the holy qur’an “verily allah will not change the conditions of the people not unless they themselves will change what is in them”. this change refers to shift of values and behavior from negative to desirable moral. allah says in the holy qur’an: “if the people of the town has but believed and (truly) feared allah, we should indeed have opened to them all kinds of blessings from the heaven and the earth (sura a’raf, verse no. 96, translated by ali, 1946:1768). since, most contemporary leaders of muslim communities in the area, do not possess the characteristics of a leader required under the transformational leadership, the following strategies are recommended, to wit: 1. considering that religious leaders were considered more influential than other types of leaders in the community, they should develop an islamic moral recovery program and implement such in coordination with the academe and credible civic organization. inter-organizational developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 390 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ linkages provide a venue for multi-sector cooperation and coordination. this may be a long process because value formation takes time. as pointed out by the leadership transformation inc., “transformation takes place over time, but the internal condition of the leaders’ soul must be right.” however, this approach is more likely to be attractive to the people because a significant portion of them have become interested in doing their religious responsibilities. the strategy works well by starting with the inculcation of core moral values among the members of the organization and encouraging them to behave in accordance with such values. these core values serve as bench mark in judging which behaviors are acceptable and non-acceptable. as pointed out by hughes in his book and we quote. transformational leadership serves to change the status quo by appealing to followers’ values and their sense of higher purpose. transformational leaders articulate the problems in the current system and have a compelling vision of what a new society or organization could be. this new vision of society is intimately linked to both the leader’s and followers’ values; it is an ideal that is congruent with their value systems (hughes, et.al, leadership, 280). 2. side by side with the islamic recovery program is public advocacy on electoral reform. the present campaign for electoral reform spearheaded by a civic organization may be strengthened by involving the religious groups. 3. establishment of islamic leadership development center in mindanao state university campuses. the center could serve as a training facility for the youth and contemporary leaders. in this sense, the academic community would be actively involved in the development of a desirable environment for the emergence of true muslim leaders. refference ali, abdullah yusof (translator), the holy qur’an. kingdom of saudi arabia.islamic education centre. al-hilali, muhammad taqi-ud-din and muhammad muhsin khan. translation of the meanings of the noble qur’an in the english language. developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 391 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ king fahad complex . madinah, kingdom of saudi arabia. bass, bernard m. leadership, psychology, and organizational behavior. new york.: harper and brothers, 1960. bass, bernard m. “the ethics of transformational leadership” in kellogg leadership studies project, transformational leadership working papers transformational leadership working papers (the james mcgregor burns academy of leadership, 1997). bass, bernard m. and paul steidlmeier, ethics, character, and authentic transformational leadership, (center for leadership studies, school of management, binghamton university, binghamton, ny. on-line. internet, revised 24 september 1998. burns, macgregor james. leadership. new.york.: harper and row, 1978. hughes, richard l. robert c. ginnet and gordon j. curphy, leadership: enhancing the lessons on experience. erwin. usa. jubair, salah history of the muslims: the nation under endless tyranny, 2nd edition in www.iio.org./article 2003. kelly, r. e. in praise of followers (harvard business review vol. 66. no. 6. 1988). khan, ali. the pious caliphs. kuwait: islamic book publishers, 1982. majul, cesar adib. muslims in the philippines: a historical perspective (wikipedia). tanggol, sukarno d. “ regional autonomy and social development: some notes on the case of muslim mindanao” in local government in the philippines: a book of readings, vol. ii edited by tapales, proserpina d. and et.al. (up-clg-ncpag, diliman, quezon city). national census statistics office. the national census on population, 2000. developing muslim communties in the philippines through transformational leadership: an islamic perspective / sapia abdulrachman, abdullah sumrahadi, badriya p makol / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0020 layout jgp november 2017.pmd http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.514-535 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 514 received: june 19, 2017 revised: september 9, 2017 accepted: september 20, 2017 for cite this article please refer to: kyveloukokkaliari, l., & nurhaeni, i. a. (2017). women leadership: a comparative study between indonesia and greece. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 8(4). women leadership: a compara tive study between indonesia and greece lydia k. kyveloukokkaliari1) university of athens, greece email: lyd.kan.kyv.kokk@gmail.com ismi dwi astuti nurhaeni2) universitas sebelas maret surakarta, indonesia email: ismidwiastuti@staff.uns.ac.id abstract one of the manifestations of women’s leadership is their representation in poli tics. although the regulation for their participation in the field has been de clared, women’s representation in elected office is still lower than anticipated. this article discusses women’s representation as leaders in strategic positions, the challenges of affirmative action regulation and the cultural barriers they face in indonesia and greece. the study was conducted in indonesia and greece, with documentation method as data collection technique such as: affirmative action regulation on women’s participation in strategic positions and official statistics of the number of women in office. mix method is employed to analyze the data. the findings show three results. firstly, there are differences in the representation of women as leaders both in the number and the strategic posi tion they hold between the two countries. the number of women representa tives in parliament in indonesia is lower than that of greece, with 17 % for the former and 20% for the latter. however, the most important position obtained by a woman in indonesia is state leader, whilst in greece is merely minister. sec ondly, both countries have implemented the legislation for affirmative action concerning the percentage of women candidates, but indonesia did much ear lier. the challenge to indonesia and greece is how to ensure a raise on the percentage of women as leaders in strategic positions. finally, women in indone sia and greece still face cultural barriers such as stereotypes, marginalization and sub-ordination for participating in strategic positions. these barriers can be over come by having political education that provides skills and gender sensitivity on leadershiptomen andwomen, informal andinformal institutions suchas family and community. the conclusion is that there are differences of women’s leader ship in indonesia and greece in terms of number, position, regulation and cultural barriers. this study recommends that both countries should conduct political education and provide new regulation concerning women’s representa tion, not candidacy. keywords: affirmative action, indonesia dan greece, women representation mailto:lyd.kan.kyv.kokk@gmail.com mailto:lyd.kan.kyv.kokk@gmail.com mailto:ismidwiastuti@staff.uns.ac.id abstrak salah satu manifestasi kepemimpinan perempuan adalah representasi merka di dalam dunia politik. meskipun peraturan untuk berpartisipasi mereka di lapangan telah dinyatakan, perwakilan perempuan di kantor terpilih masih lebih rendah dari yang di antisipasikan. artikel ini membahas representasi perempuan sebagai pemimpin dalam posisi strategis, tantangan peraturan tindakan afirmatif dan hambatan budaya yang mereka hadapidi indonesiadanyunani.penelitian inidilakukan diindonesiadan yunanaidengan metode dokumentasi sebagai teknik pengumpulan data seperti: peraturan tindakan afirmatif mengenai partisipasi perempuan dalam posisi strategis dan statistic resmi jumlah perempuan dalam kantor. metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dan kuantitatif untuk menganalisis data. temuan menunjukkan hasil ketiganya. pertama, adanya perbedaan representasi perempuan sebagai pemimpin baik dalam jumlah maupun posisi strategis yang mereka peganag antara dua negara tersebut. jumlah perwakilan perempuan di parlemen indonesia lebih rendah dari pada jumlah orang yunani itu sendiri dengan 17% untukyangpertamadan20%untukyangkedua.namun,posisiterpendingyangdiperoleh seorang perempuan di indonesia adalah sebagai pemimpin negara sementara di yunani hanyalah dijadikan sebuah menteri. kedua, dari dua negera tersebut menerapkan undang undang untuk tindakan afirmatif mengenai persentase kandidat perempuan, namun in donesia melakukan lebih awal. tantangan bagi indonesia dan yunani adalah bagaimana memastikan kenaikan persentase perempuan sebagai pemimpin dalam posisi yang strategis. hambatan ini dapat diatasi dengan memiliki pendidikan politik yang memberikan ketrampilan dan kepekaan gender terhadap kepemimpinan kepada pria dan wanita, di institusi formal dan informal seperti keluarga dan masyarakat. dengan demikian, kesimpulan yang didapat adalah adanya perbedaan kepemimpinan perempuan di indo nesia dan yunani dalam hal jumlah, posisi, regulasi dan hambatan budaya. studi ini merekomendasikan agar kedua negara harus melakukan pendidikan politik dan memberikan peraturan baru mengenai representasi perempuan, bukan sebagai pencalonan. katakunci: affirmative action, indonesia dan greece, keterwakilan perempuan introduction the development of any political agenda that does not in clude the perspectives, views and experiences of those who will be affected is not credible. this statement stands on a demo graphic or descriptive politics perspective which implies ―that a parliament should be a microcosm of the nation‖ (bird: 2004). although superficially neutral, existing political practices func tion to reproduce existing patterns of social inequality along group lines. therefore, by the underrepresentation of historically marginalized ascriptive groups in legislative bodies, it is predicted thatintheirabsentiaisextremelylikelythattheirinterestswillbe overlooked and that policies will be biased against them. signifi cantly, the idea of group representation appeals to the notion of jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 515 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 516 deliberation and communicative democracy. almost all the top positions in organizations and institutions were occupied by men; a fact that was regarded as something perfectly natural, and was not questioned very deeply until the 1970‘s and 1980‘s (albelda: 1986, england: 1975, gross: 1968, reslin: 1984, & williams: 1976). women have always worked, but they have never been represented to the labor market in such large numbers. their recently acquired worldwide rights of po litical participation and representation point out to a similar pattern of parity, resulting to a crucial difference of women‘s access in power1 (billing & alvesson, 1989). twenty years after the beijing platform for action and its call for 30 percent of national legislative seats to be held by women, only 38 countries have reached this critical mass. many coun tries are currently conducting some form of affirmative action, particularly quota systems, in order to increase the number of female lawmakers. there are mainly three such quota systems in the political field: reserved seating, candidate quotas, and volun tary quotas by political parties, the latter lacking provisions has been described as a ‗maybe quota‘2. reserved seating is a system of allocating a given number of legislative seats to women, in accordance with the constitution or the law, candidate quotas ensure that a certain proportion of the list of candidate lawmak ers are female, and voluntary quotas by political parties are a system in which parties, in accordance with their own party rules, stipulate that a given proportion of their candidate lawmakers shall be women (ueno, 2015). this article discusses about the current (and modern) repre sentation of women in government and as lawmakers in indone sia and greece. the cases were selected through mill‘s method of agreement, i.e. most different systems design, which con sists in comparing verydifferent cases, all of which howeverhave in common the same dependent variable, so that any other cir cumstance which is present in all the cases can be regarded as the independent variable (anckar, 2008: 392). in that sense, we can conclude that human development index (hdi), gender-re lated development index, gender inequalityindex, as well as geo graphical factors, political tradition, etc can be ruled out as inde pendent variables (pointing to the prevailing patriarchal struc ture and discriminatory culture). greece and indonesia have both legislated candidate quota in order to increase women‘s representation in both parliament and executive power. nonetheless, the percentage of women rep resentation as lawmakers is below world‘s average (22.9%) with indonesia (17.3%) and greece (19.7%). pertaining to executive officers the numbers are still meager where indonesia leads with 25.7% against greece‘s 21.1%. in other words the dependent variable in this research relates to gender gap index with indone sia ranking 88th and greece 92nd out of 144 countries. further more, indonesia has already had a woman as head of state, megawati soekarnoputri, although not elected by general popu lation. the paper aims to illuminate women‘s representation as leaders in strategic positions, the challenges of affirmative ac tion regulation and the cultural barriers they face in indonesia and greece. research methods research has shown that women‘s political participation around the world is increasing, but there is still work to be done to enable women pass the threshold in political participation. this study aims to examine the (patterns of) political representa tion of women in indonesia and greece, through comparison. comparative research or analysis is a broad term that includes both quantitative and qualitative comparison of social entities (mills et.al., 2006: 625). its underlying goal is to search for simi larityandvarianceintheselectedcross-nationalperspective.due to the inherent difficulty in determining universal patterns in social sciences, this study aspires to separate patterns that are more general and isolate regularities from the context-laden en vironment. jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 517 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 518 in order to obtain suitable answer(s) to the research ques tions, this study employs a mixed methods approach. mixed methods research represents research that involves collecting, analyzing, and interpreting quantitative and qualitative data in a single study or in a series of studies that investigate the same underlying phenomenon (leech and onwuegbuzie, 2008: 270). according to creswell and plano clarck (2007:5) mixed meth ods research‘ ―central premise is that the use of quantitative and qualitative approaches in combination provides a better under standing of research problems that either approach alone‖. it draws from databases of inter-parliamentary union (ipu), international institute of democracy and electoral assistance (idea), and the quota project a joint project of international idea, ipu and the university of stockholm, concerning data on the political representation of women. quantitative data have also been retrieved from human development report (hdr 2016) conducted by the united nations development programme (undp) and the global gender gap report 2016 conducted by the world economic forum. the choice of implementing two types of reports, i.e. hdr and global gg, is based on the criticism of the indices presented to the former, pointing to their limitations in accurately capturing gender disparities and their weakness in reflecting critical, concurrent gender issues. despite the inclusion of the new-gender development index and gen der inequality index since 2010, hdr still substantially corre lates the developmental level of a country with its gender dispar ity, thus tolerating a bias towards less affluent countries and misrepresenting the current situations. to solve this inconsis tency, the two reports are used complementarily. in addition, this study relies to a number of texts which con template and reflect the recent theoretical notions on the rela tion of women and leadership (billing & alvesson: 1989, eaglya & carlib: 2003, appelbaum et.al.: 2003, ryan & haslam: 2005), women‘s representations and participation in politics (bjarnegård, e.& zetterberg, p.: 2014, anderson, e. s.: 1999, kenworthy, l. & malami, m.: 1999, htun, m.: 2004) and the launch of quotas as a strategy to strengthen the justice principle. the essay ponders on the issue of equal representation in estab lished democracies, i.e. indonesia and greece, by employing concepts set forward from deliberation politics and human rights perspectives and investigates the socio-economic, cultural and political factors that can hamper or facilitate women‘s access to parliament and government (krennerich, 2015). jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal o f government & politics) 519 research findings regulation at the international level as well as at the national level has provided room for women to participate in global de velopment, including occupying strategic positions. in practice worldwide women‘s representation has been limited mostly to the participation at the grassroots level and not a sufficient num ber of women reached top positions, both in executive and legis lative institutions. this study focuses on the effects of the quota policy as a small-n research in two countries whose predomi nant differences in other fields enable us to implement mill‘s method of similarity, i.e. most different systems design, quite effectively. in particular the cases of indonesia and greece are found appropriate to demonstrate the ineptitude of the quota project on its own, underscoring the need for further and in depth analysis of the factors influencing women‘s participation and representation in politics. as stated above, most different systems design is imple mented in order to select apt cases for this research. indonesia and greece are highly dissimilar in terms of their size and popu lation, geographic position and location, political tradition and history, general level of development (viewed through their hu man development index) and gender-related development (as indicated through their gender-related development index), as well as women‘s position and population parity which are intrin sically different. on the other hand, their matching variable is related both to gender gap index and the summation of the vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 520 political representation of women, with indonesia ranking bet ter on the former (88/ 144) and greece on the latter (19.7%). additionally, both countries saw a decrease of their female elected members of parliament during their last elections, namely april 2014 for indonesia and september 2015 for greece, despite the legislation of candidate quotas being implemented. according to human development report 2016, greece scores 0.866 on the human development index which is a com posite statistic of life expectancy, education, and per capita in come indicators, and it‘s used to rank countries into four tiers of human development. hellenic republic ranks 29th out of 178 countries in total and is grouped among the first 30 most afflu ent countries worldwide. because of the levels of gender parity, even within major economies‘ countries, an additional index of gender-related development (ngdi) classifies greece inthe sec ond group. this relates to medium-high equalityin hdiachieve mentsbetweenwomenandmen,absolutedeviation2.5-5%,(see note 3). lastly, concerning the gender inequality index estab lished in 2010, greece is 23rd among 144 countries, with 0.119 indexes where 0 means parity and 1 equals to absolute imparity. as for indonesia, it ranks 7th among medium high develop ment countries and the human development index is estimated at 0.689. to calculate the gdi, the hdi is calculated separately for females and for males using the same methodology as in the hdi. the same goalposts as in the hdi are used for transform ing the indicators into a scale lying between zero and one. the only exception is life expectancy at birth where the goalposts are adjusted for the average of 5 years biological advantage that women have over men. indonesia‘s gdi is estimated in 0.926 categorizing the country in the third group with absolute devia tion between 5 and 7.5 percent. referring to gender inequality index (gii), a composite measure which captures the loss of achievement within a country due to gender inequality, indone sia is 103rd out of 178 countries. gii is calculated using three dimensions: (1) reproductive health, (2) empowerment, and (3) labor market participation. apart from their differences in hdi, gdi and gii, indone sia and greece are similarly positioned in relation to the global gender gap report. the index is designed to measure gender based gaps in access to resources and opportunities in countries rather than the actual levels of the available resources and op portunities in those countries, i.e. it is constructed to rank coun tries on their gender gaps not on their development level. in addition, it provides a snapshot of where men and women stand with regard to some fundamental outcome indicators related to basic rights such as health, education, economic participation and political empowerment, whereas country-specific policies, rights, culture or customs are not included. lastly, the index ranks countries according to their proximity to gender equality rather than to women‘s empowerment, therefore it focuses on whether the gap has declined. specifically, indonesia ranks 88th out of 144 countries (0.682) and in the same index greece scores 0.680, i.e. 92nd. in order to address the scarce numbers of women representa tives in their legislative bodies, indonesia and greece have legis lated candidate quota of 30 and 33 percent respectively. greece has already established voluntary party quota containing provi sions about the position of women on party lists while indone sia has launched not imperative and non provisional party quota, a type which parawansa (2005:84) is prompt to refer to as ‗maybe quota‘. since its independence, there was no gender disparity concerning their electoral right in the republic of indonesia. on the other hand, women in greece acquired the right to stand for office just by 1952, more than a century after their male coun terparts. both countries implement an open list proportional repre sentation. some argue that compared to other systems, propor tional representation is more effective in increasing women‘s parliamentary representation (norris, 2004: 187; kunovich and paxton, 2005: 515;matland, 2006: 85). open list ballot describes jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 521 6,607 (2,465) 2,060 decrease vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 522 table 1. gender index and women and men political representation in indonesia and greece variable indonesia greece indonesia greece 2016 2016 world rank world rank 1. president/ prime minister 2001  the selection model in the parliament  the number of voters: 188,224,161 9,836,997 94,280,151 4,763,084 93,944,0107 5,073,913 2. 139,573,927 5,566,295 (75.1%) (56.6%) (37.3%) (35%) (720)8 59 (19.7%) 107/193 -1,3 (19.8%)10 (18.3%) 46 (25.7%) 74 (21.1%) any variant of party-list proportional representation where vot ers have at least some influence on the order in which a party‘s candidates are elected. an open list system can also allow a voter the alternative of voting for the party as a whole without express ing a preference between individuals. therefore, although one in every three candidates listed on the ballot is a woman, there is no guarantee of a corresponding gender representation. the seats won by a political party will be allocated to the candidates that receive the highest number of votes, regardless of gender. indonesia: overview political system. indonesia is a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the president of indonesia is both head of state and head of government. until 2004 the president high 40) (veryhigh s= 113/ 178 29/ 178 development index 0.467 0.682 0.119 0.680 105/ 188 23/ 188 88/ 1445 92/ 1446 was elected bythelegislature. in indonesia‘s political historyone womanserved asheadof state,namelymegawati soekarnoputri when she replaced abdurrahman wahid in the presidency in 2001 and served for three years. during her tenure as indone sian president she was criticized for her indecisiveness. she has never actually won a presidential election, and hasn‘t managed to be selected neither through direct elections (candidacy 2004, 2009) nor by the parliament (1999). on the other hand, she still plays a prominent role in indonesian politics as she leads the indonesian democratic party of struggle (pdi-p) currently the most popular. in indonesia, proportional representation has been used as the only system of parliamentary election since the first one in 1955. according to reilly (1999, 17; 32), this is because it was practiced by the dutch in colonial times. people‘s representa tive council numbers 560 members selected by 77 constituen cies; each allocating 3 to10 members of parliament based on population. participation in the elections is voluntary. in the new election law for the 2004 general elections a provision re quiring parties to ‗bear in their hearts‘ the desirability of 30 per cent of nominated candidates being women was formulated. in practice, 14 out of 24 contesting political parties ―did attempt to fulfill the requirement to propose 30 percent women candidates in their lists for elected bodies at all levels‖ (parawansa, 2015: 87). electoral law. for indonesia, the article 55 of law 8/2012 on general elections grants that ‗the list of nominees of candi dates for members of the house of representatives shall contain at least 30% of women‘s representation‘. the competent elec toral authority shall verify the fulfillment of the quota require ment and in a case where the candidate list does not include at least 30% women‘s representation, it shall provide the political party with the opportunity to revise the candidate list (articles 58 (1) and 59 (2)). the article 56 (2) confers that ―[a]t least 1 in every 3 candidates included on a political party list should be a jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 523 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 524 woman‖. according to ipu, 2014 elections were the first to be held since the adoption of law 8/2012, which regulates women‘s candidacy quota. political parties that do not meet the said re quirements are disqualified from submitting a list in the elec toral district where the quota is not met. legislative elections april 2014-results. legislative elections were held in indonesia‘s multi-party system on 9 april 2014, with 12 nationwide parties plus 3 local (aceh) parties passing the requirements set by the general elections commission (kpu). the candidate list included 2,465 women out of a total of 6,607 candidates – a record-breaking 37.3 percent. voting age population in indonesia for the elections of 2014 amounts to 188,224,161; the male voters being 50.01 percent and women comprising 49.91% (94,280,151 and 93,944,010 respectively). participation in the legislative elections was 75 percent (139,573,927), indicating an upsurge since the previous elections of 2009 when voter turnout was 71 percent. from the 12 parties racing during april 2014 legislative elections, 10 managed to se cure the 3.5 percent threshold and thus secure representatives in indonesia‘s legislative body. out of a total of 560 members of the parliament only 97 were women, representing a 17.3 per cent. the 2014 elections‘ results indicate a decrease of 1.4 per cent from the 2009 legislative elections where 101 women be came legislators, in absolute numbers 19.8 out of 100. women ministers. since the last cabinet reshuffle of july2016, nine (9) women are serving as ministers in president‘s joko widodo‘s cabinet comprised by 35 ministries in total. worth noting here, that since the reformation era and ministries that are usually managed by women, such as ministry of health and ministry of female empowerment and child protection, retno marsudi leads the ministry of foreign affairs and rini mariani soemarno is minister of state enterprises. an interesting case is that of sri mulyani indrawati, an inde pendent, who have served as minister of finance, a ministry whose significance is undoubted worldwide, both during 2004 2010 under susilo bambang yudhoyono and joko widodo since the last cabinet‘s reform on july of the previous year. shesuc cessfully tackled corruption and initiated reforms in indonesia‘s tax and customs office and enjoys a reputation for integrity. during her tenure in 2007, indonesia recorded 6.6% economic growth, its highest rate since the 1997 asian financial crisis. in august 2008, mulyani was ranked by forbes magazine as the 23rd most powerful woman in the world. greece: overview political system. greece is a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the prime minister is the head of government, and the president of greece, elected by the parlia ment is the head of state. since 1844 elections, greece has used both majoritarian and proportional systems. according to ar ticle 51(5) of the constitution, the exercise of the right to vote is compulsory and voter‘s registration is automatic. however, this provision has not been enforced in the past decades (osce/ odihr, 2009: 4). women received the right to vote in 1934, and the right to stand for election in 1952. although no women haveserved yet neither as president or prime minister, two women served as speakers of the hellenic parliament who according to the constitution acts also as vice president, namely anna benaki psarouda (2004-2007) and zoe konstantopoulou(2015). electoral law. the greek parliament numbers 300 members whichareselected byasystem of‗reinforced‘ proportional repre sentation in 56 constituencies, 48 of which are multi-seat and 8 single-seat.seatsaredeterminedbyconstituencyvoting,andvot ers may select the candidate or candidates of their choice by marking their name on the party ballot. however, the party re ceiving the largest number of votes receives a 50-seat premium, which is filled by candidates of that party not declared elected on the lower rungs. the principle of gender equality was estab lished by the 1975 constitution, and was further elaborated in the 2001 constitutional amendment establishing the state‘s ob jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 525 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 526 ligation to take appropriate measures to eliminate all discrimi nation. as stated above, greek constitution provides that ―adoption of positive measures for promoting equality between men and women does not constitute discrimination on grounds of sex. the state shall take measures for the elimination of inequalities actually existing, in particular to the detriment of women‖ (ar ticle 116, (2)). in its electoral law, the article 34 of presidential decree 26/2012 states that at least one-third of political parties‘ candidate lists, both for national and constituency lists must be filled with candidates of each sex. any decimal number is rounded to the next whole unit if the fraction is half or more. for ex ample, in an electoral district in which ten members of parlia ment are elected, at least three of the candidates must be men or women (10/3= 3.33). if the gender quota requirement is not met, the party list is not accepted by the supreme court (article 35 of presidential decree 26/2012). in the 2009 parliamentary elections for the first time in greece, candidate lists of political parties and coalitions had to include a minimum of one third of candidates from each gender. in practice, political parties at the local level indicated that they had difficulties in meeting the one third gender requirement ‗due to an apparent lack of interest from women‘, particularly in rural areas. legislative elections results and the cabinet. the latest leg islative elections in greece were held on sunday 20th september 2015 whereby 20 political parties competed with a total of 2,060 candidates on their lists nationwide. a groundbreaking 35 per cent of female candidates, translated to a total of 420 women‘s candidacies, were on the race for the 300 parliamentary seats. voting age population in greece for the elections of september 2015 amounts to 9.836.997; with female voters being 51.57 per cent and men comprising 48.42% (5.073.913 and 4.763.084 re spectively). the lowest ever voters turnout in a greek legislative election since the restoration of democracy in 1974 was recorded, a feeble 56.6 percent, 5,566,295. from the twenty (14) parties competing for the 300 parlia mentary seats during september 2015 legislative elections only eight (8) managed to attain the 3 percent threshold and thus secure representatives in the hellenic parliament. only 59 women were able to acquire the necessary number votes in order to serve as lawmakers, thus encompassing a 19.7 percent of the greek parliament. the 2014 elections‘ results indicate a decrease of 1.3 percent from the 2012legislative elections where 64 women were elected, i.e. 21.3 percent. since the last cabinet reorder of sep tember 2016, four (4) women are serving as ministers and six (6) more as deputy and alternate ministers under prime minister alexis tsipras‘ cabinet of 19 ministries. discussion it has become increasingly important that parties and legisla tures be (or appear to be) inclusive and demographically repre sentative of the broader society. while there are some common explanations for the under-representation of historically marginalized groups, there are vast differences within and be tween countries in the steps that have been taken to increase their political representation (bird: 2004). the beijing platform for action explicitly called on governments to set ―specific tar gets and implementing measures‖ including by means of ―posi tive action‖, referring both to affirmative action initiatives and gender mainstreaming. the latter is the process of ensuring that women and men have equal access and control over resources, development ben efits and decision-making, at all stages of the development pro cess and in all government projects, programs and policy. the gender mainstreaming approach recognizes that both women and men benefit from the systematic inclusion of a gender perspec tive in planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of development policies and programs. as a strategy, it has the po tential to create far deeper forms of change, precisely because it sits at the centre and not the periphery. jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 527 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 528 the importance of strengthening women‘s representation in strategic positions is developed from four perspectives, namely (1) the equal opportunities, (2) the meritocratic, (3) the view that women can contribute something special, and (4) the women and alternative values. the first two perspectives stem from de liberative or human rights perception of positioning through an emphasis on the common traits between men and women and contend that women as leaders are not compared in equal terms with their male counterparts, thus having limited chances. on the other hand, some argue that women can contribute some thing special when access power-positions, especially related to the assumption that in general women do not fully share the interests, priorities and basic attitudes to life common among men. under that light, women in strategic positions are believed to influence the leadership-style, motivate a social structure less hierarchical, and promote cooperation changing the organiza tionalclimate(billingand alvesson,1989:74).exampleof women development ministers in europe suggests that women tend to be particularly concerned with poverty reduction and investing in human capacity (bird, 2004). the temporary special measures in the form of quotas—re served seats and legislated candidate quotas have accelerated the strides made in women‘s political representation (okonjo-iweala, 2014: 23). even though change has been manifested, in most countries women‘s representation is just on bare minimal and the 30 percent of women‘s representation in the legislature and executive political arena is yet to be accomplished. research and experiences show that when women and girls progress, all of so cietyprogresses(verveer,2014:17).evidencefromcountrieslike south africa and rwanda, which have increased women‘s par ticipation in politics, suggests that party and constitutional quo tas are the most successful means of increasing women‘s repre sentation. bessel (2004, 13) suggests that ―a woman-friendly elec toral system‖ is one strategy to advocate for women‘s legislative representation. until women candidates are nominated at the party level to contest winnable seats, equity in gender represen tation will be slow and may be unachievable in the short term. the idea behind the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw), adopted in december 1979 by the united nations, is that traditional divi sions of fixed roles between men and women should be abol ished, and that basically no distinction between men and women should be made, on grounds other than biological ones. it rec ognizes that gender equality will not come about so long as tradi tional divisions of fixed roles for men and women are assumed and, thus, aims to establish practical gender equality by abolish ing discriminatory customs. furthermore, it recognizes positive action as a means of establishing equality. the assumption behind regulating women‘s political repre sentation by special measures in the form of quotas arises by the presumption and results of a new emphasis in democratic theory towards a ‗deliberative turn‘ (dryzek 2000) jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 529 according to myers and mendelberg (2013, 701) deliberation should be defined ―as small group discussion intended to make a decision or to change the content or basis of public opinion that is either prompted by or speaks to a governmental unit or political actor‖. citizens civic experiences, alongside with non-civic experiences in other networks, provide their members with a web of available resources for political thought (perrin, 2004: 1054). perrin (2004: 1079) suggests that his ―findings should spur further research to determine how the contour of microcultures develop and to what extent political-cultural elements developed in one context can be mobilized in another‖. in greece, the recently designed national program for sub stantive gender equality 2010-2013 has set four strategic roles and has been informed by best practices and international expe rience so as to implement legislation and special equality poli cies in areas where women (or men) are under-represented; as well as horizontal interventions to tackle gender discrimination in all public policy; and gender mainstreaming. the funding for vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 530 the program has come from the national strategic reference framework (nsrf) 2007–2013, which constitutes the reference document for the programming of european union funds at national level for the period 2007–2013. on the other hand, greece is going through an unprecedented economic and social crisis that impacts both the private and the public life of men and women. in this context, gender equality objectives tend to be marginalized in public and policy debates. all gains in the field of gender equality since the 1980s have been put at serious risk by the economic and political developments of the last few years. the state does not seem to be able to safeguard gender equality in the current climate; on the contrary it pursues policies that constitute a backlash to gender equality.13 although women do not show bigger abstention than men in politics, they are less convinced of the importance of their vote for the resolution of everyday life problems and much less interested in parties and the party system. if voting patterns are not significantly differen tiated according to gender, on the contrary, greek political cul ture is characterized by a massive disparity in the proportion of men and women in public office. few in greece comment on the incessant lack of women in the senior cabinet, and the fact that men still dominate parliament. greece ranks near the bot tom in the european union in the number of women partici pating in politics, and never has had a female prime minister. in anastasia giamali‘s (kakkisis, 2015), syriza‘s mp, words: greece ―is still a male-dominated society. it‘s hard for a woman to be involved in high-end politics, because a woman must be a mother, must be working, must take care of the whole family more than a man would.‖ indonesian government focused on implementing the gen der mainstreaming policy which was then improved to be the gender responsive budgeting (grb). since the grb policy is coming into action, civil societies in indonesia are actively advo cating the public and the government for the implementation of grb (mulyaningrum and mujibah, 2015). making indonesia a unique example, civil society organizations engaged in budget issues have focused mostly at the sub national levels of govern ment. as a result of this local focus, civil society engagement with budget issues is broadened. the national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) 2010-2014 identifies 11 priorities and three cross cutting principles as the operational foundations of overall development implementation. these are 1) sustain able development mainstreaming; 2) good governance mainstreaming; and 3) gender equality mainstreaming. in 2002, the ministry of women‘s empowerment issued a manual on guidelines for the implementation of gender mainstreaming in national development to support government agencies in the implementation of inpres 9/2000 (bappenas, 2013). in indonesia‘s modern history, women have mainly exercised political roles through their involvement in women‘s organiza tions, particularly since the nationalist movement period of the early 20th century. indonesian culture assigns women roles in the domestic sphere as mothers and wives, and in turn, voters may internalize the idea that politics is not a suitable occupation or environment for women. the new order regime reinforced indonesian women‘s duties ―as wife, as mother, as protector, as financial manager of the household and as a member of society‖ (davies 2005, 233). during this period, the barriers preventing women‘s representation in parliament were a combination of the new order gender ideology (state ibuism), religious values and women‘s stereotypes. patriarchy negatively impacts on women‘s participation in politics. without a proportional rep resentation in institutional structures and lacking adequate po litical education for women and society, women still feel ―psy chologically unprepared for participation in politics‖ (seda:2). furthermore, political parties, which are mostly dominated by men, are unsupportive of including women in their candidates‘ lists since such an inclusion is unlikely to increase their overall vote share. jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 531 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 532 conclusion chronologically speaking, the first area of investigation con cerning the place of women in politics has focused on the theme of women as candidates. as the numbers of women in office has grown, a newer area of research has evolved to look at what hap pens once underrepresented group members get elected – ―who do they speak for, and what impact can they have upon public policy and the quality of democracy more generally?‖. despite the undeniable progress, much remains to be achieved for women and girls to enjoy full equality—not just on paper, but in reality. this discrepancy that divides rhetoric from reality is not just a women‘s issue, but an important part of implementing an equal and sustainable development. it is necessary for indonesia and greece to impose a place ment mandate rule to ensure women are placed in a certain per centage of winnable positions. until such rule is applied, women‘s chances of being elected will continue to be scarce. a woman friendly electoral system is one strategy to advocate for women‘s legislative representation. additionally, gender-sensitive internal parliamentary policies, procedures, rules and practices are the pillars of a gender-friendly, non-discriminatory working culture and environment, which can increase substantive representation in practice by validating the views, perspectives and priorities of both women and men, whether serving as elected officials or as parliamentary staff. lastly, the acknowledgement of women‘s role and contribution to economic and democratic development can be achieved by promoting civic and gender-mainstreaming prac tices and education. endnotes 1 power in this context “is equated with the holding of formal positions of power” according to billing, yd & alvesson, m, 1989: 63-80. authors are well aware of the implications and limitations of such an approach. 2 parawansa, k. i. (2005) enhancing women’s political participation in indonesia in azza, k and ballington, j. women in parliament: beyond numbers. stockholm: international idea: 84 3 most data retrieved from undp (2016) human development report. new york: undp 4 note: group 1 countries with high equality in hdi achievements between women and men: absolute deviation less than 2.5 percent; group 2 countries with medium high equality in hdi achievements between women and men: absolute deviation between 2.5 percent and 5 percent; group 3 countries with medium equality in hdi achievements between women and men: absolute deviation between 5 percent and 7.5 percent; group 4 countries with medium-low equality in hdi achievements be tween women and men: absolute deviation between 7.5 percent and 10 percent; and group 5 countries with low equality in hdi achievements between women and men: absolute deviation from gender parity greater than 10 percent. 5 note : 0 parity, 1 imparity 6 note : 0 imparity, 1 parity 7 world economic forum, gender gap report 2016 8 ibid. 9 data retrieved from general elections commission (komisi pemilihan umum), presi dential elections voters data (data pemilih tetap pilpres). 10 this is a guesstimate of the 35 percent of women candidates during the september 2015 elections in greece. 11 numbers may vary due to interim replacement of legislators; the elected members of parliament are displayed. 12 according to inter-parliamentary union, women in national parliaments world clas sification as of may 1st 2017, data collected for indonesia (09-04-2014) and greece (20-09-2015). 13 the recent restructuring of the general secretariat of gender equality in march 2013 (25 units were reduced to 8, 3 out of the 5 directorates were closed down, 19 de partments were reduced to 6 and the post of the director general was abolished. references albelda, r.p. 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(2016). the global gender gap report 2016. retrieved from http://www3. weforu m.org/docs/gggr16/wef_global_gen der_gap_re port_2016.pdf (accessed april 2017) jurnal studi pemerintahan (jo urnal of government & politics) 535 http://www.wdn.org/sites/default/files/ http://www.wdn.org/sites/default/files/ http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/adv/chuo/dy/opinion/20141014.html http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/ http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/ http://www3.weforum.org/docs/gggr16/wef_global_gender_gap_rehttp://www3.weforum.org/docs/gggr16/wef_global_gender_gap_rehttp://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0268. 269-298 inquiry to the use of asean way:china increase posturing and indonesia’s role in south china sea dispute ujang komarudin* al azhar indonesia university, indonesia email: ujang81@uai.ac.id pitut pramuji** university of indonesia, indonesia abstract as the tension in south china sea has risen, pundits and scholars quickly forgot how manageable it was once during the period after the asian financial crisis until before the global economic crisis of 2008. this paper will identify and elaborate the reasonof south china sea tension to re-escalate after a decade of sustained peace while trying to assess the effectiveness of asean way in defusing the conflict and understand the role of indonesia in south china sea territorial dispute. the findings of this study explained what motivates china to take tougher stance in this matter. first is the internationalization of south china sea dispute with the submission through international court of justice by malaysia and vietnam; second is the growing international power and influence china gained after the global economic crisis of 2008; third, while china’s growing naval capabilities since a decade ago has made possible for china to extend its power projection far reaching its coastline; fourth the growing interdependence of regional trade from southeast asian countries with china through the full establishment of china-asean free trade area in 2010; fifth, ineffectiveness of the u.s. rebalancing strategy in asia due to its stance on south china sea, and sixth, disunity of asean to converge on a common course of action towards china’s behavior in south china sea, this evidence also concurs how ineffectiveness of asean way to come to agreement what are the code of conduct should look like. meanwhile indonesia tried hard to push this agenda in various formal and informal meetings in east asia, although the noise its making still cannot lured parties involved reluctantly revert back to the old balancing power game. keywords: south china sea, asean way, indonesia abstrak karena ketegangan di laut cina selatan semakin meningkat, pakar dan ilmuwan dengan cepat melupakan betapa mudahnya pengelolaannya selama periode setelah krisis keuangan asia sampai sebelum krisis ekonomi global tahun 2008. tulisan ini akan berfokus untuk mengidentifikasi dan menguraikan penyebab laut cina selatan yang kembalimeningkat setelah satu dekade dalam mempertahankan perdamaian dan mencoba menilai keefektifan asean way dalam meredakan konflik, memahami peran indonesia dalam perselisihan teritorial laut cina selatan. temuan penelitian tersebut menjelas-kan apa yang memotivasi china untuk mengambil sikap lebih keras: pertama adalah jurnal studi pemerintahan 269 received: january 2, 2018 revised: may 5, 2018 accepted: may 6, 2018 for cite this article please refers to: komarudin, u., & pramuji, p. (2018). inquiry to the use of asean way: china increase posturing and indonesia’s role in south china sea dispute. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(2). 269-298. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2018.0268 mailto:ujang81@uai.ac.id vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 270 internasionalisasi perselisihan laut cina selatan dengan pengajuan melalui pengadilan internasional oleh malaysia dan vietnam; kedua, meningkatnya kekuatan dan penga-ruh internasional yang didapat china setelah krisis ekonomi global tahun 2008; ketiga, kemampuan angkatan laut china yang berkembang sejaksatudekade yang lalu memungkinkan china untuk memperluas proyeksi kekuatannya jauh sampai ke garispantai; keempat, meningkatnya saling ketergantungan perdagangan regional darinegara-negara asia tenggara dengan china melalui pendirian kawasan perdagangan bebas chinaaseantahun 2010; kelima, ketidakefektifan strategi penyeimbang as di asia karena pendiriannya di laut china selatan, dan keenam, perpecahan asean untuk berkumpul dalam tindakan bersama terhadap tingkah laku china di laut cina selatan, bukti ini juga menyimpulkan bagaimana ketidakefektifan asean way untuk mencapai kesepakatan seperti apa kode etiknya. sementara itu indonesia berusaha keras untuk mendorong agenda ini dalam berbagai pertemuan formal dan informal di asia timur, walaupun kebisingan yang dibuatnya tetap tidak dapat dipikat pihak-pihak yang terlibat dengan enggan kembali ke permainan kekuatan keseimbangan lama. kata kunci: laut cina selatan, asean way, indonesia introduction sino-southeast asian history of dispute over south china sea territorial claim had history since 1970s when countries in southeast asia made overlapping claim to the sovereignty of the territory. as of today, six states laid claim to the disputed area of spratly islands, while paracel islands are claimed by china, taiwan, and vietnam. arguments of the claimants can be separated into historic discovery and occupation claims, in which china, taiwan, and vietnam are grounded and claims that the rest on the provisions of the united nations conventions on the law of the sea (unclos) in which three asean mem-bers – brunei darussalam, the philippines, and malaysia made. south china sea has important sea lanes for trade in the region, potentially rich in natural resources, as well as abun-dance resource for fisheries and marine life. as emmerson puts it, if china succeeded with its claim of the whole territory, it would be able to extend its jurisdiction over one thousand nau-tical miles from its mainland and could pose strategic threat for southeast asian countries (emmerson, 2007:4). although claimants have officially declared its jurisdiction over the territory as early as 1947,1 tension between asean 1 china since 1947 with its 11-dash line map already claimed the whole territory of south china sea, taiwan occupied aba islands since 1947, vietnam in 1975 claimed the spratly, philippines proclaimed in 1971 and later in 1978 declared as part of its member and china did not begin until 1990s. in 1970s and 1980s, china and vietnam had two armed conflicts regard-ing control over paracel islands in 1974 and spratly islands in 1988 before vietnam joined asean. in the early 1990s, both china and asean made south china sea an important po-tential source of conflict. first with the passing of china’s law on the territorial waters and contiguous areas in february of 1992 whereby in article 2 reiterated china’s claim of paracel and spratly islands, and article 13 stipulates the authority to exercise powers to prevent any security threat.2 on july the same year, asean foreign ministers signed an asean declaration on the south china sea that urge and commend all parties to apply principles of treaty of amity and cooperation in south-east asia to be the basis for establishing a code of international conduct over the south china sea.3 in january 1st 1995, the first armed conflict between asean members and china took place when the philippines’ gunboat fought three chinese naval vessels in mischief reef. a series of incident then took place between china and the philippines, mainly with the arresting of chinese fishermen in the area of spratly islands. this tension lasted until the signing of declaration of conduct in the south china sea (doc) in 2002, that committed all parties to reaffirm their respect for and commitment to the freedom of navigation in and over flight above the south china sea as provided for by the universally recognized principles of international law and to resolve their territorial and jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, without resorting to the threat or use of force; and for all parties to exercise self territory. malaysia in 1979 extended its continental shelf to include part of spratly, then brunei in 1988 established an exclusive economic zone that extends to the south of the spratly islands. 2 document of law on the territorial sea and the contiguous zone of 25 february 1992, accessed from http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1341819-prc-law-ofthe-territorial-sea-and-the.html on october, 22 2017. 3 centre for international law (cil) – national university of singapore, accessed from http://cil.nus.edu.sg/rp/pdf/1992%20asean%20declaration%20on%20the%20 south%20china%20sea-pdf.pdf on october, 23 2017. jurnal studi pemerintahan 271 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 272 restraint in the conduct of activities that would complicate or escalate disputes and affect peace and stability including, among others, refraining from action of inhabiting on the presently uninhabited islands, reefs, shoals, cays, and other features and to handle their differences in a constructive manner. there have been several incidents since 2010 involving other parties that have maritime disputes with china: a. in september 2010, tensions were raised in the east china sea near the senkaku (diaoyutai) islands, a territory under the legal administration of japan, when a chinese fishing vessel deliberately rammed japanese coast guard patrol boats. b. on february 25, 2011, a frigate from china’s navy fired shots at 3 fishing boats from the philippines. c. on march 2, 2011, the government of the philippines reported that two patrol boats from china attempted to ram one of its surveillance ships. d. on may 26, 2011, a maritime security vessel from china cut the cables of an exploration ship from vietnam, the binh minh, in the south china sea in waters near cam ranh bay in the exclusive economic zone of vietnam. e. on may 31, 2011, three chinese military vessels used guns to threaten the crews of four vietnamese fishing boats while they were fishing in the waters of the truong sa (spratly) archipelago. f. on june 3, 2011, vietnam’s foreign ministry released a statement that “vietnam is resolutely opposed to these acts by china that seriously violated the sovereign and jurisdic-tion rights of viet nam to its continental shelf and exclu-sive economic zone (eez)”. g. on june 9, 2011, three vessels from china, including one fishing vessel and two maritime security vessels, ran into and disabled the cables of another exploration ship from vietnam, the viking 2, in the exclusive economic zone of vietnam. h. the actions of the government of the people’s republic of china in the south china sea have also affected united states military and maritime vessels and aircraft transiting through international air space and waters, including the collision of a chinese fighter plane with a united states surveillance plane in 2001, the harassment of the usns victorious and the usns impeccable in march 2009, and the collision of a chinese submarine with the sonar cable of the uss john mccain in june 2009. i. on april 8 2012, the philippines navy ship and two chinese vessels were locked in a standoff for two days after chi-nese vessels position themselves between chinese illegal fishermen and the philippine navy ship. j. in june 2012, china’s cabinet, the state council, approved the establishment of the city of sansha to oversee the areas claimed by china in the south china sea. k. in july 2012, chinese military authorities announced that they had established a corresponding sansha garrison in the new prefecture. l. on june 23, 2012, the china national offshore oil corporation invited bids for oil exploration in areas within 200 nautical miles of the continental shelf and within the exclu-sive economic zone of vietnam. m. since july 2012, chinese patrol ships have been spotted near the disputed senkaku (diaoyutai) islands in the east china sea. n. in november 2012, a regulation was approved by the hainan people’s congress authorizing chinese maritime police to “board, search” and even “take over” ships determined to be “illegally entering” south china sea waters unilaterally claimed by beijing.4 o. on november 23 2013, china declares air defense iden jurnal studi pemerintahan 273 4 u.s. congress bill draft “to promote peaceful and collaborative resolution of the south china sea dispute, accessed fromhttps://www.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/house-bill/772/text acce on october, 23 2017. vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 274 tification zone in the east china sea. it claims the right to monitor and intercept any aircraft with the zone. p. on december 5, 2013 uss cowpens nearly collide with pla navy amphibious dock ship while it was international waters. q. on january 26, 2014 three china vessels patrolled an area dispute by malaysia, the james shoal. r. on may 2 2014, china national petroleum corporationowned oil rig is moved to a location 17 nautical miles from triton island, southwestern-most feature in paracels island. furthermore, china has also continued with its massive land reclamation in the spratly islands. according to csis’s asia maritime transparency initiative, china is almost in com-pletion with its land reclamation project in the cuarteron, fiery cross, gaven, hughes, subi, and the union reefs (johnson south and johnson north reefs), up to 1500 acres (khoo, 2015; glaser, 2015). although this action is not a clear violation of any international law, and other claimants have also done the same it certainly disrupt the stability of the region, as china’s extend its capability with land expansion enabling them to monitor and potentially control the airspace over south china sea.5 other claimants see this as leverage over china’s further buildup to alter territorial claims over the disputed area. meanwhile other states in the region feels the threat of china’s capability to blockade important sea lines of communication (slocs) in south china sea. adding to that the event of clash-es that have been growing in recent years involving chinese navy and official ships puts the region in high alert to what the chinese intention are in south china sea. foreign ministry spokeswoman hua chunying issued a lengthy statement on april 9. in addition to repeating prior positions that china has “indisputable sovereignty” over the 5 vietnam has expanded 200.000 square meters, while taiwan has also began recla-mation project of itsaba island post in south china sea. spratly islands and adjacent waters, and that china’s construction is “fair, reasonable, and lawful,” hua stated that china’s ac-tivities are mainly for civilian purposes, but also are intended to serve “necessary military defense requirements” (glaser, 2015). she maintained that china seeks to improve relevant functions the islands and reefs provide, to better safeguard national ter-ritorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests, to better meet china’s international responsibilities and obligations in maritime search and rescue, disaster prevention and mitigation, marine scientific research, weather observation, environmental protection, navigation safety, fishery production services, and other areas. chinese foreign minister wang yi expressed the view that “china’s determination to safeguard its sovereignty and territo-rial integrity is as firm as a rock and is unshakable, we also hope to maintain peace and stability in the region and are commit-ted to international freedom of navigation”(khoo, 2015). while china’s ambassador to the u.s., cui tiankai, laid out beijing’s view in his speech in washington “first, china will defend its sovereignty and maritime rights, while it exercises restraint. second, china seeks to resolve disputes through diplomacy. third, on the specific issue of the upgrading of chinese facili-ties in the south china sea, this activity is “well within china’s sovereignty.” finally, china’s overall foreign policy is “defensive in nature.” therefore, in seeking to resolve the south china sea disputes, beijing seeks to co-operate with all regional states” (khoo, 2015). in the latest shangri-la dialogue in may of 2015, two chi-nese defense officials, senior colonel zhao xiaozhuo, deputy director-general of china-us defense relations research center people’s liberation army and major general jinyinan professor at national defense university, people’s liberation army had this to say when asked about the possible threat that china is posing to the stability of the region: jurnal studi pemerintahan 275 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 276 “i think the freedom of navigation in the south china sea is not at all an issue because the freedom has never been af-fected, and also it is groundless to criticize china for affect-ing regional peace and stability through construction activi-ties, since china has never taken any proactive measures. in fact, the disputes in the south china sea has been there for decades, and over the past decades the region has been peaceful and stable just because china’s great restraint. so, i think china’s activities are legitimate, reasonable, and justified.”6 “for us, china is always responsible for the safety of navigation in south china sea lanes, so that is why we say safety navigation is not a problem, it has always been safe, because it is under the protection of all the big countries, including china. as for the construction by china on the reefs in the south china sea, i feel comparing with the size of south china sea, ours 2000 acre is very small. and we feel that we are legitimate, and we are not in violation of interna-tional law. we are within the scope of international law in doing this construction, including marine assessment and environmental assessment. and if you look at other countries’ construction, we are 30 years late. so many neighboring countries are all doing this. within those 30 years we proposed joint development, but in the end we were sorry to see oil derricks from other countries everywhere. we are being forced into this situation.”7 after series of incident in the 1990s, the decade of 2000s saw tension in south china sea deescalating, china and ase-an’s four-member claimants of the south china sea managed to avoid incident during the period of 2002 until 2010. in 2000, 6 beijing’s attempt to annex the south china sea excerpts from the 2015 shangri-la in singapore, accessed from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dl-vwce2pay on october, 23 2017. 7 ibid. robert s. ross (2000:21-23) pointed that out of the three most prominent east asian conflicts: south china sea, korea pen-insula, and taiwan straits, conflict in south china sea is the least significant:“because the disputed islands are in the u.s. dominated south china sea, are too small to possess strategic value for power projection, and seem to lack significant energy resources, beijing has neither the ability nor the strategic inter-est to challenge the status quo by militarily dislodging the other claimants’ forces from the islands. there may be occasional military probes by china or other claimants, but the united states, because of its advantage in naval warfare, does not need to engage in rapid escalation to deter a possible chinese offen-sive.” similarly, ralf emmerson in 2007 argued that since the 1995 armed conflict between china and the philippines, the situation in south china sea has de-escalated due to several reasons: 1) perceptions of china has gradually changed among southeast asian elites resulting from moderation in china’s foreign policy of self-restraint and accommodation towards southeast asia. 2) the weakness of china’s power projection from the lack of extensive increased capability to sustain naval operations away from its mainland bases. 3) the inclusion of vietnam as member of asean adhering to the tac principals. 4) restraining from nationalism card from all claimants towards south china sea dispute. 5) limited proven oil reserves of the south china sea and 6) involvement of the united states as a source of stability (emmerson, 2007:12-16). this research focus-es to identify and elaborate the cause for tension on the south china sea dispute to re-escalate after a decade of sustained peace, while assessing the effectiveness of asean way in man-aging the conflict, as well identifying how indonesia plays its role. jurnal studi pemerintahan 277 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 278 literature review china’s rise and security construction in east asia and southeast asia: building a community post-cold war theater in east asia presents a new pattern of power relations in east asia, while special attention paid into changes in europe, the impact of the soviet union disintegration on east asia tend to be overlooked. unlike in europe, none of the east asia communist regimes fell, and united states bilateral alliances remains with little changed.however, in ideologi-cal terms it spelt the abrupt end of socialism or communism as rallying cry for either the remaining communist regimes or for opposition parties or groups in east asia. similarly, command economy model lost its appeal leaving capitalism as the only effective economic model. as united states became the sole superpower with its global dominance, international politics turned to be more fluid with spaces become available for regional institutions and coopera-tion to develop. in east asia, the end of bipolarity also led to a repositioning of the great powers: japan could now provide effective logistic and rear services support to american forces engaged in conflict within the region serving as the bedrock for the u.s. strategic presence in east asia. from a realist perspective, not only could dramatic and unpredictable changes in the distribution of capabilities in east asia increase uncertainty and mistrust, but the importance of sea-lanes and secure energy supplies to almost all regional actors could encourage a destabilizing competition to develop powerprojection capabilities on the sea and in the skies. the security dilemma theory proposed by john hertz in 1950 suggests the imperative of self-help guiding the behavior of states under conditions of anarchy could fuel arms race; international relations is a vicious circle of security and power accumulation as states are driven to acquire more and more power in order to escape the power of others (in acharya, 2001:1). mistrust between two or more potential adversaries can lead each side to take precautionary and defensively motivated mea-sures that are perceived as offensive threats. this can lead to countermeasures, thus ratcheting up regional tensions, reduc-ing security, and creating self-fulfilling prophecies about the danger of one’s security environment. if we look at the variables that might fuel security dilemma and dynamics, east asia appears quite dangerous, the chance for spirals of tension in east asia seems great, particularly in the absence of a u.s. military presence in the region. east asian countries acknowledge the interest of china to be a legitimate great power. while it is not yet a superpower, and its leadership in global issues and institutions are limited, but its leadership in east asia may satisfy its demand for regional leadership (segel, 2000: 238). in the nineteenth century, the key to ensuring a balance against a strong adversary was developing a sufficient commonality if interests to hold together a coalition. the strategy also depended on there being a core of relatively strong states that were prepared to articulate and then act upon such a commonality of interests. in east asia and especially from southeast asia perspective, such direction would be unwelcome. although one would argue that east asian countries are lacking the will to articulate and act upon such common interest, however creating stability with means a balance of power is of little interest for asean regional security construction. one possible way to ameliorate the security dilemma is through multilateral regimes and forums designed to increase transparency and build confidence. given that china both fears and has little influence over various aspects of current u.s. bilateral diplomacy – such as strengthening the u.s.japan alli-ance or the u.s.-australia alliance – accepting a bigger multilat-eral dialogue, if not the creation of formal multilateral security institutions, may be the method of reducing the threat that u.s. bilateralism poses. jurnal studi pemerintahan 279 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 280 after seeing the examples of soviet union – a military giant yet economically weak – and japan –economically strong but a bystander in military and diplomatic matters – china’s objec-tives are to set both military and economic power, with the ad-dition of intellectual might. “any grand strategy of china must be based on comprehensive security or domestic and external security, not only military security but also political, economic, and cultural security.” (deng and wang, 2005:2). beijing’s priority is sustained, rapid economic growth, because growth is fundamental to the regime’s legitimacy. three aspects dominate the daunting task of the ccp’s political preservation. first, overall sociopolitical stability and the status quo must be preserved. revolutions, social uprisings, radical political changes, and social disturbances and chaos must not happen. second, political preservation in the prc means the ccp’s continuous monopoly of political power. third, provide effective and rational governance in a country that is growing and changing so rapidly. (lampton, 2007: 118) it has become a consensus of the chinese leadership and foreign policy elite that economic globalization, and the global issues that arise from it has made the interests of various countries increasingly interdependent. no single nation or regional group alone can handle these global issues. interdependence among nations is not just limited to economic issues; interdependence in security among nations is also deepening. china often calls its asian neighbors ‘periphery countries’ (zhoubianguojia). although china was always aware of the importance in maintaining stable relations with these periphery countries for its national security, beijing however, was never able to make an integral policy toward neighboring countries. one reason for the absence of china’s regional policy was the frequent domestic turmoil and policy change, which severely limited china’s ability to make any coherent foreign policy, including regional one. the second was china’s traditional cultural complacency and the legacy of sino-centrism, which took china as the center of asia for granted. the third was china’s ambiguous position in the region “more than merely a regional actor, but still less than a global power,” which left china in an uncertain relationship with its asian neighbors. the fourth was china’s unique position in the bipolar cold war setting, which forced beijing to see its security in global rather than re-gional terms. most of these factors began to change after china launched market-oriented economy and began opening up to the outside world in the early 1980s. (zhao, 2004: 256). you ji and jiaqingguo (in zhao, 2004: 259) provided some arguments that three new trends in asia has made chinese leaders noticed the importance to give attention to its periphery: the first was the prospect of a pacific century, which beijing embraced with the hope that fast economic growth in the asiapacific region could offer new energy to china’s economic prosperity. taking the opportunities created by restructuring of the world economy, china was determine to integrate its economy with the rest of the region. the second was the emergence of ‘new asianism,’ claimed that success of asian modernization was based on its unique values. this concept resonated in the hearts of many chinese leaders because it challenged western ideological and economic centrality. chinese leaders wanted to help drive this evolving trend of asianism by working closely with its asian neighbors. the third was the development of regional and sub-regional blocs following the collapse of the bipolar system. beijing decided to take advantage of the collectivism that might provide new mechanism useful for china to face the west. jianwei wang (2005:163) also put forward three arguments that can identify china’s change of course in pursuing multilateral approaches in 2000s: first, china is shifting from passive response to active participation and even initiation. multilateral diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of chinese foreign policy in general and regional diplomacy in particular. second, china no longer perceives security multilateralism as jurnal studi pemerintahan 281 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 282 taboo; rather, it has gradually recognized the legitimacy of the multilateral approach in resolving international and regional security issues, and it has actively explored new forms of multilateralism in security relations with other countries. third, china’s multilateral diplomacy does not merely serve the traditional function of external balancing or utility generating, it also indicates beijing’s growing interest in establishing a lessinstrumental, more rule and norm-based international order, particularly around its periphery. it is important to note that beijing’s periphery policy is closely related with the objective of economic modernization. in order to achieve a high rate of economic growth, the leaders looked for common ground in cooperation with neighboring countries, in order to take a share of the rapid economic growth in the region. as a result of this policy, china traded more and more with asian countries. although south china sea issue have subjected to nationalism and pride from the ccp’s perspective, erica strecker downs and philip c. saunders (2000:43-44) argued that current aggressive chinese nationalism are overstated or at least prema-ture. several evidences are presented to suggest this notion. in examining the chinese behavior in two territorial disputes with japan over the diayou (senkaku) islands, the chinese govern-ment proved willing to incur significant damage to its national-ist credentials by following restrained policies and cooperating with the japanese government to prevent the territorial disputes from harming bilateral relations. when forced to choose, chi-nese leaders pursued economic development at the expense of nationalist goals. china’s political leaders have sought to restore the regime’s legitimacy following the tiananmen incident by appealing to nationalism and by raising living standards. both are potentially important sources of legitimacy, but economic performance matters to a wider segment of the population. ideally, the ccp would like to maximize its legitimacy by making strong appeals to nationalism while simultaneously raising living standards, but power constraints and the contradictions between domestic appeals to nationalism and a development strategy relies heav-ily on foreigners mean trade-offs exist between nationalism and economic performance. both also provided some constraints that beijing is facing to prevent them from leaning heavily on either nationalism or economic performance. the first (and firmest) constraint is china’s international power position, which limits its ability to attain nationalist objectives. excessive nationalism can stir up demands for assertive international poli-cies that chinese leaders cannot presently satisfy. conversely, maximizing economic growth to create new jobs requires china to make economic concessions and to accept a politically un-comfortable degree of economic dependence on foreigners. the second constraint is international reactions to chinese behavior and rhetoric. excessive nationalism may affect the willingness of other states to trade with and invest in china or even stimulate military reactions. on the other hand, push-ing towards economic development will likely require accepting foreign demands for restraint in china’s military buildup. the third constraint is domestic reactions, if chinese leaders push nationalism so far that it interferes with economic growth, they are likely to increase unemployment and popular discontent. for that matter, any severe external shock that affects chinese economy could hurt the government’s legitimacy. conversely, if chinese leaders pursue economic development at the expense of nationalism, the government will be vulnerable to criticism from economic nationalists on the ground that they are selling out china’s interest to foreigners. prominent constructivist scholar, amitav acharya believe that security structure of southeast asia adopted by asean is best understood as a form of security community defined as “a group that has become ‘become integrated’ where integration is defined as the attainment of a sense of community, accompa-nied by formal or informal institutions or practices, sufficiently jurnal studi pemerintahan 283 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 284 strong and widespread to assure peaceful change among members of a group with ‘reasonable’ certainty over a ‘long period of time’. such communities could either be ‘amalgamated’ through the formal political merger of the participating units, or remain ‘pluralistic,’ in which case the members retain their independence and sovereignty.” (deutsch in acharya, 2001:16). emmerson (2005:171) argued that the notion that security does come from the sense of belonging in a community fails to explain the fact that there can be 1) neither an assurance of security nor a prior sense of community, 2) an assurance of security but no prior sense of community, or 3) no assurance of security despite a prior sense of community, only the presence of 4) both an assurance of security and prior sense of commu-nity would enable a regional organization to fit the ‘thick’ de-scription of security community by deutsch. he then proposed a ‘thinly’ pluralistic security community definition as “a group of sovereign states that share both an expectation of intramural security and a sense of intramural community. security is the presence of a durable peace among the states, reflecting a lasting prior absence of war among them. community is the presence of a cooperative identity among these states, including a com-mitment to abstain from using force against each other” and that asean resembles the characteristic of this explanation, albeit community of the elites. rizal sukma, argued that asean was not a security community at all, and merely a security regime and suggested for asean to become a ‘comprehensive security community’ an arrangement that would go beyond military security and move beyond war-prevention ‘to prevent and resolve conflicts and dis-order’ as well (sukma in emmerson:178). to understand fur-ther on these terms of security arrangement, acharya (2001:21-22) provided typology of security shown below. table 1. security communities and other frameworks of security cooperation security regime • principles, rules and norms that restrain the behavior states on a reciprocal basis. • competitive arms acquisitions and contingency planning usually continue within the regime, although specific regimes might be created to limit the spread of weapons and military capabilities. • the absence of war within the community may be due to short-term factors and considerations such as the economic and political weakness of actors otherwise prone to violence or to the existence of a balance of power or mutual deterrence situation. in either case, the interests of the actors in peace are not fundamental, unambiguous or long-term in nature. security community • strict and observed norms concerning non-use of force; no competitive arms acquisitions and contingency-planning against each other within the grouping. • institutions and processes (formal or informal) for the pacific settlement of disputes. • long-term prospects for war avoidance. • significant functional cooperation and integration. • a sense of collective identity. collective defense • common perception of external threat(s) among or by the members of the community; such a threat might be another state or states within the region or an extra-regional power, but not from a member. • an exclusionary arrangement of like-minded states. • reciprocal obligations of assistance during military contingencies. • significant military interoperability and integration. • the conditions of a security community may or may not exist among the members. collective security • prior agreement on the willingness of all parties to participate in the collective punishment of aggres-sion against any member state. • no prior identification of enemy or threat. • no expectation of and requirement for economic or other functional cooperation. • a collective physical capacity to punish aggression source: acharya, 2001: 19-21 he then distinguished the difference between neo-liberal and constructivism views on the role of institutions in the creation of security. jurnal studi pemerintahan 285 table 2. institutions’ role in security creation neoliberal constructivist • institutions can mitigate anarchy and facilitate cooperation by providing information, reducing transaction costs, helping to settle distributional conflicts and, most importantly, reducing the likelihood of cheating. • state interests are shaped by material forces and concerns, such as power and wealth; perceptual, ideational and cultural factors derive from a material base • focuses on how existing state interests are pursued by rational state actors through cost-benefit calculations and choice of actions which offer maximum gain • norms contribute to international order by forbidding actions which are subversive of collective goals, by providing a framework for dispute settlement, and by creating the basis for cooperative schemes and action for mutual benefit • institutions do not merely ‘regulate’ state behavior, they can also ‘constitute’ state identities and interests. • state interests are not a ‘given, but themselves emerge from a process of interaction and socializa-tion • agents (states) and structures (international norms) are mutually reinforcing and mutually constituted. • an exercise in identity building, defined as ‘some degree of generalized common identity or loyalty’ reflecting an advanced level of mutual identification producing a ‘we feeling’ • war avoidance becomes a social habit, rather than a mere legal obligation backed by sanctions. source: acharya, 2001: 22-30 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 286 results the origin of asean way formally established at bangkok on 8 august 1967, asean brought together five countries – indonesia, malaysia, thailand, singapore and the philippines – of remarkably divergent group of states. not only were its members very dissimilar in terms of their physical size, ethnic composition, socio-cultural heritage and identity, colonial experience and postcolonial polities, they also lacked any significant experience in multilateral coopera-tion. since cultural and political homogeneity could not serve as an adequate basis for regionalism, the latter had to be con-structed through interaction. such interactions could only be purposeful if they were consistent and rule based, employing those rules which would ensure peaceful conduct among the member states. the establishment of asean was the product of a desire by its five original member states to create a mechanism for war prevention and conflict management. the need for such a mechanism was made salient by the fact that asean’s predecessor had foundered on the reefs of intra-regional mistrust and ani-mosity. an earlier attempt on regional association with associa-tion of southeast asia (asa) ended when the philippines claim to the former british colony of north borneo (sabah). asa was followed by maphilindo, an acronym for a loose confederation of malaysia, the philippines, and indonesia, which once again had to be abandoned during the coercive diplomacy applied by indonesia known as confrontation towards malaysia. president sukarno’s confrontation had been a prime example of the use of force, however limited, by a postcolonial state in southeast asia against a neighbor. in wrecking the prospects for maphilindo, confrontation had pinpointed the importance of regionalism by demonstrating the high cost of the use of force to settle intra-regional conflicts. the idea of asean itself was conceived in the course of intra-regional negotiation leading to the end of confrontation between indonesia and malaysia (haacke, 2003:66) (severino, 2006:15). the difficulties leading to its formation has led asean to approach a diplomatic culture of six norms: sovereign equality; the non-recourse to the use of force and the peaceful settlement of conflict; non-interference and non-intervention; the noninvolvement of asean to address unresolved bilateral conflict between members; quiet diplomacy; and mutual respect and tolerance. david capie and paul evans explained the approach of asean way among their characteristics to be noted is a “sovereignty-enhancing regionalism”, where most decision making powers stay in the various national capital; in a sense that the member states does not seek to create a supranational authority nor a political union. (capie and evans, 2003: 46). asean’s institutional resources reflects in its preference for informality. to point out this penchant, asean would avoid some formal term such as “multilateral security mechanism” in the asean regional forum (arf), rather opted to use a “dialogue forum.” the preference of the asean way for informality can also be seen in the association’s use of consul-tative processes such as “habits of dialogue” and nonbinding commitments rather than legalistic formula and codified rules. according to khong yuen foong, “asean officials have con-trasted their approach to that emphasizes legal contracts, formal declarations, majoritarian rules, and confrontational tactics (in capie and paul evans:46). advocate of the asean way also stress the importance of patience. former malaysian prime minister, mahathir moham-mad (in capie and evans: 46), described the first task of any dialogue process as “tedious business of getting to know one another.” some asian leaders have referred to the need for mul-tilateral institutions to “mature” before robust dialogue can take place. a third and perhaps the most important element of the asean way is its particular of consensus. some accounts trace the origins of asean’s deeply preference for consensus to java jurnal studi pemerintahan 287 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 288 nese village culture, in particular its twin notions of musyawarah and mufakat. herb faith (in acharcya, 2001: 48) has described musyawarah as a “psychological disposition on the part of the members to give due regard to larger interests.” it is a process of discussion and consultation, which at the village level meant the leader should not act arbitrarily or impose his will, but rather “should make gentle suggestions of the path the com-munity should follow, being careful always to consult all other participants fully and to take their views and feelings into consideration before deliver his synthesis conclusion.” mufakatis the consensus reached through the process of musyawarah. it is important to note that asean’s approach to consensus should not be confused with unanimity. where there is “broad” sup-port for a specific measure, the objections of a dissenting par-ticipant can sometimes be discounted, provided the proposal does not threaten that member’s most basic interests. leadership in asean in terms of the leadership of the association, asean members have alternated taking leader’s position depending on the issue. in the early days, it was thanatkhoman, the foreign minister of thailand who was trying to broker reconciliation among indonesia, malaysia, and the philippines in april and may 1966. asean’s founding document, the bangkok declaration of 8 august 1967, was drafted largely by thai diplomats, in this sense, thailand was the leader in asean’s founding. however, indonesia could be said to be asean’s leader too, it was adam malik and other indonesian diplomats who went around southeast asian capitals to sell the idea of asean, adam malik gave asean its name, and other countries looked to indonesia for leadership (rodolfo c. severino, 28). indonesian transformation – in the late 1960s – domestically and in its foreign policy made asean possible. asean would not have been formed with indonesia in it had suharto not decided to end the sukarno’s regime confrontational stance in foreign affairs and instead seek good relations with the rest of the world, particularly its neighbors. another important factor in asean’s success was another suharto decision not to throw indonesia’s weight around, not to be seen as seeking to domi-nate the region. malaysia too has had moments of leadership. the declaration on the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality was adopted upon malaysia’s initiative and under its chairmanship of an asean’s foreign ministers’ meeting in 1971. the term asean vision 2020, adopted at the asean summit in kuala lumpur in 1997, is an echo of malaysia’s vision 2020. the east asia economic group proposal, later softened to east asia eco-nomic caucus and metamorphosed into asean+3 was also malaysia’s idea. on the economic front, with economic integration rising in the asean agenda, singapore, particularly after the fourth summit in 1992 seems to have steadily taken leadership in the association. almost all major initiatives in asean since then have come from singapore. it initiated the asia-europe meeting, the forum for east asia-latin america cooperation, and the asean-india summit. singapore also spearheaded the positive asean response to the proposal for a free trade area between asean and china. it also proposed the asean economic community as the envisioned next stage of regional economic integration. with leadership test seemingly lies in the move to-wards regional economic integration, singapore has been at the forefront of this – with ideas, drive, determination, and interest. but it is deliberately taking a low profile for fear its leadership be seen as blatantly self-serving. in sum, leadership changes, and through asean way, leadership should not be seen as a motivation to lead other nation. in a region where sovereignty is highly regarded, nations could feel threaten to have an obvious player who has strong intention to be considered as a leader. we have seen and probably will not see in asean equivalent of the franco-german leadership of jurnal studi pemerintahan 289 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 290 european integration in its early days, since that is not an asean’s style, but the lack of clear and vigorous leader whether by individual member country, group of countries, or statesmen could explain the slow pace of asean way development. tough posturing of china in the wake of asian financial crises in the late 1990s, east asia has gone through major step in conducting cooperation throughout the region. several frameworks of regional institutions and cooperation established in the decade of 2000s, mostly in the economic sphere, but lately also included some type of non-traditional military joint cooperation, such as humanitar-ian assistance and disaster relief in the wake of several natural disasters in east asia. security dialogue forums and military diplomacy also burgeoning with issues ranging from traditional and non-traditional security are being discussed. china’s track record during the 1990s in pressing its claim in south china sea and undermined the region’s effort at building international institution to dampen security conflicts through asean regional forum did not continue in the 2000s. while south china sea remains a potential flashpoint, several china’s actions and leadership in 2000s such as the signing of declaration of code of conduct on south china sea, establishment of asean-china free trade area, and chiang mai initiatives, have built trust among countries in east asia and ease down political tension towards its rising intention. this restraint of behavior however is changing in the decade of 2010s, many spates and incidents involving the disputed areas of east china sea and south china sea, provided reason for regional concern. pointing out several incidents men-tioned, china has even erected an air defense identification zone (adiz) in november 2013 in the area of east china sea that includes senkaku islands, and overlapped with established japanese, south korea, and taiwan zones. this study analyzes that there are several accounts that led china to restore its posturing after the 2010s: first is the internationalization of south china sea dispute through malaysia and vietnam on may 2009, extending the continental shelves of malaysia and vietnam beyond the unclos 200 nautical miles. this then made china for the first time filed a claim re-garding its 9 dash-line internationally known. why this would made china become more aggressive? in the case of ownerless islands such as the case ruled in the sipadan-ligitan icj, effec-tivities or effective occupation does matters. malaysia won its claimed simply because it had done more than what indonesian did.8 for china, internationalization of the disputed area has always been rejected which is one of the reasons why the issue was never discussed in the official asean regional forum, until hillary clinton threw criticism in 2011. second is the growing international power and influence it gained after the global economic crisis of 2008. how would this make south china sea a priority or why clashes be abun-dance following this phenomenon one may ask? china may not increase their posturing with its growing international power, however, it did make them less incline from international pressure to reduce its power presence in the disputed areas. china gdp by purchasing power in 2014 of 10 trillion usd is more than doubled the gdp of its closest rival in asia, japan, compared with ten years ago, in 2005, japan had 4.5 trillion usd while china has a mere 2.2 trillion usd and in 2009, china accounted for a little more than 5 trillion usd.9 at the same time, its total reserve in 2014 reaches 3.9 trillion usd, while in 2005 and 2009 is 831 billion usd and 2.4 trillion usd respectively. while the u.s contracted with -0.3% and -2.3 % 8 i made andi arsana, are we losing more island after sipadan-ligitan dispute?, ac-cessed form http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/01/30/arewe-losing-more-islands-after-sipadan-ligitan-dispute.html on october 25, 2017. 9 the world bank, while maintaininggrowthrate of 10 percent from 2005-2014 accessed from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.kd.zg/countries and from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.cd/countries?page=1 on october, 24 2017. jurnal studi pemerintahan 291 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 292 of growth in 2008-2009, china still maintain an almost doubledigit growth since 1980 with 9.6% and 9.2% from 2008-2009. third the growing naval capabilities since a decade ago has made possible for china to extend its power projection far reaching its coastline. pla navy now has the largest force of combatants, submarines, and amphibious warfare ships in asia, occupying some 77 principal surface combatants, more than 60 submarines, 55 medium and large amphibious ships, and roughly 85 missile-equipped small combatants (dod china report 2014:7). pla navy in 2013 also enjoys availability of its first aircraft carrier, the liaoning. these new capabilities made china eager to explore more possibilities through maritime presence, policing and safeguarding its national interest and sovereignty in south china sea. as major general jinyinan puts it, china has been 30 years behind in its development of south china sea and the rest of the claimants have also ongo-ing reclamation projects in the area. with concern to the sheer volume of reclamation that the chinese has, it would be at par with the economic and military might it possesses. fourththe growing interdependence of regional trade from southeast asian countries with china through the full establishment of china-asean free trade area in 2010. from interdependence theory, this would contradict with the growing animosity directed towards china by claimants of south china sea. however, growing interdependence also increases security vulnerability against the weaker states, in this case other south-east asia’s claimants. since 2003-2013, the bilateral trade be-tween china and asean has jumped more than fivefold from 77 billion usd to 450 billion usd (salidjanova and koch-we-ser, 2015:5). table 3. china’s trade volume, share and rank with asean countries in 2013 asean country export import (million usd – share% rank) brunei darussalam* 1,704 406 – 11.2 4th singapore 48,369 – 11.8 2nd 43,689 – 11.7 1st indonesia 22,601 – 12.4 2nd 29,849 – 16 1st malaysia 30,785 – 13.5 2nd 33,774 – 16.4 1st thailand 27,238 – 11.9 1st 33,726 – 15 2nd the philippines 6,583 – 12.2 3rd 8,554 – 13.1 1st cambodia* 361 3,411 – 32.6 1st vietnam 12,835 – 11.2 3rd 29,034 – 25.5 1st laos 788 – 33.5 1st 461 – 11.2 2nd myanmar 2,857 – 26.9 2nd 7,339 – 39.9 1st * china is in top 5 export destination for brunei darussalam and cambodia source world bank in salidjanova and koch-weser, 2015:12-37 imported goods from china has become the primary source for all asean countries except for brunei darussalam, thailand, and laos, and the top 3 destination of export for all asean countries except brunei darussalam and cambodia. in addition, with the economic downturn which the rest of the world experienced during the period of 2008-2011, china has become the source of growth for the rest of the world, and east asia specifically. china has shown that it would not hesi-tate to use its economic prowess as means of coercion with pu-nitive trade policies erected towards japan after japanese coast guard vessels arrested a prc fishing trawler captain in 2010 (dod congress report, 2014:15). fifthineffectiveness of the u.s. rebalancing strategy in asia due to its stance on south china sea. while it is targeting to deploy 60 percent of naval assets in the pacific by 2020 and proposed of economic cooperation of tpp are in the direction of securing its interest of the future, this action is seen as of-fensive and threatening in the eyes of the chinese. this falls into the security dilemma game the region has been trying to avoid in the first place. to say that the u.s. military presence is not needed is entirely not making any sense, but to publicize its intention to deploy most of its naval powers into the area could jurnal studi pemerintahan 293 vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 294 also be perceived as if there are imminent disruptive powers that needs to be handled. all the while, southeast asian countries are beginning to trust china’s peaceful rise and benign inten-tion in the region. sixth, thedisunity of asean to converge on a common course of action towards china’s behavior in south china sea. would a unity of asean help in diffusing china’s posturing? perhaps not in terms of power projection, but when it comes to forging stronger alliance with the u.s. it may make china rethink of its behavior in the disputed area. the problem is that divergence of interests is visible in the asean members. for claimants, not only the patrolling and policing of the area, but also reclamation projects are seen as changing the structure of claims of the disputed area. while for indonesia and singapore, the importance of open international slocs are what concern them, with preference of joint patrol of the area, instead of a party dominating and create mistrust into its intention. others in the mekong riverbasin region except vietnam simply enjoys more infrastructure development, thus preferring for the status quo to remain. conclusion asean way and indonesia’s role in south china sea dispute asean and its many ways of dealing with dispute settlements have been trying to reach an agreement with china, specifically with the code of conduct on south china sea under the 2012 negotiation. however, the talks have been stalled due to china’s inclination to continue its negotiation. there seems to be an irony into this, since the first initials proposal by the chinese was more binding in the form of treaty was rejected by asean members who instead opted for a loosely code of conduct. from chinese perspective, it has become more assertive towards the asean way and style of dealing with disputes, as it has been signatory of the tac and member of asean regional forum, while the first to agree to form regionalism with asean in 2002. as emmerson puts it, southeast asiawas comfortable in the benign direction of china’s rise in that period, to some extent this shows the successful application of the asean way. but to what extent would you consider this as asean way’s role instead of perhaps other factors, say china’s foreign policy of restrain at that time? to answer this question, we would have to observe china’s relations with asean in the beginning of the 1990s. during that time, just when it had the tiananmen incident, the west and the rest of liberal democracies were alienating china, and nationalism was high on their agenda, as political elites were de-fensive towards the way they have dealt internal politics. came in asean with its non-interference and nonintervention prin-ciples that were instrumental in bringing back china into the international fora. as indonesia and others began to normalize diplomatic relations with china in the early 90s, brunei became the last member of asean to normalize its diplomatic relations in 1991. the early 90s also marked the beginning of u.s’s absence in southeast asia due to its abandonment of the subic bay u.s military base in 1992.10 these actions favors china regardless of the domestic incident and the threat of communism expansion it once considered. the asean way has proved its indecisiveness in recent years of dealing with china. is it the feeling of community that is lacking or just china’s interest that is far greater than its perceived community? as the theory suggested that there would not be any competitive arms acquisitions and contingency planning against each other within the grouping, in the case of china, for several years, its intention and transparency has not been clear in regards with its military buildup. as mentioned above, jurnal studi pemerintahan 295 10 although china would not had occupied mischief reef had there were still u.s. presence in subic. vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 296 disunity of asean’s response towards china’s behavior have undermined its lack of “we feeling”. in terms of south china sea, indonesia had begun a series of annual workshop to start its informal dialogue forum to discuss this issue since 1990. the workshop series was in itself an important confidence-building measure, offering the participants a chance to develop a certain level of transparency regard-ing national positions on the complex dispute. the series has instead concentrated on issues of joint development and func-tional cooperation, producing agreements on specific projects such as combating marine environmental pollution, which may also have a confidence-building effect. the workshops have also undertaken, albeit unsuccessfully, the task of developing a code of conduct for states of the south china sea region, with a view to reducing the risk of mili-tary conflict among them. proposals for cbms, such as non-expansion of military presences in the disputed areas, and ex-changes of visits by military commanders in the disputed areas, have been discussed, but have proven to be elusive with china opposing any discussion of military issues in this forum. ideas about joint development of resources have not made much headway either. obstacles include beijing’s objection to any negotiations involving taiwan, the unlikely prospect that any of the claimants which already had a military presence on the islands would agree to a withdrawal, and problems in decid-ing the principles for fair allocation of rights and profit. indonesia is now being considered as one of asean leader in support of setting a joint cooperation of countries with pro-posed south china sea international operations center locat-ed in indonesia. indonesia has experience with joint patrol of the malacca straits with malaysia and singapore, while its new positioning to be the hub for maritime lanes in asia pacific is also concurrent with growing capabilities to hold such center and coordination with the help and collaboration of all involv-ing parties. seeing the development of chinese recent behaviors in the region has made asean perceive its rise as both opportunity and threat. when china questioned u.s. rebalancing strategy, the same can be asked towards china’s military buildup, and especially recent spates with neighboring countries. perception of threat has made asean member states to maintain involve-ment of major powers in the region, moreover increase coop-eration has also been developed with other countries such as japan, india, and australia regarding military and navy as a stra-tegic instrument of hedging. hedging is a political maneuver taken by relatively weak countries to maintain their interests vis-a-vis major powers, in facing uncertain political changes. the hedging strategy as pursued by asean is shown in the willingness of asean to imple-ment regional cooperation with china in realizing political sta-bility, security and prosperity, but at the same time maintaining us presence in the region. references acharya, a. (2011). constructing a security community in southeast asia: asean and the problem of regional order. routledge: new york. arsana, i. m. a. (2017). are we losing more island after sipadan-ligitan dispute?, ac-cessed form http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/01/30/are-we-losingmore-islands-after-sipadan-ligitan-dispute.html on october 25, 2017. beijing’s attempt to annex the south china sea excerpts from the 2015 shangri-la in singapore, accessed from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dl-vwce2pay on october, 23 2017. capie, d & evans, p. (2003). the asean wayin the 2nd asean reader compiled by sharon siddique and sree kumar.iseas: singapore. centre for international law (cil) – national university of singapore, accessed from http://cil.nus.edu.sg/rp/pdf/1992%20asean%20declaration%20on%20the%20 south%20china%20sea-pdf.pdf on october, 23 2017. department of defense. (2014). miliary and security developments involving the people’s republic of china 2014. department of defense annual report to congress. document of law on the territorial sea and the contiguous zone of 25 february 1992, accessed from http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1341819-prclaw-of-the-territorial-sea-and-the.html on october, 22 2017. dolven, b., kan, s. a., & manyin, m. e. (2013). maritime territorial disputes in east asia: issues for congress. congressional research service. emmerson, d. k. (2005). security, community, and democracy in southeast asia: ana-lyzing asean. japanese journal of political science. gerald, s. (2000). east asia and the constraintment of chinain the rise of china.mit press. glaser, b. s. (2011). south china sea dispute: causes and solutions. csis. jurnal studi pemerintahan 297 http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/01/30/are-we-losing-more-islands-after-sipadan-ligitan-dispute.html http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/01/30/are-we-losing-more-islands-after-sipadan-ligitan-dispute.html https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dl-vwce2pay%20 http://cil.nus.edu.sg/rp/pdf/1992%20asean%20declaration%20on%20the%20%20south%20china%20sea-pdf.pdf http://cil.nus.edu.sg/rp/pdf/1992%20asean%20declaration%20on%20the%20%20south%20china%20sea-pdf.pdf http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1341819-prc-law-of-the-territorial-sea-and-the.html http://www.documentcloud.org/documents/1341819-prc-law-of-the-territorial-sea-and-the.html https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/japanese-journal-of-political-science/article/security-community-and-democracy-in-southeast-asia-analyzing-asean/c15894c3153ab63dc6766469ee12b7ac vol. 9 no. 2 may 2018 298 ______________ (2015). on the defensive? china explains purposes of land reclamation in the south china sea” article on the asia maritime transparency initiative. accessed from http://amti.csis.org/on-the-defensive-china-explains-purposes-of-landreclamation-in-the-south-china-sea/ on ocotber 25, 2017. griffiths, m. (1999). fifty key thinkers in international relations. routledge. haacke, j. (2003). asean’s diplomatic and security culture: origins, development and prospects. routledgecurzon: london. heydarian, r. j. (2015). china’s plan to obliterate american supremacy. the national interest, 8 april. accessed from http://nationalinterest.org/feature/chinas-plan-obliterate-american-supremacy-12577 on october 24, 2017. khoo, n. (2015). moving toward casus belli? interpreting recent chinese activity in the south china sea.article on the asia maritime transparency initiative, may 21. accessed from http://amti.csis.org/moving-toward-casus-belli-interpreting-recentchinese-activity-in-the-south-china-sea/ on october 25, 2017. lampton, d. m. (2007). the faces of chinese power. foreign affairs vol. 86 no 1. nainggola, p. p. (2013). konflik laut cina selatan danimplikasinyaterhadapkawasan. p3di setjen dpr republik indonesia. ross, r. s. (2000). the geography of peace: east asia in the twenty first-century in the rise of china edited by michael brown,owen r. cote jr. sean m. lynnjones and steven miller. mit press. salidjanova, n., koch-weser, i. & klanderman, j. (2015). china’s economic ties with asean: a country-by-country analysis.u.s.-china economic and security review commission report. severino, r. c. (2006). southeast asia in search of an asean community. iseas: sin-gapore. swaine, m. d. (2013). china’s maritime disputes in the east and south china seas.testi-mony to u.s.-china economic and security review commission. the world bank, while maintaininggrowthrate of 10 percent from 2005-2014 accessed from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.kd.zg/countries and from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.cd/countries?page=1 on october, 24 2017. u.s. congress bill draft. (2013-2014). to promote peaceful and collaborative resolution of the south china sea dispute. accessed from https://www.congress.gov/ bill/113th-congress/house-bill/772/text on october 24, 2017. wang, j. (2005). china’s multilateral diplomacy in the new milleniumin china rising: power and motivation in chinese foreign policy. rowman and littlefield publisher inc. zhao, s. (2004). the making of china’s periphery policy in chinese foreign policy: prag-matism and strategic behavior edited by suisheng zhao. east gate book. http://amti.csis.org/on-the-defensive-china-explains-purposes-of-land-reclamation-in-the-south-china-sea/ http://amti.csis.org/on-the-defensive-china-explains-purposes-of-land-reclamation-in-the-south-china-sea/ http://nationalinterest.org/feature/chinas-plan-oblit-erate-american-supremacy-12577 http://nationalinterest.org/feature/chinas-plan-oblit-erate-american-supremacy-12577 http://amti.csis.org/moving-toward-casus-belli-interpreting-recent-chinese-activity-in-the-south-china-sea/ http://amti.csis.org/moving-toward-casus-belli-interpreting-recent-chinese-activity-in-the-south-china-sea/ https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&lr=&id=d2m74ag0ixgc&oi=fnd&pg=pr5&dq=severino,+r.+c.+%282006%29.+southeast+asia+in+search+of+an+asean+community.+iseas:+sin-gapore.&ots=nlcsvjegcd&sig=2kxlg8e3qdbt2xfk_sgyyrpffp0&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=id&lr=&id=d2m74ag0ixgc&oi=fnd&pg=pr5&dq=severino,+r.+c.+%282006%29.+southeast+asia+in+search+of+an+asean+community.+iseas:+sin-gapore.&ots=nlcsvjegcd&sig=2kxlg8e3qdbt2xfk_sgyyrpffp0&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.kd.zg/countries http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/ny.gdp.mktp.cd/countries?page=1%20 https://www.congress.gov/%20bill/113th-congress/house-bill/772/text https://www.congress.gov/%20bill/113th-congress/house-bill/772/text layout desember 2008 (equality of result) is so high. although some southeast asian countries have women quota articles, the implementation has been undermined so far. keywords: globalisation impact, women, political representation, southeast asia introduction although women have gained formal political rights in nearly all of southeast asian countries, in most cases this has not led to significant levels of women’s representation. in early 2015, women’s representations in national parliaments are 38.5 per cent in timor leste, 24.3 per cent in vietnam, 25 per cent in laos, 25.3 per cent in singapore, 27.3 per cent in philippines; 20.3 per cent in cambodia, 17,3 per cent in indonesia, 6,1 per cent in thailand, 10.4 per cent in malaysia and 5,6 per cent in myanmar. moreover, the exercise of women’s political rights is constrained in many places by the lack of democratic institutions or processes such as in brunei. (women in national parliament, 2015). in many cases, women’s representation remains below 30 percent (except in timor leste), the level deemed as the ‘critical mass’ necessary to ensure real representation. while there is some progress such as in timor leste, philippines, singapore, vietnam and indonesia, if we compare with other region, women’s representation in southeast asian countries is generally still far below african, latin american or nordic countries. how does the progress of women representation in southeast asian countries ? does globalisation has a specific impact on nur azizah faculty of social and political science. university muhammadiyah yogyakarta nurazizah_kpu@yahoo.com the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 abstract the representation of women in a political system is a good test of its claims to democracy. although there are some progress, the level of women political representation in southeast asian countries is still low. women activists propose the adoption of gender quotas as a fast track to address this issue, but the implementation find many obstacles. this article base of my research which want to examine the impact of globalisation for women’s political representation in southeast asian countries. the discussion begin with the overview of women’s political representation issue and some theoretical framewoks for adressing that issue. it identified that globalisation has positive and negative impacts on women’s representation. on the one hand, it encourages the emergence of a global gender equality regime which influences pattern of women’s political representation among southeast asian countries. yet, on the otherhand, itpromotes neo-liberalism ideology which is “inherently oppose to pol,icy interventionism”and it also promotes liberal democratic practices, which oppose affirmative policy for women, included gender quota in parliament.we concludes that the paradoxical impact of globalisation causes progress for increasing women’s representation in southeast asian countries move slowly. the efforts for increasing women’s representation in some southeast asian countries have not been supported by governments’ “intervention” policies such as gender quota and social welfare policies. southeast asian countries are also trapped in a liberal democracy practice which promotes ‘one person one vote’ (equality of opportunity). thus, the opposition to affirmative action 32 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ women’s representation? this article want to examine the impact of globalisation for women’s political representation in southeast asian countries. theoretical framework what is globalisation? the international system is currently experiencing a period of change, labeled by some as globalisation.globalisation is a process that encompasses the causes, course andconsequences of transnational and transcultural integration of human and nonhuman activities (greider, 1997). in its broadest sense, globalization refers to the economic, social, cultural, and political processes of integration that result from the expansion of transnational economic production, migration, communications, and technologies (philosopy, 2014). transborder interchange can involve people, ideas, information, fashions, and tastes. crossnational communication occurs through travel and tourism, telecommunications, and the internet. there are at least two aspects of globalisation: economic and socialcultural.globalisation can be seen as an economic process as in the diffusion of neo-liberal values and market principles (greider,1997).globalisation can also be seen as a socio-cultural process which increases social and cultural interrelation. many forms of transnational interchange include both economic and sociocultural dimensions. economic aspects of globalisation can bring new opportunities and resources to women. but equally important, globalisation promotes the diffusion of ideas and norms as well (gray, kittilson, & sandholtz, 2006) according english school and new institutionalism in international relations theories, the growing political interconnectedness can be seen as facilitator for the spread of policies because it increases the opportunities of policy diffusion. in the era of globalisation, state interests are becoming significantly shaped by global norms and institutions, which influence actors at the national level. through their participation in international organisation, states are assumed to be socialised in norms that prescribe a certain form of appropriate behaviour (finnemore, 1h993). they become embedded in a regime of global norms that shapes their domestic conduct thus limiting their sovereignty (checkel, 1999; florini, 1996). those norms are embodied in treaties, declarations and recommendations of international organisations (true and mintrom, 2003). hence, global non-state actors operate on a global scale as agents capable of having influence on states. the linkage of the national and international makes it impossible for governments to act on their own and governments have less possibilities to influence and control information within their own borders. domestic policy making hence takes place in a world system as well as in national political systems (dolowitz and marsh 2000). thereby, international norms and networks are expected to matter and influence policy-making. research methods this research focus on norm. since focussing on norm, so the most appropriate methodology is constructivist.. consructivist is one of international relations paradigm which focus on ideas and norm. according constructivist, ideas and norms is very powerfull to shape the state behavior. globalisation promote norms about gender equality around the world. global women’s networks, the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 33 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ together with multilateral and bilateral development organizations, have been instrumental in shaping these global norms on gender equality by engaging in a learning process – framing issues, influencing negotiations by the information they provide and monitoring progress.this research needs dataon ideas, norms, institutions who promote gender equality norma, the dataonstate policyas well as dataon womenrepresentation insoutheastasian countries parliaments. it consist of primary and secondary data. the primary data was collected by interview some schollars, some political party leaders, some women who stand for election and some official from women empowerment ministry. the secondary data was collected from government documents, official statistics, journals, review articles, and reference books. we got these data from research institutions, universities libraries, and the world wide web. major sources of women in political representation are www.ipu.org; www.unwomen.org; www.idea.int. in analyzing this data we identifies a strong relationship between globalisation, gender equality normspromotion, government policy and women representation in southeast asian parliament. result and analysisresult and analysisresult and analysisresult and analysisresult and analysis this research found that globalisation has paradoxical impact on women’s representation in southeast asian countries. at one side it has positif impact by encouraging the emergence of global gender equality regimes which introduce women’s quota in parliament, gender mainstreaming, gender budgeting,and integrating gender into development policy. at the other side, it has negative impactby encouraging theneoliberal economic policy which suggests that governments to cut social welfare expenditure, and politicallyglobalisation tends to encouragethe use of individuals as a political unit thatforce womento use her individualstrength when she fightinthe politicalarenaandinhibitthe recognition ofwomenasacollectivegroup. the positive impact ofglobalisation: the emergence of global gender equality regime gender equality has become a central subject to international norm and part of the requirements for legitimate statehood. the 1990s have particularly witnessed the advent of a wide range of international resolutions, declarations and treaties that incorporate norms regulating state behavior with respect to women’s rights issues, such as the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw), the international covenant on civil and political right (iccpr) and security council resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security. kardam (2005), speaks in this context about the existence of a global gender equality regime, namely a series of policies, norms, laws and mechanisms to ensure gender equality and women’s rights on a global scale.international regime can be a powerful tool for promoting gender equality everywhere in the world. a regime is composed of sets of principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors expectations are converging (diehl, 2000: 25). the basic principles that underpin the gender equality regime are the prohibition of all forms of discrimination against women, and the active promotion of equality between genders towards an explicit recognition of unequal power relations the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 34 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ between women and men. someinternational lawsbecomes global norms on gender equality, starting with the 1975 world plan of action, the 1999 nairobi forward looking strategies, the 1995 beijing platform for action and the beijing plus five final outcome document. since norm have regulative effect, so global norms on gender equality influence state and non state behavior, through domestic law. the relationship between global norm, included international law, and domestic law are often explained by two approaches “dualism” and “monism.” under the monist approach, international and domestic laws are viewed as one single entity. states which practices pure monism treat international law as part of domestic law. as such, treaties concluded in accordance with the constitution and has entered into force for the state may directly become part of domestic law without needing further legislation. under the dualist approach, international and domestic laws are viewed as two separate entities. international law cannot be directly applied in the domestic system without being translated into national law. the “dualist” approach to international law requires that the country pass domestic legislation implementing international treaty obligations in order for those treaty obligations to have legal force. as a general rule, most common law based countries – those countries based on the english legal system – use a dualist approach. most civil law countries – those based on the legal systems of the european continent – use a monistbased approach to international law. hence, most states adopt variations of the dualist and monist approach. cedaw is a landmark international agreement that affirms principles of fundamental human rights and equality for women around the world. in 2014, 187 out of 194 have ratified or acceded to cedaw. seven countries that have not acceded to the convention are united states, iran, somalia, sudan, south sudan, and two small pacific island nations (palau, and tonga). by the year 2014, all ten asean countries and timor leste have acceded to cedaw.cambodia, lao, vietnam, indonesia and the philippines in southeastern asia ratified cedaw in 1980, just after its 1979 un adoption. thailand acceded to cedaw in 1985. singapore and malaysia did not ratify cedaw until 1995 and myanmar (called burma by many) in 1997. timor leste acceded to the convention just after it achieved independence in 2003 and brunei ratified only in 2006. all ten asean countries have also endorsed the beijing platform for action (bpfa). security council resolution 1325 and 1820 on women, peace and security finds unequivocal acceptance in the region. further, all these countries have endorsed the millennium declaration, the millennium development goals and the paris principles of the new aid modalities, which it addressed strategically and to their full potential, hold out a fresh promise for greater progress on gender equality and women’s empowerment. asean consensus around, commitment to and ownership over all these major international agreements has made gender equality, women’s empowerment, gender mainstreaming a legitimate part of the asean development vocabulary and a non-negotiable part of the asean development agenda. several southeast asian governments have issued policy directives at the highest levels to ensure that gender equality perspectives are the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 35 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mainstreamed into national economic and social planning. a range of sectoral policies, plans, legislation and programmes have also been introduced in the region. the ratification of conventions means a formal commitment to apply the provisions and an indication of willingness to accept a measure of international supervision. the committee on cedaw monitors reports from states, and a set of un agencies such as undaw, unifem and csw [these 3 bodies have now been reformed to form the un women] that oversee the implementation of the global gender equity norms. states are then responsible for taking all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in public and private life, and for taking all appropriate measures including legislation, to nullify or abolish existing laws, regulations, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women(kardam, 2000) two articles of the convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women (cedaw) deal with women’s participation in political and public life. article 7 commits states parties to ensure equality between women and men in political and public life, including the right to vote, to be eligible for election, to participate in formulating government policy, to hold public office and to perform public functions. the committee on the elimination of discrimination against women provided additional guidance in the implementation of the convention in 1997 in its general recommendation 23, which highlighted the application of the convention to all levels of government and to the activities of a range of organizations concerned with public and political life, including public boards, local councils, and the activities of political parties, trade unions and professional associations. general recommendation 23 also stated that: “it is the government’s fundamental responsibility to encourage these initiatives to lead and guide public opinion and change attitudes that discriminate against women or discourage women’s involvement in political and publiclife (http://www.un.org/womenwatch/ daw/cedaw) in its resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security, the security council called on member states to increase the representation of women in all institutions and mechanisms dealing with the prevention, management and resolution of conflict, including as special representatives and envoys of the secretary-general and within the field operations as military observers, civilian police, human rights and humanitarian personnel. in 2000, 189 un member states adopted the millennium declaration, which distils the key goals and targets agreed at the international conferences and world summits during the 1990s. drawing on the declaration, the un system drew up eight millennium development goals (mdgs) to provide a set of benchmarks to measure progress towards the eradication of global poverty. mdg 3, to promote gender equality and women’s empowerment, includes one target on education and additional indicators on women’s employment and political representation. in 2005,the world summit outcome reaffirmed the commitments to increase representation of women in government decision-making bodies, including opportunities to participate fully in the political process.1 the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 36 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the increasing of women representation in government decision-making bodies in 2014 globally, women make up 21,4 per cent of parliamentarians, still far from the 30 per cent that was envisaged in the beijing platform for action as required to achieve a ‘critical mass’ of women’s representation. in the two decades between 1975 and 1995, women’s representation rose by less than one per cent, and between 19952010 women’s representation rose by seven percent (women in national parliament, 2011). given the slow speed at which the number of women political representation is growing, different policy measures are being introduced to reach gender balance in political institutions, that is women empowerment model and quotas model. these models (tracks) namely, the incremental track (women empowerment model) and the fast track (quotas model), become a strategy to overcome problems of women’s political under representation, the two tracks are based on different problem identifications with regard to the diagnosis of women’s under-representation, different goals in terms of women’s political representation, and as a consequence, different political strategies for change. the two models are also based on different perceptions of historical development. they can also be seen as two different types of equality policy, where one promotes formal equality based on the principle of gender equality as equal opportunity and the other promotes substantive equality based on the principle of gender equality as equality of results, as shown in the 1. evidence has shown that the fast tract (quota model) has better effect than the incremental tract (women’s empowermrent model) on adressing women under-representation in politics. the adoption and implentation of fast tract (quota model) in some southeast asian countries such as timor leste, philippines and indonesia have positif impact on adressing women under representation in politics. quota implementation in southeast asian countries ‘quota’ for women is a form of affirmative action to help them overcome the obstacles that prevent them from entering politics in the same way as their male colleagues. the funciont of quota system is for ensuring that women are represented in parliament. the core idea behind quota systems is to recruit women into political positions and to ensure that women constitute at least a “critical minority” of 30 or 40 percent. the dataset used here includes 103 countries between 1970 and 2006, which contains 22 countries with legal gender quotas, 47 countries with table 1: the incremental track model and the fast track model (dahlerup and freidenvall, 2005: 29) the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 37 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ voluntary party quotas and 43 countries without any type of gender quotas. most developed countries introduced gender quotas in the 1980s, while most developing countries adopted gender quotas in the 1990s. there are three kind of quotas, namely reserved seat quota, constitutional or legislative quota, political party quota.(chen, 2010) first, quotas through ‘reserved seats for women’. ‘reserved seats’are national policies that set aside a certain number of seats in parliament for women. such seats may be distributed in a number of different ways, although they are most often allocated by designating certain districts as ‘women’s districts’ for the period of one election cycle, or by granting political parties the right to appoint a certain number of women in accordance with the percentage of votes the party received in the most recent elections. certain seats are set aside, as in uganda and rwanda for instance, where certain regional seats are reserved for women. in the 1995 constitution of the republic of uganda, one parliamentary seat from each of the 39 districts is reserved for women (13 percent). second, quotas through constitution or national legislation. countries where quotas for women have been written into the constitution or introduced through national legislation such as constitution, electoral law or political party law. examples: argentina and indonesia. third, quotas through political parties: the nordic case. no constitutional clause or law demands a high representation of women in scandinavia. for the most part, the increase can be attributed to sustained pressure on the part of women’s groups within parties as well as the women’s movement in general. women mobilized and organized pressure to ensure that political parties increased their number of women candidates, that is to say, women candidates with a fair chance of winning. this pressure was applied to all political parties in scandinavia. some parties responded by applying a quota system (dahlerup, 1998) quota is a kind of affirmative action. according to newmann (2006) affirmative action is “… any raceor sex-conscious employment practices devised with the intention of redressing past racial or gender imbalances and injustices” (newman, 1995). the underlying assumption here is that societal injustice can only be corrected by societal compensation. these definitions capture the most common concepts of affirmative action (cahn, 1995). they share important attributes, namely: (1) society has committed discrimination in the past against a particular group of population; (2) government has adopted an objective of eradicating discrimination; and (3) society needs to take appropriate steps to end discriminatory practices and correct the imbalances that resulted from past discrimination (millar, 2003). it is clear that we need to acknowledge that gender discrimination already happened. the positive impact of globalization specifically the spread of gender equality norm and the increasing of women representation in government decision-making bodies coud be seen in the ilustration of philippine and singapore below. 1) philippine philippine, shows a significant progress on gender equality. after the 2013 elections, women got 27,3 percent in national parliament, and 22 percent in barangay official (village level). this 22 percent female barangay officials consist of 14 female barangay captains and 159 female barangay councilors (valente & moreno, 2014). these achievements are caused by some variables. the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 38 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ firstly, compared with other southeast asian countries, philippine has a stronger, active and dynamic women’s movement. concepcion felix de calderon formed the asociacion feminista filipina in june 1905. this movement fight for voting right. women’s right to vote was granted in 1937.the philippines is a main player in the international women’s arena and this is anchored on a very vibrant local women’s movement.in 1984, gabriela (general assembly binding women for reform, integrity, equality, leadership and action), a national alliance of women’s organisations, was born amidst the people’s unrest during the final years of the marcos dictatorship. gabriela led thousands of women against the marcos dictatorship. it led women in asserting women’s rights as human rights and in the fight against prostitution, mail-order brides, sex trafficking/sex tourism and violence against women. gabriela actively campaigned against the presence of us military bases in the country and in the ouster of former presidents ferdinand marcos and joseph estrada. (libres, 2015) secondly, these women’s movement could put gender equality and other related women issuesat the forefront of national discourse and precludes further downslide of women status in the modern philippine society. during liza’s term as secretary general, gabriela launched several successful campaigns to raise public awareness on women’s issues. among them were: the purple rose campaign in support of the global campaign to expose and fight sex trafficking of filipino women and children; and the campaign against the exploitation of women workers particularly those hired in department stores through contractualisation. there was also the campaign for justice for rape victims by powerful government officials such as former congressman romeo jalosjos and former calauag mayor antonio sanchez, who, if not for gabriela’s campaign, would have escaped conviction and imprisonment. gabriela at that table 2quota implementation in southeast asian countries the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 39 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ time also ran a strong campaign against the u.s. military bases, anti-terrorism bill, national id system, charter change and imperialist globalisation. (libres, 2015) thirdly, philippines has a well-developed legal framework for gender equality. the philippines is known for its very liberal and progressive constitution that was formulated during the euphoria of people power revolution in 1986. gender equality is a key element of this charter and as enshrined in article ii section 14 of the 1987 constitution, “the state recognizes the role of women in nationbuilding and shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of women and men.” considering the unequal gender relations in the country, the constitution further provided for women representation (as one of the 9 marginalized sectors) in the legislature through the party-list system (which should cover 20% of the lower house). finally, article 13 section 14 specifically mentioned that the “state shall protect working women by providing safe and healthful working conditions, taking into account their maternal functions, and such facilities and opportunities that will enhance their welfare and enable them to realize their full potential in the service of the nation” (hega, 2003) fourthly, philippine not only has a strong role of women in civil society but also using this the women’s movement as a ‘political capital”.two women who now occupy cabinet positions in the government held consecutively the presidency of the caucus of development ngo networks (codengo) – the biggest ngo network in the country. another woman cabinet member was the former secretary general of the peace advocates network. 2) singapore nowadays, even without gender quotas, women’s representation in singapore improved phenomenally, from five percent in 1988 to a high of 22 percent after the 2011 general election. from no woman stood in the 1980 election, to 32 women candidates contested the 2011 elections. currently, the parliament has 20 elected women mps, 23 percent of the total legislators – the highest in the country’s electoral history (tan, 2013). this spectacular progress could be explained as follow. globalisation, especially the internet usage has provided the means for the development of an alternative political discourse, challenging to both the authoritarian state and the patriarchal society. attempts by the singaporean government to regulate its use, especially in political contexts, are canvassed. despite some regulation imposed by government and self-censorship by users, the internet has played an increasingly prominent role in recent political activity in the island state. electronic communication has enabled women in singapore to forge links with women’s groups internationally, as well as to disseminate information among themselves virtually instantaneously and mobilize support quickly around specific issues, making the internet a powerful political tool (george and martinez, 2004). the internet shows strong potential for contributing to the democratization of singaporean politics and to raising the profile of issues of gender relations and gender equity. (doran, 2014) since achieving independence from british colonial rule in 1965, singapore’s political scene has been dominated by one political party, the people’s action party (pap). at the begining, the the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 40 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pap’s early exclusion of women from elections, avoidance of gender quota indicate that it was not a women friendly party. eventhough changes in mass attitudes towards women politicians could also have encouraged parties to nominate women in elections. in 2002, the world values survey conducted in singapore showed that about 50 percent of respondents agreed or agreed strongly with the statement that “men make better political leaders than women do” (world values survey, 2005). after a decade, one might expect the social prejudice toward women politicians to have changed. positive media exposure and performance of women member parliaments (mps) on the ground could have contributed to the electability of women. as a dominan party, the change of pap perspective and treatment toward women candidate has significant effect toward women’s electability in parliament. pap leaders became a gatekeeper for mps candidacy. faced with a younger and more educated electorate, the pap was eager to revamp its image and appeal to a wider range of voters. the pap then announced it will “gradually” increase the percentage of women mps to 30 percent (koh,2009). eventhough, the most significant variable contribute to the increasing of women in singaporean parliament is the change of singaporean electoral system. electoral systems have a strong, systematic effect on the legislative representation of ethnic minorities (especially for malay in singapore) and women. in 1988 singapore adopt an ethnic quotas. it turned more than 90 percent of the single seats into multimember constituencies. essentially, the multimember constituencies / group representative constituency (grc) behave like a closed— list pr system where the party determines the whole slate of candidates who will be voted in en— bloc through simple plurality in each constituency. each party contesting in a grc has to field four to six members with at least one indian or malay. three fifths of all grcs have to have at least a malay candidate in each grc, while the rest could have other minorities. eventually, the grc scheme allowed the parties to position women candidates to balance the multi— member ticket. as the district magnitude of the grcs grew over time (from groups of three in 1988 to groups of four to six by 1997), more seats were available for minority and women candidates. (tan, 2013) we can conclude that globalisation give more opportunity for women to publish gender gap issues, change party’s (pap) perspective and treatment toward women candidacy in parliament. beside these, the change of electoral system in singapore into grc give a better opportunity for women to be elected as member of parliament, and increase singaporean women in parliament from less than 5 % into 25,3 % in 2011. 1. the negative impacts of globalisation on women’s political representation globalisation hassome negative impacts on women’s political representation. economically, globalisation promote neo liberalism which propose gender blind economic rationalist (ecorats) and “inherently opposed to policy interventionism” aimed at achieving many of the goals essential to a social development that supports gender equity and human rights. politically, globalisation also promotes liberal democratic practices that support equal opportunity values which oppose affirmative policy for women. these conclictual values can be the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 41 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ explained as follows. the following sections will explain the conflictual mindset of femocrat and ecorat. during this time, scandinavian countries (sweden, norway and denmark) become the ideal type of countries which responsive towards women’s claims, given them a voice and adopted a range of policies that increased women’s options(borchorst, scandinavian gender equality: competing discource and paradoxes, 2008). these countries have been labelled as woman-friendly or state feminism. the concept was launched by the norwegian political scientist, helga hernes in 1987. state feminism is often associated with the feminization of the political elite through the integration of women into the political parties. (borchorst & siim, 2008). state feminism needs many feminist bureaucrats (femocrat) who guide/intervene bureaucracy for producing women friendly policy. there are a possibility to influence the agenda and to further feminist goals through public policies from inside the state apparatus. unfortunately, the southeast asian political contexs is not condusive as in scandinavian countries, especially after globalisation. the globalisation promote neoliberalism which “inherently opposed to policy interventionism” aimed at achieving many of the goals essential to a social development that supports gender equity and human rights. to increase women’s representation, women’s activist campaign ‘women vote for women’. this slogan base on assumption that female representative will produce policies which will change women condition. since more than 50 percent constituents are women, women hope this slogan will effective. it assumes that ‘women candidates/ parliament member representing women’. women have specific interest that will be save under female candidate. according to the definition of wängnerud, women’s interests have to contain three elements: 1) the recognition of women as a social category; 2) the recognition of a power unbalance between men and women; 3) the wish to implement a policy that increases the autonomy of female citizens (celis, 2005). the slogan‘women vote for women’ adopt from european, especially scandinavian countries that the increase of female representative will be followed by policies which advantage female constituents such as the increase of social welfare expenditure, child care, women’s job opportunities, gender equality policy, the decrease of corruption, and so on. this ‘state feminism’ have been supported by state intervention (bureaucracy policies) for achieving a social development that supports gender equity and human rights. without state feminism policy, women constituent think that they got nothing for voting female candidate. constituent need some incentive (social welfare policy) for voting female candidates. the link of female candidates-state/bureaucracy policyconstituents can be illustrated in this figure. fig. 1: female candidates-state/bureaucracy policy-constituents link(millar, 2003) the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 42 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ unfortunedly, in southeast asian countries this dream doesn’t come true. in most of southeast asian countries constituent will find difficulties to relate between female representative and state policies. most of constituents think that there are no specific advantage to vote for women. it is true that since 1990’s the united nation has called all countries to adopt gender mainstreaming and gender budgeting (genderresponsive budgeting policy), but it found many difficulties at the level of implementation since the compliance rate among national government agencies is very low. according to millar, the causes of the low compliance are the following: (1) the policy ambiguity (the focus is not so clear); (2) the absence of sanctions; and (3) the minimal involvement of civil society in the budgeting process(millar, 2003). budgeting has been traditionally government’s domain and civil society has minimal involvement in budgeting process. therefore, civil society’s organizations have an important role to play as “watchdogs” for monitoring against policy and implementation. civil society groups can participate by collaborating with government with respect to program priorities and monitoring. more proactively, civil society groups can hold government to its promises and commitments by making sure that the government budget contains programs that address the needs of the people. it’s very difficult to build a state feminism in southeast asia. unless in socialist countries, most of southeast asia state policies are directed by neoliberal considerations. neo-liberal economic policy base on ‘economic rationalism’ (ecorats) belief of that public intervention in markets is counterproductive and leads to economic inefficiencies(sawer, 1996). currently, the increasingly unfavourable environment provided by gender blind economic rationalism is not compatible with the promotion for increasing women’s representation. the feminist notion about ‘state feminism’ was shaped by the social liberalism of the 1980s with its idea of the state as a vehicle for social justice(sawer, reclaiming social liberalism: the women’s movement and the state, 1993). by the 1980s, and after the monetary crisis, social liberal traditions were being challenged by the increased policy of economic rationalists (ecorats). it was paradoxical that as mechanisms for gender audit within government were being developed or strengthened, government policy making was increasingly coming under the sway of economic views hostile to public provision and based on androcentric paradigms of human behaviour (economically rational man). for the ‘ecorats’, the welfare state is basically the problem while the solution is through a greater reliance on market forces. the relationship between the trend of increasing ecorat policy and the decreasing of the number of women representation in parliament coud be seen in the ilustration of cambodia, vietnam and laos below. 1) cambodia in cambodia, gender quotas do not exist and in 2012 the percentage of women in parliament stood at 20 percent, increasing from 16 percent in 2008, but decreasing from 21 percent in 2011.8 despite assertions from government officials, including deputy prime minister ms. men sam an, that “the royal government of cambodia has been taking steps to increase to the maximum proportion of women’s participation in all levels of the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 43 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ national institutions,”9there remains a big gap between policy and practice. in cambodia, there is overwhelming support for gender quotas from local ngos who see the implementation of such quotas as a vital mechanism to redress gender discrimination in politics. however, there is less support from political parties. funcinpec are the only party who say they are implementing a 30 percent quota on their candidate lists prior to the july 2013 national assembly elections, however, there is no written policy on this. the other main parties, cpp, cnrp and lfdp maintain that they support women in politics, but see gender quotas as just one way of increasing women’s representation. in addition, there are concerns that gender quotas are unconstitutional, as they have been interpreted as discriminating against men. nevertheless, the current economic and development policy in cambodia is not improving women’s rights. cambodia is becoming increasingly open to foreign capital and dependent on the rules of international trade agreements and has insufficient capital reserves to lessen the impact of trade liberalisation on society. this is effectively pushing poor cambodian women further into poverty. women farmers are especially vulnerable to loss of land and hardship as they face gender discrimination. they own smaller farms and they more often need to rely on hiring male labourers. they also must contend with a double load of agricultural work and domestic housework and childcare. women feel the effects of privatisation policies more harshly. the burden of a loss of social services falls upon women, the traditional caretakers and healers of the family. it is women who are left to look after sick children and relatives and find food for the family(change, 2009) economic liberalisation means that local agricultural producers face competition from a massive flow of imports. at the same time, higher production costs requiring the increased use of credit leads to a cycle of debt and landlessness. trade liberalisation-inspired growth also results in environmental degradation and depletion of natural resources, as land and natural resources become privatised. it also results in further entrenching the separation of men and women’s work, with women receiving fewer opportunities in new technology, education and training and commercial business opportunities. 2) vietman vietnam is a post-colonial, socialist country which claims a long history of promoting women’s equality vis-à-vis men. in vietnam, the formal equality of women and men in society is widely regarded as one of the legacies of the socialist revolution. women’s liberation become the symbolic form of vietnam nation. since the initiation of economic reform ‘doi moi’ in 1987, there have been growing signs that the position of women is declining, particularly in rural, secluded and remote areas. in recent years, during which a differentiation between the poor and the rich has been accentuated, women are gradually withdrawing from the activities of society and state management. at the same time, confucian views of gender inequality are returning. (tran thi que 1995) one aspect reinforcing confucian ideology of male and female roles is that women control the domestic sphere while men predominate in the public sphere.from this perspective, the pervasiveness of confucian traditions at the the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 44 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ household level may explain structural gender inequality. in vietnam, gender analysis has also been reconfigured as a critique of confucian ideology. such a gender analysis is a way of nationalizing what may be otherwise seen as an exogenous construct from western development literature one of the consequences of doi moi policies was to shift reproductive and productive tasks to the household (tran and le 1997). as state services have declined, households have had to pay increasing costs of medical care and educational expenditures. furthermore, the reduction in stateprovided crèches has meant that households (particularly in urban areas) are responsible for care of children and the elderly. the promulgation of the land use act in the early 1990’s significantly changed the relationship between the household and land. landholders were given five rights to their assigned land (i.e., the right to transfer, exchange, lease, inherit, and use the land as collateral). as the husband is usually the head of household, men generally sign the registry as the head of household, thus making it difficult for women to apply for loans from banks using the land as collateral (mcdonald 1995; lofman 1998; mondesire 1996) since the early days of economic reform, studies argue that relations between men and women within households and in society are increasingly unequal both empirically and symbolically (beresford 1994). the effects of the transitional economy as women tend to be employed in the “informal sector” while men tend to be employed in the “formal” or wage-earning sector (mcdonald 1994, 1996;esser 1996; world bank 1998). following doi moi, quotas for women’s representation were no longer mandated and consequently, the percentage of women representatives in the national assembly decreased from 32 percent in 1975 to 10 percent in 1997. the fact of women’s labor at home has both discouraged some women from seeking leadership positions, which they feared would affect their ability to provide effective carework at home 3) lao people’s democratic republic (lao pdr) at 25 percent, lao people’s democratic republic (lao pdr) has one of the highest proportions of women in national parliaments in “socialist” ideologically similar neighbor vietnam (24.3%) and cambodia (20,3%). lao has unicameral national assembly (132 seats; members elected by popular vote from a list of candidates selected by the lao people’s revolutionary party to serve fiveyear terms). the last elections held on 30 april 2011 (next to be held in 2016). in 2011 election, lao people’s revolutionary party got 128 seats, and independents got 4 seats. in fact, the powerful role of president of the national assembly is held by a woman. yet figures for women in sub-national and local government tell a different story. of the 143 district governors, only 10, or just under 8 percent, are women. of the 8,608 village chiefs throughout the country, 228, a mere 2.64 percent, are women. the lao-tai, who comprises over 60 percent of the population, mainly practice matrilineal inheritance where land (homestead land and/or rice fields) is inherited by daughters from their parents. among the chine tibet and mon khmer groups, who comprise 3 and 21 percent of the populationrespectively, land and other assets are the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 45 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mostly transferred to the sons. the lao women union (lwu) promotes and monitors the implementation of women development programs in compliance with the party’s and government’s policies, the constitution, and laws related to ensuring equal rights between women and men. the organization endeavours to put gender issues on the agenda of every government sector development plan, and as such enables women to participate in policy and decision-making. the lao women union (lwu) has since 1997 been playing a prominent role in advocating for gender equality and women’s empowerment through the gender resource information and development centre (grid), through creating gender awareness, and providing gender analysis for government officials at all levels to facilitate gender mainstreaming. as a technical body, grid has trained a pool of gender trainers and researchers at the central and provincial levels. it has also developed training materials, conducted research and gender analysis on various topics, which it disseminates widely, including through its five libraries/resource centers, at the central library of laos and national university of laos. grid seeks to build the gender capacity of government staff from various ministries to enable them to mainstream gender in planning and programming. given the slow speed of the growing of number of women in politics, women everywhere are calling for more efficient methods to increase their representation. quotas present one such mechanism. because of its relative efficiency, the hope for dramatic increase in women’s representation by using this system is strong, but at the same time quotas raise serious strong resistance(dahlerup, 1998). globalisation promotes liberal democratic practices that support equal opportunity values which oppose affirmative policy for women. arguments against the introduction of quotas are: quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given preference. quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected. quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their qualifications and that morequalified candidates are pushed aside. many women do not want to get elected just because they are women. introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organization. the core idea behind quota systems is to recruit women into political positions. quotas for women entail that women must constitute a certain number or percentage of the members of a body, whether it is a candidate list, a parliamentary assembly, a committee, or a government. the quota system places the burden of recruitment not on the individual woman, but on those who control the recruitment process(dahlerup, 1998). in general, quotas for women represent a shift concept of equality from “equality of opportunity” to “equality of result”. the classic liberal notion of equality was a notion of “equal opportunity” so removing the formal barriers, for examples giving women voting rights and right for stand in election could be considered sufficient. the rest was up to the individual women. currently, women ask for “equality of result” because the real equal opportunity does not exist just because formal barriers are removed. since the mid-1990s united nation also call all the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 46 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of the government in the world to adopt “genderbalanced decision-making”. it suggest that gender equality cannot be achieved without the inclusion of women as policy-makers, so women’s representation must be enhance. the most effective strategy to achieve it is to adopt women’s quota. currently, more than 100 countries adopt women’s quota and some of them implement successfully. rwanda get 63,8 % women’s representative; sweden got 45; cuba got 48,9 %; south africa got 42,3 %, finlandia got 42,5%; argentina got 36,6%; netherlands got 38,7 %; costa rica got 38,6% and spain got 36,%. however, for the past 20 years, progress towards the adoption of quota system for increasing women’s representation in politics in southeast asia has been slow, except in timor leste and philippine. this slow progress of the increasing of women representation in politic could be seen in the ilustration of indonesia below. 1) indonesia since 2003 indonesia adopted women’s quota in parliamentary candidacy. article 65 of the election law: “each participating political party may nominate candidates for the dpr, provincial dprd, and regency/city dprd, for each electoral district, giving consideration to representation of women of at least 30%.”2 during 2001-2003, several women’s organizations called for the introduction of a quota system for the elections in 2004 (a minimum quota of 20-30 percent). this culminated in the passage of legislation in february 2003 requiring political parties to consider selecting 30% women candidates in each electoral district. in 2008, the new election law stressed again the important of women’s quota. the candidacy list proposed by political parties minimally accommodate 30% women’s candidate.3 there are at least one women’s candidate in every three candidate (semi zipper system) in the candidacy list proposed by political parties.4 it is also supported by the new political party law which stated that the new political parties must accommodate 30% women’s representative. there are at kept 30 % women’s representation in political parties central board.5 unfortunately, at the last december 2008 the indonesian constitution court decided that all of indonesian member of parliament candidate elected by the highest vote. it’s mean that the more liberal democracy practices in indonesia. women had to ready for free fight competition, without affirmative action. what is indonesians’ public opinion about that decision ? most of indonesian elite, included some non-activists women, support that decision. apparenly, most indonesian elite think that women quota or affirmative action for women is like a priority and it be in opposition to “equal opportunity” principles, so it is ‘undemocratic’ practice. it also reveals that the oppositions to the indonesian women’s quota are very high, the implementation of indonesian women’s quota is very problematic. it is clear that many politicians have a poor understanding of the importance of the representation of women and the importance of affirmative action. according to newman, affirmative action is “… any raceor sex-conscious employment practices devised with the intention of redressing past racial or gender imbalances and injustices “ (newman, 1995) (cahn, 1995). the underlying assumption here is that societal injustice can only be corrected the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 47 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ by societal compensation. these definitions capture the most common concepts of affirmative action. they share important attributes, namely: (1) society has committed discrimination in the past against a particular group of population; (2) government has adopted an objective of eradicating discrimination; and (3) society needs to take appropriate steps to end discriminatory practices and correct the imbalances that resulted from past discrimination (millar, 2003). it is clear that we need to acknowledge that gender discrimination already happened. unlucky, most of southeast asian society, included politician, have no gender counciousness and think that there are no gender problems. however, women got 18 percent house of representative seats in 2009 indonesian election. the table below illustrates that the highest contributor come from democrat party (24%), the president’s party. as democrat is a new party, women get more access. the president’s popularity is very significant so the president’s party (democrat) got a big number of seats. on reverse side, women who ride other political parties, face more difficulties. most of elected candidates are popular public figures, such as actress, politician daughter or official’s wife. this competition spends much money, so most of elected candidate are wealthiest women. by the highest vote system (majoritarian), most of women’s activist candidates fail. they don’t have enough money and popularity. nevertheless the 2009 indonesian election result revealed the tough struggle of women. though the quota system is not compulsory but it inspiring women to fight in politics. table 3: women in 2009-2014 indonesian house of representative conclusions globalisation has paradoxical impact on women’s representation in southeast asian countries. at one side it has positif impact by encouraging the emergence of global gender equality regimes which introduce women’s quota in parliament, gender mainstreaming, gender budgeting,and integrating gender into development policy. at the other side, it has negative impact also. economically, globalisation always directed by neo-liberal economic policy which suggests that governments to cut social welfare expenditure such as birth control and child care expenxes. this causes population and unemployment explotion which “forces” women to do more for domestic work. it makes difficult for women to have “state feminism or women friendly policy” which gives more attention to social welfare, child care, women’s job opportunities and gender equality policy. politically, globalisation tends to practice liberal democracy with the notions of “one person one vote” and “equal opportunity” principles which oppose women’s notion of “affirmative action” and “equal result”. liberal democracy the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 48 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ notions assume all persons (men and women) have equal power and they can compete fairly. eventually, although men and women have equal opportunity, they never receive equal results. women always get less. the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political participation in southeast asian countries can be illustrated in the figure below: fig. 2.the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political participation references: women in national parliament. (2011). diambil kembali dari inter-parliamentary union: http:/ /www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm borchorst, a. (2008). scandinavian gender equality: competing discource and paradoxes. cost a 34, 4th symposium gender and well being: the role of institutions from past to present. madrid. borchorst, a., & siim, b. (2008). women frienly policies and state feminism: theorizing scandinavia gender equality. feminist theory, 207. cahn, s. (1995). the affirmative action debate. new york: routledge inc. celis, k. (2005). reconciling theory and empirical research: methodological reflections on women mp’s representing women’s interest. annual meeting of the american political science association, september 1-4. change, w. a. (2009). gender and neo liberal economic policies. diambil kembali dari http:// www.womynsaenda.org. chen, l.-j. (2010). do gender quotas influence women’s representationand politics ? the european journal of comparative economic, 13-60. dahlerup, d. (1998). using quota’s to increase women political representaton. dalam women in parliament beyond numbers. stockholm: international idea. doran, c. (2014, june). politics, the net and gender in singapore. review of historyand political science, 2(2), 01-16. gray, m. m., kittilson, m. c., & sandholtz, w. (2006). women and globalization: a study of 180 countries, 1975-2000. international organization, 293-333. greider, w. (1997). one world, ready or not: the manic logic of global capitalism. new york: simon and schuster. hega, m. (2003). paricipation of women in philippine politics and society: a situationer. diambil kembali dari http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/ philippinen/50067.pdf heroe, h. (2010). pedoman teknis perencanaan penganggaran responsif gender bagi daerah. jakarta: kementerian pemberdayaan perempuan dan perlindungan anak republik indonesia. kardam, n. (2000). global gender norms, donor funding and local realities: the turkish case. human rights and globalization: when transnational civil society networkshit the ground. uc santa cruz: mdiesonetary institute the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 49 journal of government and politics vol.6 no.1 february 2015 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of international stu. libres, b. p. (2015). the philippines: women representative, people’s parliamentarian. diambil kembali dari http://iknowpolitics.org/sites/ default/files/ seethings20and20seatings_part3.pdf millar, a. o. 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(2014, august). women’s representation in local politics: evidence from the philippines. diambil kembali dari http:// mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/57903/mpra paper no. 57903, posted 15 augus 2014 11:01 utc. indonesian election law regulation no 12/2003, article 65. indonesian election law regulation no 10/2008, article 53. indonesian political party law no 2/2008, article 2. the paradoxical impact of globalisation on women’s political representation: a review of situations in southeast asia / nur azizah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2015.0004 index a abdullah al-mamun achmad hardiman achmad hardiman. adang djaha, ade rosita lakmi adrian kurniady agra aldri frinaldi aliansi jurnalis independen alliance for a green revolution in africa amor propio andres, thomas d. ansano m. ampog arfani, riza noer. ariani, m. asean b badan pengawas pemilu balikatan bangladesh banks, j. a. bautista, v. a. bawaslu bayanihan bourdieu, p. c cambodia caucus of development ngo networks cedaw celebes center for electoral reform central java central sulawesi che supiah cheshe codengo committee on the elimination of discrimination aga comprehensive land use plan convention on the elimination of all forms of disc creswell, john. d d.h. darwanto, dahlerup dasman lanin davies, d. r. dede prandana putra democracy democrat party denhardt, robert, b. denmark department of education diana irine dini suryani doi moi dprd dungu e election monitoring organisations entrepreneurs empowerment f fao felix de calderon funcinpec g gabriela gender resource information and development centre general assembly binding women for reform, integri ghana global entrepreneurship monitor global gender equality regimes globalisation grameenbank h harbani pasolong higher national diploma housing and land use regulatory board housing and urban development coordinating council i iligan city school indonesia indonesia corruption watch indonesian political party law irri j jaringan pendidikan pemilih untuk rakyat johor k kawal pemilu kedah kelantan kenya kipp kobayashi, k. komisi pemilihan umum komite independen pelaksanaan pemilu kuala lumpur kung, edwin w. l lampung lanao del sur lao people's democratic republic m malasakit malaysia, marawi city masara masri singarimbun mata massa mdgs men sam an millennium development goals mohamed zaini muhamad ali muhyiddin yassin mutilan, mahid m. n nairobi national association of women entrepreneurs, malay nepal new economic policy new order newmann newstrom, john w. nieto, s. nigeria non-governmental organisations nor fazidah north sumatra norway o oxford p padang pagbabahala pakikipagkapwa pakikisama pakikitungo pakistan palispis parent-teachers' community association people power revolution perak philanthropy philippines prabowo r rahayu., e. s. regional land use committee rice grain rror correction model rural development rusastra, i.w. s sabah saifullah, a. singapore southeast asia stark, rodney suharto sumatra sweden syed shah alam syed zamberi ahmad t tamale tapang or tibay ng loob terengganu thailand the australian national university the centre of southeast asian studies tim obyektif pemantau pemilu timor leste tran thi que typhoon u uganda unfrel university network for free elections utang na loob v venture philanthropy vietnam w west sumatra widarjono, a. world bank z zimbabwe zulkarnain a. hatta http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0056.467-492 the practices of political patronage and clientelism of the democrat party in the 2014 legislative election in ponorogo regency haidar fikri public administration master, faculty of social and political sciences sebelas maret university e-mail: haidarfikri@student.uns.ac.id abstract the democrat party in ponorogo regency still exists despite cases of corruption that ensnared some national political actors. the ponorogo regency attracted the attention of many parties and candidates, including that of the democratic party, during the legislative elections in 2014. this concern included candidate efforts to transform the party through the provision of patronage material in diverse forms such as a unique distribution process, and a variety of patronage models. this research was conducted to determine the practice of patronage politics of the democrat party in the ponorogo regency in 2014. the theory used for this research on the practice of patronage is the theory of patronage and clientelism according to the variables offered by james scott. the qualitative research methods are data collection interviews, and documentation and re ports related to the elections in ponorogo. the results of this study suggest that the practice of patronage in ponorogo conducted by the democrat’s candidate is very diverse, ranging from the use of money given to voters, the provision of public goods targeting social groups such as farmers and youth organizations on the assumption that they were impressionable on an emotional level, and giving pork barrels in the form of road construction and irrigation disbursed through the bkad (inter-agency cooperation board). patronage is certainly dis tributed through clientelism networks such as successful teams that have been prepared since before the election, a network of social groups that utilize a warok, considered a person who has a wise and exalted nature and takes advantage of the village elite. this is a political machine that runs a network to help distribute patronage so that it becomes clientelistic. the interest of this study is the associa tion between patronage and clientelism that is fused with the local culture of the ponorogo community and was mobilized in the legislative election in 2014. keywords: clientelism, legislative elections 2014, patronage, warok jurnal studi pem erintahan (journal of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 467 received: may 3rd, 2017 revised: july 14th, 2017 accepted: august 28th, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0056.467-492 mailto:haidarfikri@student.uns.ac.id vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 468 abstrak partai demokrat di kabupaten ponorogo masih ada meski terjadi kasus korupsi yang menjerat beberapa pelaku politik nasional. kabupaten ponorogo menarik perhatian banyak pihak dan kandidat, termasuk partai demokrat, saat pemilihan legislatif pada 2014. perhatian ini termasuk upaya kandidat untuk mengubah partai melalui penyediaan materi patronase dalam berbagai bentuk seperti proses distribusi yang unik, dan berbagai model patronase. penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui praktik politik patronase partai demokrat di kabupaten ponorogo pada tahun 2014. teori yang digunakan untuk penelitian ini mengenai praktik patronase adalah teori patronase dan clientelism sesuai dengan variabel yang ditawarkan oleh james scott. metode penelitian kualitatif menggunakan wawancara pendataan, dan dokumentasi dan laporan yang berkaitan dengan pemilihan di ponorogo. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa praktik patronase di ponorogo yang dilakukan oleh calon demokrat sangat beragam, mulai dari penggunaan uang yang diberikan kepada pemilih, penyediaan barang publik yang menargetkan kelompok sosial seperti petani dan organisasi pemuda dengan asumsi bahwa mereka mudah terpengaruh pada tingkat emosional, dan berupa konstruksi jalan dan irigasi yang disalurkan melalui bkad (badan kerjasama antar-lembaga). patronase ini pastinya didistribusikan melalui jaringan clientelism seperti tim sukses yang telah dipersiapkan sejak sebelum pemilihan, jaringan kelompok sosial yang memanfaatkan warok, dianggap sebagai orang yang memiliki sifat bijak dan agung dan memanfaatkan elit desa. perilaku tersebut adalah mesin politik yang menjalankan jaringan untuk membantu penyebaran patronase sehingga menjadi clientelistic. ketertarikan dari penelitian ini adalah hubungan antara patronase dan clientelisme yang menyatu dengan budaya lokal masyarakat ponorogo dan dimobilisasi dalam pemilihan legislatif pada tahun 2014. kata kunci: clientelisme, pemilihan legislative 2014, patronase, warok. introduction this research describes the practice of patronage politics in the ponorogo regency, which focuses on the democrat party. as a newcomer, the democrat party is able to bring more color to indonesian politics. the party is seen as a newcomer because it was born after the three major parties: golkar, the pdi, and the ppp. the democratic national vote in 2004 and 2009 increased (kpu.go.id, 2015). the democrats’ achievements over ten years were not repeated in the 2014 election, as their national vote declined. the decline in votes faced by the democrats was for several reasons, one of which was the influence of the cadres involved in corruption cases (kompas.com, 2015). of course, that case has no big impact on the achievements of the democrat party at the regional level, because the democrat party can still maintain their existence following the 2014 election as researchers focused on the ponorogo regency. the results of democratic votes at the national level cannot be separated from the acquisition of votes that came at the re gional level. east java province is a contributing area for the party that brought susilo bambang yudhoyono to the presidency (detiknews.com, 2015). the pacitan regency is utilized by the democrat party to eap the votes from east java (kpu.go.id, 2015). of course other factors give affects to other regencies around the pacitan regency such as ponorogo regency, madiun regency and surrounding areas (rri.co.id, 2015). the ponorogo regency is the basis of the vote of the democrat party, because the vote in this district is very stable. a stable vote from every election in ponorogo makes this research more focused on the democrats. what strategy is used by legislative candidates and cadres of the democrat party to maintain their existence on the political stage of the ponorogo regency? there have been a lot of strategies ranging from good strategies to strategies prohibited by law to gain support from the community as voters. the new phenomenon that is rooted in indonesian politics is a practice of patronage that is increasingly interesting to see, and is even utilized by political actors. the practice of patronage politics is one of the most common political phenomena in indonesia in legislative elections, presidential elections, and elections of regional leaders. the patronage politics referred to in this study are various forms of exchange of benefits between candidates and the elec torate to gain political support at times of elections, especially in the 2014 legislative election in ponorogo regency, which were focused on the local parliament (dprd) in ponorogo regency of the democrat party which has managed to sit as a people representative. the study of patronage politics has actually begun to rise in popularity and is popular in indonesia with various themes re lated to money politics or research that discusses the practice of buying votes at democratic elections. most of these findings look at how the political phenomenon that occurred in indonesia, especially after the end of the new order and entering the reform jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 469 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 470 era, reflects more the transactional political process that has the most tangible money politics. the embodiment of that money politics is like the practice of purchasing votes whenever elections are held. the various ways of explaining the benefits of candidates to the electorate involve many forms of relationship between the candidates and the electorate. “this relationship is what is commonly known as “clientelism” (hasrul, 2010). the terms “patronage” and “clientelism” are actually still difficult to differentiate; there are some circles that equate both these terms and there are also those that distinguish between the notion and the concept of both. this study has its own characteristics by distinguishing both. patronage and clientelism are distinguished by the researchers with a view to clarifying the context of the study. this study is not limited to a close relationship between the two, because it can be said that the practice of patronage is the distribution of materials or certain advantages to supporters or voters that is usually facilitated through mechanisms or relationships that are clientelistic, such as the existence of the tim sukses (successteam), political machines from social networks, and the organizations of political parties themselves. focusing on the main theme or the title of this research about patronage politics in the 2014 legislative elections in the ponorogo regency, the researcher pre sents a discussion that explains the relationship between patron age and clientelism within the democrat party in the regency district. the concept of patronage in social science is in fact still widely debated. this is related to understanding the relationship be tween the concept of patronage and clientelism, which still causes differences of opinion among social scientists. some have equated the notions of these two concepts, and some distinguish between them. in relation to this research alone, the two concepts are distinguished from each other. where the concept of patronage is primarily used, that of clientelism supports it to provide a good understanding of the political symptoms of patronage discussed in this study. political patronage is the relationship between a patron (a person a particular position) and a client (a person in need of something) who are mutually beneficial to each other; in the political context it is the exchange of suffrage with goods and money given by the cadre to the voters (aspinall,2014; hein,2010; sadanan dan, 2012; and scherlis, 2013). such practices are re ferred to as political practices of kinship that are packaged in political patronage (aspinall, 2014; hilman, 2013). indonesia because indonesian people feel they benefit and the candidates also enjoy an advantage in terms of votes in the name of patron age politics and actor philanthropy. of course, this situation is not only experienced by new can didates but also by incumbent or old candidates. more patron age politics emerged from the government to exchange policies with the people so the candidates could be elected again (hachemaoui, 2013; kopecky&scherli, 2008; arriola, 2009; waddell, 2015; wigh, 2015). this direct exchange on the part of the former government was in the form of a policy of an incumbent strategy to gain the attention of the public (alley, 2010; heperand keyman,1998). these distributions and trucks are provided directly to the com munity but others are provided through the network. patronage conducted directly from patrons to clients without going through an intermediary is called “pure patronage” (aspinall, 2014) while gains of patrons and clients through networks or brokers are called “patronage politics”and are clientelistic (aspinall, 2014; hasrul, 2010). the clientelistic network is very important in distributing profits from candidates to voters (aspinall, 2014; auyero, 2000; robinson &verdier, 2013). of course, this network is needed because the character, culture, and needs in the community that most understand is a network or a successful team (aspinall, 2014; auyero, 2000;hasrul, 2010;hilman, 2013; robinson & verdier,2013) jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 471 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 472 this political clientelismis repeatable that is uninterrupted after the election, but persists when the candidate is elected (aspinall, 2015; hasrul, 2010; hilman, 2013; hrebenar, 2007; winters, 2016). the practice of political patronage will not be perfect when a network is not formed, so this network of clientelism needs to distribute something to the community to achieve its purpose. research on the politics of patronage and clientelism has been carried out but only to see how the practice of political patron age in elections and clientelism can be seen in isolation from the perspective of elections. such research in cludes jovano deivid oleyver, titled “the application of political patronage in victory of justice and unity party indonesia in the legislative election of bitung city in 2009.” this research was conducted in 2014, with the use of patron-client theory in collaboration with distributive political theory to discuss the victory of the justice party and indonesian unity in the legislative election in bitung city in 2009. this is the difference with the research itself, where the concept of patronage is specifically combined with the concept of clientelism. in addition, differences are also found in the patron-client framework itself, where the highlight of the study emphasizes the practice of vote buying, pork-barreling, and constituency service, while this research further systematizes the distribution in a broader classification and refers to the distribution of variations of patronage forms of aspinall and sukmajati. while the equation itself is more about the main theme that is discussed specifically to see the symptoms of pa tronage politics in the event of a legislative election, the type of research used is also the same as qualitative research. while the research of nurfaizin on the kroni santri patron age relationship collapse in local political space (study on regional election of pamekasan regency in 2013) has a similar research theme, i.e. patronage, the scope taken in patronage in the research is more between santri and kiai with the case study in the pamekasan regency. this is in contrast to this study, which focuses more on patronage in legislative elections in relation to legislative candidates with voters in the ponorogo regency, espe cially for candidates of regency/city dprd from the democrat party. from the two previous studies above, in particular this study,the revealing of various forms of patronage politics refers to the distribution of variations of patronage forms expressed by aspinall and sukmajati (2015). the distribution of variations of patronage forms expressed by aspinall and sukmajati includes five forms, namely vote buying, individual gifts, services and ac tivities, club goods, and pork barrel projects. of course, the con cept of patronage in this study is not patronage alone but rather a look at clientelism in accordance with aspinall and sukmajati (2014). the purpose of this research is to the concept of patronage and clientelism because these two things have never been used by other researchers to visualize the political problems in indonesia. theoretical review political patronage the notion of the concept of patronage in social science is in fact still widely debated. this is related to understanding the relationship between the concept of patronage and clientelism, which still causes differences of opinion among so cial scientists. some have equated the notions of these two con cepts, and some distinguish between them. in relation to this research alone, the two concepts are distinguished from each other,with the concept of patronage being primarily used, and the concept of clientelism in support to provide a good under standing of the patronage political symptoms discussed in this study. this section will discuss the concept of patronage, and afterwards the concept of clientelism will be presented in the next section. in relation to the context of this research, we can see how this patronage relationship becomes a form of profit exchange or dis jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 473 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 474 tribution of profits that is expected to provide support or votes from those given to profit-giving politicians. because the patron age form is done with diverse expectations for the replies of the distribution as described: “political parties, party factions, indi vidual politicians expect the following rewards from patronage: votes, energy, money, strategy flexibility, and retrieval capacity policy” (muller and vousden, 2014). specifically in this study, revealing various forms of patron age politics refers to the distribution of variations of patronage forms expressed by aspinall and sukmajati (2015). the distribu tion of variations of patronage forms revealed by aspinall and sukmajati includes five forms, namely vote buying, individual gifts, services and activities, club goods, and pork barrel projects. variations of this form of patronage will be explained by defin ing and classifying each one as follows: vote buying is the systematic distribution of cash payments from candidates to voters within days of an election accompa nied by an implicit expectation that the recipients will respond by voting for the giver (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). in prac tice, patronage actions that are classified in terms of vote pur chases by these candidates are usually performed systematically using mobilization networks, or can also be regarded as useful waysto record the voters and later to distribute money/goods to voters. apart from the patronage form of vote buying, there is also patronage in the form of private gifts (aspinall, 2014). individual gifts are usually patronage practices undertaken to support sound purchasing practices to be more systematic. this is done by giving certain forms of gifts in person. these personal gifts are often described as glossy social relationships, such as giving personal gifts such as souvenirs (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). the classification of the practice of providing personal items is actually very difficult to distinguish from sound buying practices. therefore, according to aspinall and sukmajati, the practice of giving personal goods can be categorized into several parts, namely giving in the form of small objects (such as calen dars and keychains), foodstuffs, and other small objects that have religious significance (such as fabrics, household appliances, hijabs, mukenas and prayer rugs). furthermore, in addition to vote purchases and personal grants, this form of patronage can also be in the form of services and activities. service and activity is a form of patronage practice by provid ing or financing various forms of activities and services for vot ers. in general, the form of activity that is most often performed by candidates or party politicians is campaigning during a cel ebration of a particular community. other examples of this in clude sporting events, chess or dominos tournaments, recitation forums, cooking demonstrations, group singing, parties organized by the community, etc. (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). in addition to these forms of activities, the forms of service to the community include a variety of free health services such as free ambulances and checkups, as well as garbage collection, and many other forms of service. in addition to services and activities, another form of patron age is the provision of group items. club goods are patronage practices aimed at providing benefits to a particular group of people or social groups, not just individual benefits. club goods in practice in indonesia can be divided into two categories: do nations to community associations and donations to communi ties living in urban, rural, or other environments (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). usually, most politicians or parties feel that the strategy of providing benefits in the form of group items to a particular community is less effective because of the reciprocal elements that have been discussed earlier. therefore, the provision of these public goods is usually done with the strong support of commu nity leaders who have an influence on the groups to which these goods are distributed. so the expected reciprocity in the form of support on election day becomes more convincing because of the community leaders who are heard and obeyed by the voters coming from the beneficiary community. in addition to several jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 475 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 476 forms of distribution of profits in the patronage that has been described above, the last form of patronage expressed by aspinall and sukmajati (2015) is in the form of pork barrel projects. in addition, aspiration funds, which are usually provided to the legislature and are intended as funds to be used by legisla tors in response to constituent or community aspirations, are usually used by incumbents for this purpose. where projects are awarded by legislators to the community with the aim of the community choosing the candidate again at the next election. in fact, the community groups in certain geographical areas that have received pork barrel profits are included in campaign teams. another form of this is where the candidate provides payments to the members of the success team and provides other benefits that are more clientelical and more sustainable, such as providing employment or assistance to obtain allocation of government projects (aspinall, davidsonand weiss, 2016). in aspinall and sukmajati’s research on the 2014 legislative election, they saw that there was a reciprocal relationship between patronage and electoral fraud. whereas in some studies, election fraud is sometimes regarded as an alternative to patronage, based on the research they conducted, aspinall and sukmajati found that election fraud and patronage may be linked. several variations of the patronage form described above are referenced from aspinall and sukmajati’s (2015) exposure guide lines that are used in this study. the concept of clientelism, which will also be used in this study to support the concept of patron age, will be described in the next section. clientelism in relation to this research, the pattern that is used, or the concept of clientelism that is used in this case, refers to the expo sure of aspinall and sukmajati’s patronage concept, referred to above. aspinall and sukmajati refer more to the notion that clientelism is a characteristic of the relationship between politi cians and voters or supporters (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015. aspinall and sukmajati’s exposure referred to research on the last elections of 2014 in indonesia, where when looking at the context of the research at the time of the election, the concept of clientelism is meant to be both synonymous with the concept of new clientelism and with democratic elections. but the subject of patrons places more emphasis on individual politicians of political parties who are more similar to the pattern of old clientelism, although political party politicians are not entirely autonomous as in the concept of old clientelism, since politi cians are people who come from political parties that have been selected through an internal party mechanism. that means that the party is still in control over the individual. furthermore, aspinall and sukmajati (in hicken, 2008) ex plain the definition of clientelism which consists of three things. first, contingency or reciprocity: goods or services of one party (patron or client) are a direct response to the reply of the other party (hicken, 2008, p. 291); usually, material sources are ex changed with sound or other forms of political performance. second, hierarchy: there is an emphasis on unequal power rela tionships between patrons and clients. third, repetition: clientelistic momentum persists (aspinall, davidsonand weiss, 2016). in aspinall’s experience with the concept of patronage that has been reviewed before, he alluded to the fact that to overcome the problem of reciprocity, politicians usually use relationships that are clientelistic to launch the practice of patronage, because in a clientelistic relationship, patronage is not merely a shortterm issue with material exchange) between a candidate and a voter, but part of a long-term relationship that is equalon both sides (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). furthermore, in aspinall and sukmajati’s presentation of clientelism, they describe a clientelistic relationship in the form of the vote broker network commonly used in indonesia, where the form of broker network is formulated based on the results of research related to money politics in general elections or the legislative elections of 2014. the forms of vote broker network in jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 477 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 478 this case include three forms of the success team networks, so cial networking machines, and political parties. each of aspinall and sukmajati’s wise vote brokers are described below: the successteam. the vote broker network that falls into the category of the success teamis a vote broker network that is com monly used. a variety of titles are usually used, such as, in this case,”winning team.” in general, the success teams are usually personalized and promote campaigning for individual candidates, though often the success teams also work for a number of candi dates in the form of tandem campaigns (aspinall and sukmajati, 2015). the problems that often occur in the success teams that create reciprocal problems that should be overcome through the use of the success teams are embezzlement, inaction, and fraud brokers. therefore, usually, the politicians or candidates in the election are very concerned about these issues. apart from the broker network in the form of the success team, there is also a broker network in the form of social networking machines. the social networking machines in the reviews provided by aspinall and sukmajati are more like influential community lead ers. it is not uncommon for these public figures to have formal positions in government such as village heads and rt/rw heads, and they may also be chairmen of formal associations in the form of ethnic groups, clubs, including sports clubs, and even religious groups. the utilization of community leaders as a social networking machine is carried out by candidates in the hope that followers of these figures can be encouraged to support it. from the two forms of brokerage network that have been dis closed, the success team and brokerage network, aspinall and sukmajati observe that the broker structure uses at least two dif ferent routes to reach the voters, namely through the success team (or political party) organized territorially and through the social network. along with the two forms of brokerage networks that have been described above, the last brokerage network is a political party. a political party is a broker network that plays the smallest role in organizing a grassroots campaign to support the candi date. political parties are usually used by candidates who are members of the party. this means that even if the political party turns out to be the most minimal mobile mobilization network, it will become effective when based on candidates who are from party officials rather than cadres who are not party administra tors. the use of political party cadres to mobilize votes for one of the candidates, who are usually the administrators or even party chiefs at the local and central level, must be a disadvantage for other candidates from the same party who are also competing. in relation to this research, the concept of patronage and its various forms and clientelism along with the form of mobiliza tion network of voters described above in reference to aspinall and sukmajati is the concept that is used as the theoretical foun dation in this research. from the above explanation, the re searcher here will also provide a chart that will illustrate these two concepts to present a clear picture of the mechanisms of patronage or patentee patronage work that will be described as being modified from the patron-client cluster and patron-client pyramid charts presented by james scott. although james scott’s concept was not the main reference in the theoretical framework used by the research, the researcher felt that the chart could illustrate the patentee patronage and patronage framework in this study, with some modifications from the researcher to fit the context of this study and to fit the main focus of the study: jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olit ics ) 479 source: the modification from the patron-client pyramid chart of scott (1992). figure 1. patronage candidat candidat candidat vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n figure i provides an explanation of how the pattern or frame work of political patronage is referred to in this study, in which the distribution of profits from the candidates to the voters is 480 done directly without the broker network, which is more clientelical. the distribution of these benefits can also be to in dividual voters (not personalistic) as well as to specific social groups in society. the way of distributing candidates to indi viduals and certain social groups here is more of a one-off rela tionship, as is the distribution of benefits that follow cultural values in society to deal with reciprocal issues that have been previously reviewed. distribution can also be to groups or indi viduals who are familiar with the candidate, but have no person alistic relationship with the candidate, only to a casual introduc tion that has no long-term and repetitive value. source: the modification from the patron-client pyramid chart of scott (1992). figure 2. the patronage chart is clientelistic figure 2 explains how the work patterns or mechanism of candidat broker broker voter voter voter voter voter patronage work are clientelistic. patronage that is clientelistic, as can be seen in the chart above, is the distribution of benefits through certain mobilization networks such as success teams, social networking machines, and political parties themselves. personalistic, hierarchical, and repetitive relationships are usu ally established between candidates and brokers, who serve as a winning team or candidate campaign team. the relationship between the broker and the voter may also be personalistic, but that between the voter and the candidate is not personalistic, hierarchical, or repetitive. therefore, it is said that this patron age is clientelistic. research methods the type of research used is descriptive with a qualitative ap proach. the focus of this research is to look at the political prac tices of the democrat party in the 2014 election in ponorogo regency. the location of research in ponorogo with research sites is the democrat party of ponorogo regency. for data collection, researchers used observation techniques, interviewsand documen tation. qualitative data analysis is usedas proposed by miles, hubermanand saldana (2014, p. 33). discussion the patronage practice of thedemocrat party in ponorogo the phenomenon of giving money during the night and even early in the morning, which is often called the “dawn attack” by the community, is certainly no stranger to elections. in 2009, the granting of money in the form of dawn raids was still carried out by the candidates and continued with the district electionin 2010. continuing into the legislative elections in 2014, this prac tice of giving money is increasingly evident and not coveredup completely. of course, in the 2014 legislative election in the ponorogo regency it could be called vulgar, because giving money was no longer hidden and secret as the cadre through the net jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 481 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 482 work shared the money when the voters went to the polling sta tion. the election was ravaged by candidates who used sound purchases in the form of money or goods in the 2014 election in the ponorogo regency (lsmprc, 2015). this openness of money giving practices is balanced by the activities of candidates who approach the community as voters by providing goods and social assistance. this occurred during the campaign period and even started before the campaign took place. such practices are performed by entering the social activi ties of the community and offering political contracts and social assistance. the legislative election in ponorogo in 2014 targeted young people more, who represented many first-time voters. candidates offered a variety of goods to gain the sympathy of young people whose activities they had been entered. besides that, the incumbent legislative candidate has more to do with the political practice of pig barreling or pork barreling to the society of their election area. the project with the above candidates was rampant in the legislative election in 2014. assistance in developing the village road and irrigation is mostly done by the cadets of incumbent (2015) the provision of social assistance to the community conducted by democratic candidates has a target. the candidates’ target is young people and women religious study (interview commu nity in the electoral district 1,2015). the purpose and objective is to draw the votes of the novice voters and sympathy from among the mothers of women religious study. the practice of giving goods by the candidate from the democrats does not stop there because they are targeting the preservation culture of the ponorogo reogby providing assistance to villages and commu nity groups that do not have reog. farming groups,which domi nate among the community, are also targeted by the candidates with the provision of assistance such as agricultural equipment. the practice of patronage in the form of club goods in certain communities in society, and some that use more money in par ticular, even these candidates collaborate both of these patron age practices in order to attract the sympathy and support of the community. in addition, the pure patronage in the ponorogo regency is realized by giving money either directly or through the network to select candidates. distribution of vote buying/pocket money and the provision of goods are often termed patronage as shown below: jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 483 source: compiled by the author (2015). figure 3. vote buying distribution flow the process of distributing money itself has a very different plot, starting directly with the red line community (pure), through a success team to the voters up through the group leader (pure) to distribute money to individuals within the group. proper pa tronage practices can be seen from the existence of a direct award from the candidate to the community without going through the clientelistic network (community in the electoral district 6,2015). other giving of money to individuals is mostly done by candidates not directly but through individual community fig ures and success teams. in addition, it would be more interest ing to see the distribution of money through the group for the individuals in it done through the success team and commu nity leaders and directly from the candidate who is closer to the chairman of the group. in addition to vote buying there is also the purchase of votes through the election, often called “vote candidate success team & local elders group chief society election organizers persons in group vote result vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 484 trading.” the pocket money (sanggu) is distributed into two different ways: through intermediaries and directly to the community (community in the electoral district 2, 2015). in the intermedi ary way, it can take place through the success team and the group leaders who target individuals in the group (patronage is clientelistic) (community in the electoral district 3, 2015).the selection of youth group targets is a separate strategy because young people and novice selectors are very easily influenced by the group leader. the influence of the group leader on the members is proof of the high degree of sendikodawuh from the members to the chairperson. (community in the electoral district5, 2015). the amount of money is very diverse, ranging from 25,000 to 100,000/person. the giving of this item is often referred to as an individual gift, which in practice in ponorogo is in the form of a calendar, tshirt,or wall clock (community in the electoral district 4, 2015). in addition to the voters, there is a candidate in the electoral district 6 who buys votes from the election organiz ers by raising results from the votes of other candidates in one party. this practice was carried out in the village of carang rejo in the sampung regency (poling station 12) by members of the pps (jaringan.news.com, 2015),not only in the form of money given to the voters but also to the needy. the granting of this item is referred to as “club goods” (aspinall, 2014). this term is used for the giving of goods to social groups, in contrast to individual gifts, which refers more to the giving of private goods to society, whereas club goods refers more to giving goods needed by nonmember groups. youths are the group most targeted by providing assistance in the form of goods that can be leased to the community for the purpose of getting rent as group income, the goods being in the form of tents, generators, and other equipment (community in the electoral district2, 2015). goods in this group are also given to agricultural groups because almost half of the land in ponorogo is agricultural. goods such as sickles, fertilizers, and rice grinding machines are provided (community in the electoral district3, 2015). in addition to targeting young people and gapoktan, distribution of goods in this group also targets mothers and mothers’ groups,women’s religious study groups, and reog art groups (reogart figures, 2015). in practice, the political patronage in ponorogo has many terms such as open-openanarea injava. the local language has be come the basis of the vote of political parties and even the vote base of the actors. the provision of pork barreling is very bind ing to the voters who are open because the culture of helping each other in mataraman is highly esteemed (harsono, 2015). the form of this pork barrel is the provision of road-building assistance, irrigation, and culvert making (the success team in the electoral district 4). the distribution from pork barrel in the ponorogo regency is made easier with the diagram below. the area was given the name open-openan because this was the base of the vote at the previous election (the success team in the electoral district 1, 2015). in addition, as the target of the goods group of the open-openan area this becomes the focus of pork barreling by the candidate to the constituents. pork barrels are a government aid that should be distributed to those con stituents who supported the previous election and usually this is carried out by an incumbent candidate. the provision of pork barrels is binding on voters in the open openan areas because the culture of helping each other is highly respected (harsono, 2015). the form of pork barrel is the provi sion of roads, irrigation, and culverts (4). the distribution of pork barrels in the ponorogo regency is shown in figure 4. the use of government funds to aid misuse as a political strat egy is a form of patronage politics with pork barrels. the distri bution of aspiration funds in ponorogo regency is generally carried out in two ways through the skpd and bkad (intervillage cooperation councils) (the success team in the electoral district 4,2015). first, the fund is derived through the regency’s agencies to work on projects in the field. the mechanism of this is a jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 485 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 486 proposal submitted directly by the community to the skpd and the situation of the area is review edit can be considered. this first distribution method is not an option for the board to put its name to the project because of the work and process through the skpd. projects through the skpd are purely re viewed in the area and do not become parliamentary entrants, in contrast to the funds through the bkad (the success team in the electoral district 4, 2015). source: compiled by the author (2015). figure 4. the distribution of park barrel the second method of distribution is that funds can be dis bursed through the bkad and channeled to the accounts of community groups both within one region and incorporated into a cube consisting of at least 15 people to a member of the dprd (the success team in the electoral district 3,2015). a member of the regional people’s legislative assembly gave a letter of rec the society group who makes a proposal agencies in regency (skpd) through the broker, society brings the proposal to the incumbent legislative candidates selection formulation and the proposal approval by the incumbent legislative candidates the assistant of the incumbent legislative candidates brings the proposal to the executive official bkad (the fund is delivered to ommendation on the proposal submitted by the residents and then the proposal was brought by the personal assistant to the bkad (the success team in the electoral district4,2015). the distribution of government project funds (aspiration funds) utilized by democrat party incumbent candidates is to be discussed through the bkad. government projects that should be purely for the needy areas with the submission process from the community through the skpd should be used by candidates to enter into the pork barrel project. this is done through the process of extending the hands of brokers and success teams to act as a bridge between the community and the candidate. com munication between the success team and communities greatly affects the success of a project that gets responses from the legislature. the clientelism network of the democrat party in ponorogo regency according to aspinall and sukmajati’s (2015), there are at least three mobilization network routes to be discussed here. first is the success team. the successful of this team is carried out by almost all democrat candidates who are either in or out. second are social networking machines. the candidates utilize public figures ranging from village bureaucrats to religious and cultural figures. third is preserve political party machine. the democrat candidates utilize the political machine in terms of cadres located at the bottom of the pac in each village and the election district. there are the network of the success team, community lead ers, and political parties in distributing patronage to the community. in the three forms of mobilization network of voters who have this clientelistic relation, based on the data of candidates of the researcher, all speakers admitted to using the network of success teams in order to win the nomination. furthermore, social networking machines such as community leaders, most of the speakers only claim to use more as a driver, or can be jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 487 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 488 said as people who are used for the power of community in the application of various forms of patronage politics, as well as some who use it as a network of voter mobilization. in contrast to the political party machine this is only used for the implementation of the democratic party’s pork barrel. first, this explanation dis cusses the success team that spearheads the candidates: source: compiled by the author (2015). figure 5. the role of the success team the candidate’s approach by always collecting success from mid-2012 until the 2014 election is a form of emotional approach to the candidate’s success team, and the formation of a success team is done by pre-empting the request of willingness such writ ten agreement from the success team to the candidate that the supporting candidates entirely as well as the 2009 nomination. the number of success teams from the democrat candidates for nominating dprd level can be fairly selective, remembering that this is done to get a success team that can actually work for the candidate. of course, good sorting like this avoids the cheating done by the success team because sometimes there is a double success team (candidate, 2016). the form of success team selection became a candidate’s readiness to fight in the legislative society mobilization candidate the social group success team the open openan areas new and risk areas the success team in the village the group chair elites in society elections in the ponorogo district in 2014. the structure of the success teams in this section is well or ganized and tends to be stratified. the structure of thesuccess teams can be said to be effective for the seizure of seats in the local parliament. of course, the effectiveness of this network will be paid off when the candidate wins in accordance with the acquisition of his votes. this difference occurs because, as can be seen, the level of the success team from the top level is the success team leader who is in the district as the holder of a suc cess team command on behalf of the candidate, of course. then enter the next level to the village coordinator which is divided into three, so the implementation will be easy. ease in this struc ture as it is clear the duties and functions of success teams that are under the command of the success team of the chairman in the district. the task of the village coordinating team is to achieve success in the open-openan area and the most important is the task for new and vulnerable areas. communities recruited as success teams also have a clear task of maintaining votes at the “open-pure” and community level. the most important tasks are derived from the group leader who is in charge of his group by utilizing “joint risk” in the matraman culture. after discussing the next success team of social network which is more domi nated by warokand village elites who are members of the win ning team of candidates. warokis the strongest network in ponorogo because of the wise attitude and is obeyed by the public as the target of candi dates to attract entry into the net (candidate, 2015). therefore, the blessing and assistance of warokare needed by the candidates to attract voters. people who are trusted by the warok community can contribute a lot of votes to the candidates. in addition, vil lage elites such as rt to village heads become the candidate choice as a network because they are closest to the community (candi date, 2015). the proximity of the village elite to the community is the second strongest network after warok. the last is the politi cal machine network, where most are the heads of the village jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 489 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 490 where there are most members of political parties. the position of the village chief is considered the most ideal for networking because candidates can distribute pork barrels directly to the vil lage head (candidate, 2016). this is what makes the village head’s bond with the political party very strong because it keeps the open-openan area as a recipient of pork barrels or club goods. the use of patronage is the most widely adopted patrolbecause the use of pure patronage is very vulnerable to its implementa tion, while the disadvantage of pure clientelism is that there are a lot of costs borne by the candidate. so candidates prefer to use patronage that is clientelistic. conclusion the conclusion can be drawn from the results of this study that the democrat candidates, first using patronage in the form of votes, gives outgroup goods and pork barrels. giving money is targeted at communities, group members, and election organizers. the political money used in ponorogo is termed “pocket money”of 25,000–100,000. the distribution of public goods in ponorogo targets youth groups such as youth cadres, martial arts, gapoktan, art groups, and women’s religious study groups. areas with open communities are targeted as candidates for public goods and pork barrels such as roads, irrigation, and culverts. the distribution process is through the bkad (inter-village cooperation agency) and is directly distributed to the community. secondly, the clientelistic network of the democrat party candidates uses success teams, social networks, and political machinery. the success teams are set up ahead of time and have their own functions ranging from the chairman to village coordination, whereas social networks are dominated by the nearest warok and village elite forces within the community. the politics used by the democrats uses the cadre of village heads to keep the openopenan areas. patronage with various deficiencies and clientelism as well as the use of patronage that is clientelistic are more desirable from democratic candidates and candidates from other parties. references arriola,l. r.(2009). patronage and 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http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0051.327 351 the involvement of state gov ernment, agencies and local authority policies on the conser vation of heritage spots in ma laysia mohd hiriy ghazali, mohd jani, abdullah sumrahadi and bahtiar mohamad universiti utara malaysia (uum), mohdhiriy52@gmail.com, abdullahsumrahadi@gmail.com and mbahtiar@uum.edu.my abstract this paper is analyzes the local policy implementation by the state authorities at two historical cities, namely melaka (malacca) and george town, penang. both cities are awarded as the united nations educational, scientific and cultural or ganization (unesco) world heritage sites. one of the most prominent compo nent of tangible cultural heritage is historic buildings. thus, it is essential to ensure the sustainability of those buildings so that they will keep attracting more domestic and international travelers. lack of awareness from the local residents is one main issue arises due to some policies imposed by the local government concerning the historic buildings. this paper is based on previous literature and from findings of a study. the findings were obtained from content analysis of local daily bilingual print newspapers namely the star and berita harian (bh) on the portrayal of cultural heritage in malaysia. the result of this paper would sheds some light, especially on the conservation of historical buildings to both historical cities through the role of the state government and agencies in imple menting and enforcing the formulated policies. keywords: melaka, george town, historic buildings conservation, state govern ment policy, agency. abstrak analisis pada paper ini terkait dengan implementasi kebijakan daerah pada otoritas negara di dua kota bersejarah, yaitu melaka (malaka) dan george town, penang. kedua kota tersebut mendapatkan penghargaan sebagai warisan situs dunia oleh united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization (unesco). salah satu komponen terpenting dari warisan budaya yang dibentuk dalam bangunan bersejarah. dengan demikian, penting untuk memastikan keberlanjutan bangunan tersebut sehingga mereka tetap dapat menarik lebih banyak lagi pelancong domestik dan internasional. kurangnya kesadaran dari warga jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olit ics ) 327 received: april 4, 2017 revised: august 28, 2017 accepted: august 29, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0051.327 mailto:mohdhiriy52@gmail.com mailto:abdullahsumrahadi@gmail.com mailto:mbahtiar@uum.edu.my vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 328 sekdsdsditar merupakan salah satu isu utama yang muncul karena beberapa kebijakan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah mengenai bangunan bersejarah tersebut. paper ini berdasarkan pada tinjauan pustaka dan dari temuan sebuah penelitian. temuan ini di dapat dari analisis isi surat kabar, cetak harian, dwibahasa harian yaitu the star dan berita harian (bh) tentang penggambaran warisan budaya di malaysia. hasil dari makalah ini mengenai beberapa hal, terutama mengenai konservasi bangunan bersejarah pada kedua kota bersejarah tersebut melalui peran pemerintah bagian dan lembaga dalam menerapkan dan menegakkan kebijakan yang dirumuskan. kata kunci: melaka, george town, konservasi bangunan bersejarah, kebijakan pemerintah negara bagian, agensi. introduction according to united nations conference on trade and de velopment (unctad) (2004; 2008, pp. 1213) generally classi fies creative industries into four areas such as heritagetradi tional cultural expressions and cultural sites; artsvisual arts and performing arts; media (not include new media)publishing and printed media and audiovisuals; and functional creationsnew media, design and creative services. it is obvious to say that this classification appears the intersections between culture, tourism and creative industries sectors that lead this paper’s exploration of cultural heritage in malaysia. thus, before the paper elabo rates more on cultural heritage, it is imperative to look first the tourism perspective in general view. the tourism sector has grown remarkably in the past few de cades. in line with the progress in tourism, there is a high inter est in heritage, culture and history. not just domestic but also international tourists are interested in visiting historical sites, museums, and culture events (cook, 2000). recently, the new trends of tourism emerged so-called cultural heritage tourism. indeed, this trend is evident in the rise of the capacity of tourists who seek adventure, culture, history, archeology and interaction with local people (chourasia, 2012). interestingly to note that, cultural and heritage are two inter related forms of tourism. faulkner (et al., 2000) explained that heritage focus on the past, while culture focus on the present way of life of a visited community. next, is to know what actually the meaning of cultural heritage, and one of the most exact defi nitions comes from the virgina deapartment of historic re sources (real, 2000, p. 291); “cultural or heritage tourism is travel directed towards experiencing the heritage, arts and spe cial character of a place in an exciting, and informative way.” in short, this definition actually express several of the main points of cultural heritage tourism. cultural heritage tourism is essential for various reasons such as; it has a positive economic and social impact, it establishes and reinforces identity, and it helps preserve the cultural heri tage, with culture as an instrument, it facilitates harmony and understanding among people, and it supports culture and helps renew tourism (richards, 1996). besides that, in general thus, cultural heritage can be divided by two forms which are tangible as well as intangible. for tangibles heritage encompasses historic buildings and structures, monuments and architectural remnants, and next intangibles includes values, tradition, philosophies, ceremonies and art forms (nuryanti, 1996; prentice, 1993). the purpose of this study is to analyze on previous literatures and the role of print media in highlighting the issue of conserva tion on the historic buildings especially in world heritage site and policies implemented by the state and local authorities upon the local residents. hence, the research may further help us to give an idea whether print media playing significant role in cov ering those issues as mentioned earlier and most importantly, through its impact in creating awareness especially among the local readers. literaturereview conservation is indeed given much attention especially by developed countries. on the other hand, the sad condition of historic conservation in malaysia was long left untold and ig nored until the federal government recently realized the impor tance of historic buildings as living evidence of the national suc cess and growth (shahrul yani et al., 2013). in parallel with that, the conservation matter becomes even more pivotal mainly when jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 329 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 330 melaka and george town are recognized as world heritage site by unesco in year 2008 (bh/berita minggu, 2008, novem ber 23; the star, 2008, july 9 & november 23). since then, conservation appears to be an important topic in the field of cultural heritage and there are several previous studies can be highlighted as next. basically, conservation has been regarded as a tool to safe guard the historic buildings. wan hashimah (2012) explained the historic buildings differ from most other cultural properties in that they generally have to be used, able to bear live and dead loadings and also be able to resist all the causes of decay. in addition, conservation of historic buildings includes maintenance and also may relation to circumstances include preservation, res toration, adaption and reconstruction or a combination of these approaches. while in the context of malaysia, urban or city con servation is categorized into three general groups, which are the building conservation, area conservation and cultural conserva tion (mohamed et al., 2001). moreover, the policies and guide lines on urban conservation have been implemented together by the state and federal governments, local authorities, depart ment of museums and antiquity, heritage trusts and other pro fessional bodies. in line with above, a similar study by mohamed et al. (2001, pp. 7-9) acquired in major historic cities in malaysia for instance george town, melaka, kota bharu, taiping and ipoh has iden tified challenges facing by these heritage cities as follow; design of new township development, depopulation of inner city, in tensive and uncontrolled development pressures, insufficient legislations and enforcement, changing lifestyles and consump tion patterns of city dwellers, expectation of new tourists, public awareness, and environmental degradation. next, is a study of the old town centers in malaysia began in 1992 and disclosed some worrying trends that threaten the survival of the historic cities (shamsuddin & sulaiman, 2002). the subsequent threats are classified into five groups which are; the disruption of the urban pattern, disappearing townscape, changing activity pattern, visual monotony and absolescence, and gentrification. at the same vein, the disruption of the urban pattern expands when the historic core’s unique pattern is slowly interrupted by the invasion of office tower blocks as well as huge blocks of shop ping complexes which altering the existing skyline of the area, for instance in penang (shahrul yani et al., 2013). apart from that, large-scale modern developments such as hotels and ser vice apartments were introduced in the redevelopment scheme of george town, that could have been located elsewhere if there had been a more suitable development policy which identified the importance of the unique urban pattern. the risk of allow ing large scale commercial development, if not designed sensi tively within the historic core thus, an ability to ‘act as a cancer that could spread’ (shamsuddin & sulaiman, 2002, p. 8) and eventually destroy the whole fabric of the historic environment. furthermore, the impacts are not just for the insensitive specula tive growth and inflate the land values, but later also will make the historic buildings not any more economically viable as well as abandoned of dilapidation due to the scarcity of financial ca pabilities. other study like kamal et al. (2008) found that many heri tage buildings in malaysia still remain in poor conditions with signs of critical building defects, which threatening their survival. actually, this is evident from a survey of 209 heritage buildings at four historical cities and towns such as george town, ipoh, and kuala lumpur, in order to recognize the current conditions of the heritage buildings as well as the level of building defects that occur at those buildings. kamal et al. (2008) revealed the one of the significant findings is that 39 percent of the buildings surveyed were poorly maintained. besides that, the study also showed that 83 percent of the buildings surveyed had signs of serious buildings defects; 74 percent of the buildings were not properly conserved; and the last one, 84 percent of the buildings were in terrible condition and require of urgent conservation jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 331 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 332 tasks. while, according to a. ghafar (2009), most of the heritage buildings in the country were not conserved well and many of them were in a dilapidated condition that caused by damage factor to the building. the worst part is, when some of the heri tage buildings were being threatened by destruction due to ig nored by the real owners and demolished at the insistence of development as well as lack of concerns of the community in efforts to conserve heritage buildings (hamilton & zuraini, 2002). therefore, conservation is very important to ensure the continuity of the culture and tradition of the city itself. cultural heritage in malaysia malaysia’s heritage is totally a unique expression of our his tory and national identity. malaysia consists of three major ethnics such as malays, chinese and indian and follows by other indig enous groups incuding orang asli, melanau, dayaks, kadazan and many more. in addition, there are also joining groups of mixed descent for instance euroasians of portuguese, baba and nyonyas and other european ancestry and also other immigrant of asian ethnicities. besides that, the country also has owned several amazing cultural heritage resources thar are readily acces sible to be explored for instance historical buildings, friendly atmosphere and colourful lifestyles. realizing the potential of cultural heritage thus, malaysia now taking this matter more seriously as it later will generate the na tional economic growth particularly in the tourism sector. with unesco’s recognition of melaka and george town on july, 2008, consequently, the country is aim to utilize this kind of resources in order to generate more tourism activities. needless to say, the world heritage site status by unesco is a great potential, especially for ‘culture-heritage tourism’ sector (shida et al., 2013, p. 89). in the same parallel, the world tourism organization (wto) (2004) revealed that malaysia as one of the most popular desti nations in southeast asia as well as asia, for international tour ists arrivals. therefore, melaka and george town has been regis tered by united nations, educational, scientific and cultural organization (unesco) as world heritage sites in terms of to give experience and knowledge to the visitors in particular. in fact, the wto (2004) identified malaysia as one of the most popular destinations in asia for international tourists, and in southeast asia thus, malaysia captured around eleven per cent (11%) of international tourist arrivals (wto, 2010). in addi tion, khalifah & tahir (1997, p. 178) revealed that the cultural tourism products are spotted as one of the major assets for this country. currently, there are two types of cultural heritage exists in the country, known as tangible and intangible. according to safinaz et al., (2001) explained that tangible can be found in the form of buildings or artifacts, while on the other hand intan gible was in terms of people’s values, attitudes and way of life, that may have existed or exist in relation to the heritage of ma laysia or any part of malaysia or in relation to the heritage of a malaysian community. hence, in the context of this paper it is obvious to note that, its shall emphasize just on the tangible cultural heritage which is historical buildings within a unesco world heritage sites in the country. worldheritage site anditsimpact generally, a world heritage site is a place or an area which has outstanding universal value and is listed by the unesco (unesco, 2008). it is globally accepted that heritage sites with significant importance should be protected in order to prevent the loss of cultural and natural heritage all over the world. as a result, convention concerning the protection of the world’s cultural and natural heritage, which has articles about selec tion and protection of the world heritage sites, was accepted in the general conference of unesco in 1972. indeed, the world heritage sites selected according to this convention, obtains not jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 333 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 334 only a high prestige for the countries but also physical, social and economical benefits and as a result, high amounts of hard worked applications prepared by state parties to enter the world heritage list (whl) are handed in to world heritage centre (ertan & egercioglu, 2016). every countries are always ambitious about entering the whl with their cultural heritage zones. while application process is a difficult and long journey but of course, it is worth it for striving onto it. being on world heritage site doesn’t bring regular fund ing however it brings recognition, status and thus easy accessibil ity to conservation funds from unesco or other associations (shackley, 2000). once a heritage site makes it to the unesco list, it becomes a world tourist attraction spot. with the increasing of curiosity of people for different cultures thus, a consequence is the grow ing numbers of visitors to world heritage sites and this leads to a substantial contribution to the country’s economy. in fact, with improved quality standards and better advertisement opportuni ties, tourist number increases even more and they tend to stay longer (cros, 2007). in addition, this tourist flood and acknowl edging ease the process of sponsor seeking for the site once re quired. despite the difficulties in getting listed, there are some ad vantages has been identified. one of them, for instance the world heritage (wh) brands opens up many possibilities for sites, par ticularly in tourism (hall & piggin, 2002, 2003). next, the site will attract more tourists (buckley, 2004; huang et al., 2012; yang et al., 2010) and the recognition will shape tourists’ perceptions as well as evaluation of the place (poria et al., 2011). in fact, timothy and boyd (2006) added that the status also will give new opportunities for destination marketing. this scenario ac tually in line with the statement made by the prime minister of malaysia, datuk seri abdullah ahmad badawi that “the heri tage status put us on the world tourism map” (the star, 2008, november 23). melaka andgeorge town, penang in general, melaka and george town were located in differ ent position and geography (refer figure 1). melaka city located in mainland of southern part, and on the other side, george town located in penang, on northern part of peninsular. the two historic cities were located on trail trade the straits of mal acca, are renowned for their multicultural heritage (siti norlizaiha & izzamir, 2011). thus, the reason behind for selecting both historic cities is because they both were inscribed as world heri tage sites in the same date and year (july 7, 2008). besides that, so far in malaysia, for the category of ‘historic city’ under the recognition by the unesco, there is no single city except melaka and george town that possesses this title of privilege. figure 1: location map of melaka and george town source: nomination dossier, historic cities of the straits of malacca: melaka and george town jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 335 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 336 meanwhile, heritage draw attention to the history of a place and thus asserts the place’s uniqueness. in this situation, the unesco world heritage scheme reconizes places of unique and valuable heritages. interestingly to point out that, since the formulation and adoption of the convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage, 1972 by unesco, more than 1000 sites are recognized and salient out come of the convention is the the introduction of the world heritage list (lai & ooi, 2015, p. 1). in parallel with above thus, each ‘world heritage site’ has a responsibiliy to conserve and manage its heritage in ways stipu lated in the operational guidelines for the implimentation of the world heritage convention (world heritage convention, unesco 2013). indeed, getting listed is not an easy task. there are certain criterias and set of rules comprises of several stages need to be follow in order to apply it. in malaysia’s cases of melaka and george town, the process started in year 1986 and went through many consultations as well as preparation processes be fore final approval by the world heritage committee was given on july, 7, 2008 (lai & ooi, 2015, p. 2; the star, 2008, july 13). issue on the conservation of historicbuildings although, there are several potential and advantegeous of cultural heritage tourism towards theeconomic development in the country thus, there are some issue arises and need to be addressed. the paper discusses only on the issue of lack of aware ness from previous literature and it shall elaborated on three subdivision. first and foremost is a lack of awareness by the pub lic generally and local residents specifically. nor zalina (2007) claimed that one of the factor that lead to the destruction of historic buildings is lack of awareness by the public. therefore, people seems to be not realize that the essence of historical build ings, till then later became destroyed, damaged, or removed from its context. second, with the recent development, indeed it also bring some impact to local people to make wise decision whether to choose between the modern event or heritage conservation. in fact, teo (2003) revealed that many local people even opposed heritage conservation because it is regarded to slow down eco nomic development. needless to say, instead of select the heri tage buildings thus, majority of the people prefer the fast track of economic growth with dealing the latest development in the country. moreover, the valuable cultural heritage is under threat from new developments mainly due to lack awareness of its his torical and architectural importance (norhasimah et al., 2014, p. 4). third, lack of awareness among the local residents on some policies imposed by the local government regarding the historic buildings also has been idenfied by wan hashimah (2012, p. 67). actually these policies implemented with regard to ensure the sustainability of historic buildings, for instance control of rent (repeal) act 1997 (act 572) and the requirement to get an approval from mbmb before any renovation is executed and furthermore this research has been conducted specifically in the case of melaka historic city. in short, the conservation are thus put in one way or the other to assure the historic buildings are managed to retain its originality (wan hashimah, 2012; the star, 2009, december 15). even though this study focuses in melaka, but it also can be implemented as well in george town as they both under the same root of local government’s administration. underlying the points of issue raised above thus, it is impera tive to note that lack of awareness is the major problems that has been identified that will affect the sustainability of historic build ings both of melaka and george town. not just the effect to historic buildings only, but also the afraid of that sooner or later these both historic cities will be excluded from the status of world heritage sites. therefore, to tackle this issue, the paper shall used the role of newspaper, since it regarded as a powerful tool to influence the people. this particular actually align with what has been explained by soroka (2002) that newspaper coverage jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 337 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 338 has an influence on how the public and policy makers come to be aware of, and think about, an issue. method to explains the importance of historic buildings conserva tion and the impact of world heritage site as well as the issue arises, a literature review was undertaken that includes an analy sis of texts on the background, concepts, an advantageous, local policies, and the role of the state government especially on both historic cities of melaka and george town. in addition, content analysis also has been utilized from the two local dailies newspa per in bilingual (english and malay) were selected and the time frame of july, 2003 to july, 2013. content analysis is normally used in communication studies. in this paper, the aim of con tent analysis is to explores (qualitatively) the portrayal of those both newspaper articles regarding the role of the state and local government and some policies implemented upon the local resi dents, which has a connection on the conservation of historic buildings within a world heritage site, in particular. table 1: policies regarding conservation in melaka and george town state policies melaka 1. melaka enactment no. 6, 1988 2. control of rent (repeal) act 1997 (act 572) 3. town and country planning act 1976 (amendments up to 2001) (act 172) 4. national heritage act 2005 (act 645) george town, penang 1. town and country planning act 1976 (act 172) 2. street, building and drainage act 1974 (act 133) 3. uniform building by-laws (1986) source: wan hashimah, 2012; state government of penang, 2008 state policiesrelated tothe conservation of his toricbuildings there are several type of policies implemented to both his toric cities. in general, these conservation policies are formu lated to ensure that the heritage or historic buildings are handled to retain its originility. based on the literature review thus, it showed some policies of both historic cities and the details are in the following table 1: table 1 shows policies in both historic cities, with regard to their historical buildings conservation. in the context of melaka thus, underlying the policies encompasses of the melaka enact ment no. 6 of 1988. this act give permission to local govern ment to obtain its revenue from taxes, fees, rates and fines from the rate payers within its area. it also receives grants and contri butions both from federal and state governments. the enact ment too placed melaka historic city council or majlis bandaraya melaka bersejarah (mbmb) to be in-charge of the conservation of old buildings. apart from that, the enactment ensured that no new building is built within the historic town and no old building to be demolished. in addition, the height of new build ing had to be no higher than the existing lower adjacent build ing and also the interior after the first block, however, is left to to the discretion of the owner. next, is the control of rent (re peal) act 1997 (act 572). this act prevented the eviction of ten ants of all pre-war rented properties without compensation and also for purposes of demolishing for development. in fact, the act as well ensures this building type to be in its original condi tion. meanwhile, the town and country planning act 1976 (amendments 2001) (act 172) ensures proper control and regu lation of town and country planning in local authority areas. generally, it particularizes the planning powers of the local gov ernment and enables it to be a development agent authorized with the role of a catalyst for development of the area under its jurisdiction. the last one is national heritage act 2005 (act 645). actually, this act provides for the conservation and preser vation of national heritage, natural heritage, tangible and in tangible cultural heritage, underwater cultural heritage, treasure trove and for related matters. at present, the state’s local author ity uses two policies of melaka enactment no. 6, 1988 and na tional heritage act, 2005. for instance, in the case of removing old buildings, the fine under the melaka enactment no. 6 1988 jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 339 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 340 was only ringgit malaysia (rm) 10,000. on the other hand, under the national heritage act 2005 (act 645), the fine has increased to rm500,000. hence, this rate is still much cheaper if com pared to the value of heritage buildings. secondly is george town, and one of its policy that has simi larity with melaka is town and country planning act 1976 (act 172). basically, this act sets the framework for local authorities to formulate structure planspolicies on economic, social and physical characters within their boundaries, and; use the same guidelines for the preparation of local plans, which are set to control the use of land and buildings as well as property develop ments. besides that, is policies under the local authority’s juris diction for instance street, building and drainage act 1974 (act 133). in terms of street, the act covers maintenance, repair, ex tension and widening of streets, whereas the streets could be made by either local authorities or private with permission from local authorities. in addition, the act stipulates that local au thority is under the obligation to construct and maintain drains and water-courses, as well as back-lanes. furthermore, the act prescribes rules on building activities in part v, which including but not limited to reviewing safety and stability of erection build ing, demolition of unauthorized building, and so on. finally, is uniform building by-laws 1986. terms in the uniform build ing by-law is the basis for investigating compliance by the local authority (e.g. minimum floor area for bedrooms, thickness of party walls, etc.). moreover, this plan actually stipulated all the necessary requirements to be complied with the purpose of erect ing building by the developer and the local authority uses them as the basis for discharging their roles under building approval application. overall, both states of melaka and penang have taken a very positive action plans to handle the problem of conservation of their historic buildings through some of policies implementa tion. it is essential to point out that this efforts need to be done consistently and also the important of to up-date this strategy’s oftenly, so that it should be in line with the changing of current development. therefore, by doing this, it is hope that both cities would be able to maintain the status of world heritage site and thus can be passed on to next young generations in the country. involvement of state agencies andthe local au thority apart from those policies, it is also imperative to have an agency (especially the government agencies) which could support the state government effort on preserving its historic buildings. in this segment, the author utilizing the data findings from the local newspaper articles (the star and berita harian) regarding the conservation of historic buildings in both historic cities. consequently, to look further on this part thus, refer the par ticulars in table 2 as follows: table 2: the roles of state agencies on conservation of historic buildings in melaka and george town level melaka george town jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 341 state 1.chief minister department (jabatan ketua menteri/jkm) 2.melaka state conservation centre (pusat konservasi negeri melaka) 1. george town world heritage incorporated (gtwhi) local authority 1. mbmb 1. mppp source: adapated from data findings table 2 illustrates about the agencies involvement on conser vation matter to both historic cities of melaka and george town. before that, it is important to understand that all of the agencies actually are controlled by the the federal government through the jabatan warisan negara (jwn) (national heritage depart ment). jwn shall act accordingly to what has been set up by the national heritage act 2005 (act 645) [akta warisan kebangsaan 2005 (akta 645)]. actually, jwn play a significant role of to be in charge on the subject related with conserving, preserving, protecting and promoting the rich treasures of ma vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 342 laysian heritage (jabatan warisan negara, 2016). first, is for melaka historic city. there are two level of power, and it consisting of the state and local governments. under the state government, it has two agencies such as jkm and also melaka state conservation centre. jkm, through its agency of the tour ism promotion division (bahagian promosi pelancongan/bpp) alongside the vision towards melaka as a premier tourist destina tion in asia with the theme “unesco world heritage city of melaka” and also with their mission encompassing of by devel oping the tourism industry to become a major contributor to economic growth (gdp) and employment generation of melaka; extend the stay in melaka to three (3) nights target towards 2020; and attractive half of the tourists visiting malaysia for a visit to melaka by year 2020 (bpp, 2017). second, is melaka state con servation centre, with the objective to conserve and maintain the historic buildings within the melaka historic city (bh, 2013, june 18). in addition, this centre was established on june 2013, acts as a reference center on building conservation as well as historical artefacts related to the state. apart from that, the cen tre also could assist visitors as well as building owners to obtain information and advisory services on the work and conserva tion plans of old buildings. as for the local government, mbmb is functioning on planning city development continuously and also strengthen city functions as cultural center, commercial, education and administration (mbmb, 2016). established on january, 1977 and later upgraded on april 2003 (from munici pal into city council) and since then, mbmb will continue to improve its quality of service towards people of melaka and tour ists. second, is for george town historic city. the state govern ment had set up gtwhi in 2010, to lead the efforts of ensuring the george town’s heritage will not be extinct. gtwhi is an organization dedicated to protecting, promoting and preserving george town as a sustainable city. moreover, this organization whos main objective was to manage the site by working with all stakeholders (including federal, state and local government as well as several non-governmental organizations or ngo) (gtwhi, 2016). while, in the level of local government thus, city council of penang or majlis perbandaran pulau pinang (mppp) is also plays a significant role to support the state government regarding the conservation matter. it was founded on decem ber, 1976 under the local government act 1976 and commited to ensure service delivery complies with quality standard and stated client charter. one of its main objective is to improve the quality of living culture, preserve the heritage and encourage community participation in achieving sustainable development (mppp, 2016). from the above discussion, it is clear to say that indeed both states of melaka and penang taking the conservation matter seri ously through its proper strategic plans definitely. the establish ment of these agencies are a real proof of the fact that the state government really cares for the preservation of historic build ings especially in the area of world heritage site. in short, con servation task should not be considered trivial, because if we lose sight thus, one day it will may disappear. next is the discus sion for comparison with other countries and the details are as follows. comparison with other countries the findings of the study too revealed other country with regard to their conservation plans of the heritage spots, as com parison purposes. firstly, between melaka, malaysia and tire, turkey. this study was carry out by ertan & egercioglu (2016) regarding the impact of unesco world heritage list on his toric urban city centers and its place in urban regeneration. in general, tire is a small town in izmir, with significant historical background and it has many similarities with melaka. the aims is to learn from the experience of melaka in terms of urban re generation process and how they being listed, so that tire shall follows this path and perhaps later it would be eligible for jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 343 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 344 unesco world heritage site list. hence, most of the build ings that are under conservation or needs to be preserved are about 700 years old. although there are some conservation ef forts of local authorities and they are still going on, but still there is not a wholesome approach of urban regeneration to the his toric center. in fact, a few restoration projects did more damage than appropriate such as in the case of tahtakale bath. in this project, irrelevant material were used and also the new functions were not fitting with the historically significant structure. actu ally, there is a huge conservation plan for tire that is approved by tire municipality with the objective of getting registered his toric structures repaired and regenerated, but it limited on the area of historic city center only. besides that, it is imperative for local residents in here, actively getting involved with this urban revitalization process since it is their own town and they will be the real users of the outcome. this is because, even though local residents seem to be involved in the decision making process on paper, yet they individually did not participate. secondly, apart from the conservation, there is also collabo ration between melaka historic city with other countries. start ing first with neighboring country, indonesia. research by habibah et al. (2013) whose examined of city to city tourism collaboration in the straits of melaka development region, which are melaka and riau provincials. it actually focussing on banda hilir in melaka and dumai, pekan baru and bengkalis in riau. findings showed that there are significant key factors who contributed to increasing collaboration between both cit ies. the key success factors are refer to the macro and at the micro level of the individuals, community and the businesses. at the governance level thus, leadership commitment and mana gerial skills are principal to support these initiatives. dissimilar from nearly all examples in the existing literature that stress upon the unbalance benefits between collaborations, the results dis closed a vice versa in the case throughout the melaka strait de velopment region. the pertinent government stakeholders have had mutual benefits in these undertakings. next, within the business entities, sharing of possibilities in generating tourism businesses serve a solid support for both areas, especially in ex ploring the malay or melayuness as a taste maker. third, within the context of community regional entity, the inclusiveness of the malay community acts as a strong pillar for travelling in both regions. fourth, within the spatial development areas, optimiz ing the consumers, resources and physical closeness have pro vided prospects to meet with the pressing globalization business challenges as well as tourist changing scenario. on the other hand, the importance of relationship between both cities also identi fied from bh newspaper, where the melaka government made a statement that they will continue to support federal government regarding the bridge project accross straits of melaka, which con nects both cities in future (bh, 2015, september 09). this shows that the potential of these two historic cities to be developed on the basis of one cluster (nusantara) is very significant. next collaboration are between melaka and china as well as scandinavian countries like sweden, norway and denmark (bh, 2014, september 15; bh, 2015, october 28). since the guangdong provincial governor’s visit, zhu xiaodan with his entourage to melaka thus establishing bilateral ties between the two parties especially for the benefit of the tourism sector. be sides that, through the work visit and trade mission of melaka’s top leaders led by the yang di pertuan negeri and the chief minister along with his entourage are expected to open up more cooperation opportunities with scandinavian countries visited. in addition, melaka also would shares their experience in the aspect of conservation historic buildings, this in parallel with its status as unesco world heritage site. in fact, the role melaka government in conservation attempts, especially in the world heritage site was also admired by thailand’s deputy prime min ister, trairong suwankiri who had brief visits to this state (bh, 2010, july 28). by looking at this point, it is very clear to state that indeed the status of world heritage site had give a signifi jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 345 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 346 cant impact not only to both historic cities, but also in malaysia as a whole as well as to other countries by practicing the concept of a win-win situation. the challenge now is how the state gov ernment could continuously conducting conservation efforts in line with the regulations set by unesco, so that it would re tain the title perpetually. scope and limitation this paper covers on the historic buildings conservation of both melaka and george town, penang. other cities in malay sia which have not yet recognized as a world heritage sites are not included. further, the paper also focuses on the role of both’s state government encompasses of the policies as well as the insti tutions which related to the conservation of heritage buildings. the role of federal government in this study is excluded and vice versa, it just added the role of local goverment since it is under the state government’s jurisdiction. in addition, the paper does not deal with intangible and also natural heritage, instead it just emphasizes on the tangible heritage vis a vis historic buildings. conclusion and recommendation preserving the world’s heritage sites for the learning as well as advancement of present and future generations is pivotal. mohamed et al. (2001, p.10) stated ‘more concerted efforts are needed to navigate problems experienced in the heritage cities, which should be geared at various levels’. this paper has high lighted the importance of how to sustain the world heritage sites in both melaka and george town, by focussing on the conserva tion of historic buildings. besides taking into account the role of the state government and through its agencies as well as the local authority, with regard to their policies implementation upon local residents. although this study emphasizes on the state and local level, it would also suggest that the state and federal government need to have persistently good relationships, so that it is easier to man age the heritage buildings with more efficient and effectively. this is because the conservation involves great amount of money and at the same time, the state government often do not have a sufficient fund and by referring on this conditions thus, it is the role of federal to assists its. second, is to improve the quality of public facilities especially in the area of world heritage site for instance an easy accessible transportation, provision of adequate trash, spacious parking lot, clean public toilet and many others (bh, 2013, september 14). in line with that, it may refers to public facilities who should enhance the values of the world heri tage site and at the same time should be useful; public facilities should also be beneficial to both local community and tourists; and public facilities should be easy to maintain it and should be check regularly (shida et al., 2013, p. 95). once again, the state government of both historic cities should play the role in order to make sure the tourists are always feel comfortable and satisfy with those services and as a result, hopefully they will continue to visit this sites again in another time. next, is continuous monitoring. the state government and local authority thus, both of them need to enforce these policies as mentioned earlier, so that the related parties would be able to obey it. the conservation of historic buildings require constant effort and this is being the case, whereby the state government again need to execute their task at their best certainly. besides that, the staff of mbmb and mppp too, need often monitoring to the owner of historic buildings and the publics to ensure that they are always follow the rules and if not, a penalty will be charged on them. apart from that thus, pickard (2009) revealed the gov ernment can encourage conservation, restoration and rehabilition through one of the way called the dynamis approach, which in volves policies and standards to stimulate the private business to invest in architectural heritage. finally, is for collaborative planning. gunton et al., (2006) explained the key advantages of collaboration comprises of in creased likelihood of developing a plan that is in the public in jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 347 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 348 terest because it incorporates the interests of all affected parties; growth likelihood of implementation because all affected affairs support the plan; and generation of social capital, such as im proved stakeholder relations and enhanced stakeholder knowl edge that provide long-term benefits to society. in this case, cer tainly a good collaboration from both state and local govern ment with the local residents are very much expected, so that it would ensure the success of the historic buildings conservation efforts as been elucidated in above. references a ghafar ahmad. 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(2010). analysis of international tourist arrivals in china: the role of world heritage sites. tourism management, vol. 31(6), pp. 827-837. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout februari 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0050.254-276 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 254 received: april 4, 2017 revised: april 7, 2017 accepted: april 10, 2017 vision mission of muhammadiyah university in indonesia: ideology analysis of norman fairclough approach kundharu saddhono, fabio testy ariance loren, and lutfiatun latifah postgraduate program of universitas sebelas maret, indonesia kundharu.uns@gmail.com abstract muhammadiyah have features to build the spirit of social and community educa tion to be more developed and educated. showing the teachings of islam is not just a religion personal and static but dynamic and domiciled as a human life in all aspects. this study attempts to describe and explain the ideology of the vision and mission of muhammadiyah university in indonesia using content analysis method. this research is expected to descriptive qualitative research with the critical analysis discourse approach as suggested by norman fairclough with the elements that analyzes namely representation, relationships, and the identity. the results of the analysis and discussion shows that the ideology of muhammadiyah university in indonesia dominated by ideology inclined to muhammmadiyah islamic. the results of the analysis element representation shows that almost all muhammadiyah university in indonesia has ideology islam and muhammadiyah to be ijtihad and tajdid based on and muhammad ways. direction and purpose from which missions made focused on islamic values. while when viewed from the aspect most many appear on a mission is the as pect of religiously so further strengthen the statement. in addition to that is the nature of muhammadiyah will influence in the formation of this mission, namely of active properties in the progression of society with a view islah and develop ment in accordance with the teachings of islam. meaning which is formed on the series of between another sentences put the vision and mission in a positive representation so that it can affect those who read it. the relation of elements show that vision and mission muhammadiyah university in indonesia construed most only to proselyte islamic. elements power in it is so great that relation which is construed in a discourse vision is something that is regarded reasonable for the maker. while of an identity element that discourse maker displayed in the text is a personal, group, or institution that submitted to islam. keywords: muhammadiyah university, norman fairclough approach, ideology, vision, mission, discourse analysis http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0050.254-276 mailto:kundharu.uns@gmail.com mailto:kundharu.uns@gmail.com abstrak muhammadiyah memiliki fitur untuk membangun semangat pendidikan sosial dan masyarakat agar lebih maju dan terdidik. muhammadiyah menunjukkan ajaran islam bukan hanya agama yang bersifat pribadi dan statis tapi dinamis serta berkedudukan sebagai kehidupan manusia dalam segala aspek. penelitian ini mencoba untuk mendeskripsikan dan menjelaskan ideologi visi dan misi universitas muhammadiyah di indonesia dengan menggunakan metode analisis isi. penelitian ini diharapkan dapat mendeskripsikan penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan wacana analisis kritis seperti yang disarankan oleh norman fairclough dengan unsur unsur yang menganalisa yaitu representasi, hubungan, dan identitas. hasil analisis dan diskusi menunjukkan bahwa ideologi univer sitas muhammadiyah di indonesia didominasi oleh ideologi yang cenderung ke muhammadiyah islam. hasil representasi elemen analisis menunjukkan bahwa hampir semua universitas muhammadiyah di indonesia memiliki ideologi islam dan muhammadiyah untuk menjadi ijtihad dan tajdid berdasarkan dengan cara muhammad. arah dan tujuan dari mana misi difokuskan pada nilai-nilai islam. sedangkan bila dilihat dari aspek yang paling banyak tampil di sebuah misi adalah aspek religius sehingga semakin memperkuat pernyataan tersebut. selain itulah sifat muhammadiyah akan berpengaruh dalam pembentukan misi ini, yaitu sifat aktif dalam perkembangan masyarakat dengan pandangan islam dan pembangunan sesuai dengan ajaran islam. arti yang terbentuk pada rangkaian antara kalimat lain menempatkan visi dan misi dalam representasi positif sehingga bisa mempengaruhi mereka yang membacanya. hubungan unsur menunjukkan bahwa visi dan misi universitas muhammadiyah di indonesia ditafsirkan paling hanya untuk menganiaya islam. elemen kekuasaan di dalamnya sangat besar sehingga relasi yang ditafsirkan dalam wacana penglihatan adalah sesuatu yang dianggap masuk akal bagi pembuatnya. sedangkan elemen identitas yang dimainkan oleh pembuat wacana dalam teks adalah kelompok pribadi, kelompok, atau institusi yang diserahkan ke islam. kata kunci: universitas muhammadiyah, pendekatan norman fairclough, ideologi, visi, misi, analisis wacana introduction muhammadiyah organization has been recognized for many years ago and been existed as islam organization in indonesia. muhammadiyah was established on 18 november 1912 or 18 dzulhijjah 1330 in islamic year. the founder of muhammadiyah is k.h. ahmad dahlan, he was born in kauman village, yogyakarta in 1868 with the name of muhammad darwis. his father was k.h abu bakar, a preacher of the great mosque of the sultanate of yogyakarta and descent of maulana malik ibrahim. her mother was siti aminah, daughter of k.h. ibrahim, the leader of the sultanate of yogyakarta (adaby darban, 2000: 76). muhammadiyah university is an institute of higher education and research that provides academic degrees in various fields jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 255 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 256 with qur’an and hadith based teaching. the main purpose of the establishment of muhammadiyah university is to restore the deviations that occur in islamic teachings that have been mixed with many customs in certain areas by reason of adaptation. muhammadiyah movement is characterized by building a spirit of social order and education of a more advanced and educated society, displaying the teachings of islam is not just a religion that is personal and static, but dynamic and positioned as a sys tem of human life in all aspects. in formation, muhammadiyah mostly reflects on the orders of the qur’an, therefore the vision of the mission must reflect the values of the qur’an. the vision according to akdon (2006: 94) is a picture of the realistic future and soon be realized within a certain period. vi sion is a current spoken or written statement, which is current management process that covers the future. hax and majluf in akdon (2006: 95) state that vision is a statement meaning to (a) communicate the reason for the existence of the organization in sense of purpose and main task; (b) show the framework of rela tionship between organization and its stakeholders (human re sources of the organization, consumer / citizen, other related parties); (c) state the main objectives of organizational perfor mance in terms of growth and development. according to prasetyo and benedicta (2004: 8) mission is something that determines the needs of company desire and wish where they are positioned and seek for satisfaction. the mission of products and services produced by markets, organizations, companies can be utilized to finally meet the needs. the mission must be realistic in the organization so as to produce quality products or services, can meet the needs, desires and expecta tions of its customers. this study conducts critical discourse analysis focused on the ideology embodied in the vision and mission of muhamamdiyah university in central java. ideology is a term born in the late 18th century or 1796 which was put forward by the french phi losopher named destutt de tracy and was later used by napo leon. the term comes from two words ideos meaning idea and logos which means science. thus, ideology is a science of ideas. the idea in accordance is the idea of the future, so it can be concluded that ideology is a science of the future. this idea is also an ideal or a combination of both, the ideals of the future. the future not only can be utopia or dream but also scientific and rational idea at the same time based on the analysis of the present. this ideology is not merely an idea, but an idea fol lowed and embraced by a large group of people or nations, so ideology therefore forces people to realize the idea. although one’s ideas, however scientific it is, rational or sublime, it can not be called ideologies, if it has not been embraced by many and are struggled and manifested by continuous actions (sarbini, 2005: 1). therefore, the discourse analysis used is fairclough approach. according to fairclough, language is a practical power to see how language users carry a certain ideological value required a thorough analysis. seeing the language in this perspective brings certain consequences (eriyanto, 2012: 285). based on this state ment, windaningsih in 2012 conducted a research entitled marginalization of women in jawa pos newspaper on female migrant workers. one of the result of research concluded that the ideology of patriarchy and feudalism coloring the preaching of jawa pos which had a business orientation to become the larg est media group and used women as a media commodity. the fairclough approach (eriyanto, 2012: 286) divides text d into three dimensions: microstructural or detailed textual analy sis in linguistics. each text respectively has three functions, namely representation, relation, and identity. the function of represen tation relates to the ways in which social reality is presented in the form of text which generally carries certain ideological con tents. relation refers to the analysis of how construction between text and reader created. this analysis neglects at how the text is delivered. identity refers to the particular construction of the writer identity. the analysis of text dimensions includes tradi jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 257 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 258 tional forms of linguistic analysis vocabulary and semantic analy sis, sentence grammar and smaller units, sound systems (pho nology) and writing systems. fairclough marks all as ‘linguistic analysis’, although it uses the term in an expanded view. there are several forms or text characteristics that can be analyzed in unrevealing meaning through textual dimensions such as cohe sion and coherence, grammar and diction. furthermore, the mesostructural or second dimension exist ing within the framework of critical discourse analysis norman fairclough is the discourse practice. in the analysis of this di mension, the interpretation is carried out on the process of dis course which includes aspects of income, dissemination and use of texts. some of these aspects have more institutional charac ters; others are processes of use and distribution of discourse. regarding to institutional processes, fairclough refers to the in stitutional routine involved in discourse texts. discourse prac tice involves the ways in which media workers produce text. finally, the macro structural or analysis of socio-cultural prac tices of media in the critical discourse analysis of norman fairclough is a macro-level analysis based on the notion that the social context existing outside the media actually influences the discourse in the media. editorial space or journalist is not a ster ilized field or space, but it is also determined by factors outside the media itself. socio-cultural practices analyze three things: economics, politics and culture (especially with respect to values and identity) that also affect the media and its discourse. discus sion of socio-cultural practice includes three levels situational level, related to production and context of the situation institu tional level, related to the influence of institutions internally and externally. the level of social, related to the macro situa tion, such as political system, economic system, and cultural sys tem of society as a unit. the formulation of the problem in this research is to find the ideology embodies in the vision and mis sion of muhammadiyah university of central java by using mi croanalysis dimension by fairclough through analyzing the rep resentations, relationships and identities contained in the vision and mission. research methods this research was qualitative descriptive research. the research method used was content analysis method with reading and record technique. the subjects in this study were the vision of five muhammadiyah universities. the focus of the research area is in central java. some muhammadiyah universities in central java are among the best universities in indonesia. in addition, many of the same cultural background so that it is exposed in the vision and mission of muhammadiyah universities in cen tral java. on the basis of this similarity that makes the reason for the selection of muhammadiyah universities in central java. muhamamdiyah universities in central java included muhamamdiyah university of surakarta, muhammadiyah uni versity of magelang, muhammadiyah university of purworejo, muhammadiyah university of purwokerto, and muhamamdiyah university of semarang. the analytical technique used in this study was to use discourse analysis model proposed by norman fairclough. fairclough (2000: 313) illustrates the three-dimen sional framework of discourse analysis as described earlier. figure 1. fairclough’s three dimesion discourse analysis framework data collection methods according to sudaryanto (1993: 132) is divided into two, namely reading and recording techniques jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 259 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 260 obtained from the mission vision of each muhammadiyah uni versity in central java. in determining the different language elements used intralingual pad method with the basic technique of intralingual appeal and advanced technique of appeal which is processed in writing analysis. the realization of this method was done by data regulation and tabulation. the method used in the analysis of the determination of isolect as a language, dia lect, or subdialect is the method of dialectometry and isoglos method. leksikostatistics method is a method of grouping the language performed by calculating the percentage of cognate devices (cognate) (mahsun, 1995: 115). results and discussion this study only performs analysis of the dimension of mi croanalysis (text analysis) to be able to see the ideology of each subject. to that end, the discourse will be analyzed by looking at the representations, relationships and identities displayed in the vision and mission to the 5 muhammadiyah universities of cen tral java. a. representation initial research is seen from the linguistic aspects of cohesion and coherence, grammar and diction. textually the vision of a university must be related to academic scope. this can be seen through the word choices used. the most frequently found words will describe the direction and purpose of a discourse. 1. representation in the clause this section deals with how individuals, groups, events, and activities are displayed in the text, in this case the language used (eriyanto, 2012: 290). therefore, the following table of word analysis is often used in the vision of discourse of muhammadiyah university of central java. 2. representation in sub-sentence this part related to reveal relationship shown by text, particu larly bahasa (eriyanto, 2012: 290) thus, the analysis table hat frequently used by muhammadiyah university in central java. table 1. analysis of vision of muhammadiyah university in central java jurnal studi pemerintahan muhammadiyah university diction (journal of government & politics) magelang islami .’islamic’ unggul ‘excellence’ purworejo mulia dalam akhlak ‘noble’ unggul ‘excellence’ surakarta islami ‘islamic’ pusat pendidikan ‘centre of education’ purwokerto islami ‘islamic’ unggul ‘excellence’ semarang unggul ‘excellence’ 261 based on the above table it can be concluded that to expose the intent in the same context, each language user used different diction in accordance with the experience, social condition, and politics of the language user. as the muhammadiyah university of purworejo chose different diction from other universities, that is, ‘noble’ rather than islamic. semantically lexical, the meaning of the noble word in has an islamic-themed meaning as well but more neutral for its readers. similarly, muhammadiyah univer sity of surakarta prefers to be ‘education center’ compared to the ‘superior’ used by other universities. meaning, word choice to education center is more specific than superior diction which is too general. quality of education of higher education in muhammadiyah is one of the best in indonesia (mawardi, 2016; qomariah, 2012). muhammadiyah owns and manages earlier education to higher eduction. based on that fact, vision and mission always use ex cellence and islam based word. the two keywords exist within vision and mission muhammadiyah university which explicitly written though some are implicitly. aspect table 2. mission analysis of muhammadiyah university in central jav a muhammadiyah university magelang purworejo surakarta purwokerto semarang religious no. 1,3,4 no. 1,2,3 no.1,2 no.3 no.1,5,6 education no. 1,2,5 no. 2,3 no. 1 no.1 no.1,4,8 technology no. 2,4 no. 1 no.2 no.2,3,9 social no. 3 no.4 no.1 no.3,7 art no.1 no.1 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 262 in the mission of muhammadiyah university of central java, there were several aspects that mostly appeared used such as reli gious, educational, technological, social, and art aspects. the following is an aspect analysis that appeared based on the num ber of the mission items. the mission contained in the university of muhammadiyah in central java used an unknown diction to the public because the diction used is the arabic-speaking diction like the follow ing. (1) organizing a qualified and islamic-based higher education to form a muttaqin scholar. ‘menyelenggarakan pendidikan tinggi yang berkualitas dan berlandaskan islam untuk membentuk cendekiawan muttaqin’ (2) providing a moral-religious basis to the development of sci ence and technology and development of imtaq in the frame work of amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar. ‘memberikan dasar moral-religius terhadap pengembangan ipteks dan pembinaan imtaq dalam rangka amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar’ in the word muttaqin which in arabic means ‘taqwa’, can be replaced with other words such as ‘obedient’. similarly, amar ma’ruf nahi mungkar which means to do his commands and avoid from the prohibition is a vocabulary choice that describes the relationship with a particular group. so it shows that the direction and purpose of the mission are focused on islamic values. mostly appeared aspect in in mission was reli gious so it fostered the statement. in a ddition, the word change, development and renewal in mission discourse was very much based on muhammadiyah ideology which is always ijtihad and tajdid based on qur’an and sunnah (soeratno, 2009: 80). ijtihad which in arabic means a genuine effort and tajdid which means the move ment of renewal can be seen in the following data. (3) developing human resources based on islamic values and giv ing direction to change in order to create the main society ‘mengembangkan sumber daya manusia berdasarkan nilai-nilai keislaman dan memberi arah perubahan dalam rangka mewujudkan masyarakat utama’ (4) developing science, technology, and art according to the de mands of the times. ‘mengembangkan ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi, dan seni sesuai dengan tuntutan zaman’ in the second data is very reflected muhammadiyah ideology which states that always adapt to all the demands of times. this character has existed in the flexible ideology of muhammadiyah while fighting for aspirations and defending the basic principles of struggle in various eras of change and forming the nation’s fighters or pious intellectuals in accordance with the islamic foun dation. in addition, the nature of muhammadiyah is also very influential in the formation of this mission, namely the active nature in the development of society with the intention of islah and development in accordance with the teachings of islam (nurchayati, 2010: 68). other excellence owned by muhammadiyah university is in human resource (warsono, 2015). many aspects support this state ment such as well-managed education system by muhammadiyah so that human resource becomes essential issue. moreover, many figures appear internationally and nationally whether it is from government or non-government. this shows that human resource becomes attention and reflect on vision and mission of higher education of muhammadiyah (mumulati et al. 2016; rahardjo, 1995) previous research had been conducted by zuzana papulova under the title the significance of vision and mission development for enterprises in slovak republic which in it also found out the aspects that appeared in the vision and mission as follows: jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 263 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 264 the results of the research stated that the aspect in making the vision and mission of the company was influenced by the purpose of an established company. they discussed the target of the customer itself, employees, and business associates. the re sults table described the products, services, industry or business areas where the company operated, and it also illustrated the value of other values and orientations towards community ap praisals. it was seen in the acquisition of customers percentage reached 70.74%. this study is superior because this journal is more detailed in revealing which aspects are more prominent. this research explains directly every aspect that is highlighted such as the islamic word, superior, and other words in any num ber and any words that appeared. 2. representation in a combination of clauses in general, the result of representation from the vision of muhammadiyah university in central java has islamic (ideo logical) view because this word is more prominent than the other word with elaboration, that is clause becomes explanation from other clause by using ‘the’ ‘then’ or ‘next’. the following data is in the vision. (5) the vision of the muhammadiyah university of surakarta in 2029 is to become the center of education and develop ment of the islamic science and technology and to direct the change. ‘visi universitas muhammadiyah surakarta adalah bahwa pada elements number persentase customers 133 70,74% products/services/industry 116 61,70% employes 80 42,55% partners 69 36,70% founders/stockholders 21 11,17% concern for environment 65 13,30% othwer elements 44 23,40% tahun 2029, universitas muhammadiyah surakarta menjadi pusat pendidikan dan pengembangan ipteks yang islami dan memberi arah perubahan’ the word ‘the’ in the data is an explanation will be inter preted strategically between the clause so that created the sense that the ideology of the vision above is islamic. the next sen tence combination is an extension, in which one clause is an other extension of the sentence, generally using the ‘and’ hy phens. in the mission discourse, the coherence of the clause also shows the ideology of the language user. in the mission discourse can be seen in the following data. (6) organizing the study, deepening, and observation of al-islam and muhammadiyah. ‘menyelenggarakan pengkajian, pendalaman, dan pengamatan al islam dan kemuhammadiyahan’ (7) organizing research to meet the development and expanding islam and muhammadiyah. ‘menyelenggarakan penelitian yang bertujuan memenuhi kebutuhan pembangunan dan pengambangan islam dan muhammadiyah’ based on the data above shows that the mission of muham madiyah university of central java leads to the views of al-islam and muhammadiyah. this is evidenced by the existence of the word ‘and’ which becomes the extension of the sentence becomes clearer. 3. representation between sentences chain the sequence of sentences by combining two clauses into sen tences and arranging them with two or more sentences will lead to a more prominent part of the sentence among others. so it is not only related to technical writing, the circuit can also affect the meaning that is displayed on the reader. for example in the following discourse. (8) the vision of ump is “becoming a excellence, modern, and islamic university” jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 265 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 266 ‘visi ump adalah “menjadi universitas unggul, modern, dan islami’ (9) excellence is that university with competitive and compara tive advance in education, research, community service and management. ‘unggul adalah universitas memiliki keunggulan kompetitif dan komparatif di bidang pendidikan, penelitian, pengabdian kepada masyarakat dan manajemen’ (10) modern university always keeps up with the newest science (current) along with time. ‘modern adalah universitas selalu mengikuti perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan terbaru (mutakhir) sesuai dengan kebutuhan zaman’ (11) islamic is the organization of universities based on the prin ciples and values of quran and sunnah islami adalah penyelenggaraan universitas berlandaskan prinsip dan nilai al-quran dan as-sunnah in aforementioned data, the vision discourse contains the orientation to become the best university creating graduates who are able to compete in various fields and keeps up with the times in acoordance to the principles and values in quran and sunah. meaning that formed on sentences above put the vision on a positive representation that can affect readers. previous research has been done by ana cuic tankovic with title defining strategy using vision and mission statement of croatian organizations in the times of crisis stated that the mission statement and vision closely related to corporate man agement strategy considered as the main tool in strategic plan ning. because missions and visions are first defined and strate gies, it is often kept as trade secrets, supervenes, mission and vision statements allow choosing key guidelines for strategy se lection. mullane (2002) views two different situations in an ex isting organization one of the company’s efforts to apply the values of the current mission statement in order to determine the behavior of all other organizations and companies creates a new mission statement and thereby defines those values desire to have in the future. the author concluded that after a detailed interview with the president, the report’s mission was valuable for the company’s performance when used properly. in both cases, management the first task was to identify key concepts that could be presented using key words. this research is excellence because it is more detailed in the analysis between sentences that show how the vision and mis sion defines a goal and the way that is used in achieving the goals of a particular agency. b. relations analysis of the construction of relations in discourse is very important and significant especially when associated with social context because the studied vision is a text issued formally by muhammadiyah university. the vision is addressed both to the adherents of islam (muhammadiyah) and the general public outside the adherents of islam (muhammadiyah). but often the relations that are constructed in discourse are influenced by the relationship of power and dominance in society. strong power relations in the vision of muhammadiyah university in central java generally affect the relationships that are constructed in the vision. through the analyzed data in the previous representa tion it can be concluded that the relation is mostly addressed to muslim only. this can be seen from table 1 which proves that 4 out of 5 muhammadiyah university’s vision contain islamic ele ment in it. only muhammadiyah university of semarang does not contain that element. vision of muhammadiyah university of semarang has constructed relation on society generally out side of islam (muhammadiyah). this can be seen in the follow ing data. (12) being an excellence and characterized university, technol ogy based and international vision. ‘menjadi univeritas yang unggul berkarakter, berbasis teknologi, dan berwawasan internasional’ jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 267 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 268 while the mission of muhammadiyah university of central java is a continuation of previous mission. so the relation that has been constructed in the vision above will be in line with the relation that is constructed in the mission of muhammadiyah university in central java. including the mission of the muham madiyah university of semarang, although in its vision constructs to the general public outside the adherents of islam (muham madiyah) but in its mission still constructs to adherents of islam (muhammadiyah). it can be seen from the following data. (13) organizing an international high-quality education, relevant community need based on islamic values. ‘menyelenggarakan pendidikan tinggi berkualitras internasional yang relevan dengan kebutuhan masyarakat berdasarkan nilai-nilai is lam’ (14) developing an academic atmosphere based on islamic val ues. mengembangkan suasana akademik berbasis nilai-nilai islam’ two of the nine missions of muhammadiyah university of semarang continue to construct relations to muslims (muhamma diyah). viewing from islamic values that are emphasized in the mission. similar research has been done before by r. jati nurcahyo entitle vision, mission and values relation to employee perfor mance of skin care company “dwi jaya” state that in support ing the mastery of mission, vision and values for the improve ment of individual performance, hence required existence of expected organizational structure can produce a more effective working mechanism and clarity about the form and to whom accountability for the task will be given. this shows that the relation that appears in research conducted by r jati is tend to construct employees and relationships between skin companies. this study is excellence because this study is more detailed in conveying the construction of the relation explicitly, not just implied in a sentence only. the relationship we look at is a rela tion to the followers of islam which in this case is inclined to muhammadiyah with strong islamic values. c. identity the aspect of identity displayed in the vision of muham madiyah university of central java is the identification of is lamic university in the form of muhammadiyah community as sociation. muhammadiyah organization is one of the major is lamic organizations in indonesia. the magnitude of the organi zation raises great power as well. therefore, in the vision dis course there is consideration of the elements of power in it so that relationships constructed in a vision discourse is something that is considered reasonable for the text of the vision. as the following example shows the identity and relationship between powers in discourse with society. (15) becoming a excellence university and islamic ‘menjadi universitas unggul dan islami’ based on the vision above the readers will directly know the identity of the college is islamic university (muhammadiyah). the power possessed by muhammadiyah makes it free to choose its own ideology to make the islamic university and aimed only at certain communities. reinforced with a mission from the muhammadiyah university that clearly describes its identity. this can be seen in the following data. (16) organizing research aimed at fulfilling development and expanding islam and muhammadiyah. ‘menyelenggarakan penelitian yang bertujuan memenuhi kebutuhan pembangunan dan pengambangan islam dan muhammadiyah’ (17) developing science, technology and art as part of worship to allah (integrated) that gives impact to the creation of the main society. ‘mengembangkan ilmu pengetahuan, teknologi dan seni sebagai jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 269 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 270 bagian dari ibadah kepada allah (integrated) yang memberi impak terwujudnya masyarakat utama’ in the above data there is a word of islam and muhammadiyah that identify that the identity of the discourse maker is displayed in the text is a person, group, or institution that embraces islam. so in the discourse looks familiar with islamic circumstances as in the second data contain the word of allah. this kind of re search has been done before by sally kuenssberg who stated that every mission and vision always has strategy, plan, and research also use accurate data. research always exists in a clear range. the extent to which the mission can improve the quality of an institution with an inherent identity in it. this means that the identity studied by the researcher is measured to what extent can improve the institution through its vision and mission. this re search is excellence because this research analyzes the identity of the discourse maker of vision and mission displayed in the text in great detail so that it can explain the identity implicit in the vision of the mission. between muhammadiyah and islam there is inseparable rela tionship. the development of islam in indonesia is fully attached to muhammadiyah. muhammadiyah movement is surely sup ported by figures with islamic vision and mission (bachtiar et al., 2016,). although in development through generation, there must be a particular characteristic respectively that can be an identity of the generation (ali, 2016). muhammadiyah development is also inseparable from other organization such as nahdatul ulama (hasbullah, 2014; nakamura, 2016; barton, 2014). community elements collided in islam organization also have other vision and mission which states the develop ment of islam internationally and nationally. d. internationalization recent educational advances lead to the internationalization of the quality aspects of higher education including universities under muhammadiyah organization. the process of internation alization of university muhammadiyah in indonesia obviously is not easy. evidenced by the few number of muhammadiyah universities in indonesia that is included in world rankings. only found nine universities in indonesia are included in the 891 world ranking version of qs top universities. the survey con ducted by qs top universities is based on 6 indicators with various contribution weight, namely academic reputation (weight 40%), reputation of employee version (10%), student ratio per faculty (20%), citations per faculty / research reputation per fac ulty (20%), international students (5%), and international fac ulty (5%). academic reputation has the highest ratio of 40%, but other aspects also affect such as the reputation of the employee. the institute’s employees appreciate the importance of the mission and vision of their existence. however management needs to put in to get them acquainted with it on a more frequent basis. (darbi: 2012, 107; ozdem, 2011). preparing for the internation alization of higher education requires that the national college must first be qualified, able to develop student potential and can compete in the global market (competitive). however, the gov ernment in this case must be contributive to enhance national universities in order to provide high quality education and rel evant through its various programs, ensure that universities must be licensed from the ministry of national education and must consistently conduct their education as they propose, to control the higher education increase the competence of students. internationalization becomes a concept to integrate the con cept in vision, mission, teaching research, service, and interna tional perspective which will affect the college forward towards the more advanced. the high level of knowledge about the vi sion and mission and the expected goals that are not compa rable with the knowledge of employees can be a significant prob lem. most employees do not have a good knowledge of each of jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 271 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 272 the contents of the vision and mission. it is proposed the com ponents be broken down into, measurable or proxies of desired outcomes so employees can be schooled in them (darbi: 2012, 108) the academic reputation has a very wide scope, one of which is the vision of the academic achievement of the academic com munity. and college missions, because every college must have a vision and mission. it is to reflect the goals to be achieved simul taneously. vision and mission upheld in each college is differ ent, because it is tailored to the values developed in the college concerned. on the other hand, the role of vision and mission of a college will determine the effort to achieve success. ideally, the vision is able to represent or reflect the values to be aspired or desired, while the mission is a pointer of each ac tivity to be performed. visions are ideals that represent or re flect the shared values to which the organization should aspire. mission statements refer to documentation of activities of an organization. it is the guiding light that shines and guidance and direction in all organizational activities (anthony: 2012, 389). regarding to the vision and mission, efe and ozer (2015: 1110) in his journal said that the mission and vision statements are marked by a need for the reassuring of the legitimacy and the demands of a growing tertiary market. the historical and cul tural backgrounds of the development of universities in turkey, as well as political and economic conditions, are also decisive in the shaping of mission and vision statement of universities. the history of a university is less precise in determining the vision and mission that it wants to achieve so the process of achieving the goal failed. anthony’s research conducted in nige ria (2012) states that the vision and mission had a positive influ ence on the agency concerned. this quantitative field study found vision and mission statements to have positive effects upon orga nizational effectiveness. the full effect of vision and mission state ment might not be experienced in a short time. in conclusion, anthony suggested that important things related to the determi nation of the vision and mission, namely (1) providing recom mendations for agency leaders, and (2) showing content related to the purpose to grow. in general, every institution without vi sion and mission shows significantly poor results compared to those with vision and mission. each word in vision and mission must be carefully calculated. words in the vision and mission are a reflection of the common aspirations of each university concerned to go international or global. as well as visions and missions in turkey that represents and emphasizes the national character of the university (turkey). starting with the former group, the lexeme ‘international’ usu ally points to the level of achievement that the universities strive for (efe and ozer: 2015, 1118). explore hypotheses about the purpose of a mission statement by trying to understand what the main content of the mission statement was and whether it was disclosed in terms of the institution’s institutional and institutional control system. morphew and hartley’s study reinforced the kuenssberg (2016) study which states that there is a word game (diction) that forms a pattern for aligning with other opinions. the first point of note is 15 times in 15 mission statements. there is fewer consensuses in describing other core functions of a university such as ‘learning’ and ‘teaching’, each mentioned in fewer than half of the statements. alternative, other abstract related words’ as’ knowledge ‘,’ ideas’ and ‘scholarship’ appear to be used as synonyms describing the ‘business’ of education (kuenssberg: 2016: 191). diction used in college turn out to have patterns based on the quantity of use of a particular word. it needs an in-depth analysis of the use and selection of vision and mission of univer sities in indonesia to see the university’s readiness to meet inter nationalization. kuenssberg mentions some words that are of ten used by universities, ie research is the highest ranking word. uniformity can be explained separately depending on the un derstanding of each. on the other hand, the use of each university’s mission becomes a national and global competition. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 273 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 274 kuenssberg (2016: 291) uniformity can be partly explained by understanding that an unavoidable part of universities’ contem porary ‘mission’ is to compete in the national and global mar kets for students and for research funding. conclusion vision and mission of muhammadiyah university of central java which have been analyzed through dimension of text with approach proposed by norman fairclough to see the ideology used by each research subject. the text was analyzed with three elements, namely representation, relation, and identity. through the analysis of representational elements shows that almost all muhammadiyah university of central java was based on the ideology of islam and muhammadiyah. always ijtihad and tajdid based on the qur’an and sunnah. the direction and purpose of the mission being made was to focus on islamic values. while viewed from the aspect that most appear on the number of the grain of the mission was the religious aspect so as to strengthen the statement. in addition muhammadiyah’s characteristic was also very influential in the formation of this mission, namely the active nature in the development of society with the inten tion of islah and development in accordance with the teachings of islam. the meanings formed between sentences chain place the vision and mission on a positive representation that can af fect the reader. the element of relation shows that the vision and mission of muhammadiyah university of central java was constructed by a massive devotion only for the followers of islam only. the element of power in it was so great that the relation constructed in a vision discourse was something reasonable for the vision-writer. meanwhile, from the identity element could be identified that the identity of the discourse creator shown in the text was a group, or institution that embraces islam. in a discourse, the point of view and ideology of the discourse greatly influenced the text produced, because the text would affect the reader. many interesting aspects could be extracted from a criti cal discourse analysis of the vision and mission of an institution or organization. for that further research is necessary to be con ducted in order to get maximum result. references adaby d., ahmad, & pasha, m. k. 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(2005). islam di tepian revolusi: ideologi, pemikiran dan gerakan. yogyakarta: pilar media. soeratno, s. c. dkk. (2009). muhammadiyah sebagai gerakan seni dan budaya: suatu warisan intelektual yang terlupakan. yogyakarta: lpm uad. sudaryanto. (1993). metode dan aneka tekhnik analisis bahasa: pengantar penelitian wahana kebudayaan secara linguistis. yogyakarta: duta wacana university press. tamronglak, a. (2015). the quality of higher education in public administration in thai land: the side-effect of administrative reform. journal of goverment and politics. 7(1), 50-78. tankoviæ, a. è. (2013). defining strategy using vision and mission statements of croatian organizations in times of crisis. economic research-ekonomska istra•ivanja, 26(1), 331-342. wasono, r. (2015). peningkatan sumber daya manusia perguruan tinggi muhammadiyah melalui internalisasi nilai organisasi berbasis karakter. in seminar nasional evaluasi pendidikan ii. windaningsih. (2012). marginalisasi perempuan dalam pemberitaan harian jawa pos tentang pekerja migran perempuan. jurnal komunikasi, acta diurna. 8(1), 31-38. http://lppm3.bsi.ac.id/jurnal/index.php/khasanah_ilmu/article/view/223/158 http://lppm3.bsi.ac.id/jurnal/index.php/khasanah_ilmu/article/view/223/158 http://www.joebm.com/papers/90-a00009.pdf http://www.joebm.com/papers/90-a00009.pdf https://journal.unsika.ac.id/index.php/value/article/view/460 https://journal.unsika.ac.id/index.php/value/article/view/460 http://ejournal.staim-tulungagung.ac.id/index.php/eksyar/article/download/122/101 https://doaj.org/article/6605272d7b5c4a65abd5229d0e79a8ef https://doaj.org/article/6605272d7b5c4a65abd5229d0e79a8ef http://komunikasi.unsoed.ac.id/sites/default/files/windaningsih%20-%20marginalisasi%20perempuan%20dalam%20pemberitaan_0.pdf http://komunikasi.unsoed.ac.id/sites/default/files/windaningsih%20-%20marginalisasi%20perempuan%20dalam%20pemberitaan_0.pdf jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 68 of 83 the behavior of government vendor project in using e-procurement system a case study of construction project vendors in west nusa tenggara abstract e-procurement system is a procurement of goods/services implemented by using information systems and electronic transactions conducted by lpse as an organizer and vendor as provider of goods /services. this study aims to predict and explain the determinants of interest in the behavior and behavior of users in using e-procurement by employees at construction companies that are suppliers for west nusa tenggara provincial government in the procurement system of goods/services. the research method used is quantitative method by distributing questionnaires to 114 respondents who work and have position as manager, assistant manager, supervisor and staff. this research develops unified theory of acceptance and use of techonology (utaut) and information system success model, then data is processed using partial least square (pls). the result of this research shows that performance expectancy, effort expectation, system quality act as determinant interest behavior with value of r² 0.441 while conditions that facilitate and interest behavior as determinant of behavior of usage with value r² 0,277. meanwhile, the results of the utaut model development and information success model in this study can explain and predict the uncertainty that often arises when individuals transact electronically through the e-procurement system. keyword: e-procurement, utaut, information systems success model, pls abstrak sistem e-procurement adalah pengadaan barang / jasa yang dilaksanakan dengan menggunakan sistem informasi dan transaksi elektronik yang dilakukan oleh lpse sebagai penyelenggara dan vendor sebagai penyedia barang / jasa. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memprediksi dan menjelaskan faktor-faktor penentu minat pada perilaku dan perilaku pengguna dalam menggunakan e-procurement oleh karyawan di perusahaan konstruksi yang merupakan pemasok untuk pemerintah provinsi nusa tenggara barat dalam sistem pengadaan barang / jasa. metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kuantitatif dengan menyebarkan kuesioner kepada 114 responden yang bekerja dan memiliki posisi sebagai manajer, asisten manajer, penyelia dan staf. penelitian ini mengembangkan unified theory of acceptance dan use of techonology (utaut) dan model keberhasilan sistem informasi, kemudian data diproses menggunakan partial least square (pls). hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa ekspektasi kinerja, ekspektasi usaha, kualitas sistem bertindak sebagai penentu perilaku minat dengan nilai r² 0,441 sedangkan kondisi yang memudahkan dan menarik minat perilaku sebagai penentu perilaku penggunaan dengan nilai r² 0,277. sementara itu, hasil pengembangan model utaut dan model keberhasilan informasi dalam penelitian ini dapat menjelaskan dan memprediksi ketidakpastian yang sering muncul ketika individu bertransaksi secara elektronik melalui sistem e-procurement. hendra satria pramdani1 achmad nurmandi2 email:hendra.satriapramdana@gmail.com universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta history received : september 17th, 2018 revised : february 01st, 2019 accepted : february 26th, 2019 to citate this article, please refer to: pramdani & nurmandi. (2019). behavior analysis of good/service providers in using electronic procurement system (eprocurement). jurnal studi pemerintahan. 10(1). 68-83 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive mailto:hendra.satriapramdana@gmail.com jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 69 of 83 introduction electronic procurement as known e-procurement is the platform for procurement of goods/services implemented using information systems and electronic transactions. those system are refers to internetbased information and communication systems to carry out the stages of the procurement process including negotiation, ordering, receiving, and post-purchase review. according in technically process, eprocurement is handled by lpse where by the task is to make an announcements, documents process, offerings, finalization and determine the project holder. e-procurement can be running when the provider or vendor participant is completed. the quantity of participants is determined by joined provider who offer the project. according to the data of the association of internet service providers indonesia (apjii) in 2013 showed that the utilization of information systems in the procurement of goods/services in west nusa tenggara (as known by ntb) only amounted about 12.5% performed of the total procurement of goods/services. the e-procurement system in west nusa tenggara is started on 2011, but its still half of using internet basic. the lpse office in west nusa tenggara also increase their ability to using full services procurement on 2014. e-procurement system in ntb still gained many lack in term of processing about transparency and accountability. udoyono (2012) mention that when the procurement still runing with manual system, these found many misappropriated decision and foul in many aspect. so within the platform of electronic in procureting the goods and services, government can be decrease any fraud that was easily found in the system process and can used the budget more effectively reach 10 to 50%. in order to using information systems in local government behavior is aims to decreased lack that can be found in transparency and accountability of procurement. within the information system also can increasing the individual ability and behavior of the staff’s performance. behavioral interest more intensive in the person’s desire in using the information system. according to hartono (2008), the biggest cause of failure of the acceptance of information systems is not caused by technical quality nor information produced but more failure to aspects of behavior. the challenges faced in information systems are related to the changes that occur with the application of information systems in the form of individual interests that lead to denial of the information system so it does not run as expected. suhardjanto (2009) was founding the behavior user that the determinants of individual behavior interest can more easily to increased their performance in information system. these study uses the concept of characteristics developed by emery as a measure of the quality of information systems. suhardjanto (2009) concluded that content, accuracy, form, ease of use, and accuracy affect the quality of an information system which will affect the acceptance of vendors in using e-procurement. also according to yustanti (2016) was conducted a study about the affected factor of user satisfaction about eprocurement. thus research was used t-test by using measurement system on end-user computing success by torkzadeh and doll (1988) and also using tam developed by davis f.d (1989). the results showed that usability, ease of use, content, accuracy, format, ease and timeliness affect the user computing satisfaction. in other hand, this study will be focused on the formulation that can engaging the interest and behavior of people for receiving and using technology-based on information systems. the existence of information systems is not always accepted positively by individuals. the emergence of individual problems is complaints in the process using the information systems, finding the trouble of using the issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 70 of 83 information system and the lack of individual’s understanding also a factors that affected the individual’s interest by using information system. various theories of behavior (behavioral theory) is widely used to examine the process of adoption, individual acceptance, and the successful implementation of technologybased information systems. literature review 1. the concept of e-procurement e-procurement is the procurement of goods / services that are implemented using electronic information and transaction systems in accordance with the statutory provisions. nightisabha, et al., (2009) describes the e-procurement is an activity carried out by the public sector both the central and local governments and public institution including state owned enterprises (soes) to take advantage of the internet system that was developed by the institute for procurement policy / government services (lkpp) with the provisions of legislation. then according nurmandi (2014) with the adoption of electronically, it is expected to reduce corruption in the procurement sector, this is because it has reduced the intensity of provision of goods and services directly because all procurement steps are done electronically via the internet. e-procurement very important for the organization because it offers benefits through increased efficiency process purchase and reduction price, improving collaborative relationships, and opportunities which is significant for improve pe services internal and status function purchase (croom and brandon, 2005). the use of e-procurement can also increase transparency, reduce auction cycle time, save taxpayer money, empower bidders, eliminate cartel contractors, improve availability of management and accounting information (síñgh and devendra, 2013; oketch, 2014). meanwhile, according to udoyono (2012) e-procurement is an integrated data base system and internet-based wide area network communication system in part or whole process of purchase of goods / services. based on the definition of e-procurement from various sources can be concluded that e-procurement is the procurement of goods / services begins with the registration process, the auction and everything related to providing goods / services conducted online or realtime. e-procurement system is a breakthrough developed by the government in establishing good governance. however, in the process of implementation of e-procurementnot without obstacles. barriers faced by human factors and technical factors such as infrastructure and system quality. the success of e-procurement implementation will not succeed without regard to these constraints. this study focuses on the human factor as the end user of the e-procurementsystem, by explaining any factors that affect an individual's interest in using the e-procrurement. 2. theory behaviorism in acceptance of information systems behavioral information systems theory rests on one of the streams that behaviorism psychology (behaviorism). behaviorism are schools of psychology that studies the behavior that can observed and measured. this stream is found behavior can be studied and explained scientifically. behaviorism emphasis on response the response p behaviors that can be observed and measured. behaviorism shows that the peril i was in response to stimuli that can be learned (al-famin, 2012). issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 71 of 83 acceptance of information systems cannot be separated from organizational behavior, because behavior of information systems to learn how the organization should develop an information system to direct individual behaviors in interacting with the system to facilitate their system goals (kazi 2013). behavioral information system explain user behavior information system of the psychological aspect becomes important because human beings interact with information systems pose a problem due to the emergence of behavioral concerns of individuals who are not able to use information systems, their refusal or reluctance to use information systems. this is evidenced by the risk of changes that occur when the application of the system of individual resistance that causes rejection and the system does not run as expected. singh (2011) explains that the information behavior system arise due to realize the importance of individual-individual in the organization and information systems into parts that can not be separated because they are organizational components interact with each other. models in behavioral information systems focus on anticipated behavioral interests using information systems. the theory of behavioral information systems can be divided into two groups (hartono, 2008) . the first group developed a modeling theory look antecedents of the emergence of individual behavior (including the unified theory of acceptance and of technology) and a second group developed a modeling theories that look at the impact of the implementation of technology-based information on individuals and organizations (among others delone and mclean information system success model). 3. utaut theory (unified theory of acceptance and use of technology) many models to evaluate the acceptance of the use (user acceptance) a new technology. venkatesh et al. (2003) proposed a model, namely the unification theory acceptance and use of technology was then used his native language, ie the unified theory of acceptance and use of techonology (utaut). in utaut models, there are determinants that act as the basis for the individual towards the use of specific technology-based information systems that will ultimately determine the interests and behavior of use. interest is the cause of the individual to take real action which is the action of use (al-awadhi and morris, 2008). venkatesh et al. (2003), in the model utaut, build main receipt expectancy performance (performance expectancy), effort expectancy (effort expectancy) and social influence (social influence). the construct is a determining factor of interest in behavioral (behavioral intention) these behavioral and interest will affect the behavior of the use (use behavior). conditions that facilitate (facilitating conditions) is also a major truck kons affecting usage behavior. figure 1. model utaut issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 72 of 83 performance expectancy is defined as an individual's level of confidence in the extent of use of the system will help it to gain an advantage in the job (venkatesh et al., 2003). based on the testing of the construct utaut, performance expectancy is the only construct significantly over time and proven to bring attention behavior. effort expectancy is defined as the perceived level of user convenience in using information system (venkatesh et al., 2003). effort expectancy in utaut is one factor that proved to bring attention behavior. social influence how tall a person is defined as people prepare interests trusted by others will influence him to use e-procurement. facilitating conditions that facilitates the use of information technology is the degree to which a person believes that organizational and technical infrastructure exists to support the use of the system. conditions that facilitate the use of information technology are the degree to which believe that organizational and technical infrastructure exists to support the use of the system. 4. information systems success model (information system success model) some researchers developed a model of information systems success. one model of the famous success of information systems is the d and m information system success model developed by delone and mclean (1992). in the d and m information system success model developed by delone and mclean (1992) there are six (6) constructs are: information quality, system quality (system quality), use of information (information use), user satisfaction, individual impacts, and organizational impact (organizational impact). delone and mclean (2003) modeling technology context (quality systems and quality of information) affect the behavioral interest or usage behavior. this model is a renewal of the d and m information system success model delone and mclean 1992. second, the behavior of the use of information technology is one appropriate measure for measure the success of technology-based information systems. based on this, researchers enhance utaut models to scrutinize the d and m information system success model (delone and mclean, 1992 and 2003), which later became a model study investigators. in this study only use constructs to measure the quality of electronic procurement system. constructs for assessing the quality is the construct that is quality information (information quality) and the quality system (quality system). quality information is a desirable characteristic of information products. the quality system is the desired characteristics of the information system itself. the use of information is the consumption of users over the output of information systems. user satisfaction is the top user response usefulness of the information system. research methods this research uses causal research method, study causality is a study that shows the direction of the relationship between constructs free with bound constructs, in addition to measuring the strength of the relationship (kuncoro, 2003). this research belongs to survey type, ie research used in large and small populations, but that data studied is data from samples taken from the population, so found relative events, distribution and interconnections construct. the population in this study are employees who work and have a position as assistant manager, supervisor or staff. consideration of researcher choose west nusa tenggara as the study area for the first, west nusa tenggara is an object of research. second, in west nusa tenggara there are a lot of standing branches and centers construction companies. third, in the last issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 73 of 83 five years, infrastructure development in west nusa tenggara province has increased rapidly. building construction projects are built to cover e-government buildings, parks, renovation of schools, roads, markets all of these projects is a form of procurement of goods / services in west nusa tenggara. the sampling technique used was purposive sampling. criteria samples used by researchers to determine the sample in this research. first, individuals who use e-procurement procurement ba rang / services. second, individuals have a minimum of 1 year working experience in the use of e-procurement. before data collection, this study must first conduct a pilot test. respondents who have taken are employees of construction companies that use e-procurement by 30 respondents. the results of the pilot test showed items questionnaire is valid and reliable. this study questionnaire deploy as many as 161 questionnaires to construction. number of questionnaires received 1 26 or 7 8% of the total questionnaires were distributed and only 11 4 questionnaire or 70% to use while the remaining 14 questionnaires or 8% cannot be used because the data is incomplete. this study uses analysis partial least squares (pls) with tools such as program smartpls 3.0. according to hartono and abdillah (20 15: 161) pls is one of the alternative methods of statistical structural equation modeling (sem) based variants are designed to complete multiple regression when there is a specific problem in the data, such as the sample size is small, the data is lost (missing values) and multicollinearity. pls analysis consists of two sub-models of the measurement model or models outer and inner structural model or models (ghozali and heng, 2014: 7). the measurement model is used to test the validity and reliability, while the structural model is used for causality test. results and discussion 1) descriptive statistics the data collection in this research is done by distributing questionnaires distributed directly to construction companies located in west nusa tenggara. respondents in this study are construction companies that use e-procurement and become providers (suppliers) to the government of west nusa tenggara province. the number of medium-scale construction company located in west nusa tenggara as many as 161 companies. this study took a sample of the employees in every construction company, with main respondents who occupy positions as managers, assistant managers, supervisor and staff. so the total respondents in this study were 161 respondents. table 1. summary of questionnaire distribution and returns no information amount percentage 1 questionnaire distribution 161 100% 2 the questionnaire did not return 35 21.7% 3 the questionnaire returned 126 78.3% 4 questionnaire can not be processed 14 8.7% 5 questionnaires can be processed 114 70.8% issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 74 of 83 respondents who participated in this study has a position as a manager as much as 3 or 3%, assistant manager as much as 9 respondents or 7.9%, supervisor 60 respondents or 52.6% and a staff of 42 respondents 36.8%. gender in this study indicate that the participation of male respondents more than female respondents, as many as 82 people or 72% and female respondents as many as 32 people or 28%. the age of respondents in this study is very mature, because their age between 31-40 years. as many as 58 respondents or 50.88%. the level of education shows that most of the respondents who have diploma or d3 certificate are 69 persons or 60,53%, while the rest have undergraduate or bachelor degree as much as 40 people or 35,09%. all respondents in this study have used eprocurement. a total of 47 respondents or 41.23% using e-procurement is more than 4 years, this shows that the respondents are experienced in using the e-procurement system. table 2. descriptive statistics constructs construct n min. max. average std.deviation oak 114 2 5 3.982 0.740 eu 114 1 5 3.719 0.665 ks 114 3 5 3.868 0.690 ki 114 3 5 3.833 0.774 kf 114 2 5 3.745 0.838 mk 114 3 5 3.614 0.762 pp 114 3 5 3.863 0.919 source: primary data processed 2017 description: ek: ekspektasi kegunaan. eu: ekspektasi usaha, ks: kualitas sistem, ki: kualitas informasi, kf: kondisi yang memfasilitasi, mk:minat behavior, pp: perilaku penggunaan table 2 shows a sample answer was average > 3 of the 5 top-scale construct performance expectations, effort expectations, system quality, information quality, facilitating conditions, behavioral interest, and behavioral usage. this means that the samples tend to agree that the system can improve performance, easy to operate, it is necessary organizations support and individuals in the vicinity, it is necessary facilities to support and sample agreed system influences organizational performance. an average of 3 out of 5 semantic difference scales on the quality system quality information construct indicates the sample is concerned with the process and the resulting output of the system. the average of 4 on the construct of behavioral interest and usage behavior indicates the sample is very interested and often uses a technology-based accounting information system. 2) model evaluation evaluation model in this research is conducted through the outer and inner models. outer model or models of measurement is a stage for evaluate the validity and reliability of a construct. outer models evaluated using parameter average variance extracted (ave), communality, outer loading, loading cross, cronbach alpha and composite reliability. inner model or structural model is a stage to evaluate the relationship between construct. inner model parameters were evaluated using r2 coefficient comparing path between t-statistics with t-table for testing hypothesis. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 75 of 83 outer model outer models describing how the relationship between the indicator with the construction. outer model is a measurement model to assess the validity and reliability models. the validity test is conducted to find out the ability of the research instrument to measure what should be measured. this research uses construct validity test. the validity of the construct shows how well the results obtained from the use of a measurement fit the theories used to define a construct 1) convergent validity test convergent validity is related to the principle that the measurements of a construct should be highly correlated. rule of thumb used in the convergent validity test is loading factor of more than 0.7, more than 0.5 communality and average variance extracted (ave) of more than 0.5. convergent validity of test results can be seen in table 3 the results of the algorithm on its outer models. 2) test discriminant validity discriminant validity views with cross loading values and roots ave. discriminant validity occurs when two different instruments that measure constructs predicted two uncorrelated produce scores that are not correlated. in table 3 cross loading showed that all indicators of each construct that has a value above 0.7 measured in accordance with the rule of thumb. this means that all indicators of each construct have passed the validity test so that the data is considered valid. in addition to viewing the table cross loading, discriminant validity is done by comparing the value of the root of ave by the correlation between the value of other latent constructs. 3) test reliability reliability test used to measure the consistency of the respondents in answering the research instrument reliability test can be used by using two methods, the cronbach's alpha and composite reliability. in table 3 are known cronbach's alpha values of more than 0.6 and more than 0.7 composite reliability. hair et al (2008) in hartono and abdillah (2015: 196) explains that the rule of thumb value of cronbach's alpha or composite reliability must be greater than 0.7 even if the value of 0.6 is acceptable. this indicates that the indicators used in this study have passed the reliability test so that the data is considered reliable and the data can be used in the next testing stage. table 3. the result of the algorithm construct ave composite reliability cronbach's alpha r squared oak 0.809 0.944 0.922 eu 0.564 0.795 0.736 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 76 of 83 ks 0.788 0.937 0.910 ki 0.762 0.941 0.922 kf 0.747 0.922 0.889 mk 0.782 0.915 0.859 0.441 pp 0.893 0.962 0.940 0.277 table 3 above shows the results of the algorithm after the removal of one of the indicators of effort expectancy. table 3 shows the change value ave and communality to construct effort expectations with a value greater than 0.5 so it complies with the rule of thumb. therefore, new test results show that the convergent validity. discriminant validity occurs when two different instruments measuring two predicted constructs are not correlated resulting in uncorrelated scores (hartono and abdillah, 2015). in table 3 shows that all the indicators of each construct that has a value above 0.7 measured in accordance with the rule of thumb. this means that all indicators of each construct have passed the validity test so that the data is considered valid. in addition to viewing the table cross loading, discriminant validity is done by comparing the value of the root of ave by the correlation between latent constructs more table 4. ave and ave root values construct ave ave root oak 0.809 0.899 eu 0.564 0.750 ks 0.788 0.887 ki 0.762 0.872 kf 0.747 0.864 mk 0.782 0.884 pp 0.893 0.944 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 77 of 83 inner model figure 2. structural model evaluation of structural models (inner model) can be done by looking at the value of r-squares (r 2) to construct the dependent, the coefficient of the path or t-values of each path to test the significance of inter-construct the structural model (hartono and abdillah, 2015: 197) . the value of r 2 is used to detect variations in the construct changes are independent of the dependent constructs. at 5:13 the picture shows the value of r 2 to the interest of behavioral s ebesar 0. 441, meaning that the construct changes dependent variation can be explained by the independent constructs amounted to 44.1%, the value of r 2 ap restricted usage behavior of 0. 277, meaning that variations dependent constructs changes can be explained by independent construct is equal to 27.7%. while the rest is explained by other constructs outside the proposed model. meanwhile, the path coefficient value of this research is intended by the value of t-statistic greater than t-table (> 1.64). table 5. correlation between constructs hypothesis construct original sample t-statistics p-values conclusion h1 ek -> mk 0.289 2,821 0.003 be accepted h2 eu -> mk 0.156 2.867 0.004 be accepted h3 ks -> mk 0.415 4,028 0.000 be accepted h4 ki -> mk 0.208 3,082 0.000 be accepted h5 kf -> pp 0.394 4,010 0.000 be accepted h6 mk -> pp 0.234 2,524 0.012 be accepted 2. hypothesis testing results performance expectance on behavior interest hypothesis 1 (h1) states that performance expansion has an effect on the interest of behavior in using e-procurement. test results in table 5.7 shows the t-statistic value of 2.821 (> 1.64) and the value issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 78 of 83 of p-value 0.003 (<0.05) can be concluded h1 is supported. the beta coefficient value of 0.289 indicates that performance expectancy has a positive effect on behavior interest using e-procurement. the results of this study provide empirical evidence that vendors believe that by using eprocurement in performing their tasks they can complete the work faster, improve performance, increase productivity, and increase effectiveness as expected (venkatesh et al., 2003) . vendors who benefit from e-procurement systems such as improving tender offer performance, can improve transparency and accountability of auctions, flexible timing of auctions and increased efficiency of the auction process will intend to use the e-procurement system. by sensing the usefulness of the eprocurement system, vendors will try to always try the e-procurement system. effort expectancy on interest in behavior hypothesis 2 (h2) states that effort expansion affects the interest of behavior in using eprocurement. test results in table 5.7 shows the t-statistic value of 2.867 (> 1.64) and the value of pvalue 0.004 (<0.05) can be concluded h2 is supported. the beta coefficient value of 0.156 shows that the perception of effort expansion has a positive effect on the interest of behavior using eprocurement. the results of this study provide empirical evidence that vendors feel confident that the use of e-procurement system in carrying out its activities can facilitate its work because it assumes the use of e-procurement system can be easy to operate, instructions in the system easy to understand, facilitate in the search for information needed and easily become skilled in using the system (venkatesh et al., 2003). by feeling the ease of using e-procurement system, vendors will strive to always use e-procurement system. quality of system against behavior interest hypothesis 3 (h3) states the quality of the system affect the interests of behavior in using eprocurement. test results in table 5.7 show the t-statistic value of 4,028 (> 1.64) and p-value 0,000 (<0,05) can be concluded h3 is supported. the beta coefficient value 0.415 indicates that the quality of the system positively affects behavioral interest using e-procurement. the results of this study provide empirical evidence that vendors have confidence in the quality of the system in using e-procurement system. the quality of e-procurement system is able to provide good service, fast response in case of error and comfortable when using the information system in the form of e-procurement. al khattab, et al (2015) explains that individual beliefs in transactions with government are caused by factors such as structure, systems and services that create a safe and reliable environment. quality of information on interest in behavior hypothesis 4 (h4) states that the quality of information affects the interests of behavior in using e-procurement. the test results in table 5.7 show the t-statistic value of 3.082 (> 1.64) and the p-value 0,000 (<0,05) can be concluded h4 is supported. the beta coefficient value of 0.208 indicates that the quality of information positively affects the interest of behavior using e-procurement. issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 79 of 83 the results of this study provide empirical evidence that vendors have the confidence that the quality of information in the e-procurement system is good enough. the quality of information from the e-procurement system is capable of providing good information, providing clear navigation and interesting and easy-to-understand format. convenience to the information system is needed because with the convenience there is no difficulty that arises in the auction process between government and provider of goods / services. conditions that facilitate usage behavior hypothesis 5 (h5) states that facilitating conditions affect the behavior of use against the use of e-procurement. the test results in table 5.7 show the t-statistic value of 4,010 (> 1.64) and the p-value 0,000 (<0,05) can be concluded h5 is supported. the beta coefficient value of 0.394 indicates that the facilitating conditions positively affect the behavior of use using e-procurement. empirical evidence of current research has implications that company management should provide resources or all support facilities to use technology-based accounting information systems (wang and shih, 2009). first, the hardware used is adequate hardware and keep up with the latest technological developments. secondly, individual users of technology-based procurement systems should be provided with sufficient knowledge by the company's management of the operational and technological base used by training. third, it is necessary to have expert individuals in technology who are ready to help the individual users of technology-based systems if the individual users of the system are experiencing difficulties or errors (venkatesh et al., 2003). interest in behavior against usage behavior hypothesis 6 (h6) states that interest in behavior affects the behavior of the use of eprocurement. test results in table 5.7 shows the t-statistic value of 2.524 (> 1.64) and p-value value 0.012 (<0.05) can be concluded h6 is supported. the beta coefficient value of 0.234 shows that the interest of behavior has a positive effect on usage behavior using eprocurement. from several studies that have been done obtained empirical evidence that interest behavior positively affect the behavior of the use of information systems based on technology. current research, in the context of implementing the e-procurement system, also provides empirical evidence consistent with these studies. fetherman and pavlou (2003) explain that interest may influence usage behavior to adopt information systems by individuals in situations of uncertainty, discomfort, anxiety, and conflict. high and low interest is a determinant that can influence the usage behavior in using e-procurement system. thus, it can be concluded that interest behavior is a determinant factor of the use of vendor behavior to the procurement system of goods and services electronically. 3. model after testing in this study there are constructs of performance expectancy, effort expectations, facilitating conditions, behavioral interests and user behavior taken from utaut developed issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 80 of 83 by venkatesh et al. (2003). while additional constructs in the technological context of system quality and information quality are adapted from the de lone and mclean models (2003). based on the results of research models used known that the quality of the system is the most influential determinant of interest behavior. meanwhile, effort expectancy is the weakest determinant of its influence on the interest of behavior. figure 3. model after testing conclusion the results of this study indicate that perceptions of performance expansion, effort expectations, system quality, quality of information as determinants of behavior interest in using electronic procurement system, while conditions that facilitate and interest behavior is determinant of the behavior of the use of electronic procurement system this shows that these constructs are able to explain and predict the vendor's acceptance of using the e-procurement system. the results of this study indicate that the quality of the system is the main construct that affects behavior interest. this means that the vendor sees the most important thing for the electronic procurement system is the quality of the system and beneficial to him in support of his work. vendors believe that by using eprocurement systems in performing their tasks they can complete the work faster, improve performance, increase productivity, and improve effectiveness as expected. meanwhile, effort expectancy is the weakest determinant of its influence on behavioral interest. the weak influence of effort expectations indicates that the information system is generally less complicated to use, the ability of employees to learn high and gain support from corporate management and technology staff. all of these reasons cause the influence of effort expansion into significant behavioral interest but the effect is weak. usefulness of e-procurement system is an important thing and become a consideration for electronic procurement service (lpse) as system operator in developing and designing system to be right target for the wearer. so that the system created to provide maximum service and benefits for the providers of goods / services in the process of bidding or auction project procurement of goods / services. ease of use shows e-procurement system should be easy to operate, instructions in the system easy to understand especially for employees who are not professionals in the field of information systems to facilitate employees in using information systems. performance expectations information quality system quality interest behavior r2 : 0.441 business expectations faciliting conditions user behavior r2 : 0.277 issn:1907-8374 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive jurnal studi pemerintahan vol. 10 no 1 february 2019 issn:1907-8374 online: 2337-8220 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.10198 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive page 81 of 83 references al-ajam, a., dan nor k.m. 2013. evaluation of internet banking services adoption among yemeni customers. journal of business & management 2, no.6. p39-48. al-fahim, n. h. 2012. factor affecting the adoption of internet banking amost iium’ students: a structural equation modeling approach. journal of internet banking and commerce 17, no.3, p1-14. ahn, t., ryu, s., dan han, i. 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https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/45895353/user_acceptance_of_the_e-government_serv20160523-6118-mtzvt.pdf?awsaccesskeyid=akiaiwowyygz2y53ul3a&expires=1558284442&signature=ltcrgcv3mhr3fvcjlcxjz9k4tsy%3d&response-content-disposition=inline%3b%20filename%3duser_acceptance_of_the_e-government_serv.pdf https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/45895353/user_acceptance_of_the_e-government_serv20160523-6118-mtzvt.pdf?awsaccesskeyid=akiaiwowyygz2y53ul3a&expires=1558284442&signature=ltcrgcv3mhr3fvcjlcxjz9k4tsy%3d&response-content-disposition=inline%3b%20filename%3duser_acceptance_of_the_e-government_serv.pdf http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.301.8448&rep=rep1&type=pdf http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.301.8448&rep=rep1&type=pdf venkatesh,%20v.,%20morris,%20m.%20g.,%20davis,g.%20b.,%20and%20davis,%20f.%20d.%202003.%20 venkatesh,%20v.,%20morris,%20m.%20g.,%20davis,g.%20b.,%20and%20davis,%20f.%20d.%202003.%20 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s037872060300123x https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/s037872060300123x layout desember 2008 250 applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 pangeran paita yunus performing art and visual art study, graduate program universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta. email: pangeranpaita@yahoo.com r. m. soedarsono faculty of cultural sciences universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta sp. gustami indonesia institute of arts yogyakarta ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract in the preservation of local culture, local government policy is required to make local regulation (perda) which can be used as a handbook for architects and building owners, when making a plan for development in public areas but do not forget to give a typical sign of makassar or ‘raises ‘traditional architectural style of south sulawesi in building offices or public buildings. south sulawesi provincial government’s efforts to pioneer the construction of buildings or new buildings that still emphasizes architectural bugis-makassar, as exemplified in 1978 by building the office of the parliament of south sulawesi and south sulawesi governor’s office, is an effort to respond positively. but these efforts did not last long. the architects, in for some time, still seems to apply the model timpalaja (timpanon) as a prominent feature of traditional roof bugis-makassar on the buildings, also seemed to have started to disappear from the presence of buildings or new buildings that would be a new icon for the city of makassar. keyword: traditional architecture, governmental policy, south sulawesi abstrak applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 251 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam upaya pelestarian budaya daerah, diperlukan adanya kebijakan pemerintah daerah untuk membuatkan peraturan daerah (perda) yang dapat dijadikan pegangan bagi para arsitek maupun pemilik bangunan, ketika membuat rancangan untuk pembangunan di ruang-ruang publik agar tak melupakan memberikan pertanda khas kota makassar atau ‘memunculkan’ gaya arsitektur tradisional sulawesi selatan dalam membangun kantor atau bangunan publik. upaya pemerintah provinsi sulawesi selatan merintis pembangunan gedung atau bangunan-bangunan baru yang tetap mengedepankan ciri arsitektur bugismakassar, seperti yang mulai dicontohkan tahun 1978 dengan membangun kantor dprd sulawesi selatan dan kantor gubernur sulawesi selatan merupakan upaya yang perlu direspon positif. namun upaya ini tidak berlangsung lama. para arsitek yang dalam beberapa waktu sebelumnya masih tampak menerapkan model timpalaja (timpanon) sebagai ciri menonjol atap rumah tradisional bugis-makassar pada bangunan-bangunan, juga terlihat sudah mulai menghilang dari kehadiran gedung atau bangunan-bangunan baru yang justru menjadi ikon baru bagi kota makassar. kata kunci: arsitektur tradisional, kebijakan pemerintah, sulawesi selatan introduction one of the human product which is related to cultural elements is art. in this case, art, which is tradition art, is part of the result of human patternal action (artist), which in the history of cultural development, has given great contribution in enriching and giving the identity for our national culture. that kind of art is a cultural form, which until now, it still reflects the valuable art, so its existence has to be preserved. nevertheless, recently, the position of that tradition art has faced dilematic problem, although not all the people said so. in one side, they worry about the position of tradition art which is being threatened its values of authenticity. in the other side,the existence of that tradition art is considered to be stronger, although it is in the midst of rapid modernization process. some views see the tradition art’ position and continuity becoming controversial issue. that argument is always about the tradition art which is viewed only from cultural aspects, and in the other side said that tradition art should be adapted with the other aspects, such as aspect which has economical value. the first opinion tends to say that the tradition art as national cultural asset which should be kept its authenticity. while the second conservation say that tradition art has double values: cultural value and economical value which is underlying the action in the art. accordingly, something that should be thought is how to keep the culture remain stable that still based on the open attitude toward the possiapplying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 252 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bilities to adjust with the tradition art element, so that is relevant and accepted according to the time circumstance, including the existence of national architectural art works. the traditional architecture as one of the cultural capital grows and develops together with the growth of a nation. therefore, the presence of a traditional architecture is one of the identity from cultural supporting community. in the traditional architecture as a human creation, it is contained three integrated cultural forms, they are 1. cultural form as a complex activity from ideas, values, norms, rules, etc.; 2. the cultural form as a complex activity from human patterned behavior in the society; 3. the cultural form as objects of human works (koentjaraningrat, 2004: 5-6). in the reality of human life, those three forms of culture absolutely not separated one each other. the culture of idea and custom manage and give direction to the human’s actions and works. the human thoughts, ideas, actions, and works create physical cultural objects. in the other hand, according to koentjaraningrat, physical culture forms a particular circumstance which more and more keep the human distance from their natural environment. it influences the action patterns, moreover, it also influences the way of human think (koentjaraningrat, 2004: 7). if those cultural forms are lived and practiced, the feeling of proud and love toward that work will appear. one of the forms that mentioned is the symbols in the traditional architecture in south sulawesi. the traditional architecture is a work which grow and develop under the influence of tradition, cultural and social activities, and people’s behaviour. therefore, a architectural work, like the traditional architecture in south sulawesi should be the cultural reflection which has meaning and function properly (budiharjo, 1997: 6). the traditional architecture with so many symbols attach to the building, is one of the priceless cultural inheritance. nevertheless, how far the local culture can be recognized and loved by the society, is a matter which needs analysis to show the national identity with personality. a national local culture need to be identified for its preservation, so is the traditional architecture in south sulawesi as one of local assets which its existence needs to be maintained even conserved as one of local wisdom in applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 253 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the society and a heritage which enrich cultural art in indonesia. the traditional architecture as human built environment, is a room which is composed, realized, nurtured, and organized according to specific regulations. and according to the rules and norms which grow is changing by time and space to answer the developments. the developments is including human interaction, people with space, norms, rules, and the development of science and technology. this rapid development affects to the the shift of values, the power of life, social and economic condition, and modernization that finally give effects toward the development of the society demand for the creative expression. when the socio-cultural interaction of a society is getting wider, the network they do is getting more diverse and more complex. the higher the intensity of social interaction culture that was developed by a local community in the interaction with the outside community, the greater the opportunity to develop its cultural community. on the other hand, the more isolated a community of social and cultural environment, or the more they close themselves off from interaction with the outside community, the stronger are the barriers faced in developing the culture. recently, when the socio-cultural interaction of society is getting wider and more open, it directs the culture supporter to the imaginer condition, where a society ignore the limitation of geography, etnography, country, or even nation. ralp linpton (1940: 457-458) conveyed that in this world, there is no more society who have right to convey that their culture is still authentic. the rest is result of exchanging and borrowing the cultural elements which absorbed purely or modified. similarly, most of the local cutural element development usually is a development which inspired by the influence of cultural contact with outsider. in the process of cultural contact, monica hunter wilson conveyed that the changing because of the cultural contact in a traditional society to the modern society does not need to cause the loosing of balance which affects damaging conflicts, as long as that changing is slow and purposeful (wilson, 1945: 12). in indonesia, the development of reformation and democration spirit becomes a common phenomenon which support the occurance of the new socio-cultural interaction pattern. the society is getting more open, applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 254 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ so the development give positive and negative effects. the positive developments are the growth of openness, transparency, rule of laws and human rights, give new color and nuaces in the organization of society association and lives, in local, regional, and even global. on the other hand, the negative effect, because of the increasing of transportation and information, delivers to the new ‘culture’. if there is no filtering and early protection, openness can lead to infiltration of culture that brings new values that are not all good and in accordance with the noble values of the indonesian nation which can rise to cultural decadence. local culture will tend to worsen and eventually loss of identity. this condition, exacerbated because the fad “model” of development in indonesia, while still relying on development priorities in the economic field. the symptoms mentioned above, began to be felt in the development of traditional architecture in south sulawesi (bugis, makassar, and toraja). the society, in building homes, tend to prefer european or foreign models for the shape of the building. basically, the application of architectural styles become the owner of the building’s right, so it is difficult to bring and choose the application of a particular architectural style. but it feels weird when we are in a region or city that has great historical background, traditions, customs and local culture are admired since the past, such as the city of makassar, but it was soon surrounded the buildings of foreign architectural style. finding the meaning and objects of architectural indonesia itself is pulling the thread of personality and spirit contained in the existing architecture in the archipelago. indeed, opinion is still abstract and premature when we denounce that any architectural committed by indonesia as part of indonesia architecture. this is because the existence of the architecture itself is actually related to the dimension of time that continue to operate from the past, present and future and sense of place of architecture itself. in addition, a wealth of architectural treasures across the country provide diversity of thought that just makes it in determining the intersection of architecture distinctively indonesia. when steeped in architecture as part of the scientific sphere, the architects oriented borne in great works of western nations. is our wealth of architecture not big enough to be exposed and explored in depth. applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 255 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ actually the answer is in us. architecture in indonesia is often considered not to have a certain clarity of vision in the design and architectural arrangement because it is not based on rational principles and standards. when in fact the same as what is done in classical architecture in europe, which could not be separated from the rules of composition, proportions, the grandeur and beauty. in addition to indonesia’s architecture is not necessarily born with the instinct and habit alone. but through an appreciation and cultivation of philosophical and cosmological values in our culture that make up the composition, proportion, and the value of beauty. the existing architecture and what our nation has is greater and more famous than the western thought which is dominating now. however, in reality we are not strong enough to sustain its existence. we tend not to know where the architectural indonesia will be carried around. this is due to the presence of the typical architecture of indonesia has not been entrenched in indonesia so the dedication is so vulnerable to exposure and a touch of foreign architectural styles that did not have the spirit and sense of place on the architecture of indonesia itself. this will led to attached style in architecture. the climax will cause the chaotic in indonesia today’s architectural treasures. it can not be denied because of the influence of foreign presence who colonized indonesia for hundreds of years. that is the fact that later is even difficult for us later in searching for truth and wisdom of indonesia’s typical local architecture. the inability of indonesia to maintain, appreciate, and implement the wealth of traditional architecture of indonesia, it plunges in the form of actual architecture that does not belong to indonesia’s personality. theoretical framework in-depth discussion of the presence of traditional architecture of south sulawesi on government buildings and public buildings in the city of makassar, at least an aesthetic theory approach will be used to analyze the structure and layout of the form of decorative arts attached to the of government buildings and public buildings in the city of makassar and an approach to theory of art history at the aspect of local wisdom (local applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 256 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ genius). hermeneutic approach is also used to analyze the symbolic meaning aspects of the decorative arts that exist in government and public buildings that implement the elements of traditional art. 1. aesthetic approach aesthetic theory is needed at the level of description and understanding to answer the problem of this research. this theory departs from the assumption that any art can be considered to have some aesthetic basic elements that are universal. furthermore, every universal element has the typical realization in every sphere of cultural and sub -cultures. as an example may be mentioned that in painting there are elements: composition, use of lines, use of color, texture cultivation (sedyawati, 1987: 8). edmund burke feldman’s theory is used as an auxiliary theory to answer questions analyzing the structure of a typical decorative art forms of south sulawesi which is applied to the government and public buildings. feldman in depth breaks down about fine arts, especially the form structure, including elements of art and composition. the functions are classified into three major groups, namely: personal functions of art, the social functions of art, dan the phisycal functions of art. those three functions have position, role, and their own purpose in a society (feldman, 1967: 4). 2. hermeneutic approach gadamer’s hermeneutical theory models (gadamer, 1999: 84) is considered appropriate to be used to analyze the symbolic meaning of traditional architecture that is applied to government buildings and public buildings in the city of makassar. this approach view that humans are animal symbolicum, meaning that symbolic thought and behavior is the truly human characteristic. humans are creatures of culture and human culture is full of symbols, so it can be said that human culture is full of symbolism with the thought that stress or follow the pattern of the base itself to a symbol (endaswara, 2006: 171-172). the basic assumption of the hermeneutic theory is the interaction of research subjects that will not be separated from the application of a number of symbols. sehingga perlu pemahaman di balik simbol tersebut. this assumption is present on clifford geertz’s thesis that culture is a applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 257 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ network of meaning (endaswara: 2006: 138). 3. art historical approach in the context of art historical study, claire holt reveals that the arts in indonesia as a whole reflects of an enormous diversity. some things that seem ancient, but still remains vitally, sometimes experienced radical transformations (holt, 2000: xx). when observed closely, among the various art forms, there is a close relationship with its historical development (soedarsono, 1990: 1). it can also be observed in the development of the art of traditional architecture in the area in south sulawesi. the approach of art historical theory is used to trace the existence of local wisdom (local genius) in south sulawesi art of traditional architecture. in reviewing the work of traditional architecture referred to artifacts, used synchronic and diachronic analysis. in the analysis of synchronic, traditional architecture is observed as a structured system. this system consists of the functions and physical facts, in the form of visual signs, including shapes, colors, and sizes. excavation of how the development of decorative arts in the past and directing research toward the discovery of local wisdom (local genius) in bugis decorative art, done by using a diachronic approach (kuntowijoyo, 2003: 43). a diachronic analysis is understood as studies of process (kleden, 1997: 34-35). diachronic model that offers not only the structure and function, but also a movement in time from the concrete events, should be the main purpose of writing history. in other words, the diachronic model is a dynamic model (kuntowijoyo, 2003: 44). research methods method to be used in this study is a multidisciplinary approach. as noted by soedarsono that in the study of fine arts, multidisciplinary approach is clearly very possible, even encouraged. in the study of art, it is more advisable to use qualitative research (soedarsono, 2001: 194). target audience of this paper is the observation of several government buildings and public buildings in the city of makassar which were randomly selected and observed. the method of presentation is descriptive analysis by describing several government buildings and public buildings in applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 258 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the city of makassar which implementing the architecture typical of south sulawesi. data collection conducted through literature, review of written documents, photography document and other visual data, and artifacts related to the art of traditional architecture of south sulawesi. result and analysis 1. architectural erosion of bugis-makassar in public spaces a paradox which is now under way is how to be modern, but at the same time still have personality. this paradox brings contradictions and gaps between the traditions, history and cultural heritage on the one hand and the development of science, technology, and modernity on the other. to be able to be on the way of modernization, the old culture, including architectural expression need to be selected again, which one is still relevant, able to forge and expand the cultural and spiritual perspectives which ones are not able to answer the demands of the development of modern society. on the other hand, the more we realize that to be able to put ourshelves in the modern arena is required a rational attitude, both in science and technology. along with efforts to make the capital of makassar in south sulawesi province as a ‘world city’, the presence of various models of new buildings and skyscrapers prepared, but seem to abandon the application of traditional architectural identity of bugismakassar. for example, some buildings that have been developed, graha pena building or bulding of indonesian islamic university (uin) alauddin by no means indicates the traditional identity of the bugis-makassar or toraja. therefore, in the preservation of local culture, local government policy is required to make local regulation (law) which can be used as a handbook for architects and building owners, when making a plan for development in public spaces so as not to forget to give a typical sign of the city makassar or ‘raise’ the traditional architectural style of south sulawesi in building offices or public buildings. effort to explore, introduce, and preserve the traditional culture is continuesly encouraged by the government. it is intended to search for local identity and national identity in order not to perish hit by the changes. applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 259 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the government’s efforts to participate and develop the culture of the region clearly stipulated in law no. 32/2004 on regional government article 2, paragraph (9). the act, among others, stated that the state recognizes and respects the public entities, customary law, and their traditional rights. this is confirmed again by the letter m section 22 which states that in conducting autonomy, local governments have an obligation to preserve traditional values . this government policy is intended to protect the rights of custom, which is still maintained and preserved. on the other hand, in defending the nation’s cultural identity, the government through the directorate general of tourism no. 14/v/11/ 88 stated that the physical requirements of the decorative elements of buildings in indonesia should be reflected in the interior and exterior. this policy is welcomed by the designers in creating the interior and exterior design works, especially in office buildings, banks, hotels, restaurants and other public buildings. with the implementation of the policy, the designers and architects have contributed heavily in preserving the traditional values of the nation. lately, there is an effort from makassar society with the active role in conformance with the elements that come from outside without forgetting the elements of local culture. one of them can be seen in new buildings both public and private has embraced a new type but it still always shows the typical architectural features of bugis, using timpalaja (prismshaped ridge cap). here, there is a tendency to make the form timpalaja as a terminal defense, so in this feature as if it concentrates all the values that have lost the form (symbol) because of the changes. south sulawesi provincial government’s efforts to pioneer the construction of buildings or new buildings that still emphasizes architectural bugis-makassar, as exemplified in 1978 began to build the office of the parliament of south sulawesi and south sulawesi governor’s office is an effort to respond positively. but these efforts did not last long. the architects who are in for some time still seems to apply the model timpalaja (timpanon) as a prominent feature of traditional roof bugis-makassar on the buildings, also seemed to have started to disappear from the presence of buildings or new buildings that would be a new icon for the city of makassar . applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 260 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ at the present time, especially in the city of makassar, has many mansions stand, hotel, government buildings and a row of big malls, which is not nuanced at all. attaching a classic style with rows of columns and pillars of doria, ionia, and corintha style then imaged as a luxurious, prestigious and modern architectural building. in fact, far from it, the spirit of the architecture itself is lost, only patches and superficial splendor and faceless indonesia. impact of globalization is difficult for defense, which certainly is outside the influence of culture conditions in the world today which no longer be can avoided. so every nation is no longer exposed to reject or accept outside influence, but the attitude of how to deal with outside influences in developing their own cultural identity. because of the cultural acculturation, it arises absorption process of cultural elements. long or not the imitation of foreign cultures depending on the interests and cultural conditions of the nation that receive and filter the foreign culture. in the filtering stage, a foreign culture is not accepted in full, but is selectively taken some cultural elements and adapted to its own cultural identity. the pattern of changes in the architecture, especially in a typical application of anjong / timpalaja (roof) and south sulawesi forms of traditional architecture in government buildings and public buildings in makassar has a tendency as follows: a. fixed form with fixed meaning. the appearance of architectural forms still adopt the old form, although with changes in building material and the old meaning (mythology and cosmology). b. fixed form with new meaning. the appearance of architectural forms still adopt the old form, but given a new meaning. c. a new form with fixed meanings. the appearance of architectural forms applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 261 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ is presenting new forms in the sense of the old elements which are updated. so it does not loose at all because there is a new interpretation of the old form, but given the old meaning to avoid culture shock. d. a new form with new meaning. the appearance of architectural form presenting new forms, accompanied by a new meaning, because a total paradigm shift of the architecture in design acculturated. in this context, the old culture has been abandoned. understanding of cultural identity needs to be confirmed first, not in having an absolute common, or an exact likeness, but rather the uniqueness or individuality that distinguishes from others. kevin lynch suggested that the formation component of the identity architecture basically there are three, namely: the uniqueness of the architecture itself, the structure or pattern of mutual relationship between architecture and the observers, and the meaning of which is absorbed by the observers, both physically functional and psychologically emotional (lynch in budihardjo, 1997: 113-114). the current tendency which occurs, the emphasis of identity a little too heavy to protrusion of physical form, not referring to the occupants, users, and the observer. whereas deterministic architecture specified and patterned “top-down” have been long doubted its reliability accommodate a variety of human activities. as an alternative, the architecture of behavior (contextual) which patterned “bottom-up” must be more emboldened because it is considered to be more responsive to the guidance, desires, and aspirations. according to the idea of peter smithson, architects urbanist must be able to create a tough environment that can be easily changed or grown by individuals and groups of residents. that is to make available opportunities for them to manifest themselves creatively (budihardjo, 1997: 114-115). thus, more opportunities to participate for individuals in the society, it will be too willing to love and nurture the environment independently. 2. traditional architecture of the south sulawesi in resistance the local culture utilization of traditional architectural models in the present building, applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 262 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ was often considered no longer able to completely follow the dynamics of the society needs. often considered to occur disharmony between the presence of traditional architectural model that is virtually stagnant, with the dynamic demands of modern life which are always quick to change with its variations. in many cases, because the application of the traditional architecture of the model is wrong, ignore rules as they should, resulting problem in a building or home. that kind of understanding underlies the considerations and the application of new models in the present home or building architecture with contemporary style as well, would not adopt the potential of the architecture of traditional house. if there is any effort to absorb the traditional home architecture model, e.g. the application of decorative arts on the bugis particular building, then the adoption process in general is still not quite satisfactory because it presents only as a sweetener artistic ornament, the extent of light ornament itself, not because of considerations of wealth actualization traditional architecture. the truth about the typical architecture of indonesia will be proven and developed through history. a history which has relationship between past, present and future is the thing to keep rolling. the contradiction between the idea which is fighting each other and which is together will bring a new idea. the desire to show the modern architecture in indonesia as well as awareness to create architectural remained personality of indonesia as much as possible not be used as obstruction and opposition. our duty, as architects, policy makers in government as well as owners of public buildings is to try to create a new breakthrough of the two of it becomes an idea that is not opposite each other but rather to the harmony idea. ideas then produces a specific pattern that will satisfy the public desire for the actual architecture of indonesia while still adhering to the reality and the age spirit that is in the present. so we are not the ones who forget the past history, but also not considered a person who is realistic about the fact times that rolling. understanding the architecture of our nation, will make us proud to be part of a great nation. when examined further, the real essence of traditional architecture is not art artwork that has not changed at all or remains, in terms of death applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 263 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (static). traditional architectural art work is art that is not static because of the factual existence, from generation to generation has always had his time representing the stages of completion. improvements by adding the elements that are more adaptive to the demands of society who support for the arts is an important part in the process of stability of the tradition of art itself, so that traditional art should be understood as a dynamic art (dynamic art) in the sense that art is always open to the possibility of changes in both form and function (mardiman, 1994: 144-148). there is also a paradigm that considers that in the context of time, traditional is identified with the ancient past rather than modern, ultra modern or post-modern, which fully reflects the latest novelty. that is one of the causes of home with the traditional architecture that contains a variety of local wisdom judged ancient by most people, out of date until slowly began to be abandoned by stakeholders. in fact, it was realized that the transformation of traditional architectural models to modern architecture can actually be processed by both in layout and the environment from time to time, if only it continues to be done in a high awareness. looking for a form of traditional architecture for a new home with the implementation of the wise and comply with appropriate rules. the faster the transformation will be done, the greater and effective the benefits for society. for this reason that the underlying idea: the importance of shared awareness for both trying to explore and understand again the local wisdom and excellence that embodied in the realm of the architecture of traditional house. local wisdom and excellence that began neglected, abandoned or even tend to be forgotten, needs to be revitalized. the results of search, assessment and preservation of local wisdom possessed, needs to be transformed to be a stock of knowledge and skills that is necessary for advancing the science of architecture, for present and future generations, as well as for nature conservation and the environment. the application form identity and character of local cultural in the architecture of traditional houses in a variety of residential areas, shopping centers, tourist centers, and centers of government and private offices should continue to be done in conceptual and directional. in order applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 264 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to see clearly how the essence of cultural wisdom that applied to it, it can still be very functional. the concept of traditional architecture that apply to all regions, could contribute to be a transformer for the value you want passed to strengthen the resistance of local as well as national culture. to realize the resistance of culture and context of the preservation and development of the traditional architecture of south sulawesi, so. a. it needs efforts to understand the essence of each local moral values to be preserved as cultural heritage. b. it needs efforts to understand the substance of each value of local wisdom to be developed to the present dimensions, along with the changing times and technological advances that are moving into the future. c. that maintaining identity and local ethnic character is important in the middle of whipping by modernization and universalization tendency. it can come transformed through awareness of the cultural advantages possessed. d. life is entitled to continue to grow as his time, but the change of ethnic strategic environment that adopts local wisdom should also be taken into account and continue to be retained as the spirit for development as well as enhance the resistance of architecture with traditional characterized (tato, 2010). in architecture, we know the tradition as a form and soul (spirit). that need to be preserved and developed actually it’s not the form alone, but it is the soul or spirit of a place commonly called geniusloci or nature of a place. physical form may change, even death, but kept alive the spirit should be sought. the implications for cultural identity-oriented development plans, it is clear that we must preserve the environment and even the antique historic old town. preservation of cultural heritage is not cheap, but it was not impossible. various ways can be taken, for example by combining the cultural aspects of the socioeconomic aspects. for example, the function of the ancient palace can be transformed into a museum or art show, and so forth. so, how is our attitudes toward traditional architecture and environapplying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 265 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ment in relation to the preservation of cultural values of south sulawesi? it has been mentioned in the beginning of this paper that south sulawesi is known with its architectural characteristics of the specific roof shape: tongkonan toraja house with boat-like shape and the shape of pyramid roof of the traditional houses known bugis-makassar with anjong / timpalaja which has its own uniqueness. all of that is a source of inspiration to be cultivated and developed, in accordance with the demands of the times and technological advances. this form is certainly not to plagiarized for granted, because if so then we would not have developed the architecture. we expect a dynamic plurality which is responsive to change. in-depth study of traditional architecture, which will uncover the link between the values espoused and the physical form of architecture that is created, it clearly will enrich the horizon of our understanding. especially in elaborating a conceptual insight identity into the real form. the sooner conducted a study to explore the value of the wisdom of local traditional architecture, the impact will be the better, including the transformation efforts, the inheritance of the traditional architecture and technology of the elders, cultural scholars, sociologists and architects of traditional houses, it would be good before they are already passed away. it is expected to realize the sustainability of local traditional architecture of south sulawesi can rebuild past glory that is beneficial to the pride of the present. heritage is realized in the explicit knowledge, which we desperately need in establishing the concept of ethnic local culture resistance by the present generation and future generations for the challenges of the future. 3. traditional architecture of south sulawesi present and future architecture as one of the cultural aspects of bugis-makassar and toraja tribes, is the embodiment of the values espoused and maintained to be inherited to the next generation. as a result of work, of course, it is always changing. there is a difference in the rate of change that occurred in urban and in rural areas. this is because the city is a gateway of communication with other regions and nations. in rural areas, people are still glad keep what they already have, while applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 266 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ in the city, people are active involving in adjustment of the elements that come from outside. it can be seen from the new buildings both public and private have adopted a new type, but still always show the typical architectural features of south sulawesi, using timpalaja (prism-shaped ridge cap). here, there is a tendency to make the form timpalaja a terminal defense, so in this feature, as if it concentrates all the values that have lost the form (symbol) because of a change. this proves that there still elements of the traditional architecture of south sulawesi that is able to survive in the swift currents of change in all areas as a form of national development of indonesia. in addition, it proves that the architects in south sulawesi still believe the value of cultural heritage, which has long preserved by their ancestors while also enriching the architecture of indonesia. with the government’s attention in particular, the maintenance and protection of heritage, the preservation and maintenance of traditional buildings further add to the belief that the traditional architecture of south sulawesi will be maintained in the future. conclusion the application of identity and character of local cultural in the architecture of traditional houses in many residential areas, shopping centers, tourist centers, and centers of government and private offices, should be done continuesly in conceptual and directional. new buildings, both public and private have adopted a new type, but still always show the typical architectural features of south sulawesi, using timpalaja (prismshaped ridge cap). in this case, there is a tendency to make the form timpalaja a terminal defense, so in this feature as if it concentrates all the values that have lost the form (symbol) because of a change. with the government’s attention in particular, the maintenance and protection of heritage, the preservation and maintenance of traditional buildings further add to the belief that the traditional architecture of south sulawesi will be maintained in the future. refference budihardjo, eko. arsitektur sebagai warisan budaya. jakarta: djambatan, 1997. applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 267 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ______________. “penjabaran wawasan identitas dalam wadag arsitektur” dalam eko budihardjo (ed), jati diri arsitektur indonesia: cetakan ketiga. bandung: pt. alumni, 1997. endaswara, suwardi. metodologi penelitian kebudayaan. yogyakarta: universitas gadjah mada press, 2006. feldman, edmund burke. art as image and idea . new jersey: prenticehall, inc., 1967 gadamer, hans-georg. philosophical hermeneutics, dalam e. sumaryono, hermeneutik: sebuah metode filsafat. yogyakarta: kanisius, 1999. holt, claire. melacak jejak perkembangan seni di indonesia, terjemahan r.m. soedarsono. bandung: art.line-mspi, 2000. kleden, leo, “teks, cerita, transformasi kreati”f, dalam kalam: jurnal kebudayaan, edisi 10, 1997. koentjaraningrat, kebudayaan, mentalitet dan pembangunan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, 2004. kuntowijoyo. metodologi sejarah, edisi kedua. yogyakarta: tiara wacana yogya, 2003. linton, ralp (ed), acculturation in seven american indian tribes. new york: appleton, 1940. lynch, kevin. “the image of the city”, 1975 dalam eko budihardjo (ed), jati diri arsitektur indonesia: cetakan ketiga. bandung: pt. alumni, 1997. mardiman, jangan tangisi tradisi. yogyakarta: kanisius, 1994. sedyawati, edi. “peranan arkeologi dalam studi sejarah kesenian indonesia” dalam edy sedyawati (ed.), estetika dalam arkeologi indonesia. jakarta: pusat penelitian arkeologi nasional, 1987. soedarsono. wayang wong: drama tari ritual kenegaraan di keraton yogyakarta. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press, 1990. tato, syahriar, “arsitektur tradisional sulawesi selatan pusaka warisan budaya lokal indonesia”. hhtp: www.arsitekturtradisional. 2010. wilson, monica hunter, the analysis of social change based on observations in central africa . cambridge: cambridge university press, 1945. applying policy of south sulawesi architecture in governmental office and public building / pangeran paita yunus, soedarsono soedarsono, gustami gustami / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0013 layout desember 2008 reform conducted by government in various countries since the 1980s. they aim at fostering the performance of public services. the studies have explained the factors which influence the quality of public services and then give assumptions that adaptation in changes of the economic environment, renewal of planning and work system, creativity and innovation of human resources, and the openness of political system are all factors that affect the enhanced performance of public organizations. aucoin (1990), for instance, reviewed the reform of public organization administration and management. he, then, explained that the reform movement has had been in worldwide scale since two decades ago. the reform in the united kingdom, australia, and new zealand primarily represented the movement to respond the changes in international economic system. based his point of view, theoretical issues emerging during the reform were the behavioral problem of elected politicians and bureaucratic apparatus – based on public choice theory – the freedom and innovative problem, and organizational structure – based on the managerialist paradigm. furthermore, stewart and walsh (1992) stated that the change in management of public services in the united kingdom, particularly at the local government level, was indicated by the implementation of government contracts handed over to the private sector, the reduction of staff, reorganization of local government, significantly increasing productivity, and performance management of the government. wollmann (2004) added ulung pribadi lecturer, department of government affairs and administration, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta; email: ulungpribadi@ymail.com organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 abstract this research aims at explaining the relation between organizational structure and public service satisfaction. the survey is conducted technically by requesting some respondents to grade the implementation of changes in organizational structure and performance of licensing department of yogyakarta, indonesia. the academic findings are: (1) the implementation of the policy of changes in organizational structure led to the characteristics of post-bureaucratic organization, (2) the public service satisfaction has been in the relatively high level, and (3) the relationship between organizational structure and public service satisfaction is positive and significant. the theoretical implication of this research is that the empirical study supports the assumption which the organizational structure affects public services. the practical implication that could be recommended is that the characteristics of organizational structure should be fostered. thus, the citizens obtaining services from the institution would be very satisfied. the limitation of this research is the small population of samples and respondents so that it would be hard to generalize the findings. it is suggested that the explanation of why public organization could provide access and assurance for citizens in lower level could be the issues to be investigated further. keywords: public service, organizational structure, institution, citizen, assurance. background a number of studies have concerned on the phenomena of public organization 375 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ that in the united kingdom, germany, and france, the changes in public policy, community participation, and political accountability are boiling factors that influence the success of the local government reforms. in the united states of america essential factors, as explained by experts, including changes in culture, work systems and organization are forms of government organization reform to improve productivity and public services. osborne and gaebler (1992), with the idea of “reinventing government” gave guidance for the state administrators to expand “entrepreneurial government”. meanwhile, m shamsul haque (1998) stated that bureucracy changes aiming to improve the organizational performance start to fluorish in the market-centered model of government that recently emerge in south east asian countries. he argued that the goals of bureaucracy lead to the changes in objectives, roles, structures, norm, and beneficiaries, that will affect identity, commitment, the legitimacy of the government bureaucracy. countries in the region introduce new legislation and institutions to facilitate the realization of promarket policy and market expansion activities. most studies focused on the factor of state reorganization are conducted normatively. garnett (1980) and conant (1988, 1992), for example, state the significance of state reorganization. while, barzelay (1992) conveys that the importance of post-bureaucratic paradigm is to foster the public organizational structure. thompson (1993, in brudney, hebert, and wright 1999) describes that attempts to revitalize state and local governance are aimed at improving the organizational structure of government. in contrast to the aforementioned studies, this research examines the implementation of the policy of state reorganization structure of local government and argues that the changes affect the enhancement of public service satisfaction. on the other words, this study points at exploring the factor of state reorganization structure of local government and the effect of the performance of public service satisfaction. this research is conducted at licensing department of yogyakarta. this city was the winner of investment award as the best city for investment in 2009 from investment coordinating board collaborating with regional autonomy implementation monitoring committee that has evaluated the performance of government services in licensing department. the mayor of yogyakarta said that the investment award denotes an evaluation toward the performance of municipal services in the area of licensing. head of licensing added that criteria of assessment in achieving the honor comprises aspects of authority/investment service institution, aspects of service procedures, performance evaluation of licensing services, aspects of information systems of licensing services and investment, as well as innovation and achievement of local investment services. the glorious achievement of yogyakarta could be reached after a realignment of local organization with the establishment of department of licensing legitimized by regional regulation no. 10 year 2008. the research questions of this study are written as follow: how is the implementation of organization reconstructing policies of licensing department of yogyakarta as it has been assessed by public service recipients? how is the level of public service satisfaction in licensing department of yogyakarta? is there any positive and significant organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 376 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ correlation between organizational structure changes and the public service satisfaction? researches dealing with the relationship between organizational structure changes and enhancement of performance have been conducted but the focus is different from this research. tolbert, p. s., & zucker, l. g. (1983), for instance, examined organizational structure in the context of the success of the programs carried out by an organization that was affected by institutionalization. they investigated diffusion and institutionalization of the changes in formal organization structure that is associated with the civil service reform in various cities. sven modell (2001) examined aspects in institutionalization of performance measurement in public sector organization, particularly in health care sector in norway. the study criticized the approach of neo-institutional sociology and found a relationship between aspects of institutionalization and the constituent. boyne and cole (1998) studied the revolution, evolution, and structure of local government organization with a study case in london. they criticized the conventional analysis of the structure of government organization concerning with the revolutionary changes that results in liberal reorganization. they proposed a new perspective on the changes of organizational structure emphasizing the significance of considering the evolutionary process due to the population growth and the reallocation of service responsibilities among service organization units, for example. they analysed fragmentation and concentration in the structure of local government organization. boyne (2003) reviewed a number of studies carrying out the relationship test between one or more variable independents and at least one dimension of service performance. in the study of the relationship of the dimension of organization, including variables of size, internal organization, as well as external organization, and the dimension of public service improvement, particularly customer satisfaction, boyne found that only a study stated that there is a positive relationship between variables of size and variables of customer satisfaction. on the other hand, none of the studies maintained that there is positive relationship between variables of internal and external organization and sub-variable of customer satisfaction. there are two aspects of the organization of public services as targets of reformers (boyne 2003). the first is size – large or small organizations. traditional argument toward the structure of local government suggests that the consolidation of small units will produce a profit in providing service in term of coordination and efficiency in term of economy. on the contrary, public choice theorists noted that the merits of responsiveness and efficiency will be achieved if the organization units are fragmented. the relationship between size and performance is nonlinear – widely small or large organization might be less successful than medium size (boyne, 2003). the second is internal and structure and external structure. internal structure of public service providers are indicated by extent of formalization (for example, reliance on rules) and centralization of power. the organization theory suggests that the structure which grows formal and is centralized will work in simple and stable environments (bozeman, 1982; dawson, 1996). even if that is true, then the relationship between internal structure and service performance is varied due to the circumstance of the public organization (boyne, 2003). the variable of organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 377 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ external structure reflects the existence of the mixed economy of service delivery that compromises public, private, and voluntary organizations. public agencies might turn into the part of network of partnership or contract out parts of their services to other providers. whether the external form of organizational structure will bring about better performance will rely on whether they can mobilize the skills and resources in cooperative network rather than it is simply handled by a single organization that is isolated (boyne, 2003) meanwhile, jefferey m. sellers and anders lidström (2007) did some investigation on decentralization, local government, and welfare state. they described the local government decentralization index in 21 countries associated with social welfare and government infrastructure. they emphasized that the significance of decentralized government structure is to coin out welfare. carolyn j. hill and laurence e. lynn jr. (2005) examined the literature regarding government organization conceptually shifting from a hierarchical government toward greater reliance on horizontal, hybridized, and associational form of governance. they argue that the empirical evidence is still rarely found. there are only but researches that focused on the relationship between organization structure and performance, particularly the performance of public service satisfaction. generally researches are dealing with the relationship between organizational structure and organizational structure. some recent researches commonly find that the relationship between organizational structure and organizational performance does not exist. then, it can be explained as follows. there are several studies on the relationship between organizational structure, whose dimensions include organization and sub-unit size, and performance. revans (1958, in dalton et. al, 1986) examined the relationship between organization as well as sub-unit size and performance, with samples of retail stores, which brought about the curvilinear relationship among variables. blau, heydebrand, & stauffer (1966, in dalton et. al., 1986) investigated the relationship between organization as well as sub-unit size and performance, with samples of health care organizations, that turned out the positive relationship among variables. hrebiniak & alluto (1973, in dalton et. al., 1986) studied the relationship between organization as well as sub-unit size and performance, with samples of hospital departments, which obtained the inverse relationship among variables. reimann (1975, in dalton et. al., 1986) examined the relationship among organization as well as sub-unit size and performance, with samples of school districts, which results the zero relationship among variables. moreover, there are a number of studies on the relationship between organizational structure, which the dimension is span of control, and performance. woodward (1958, in dalton et. al., 1986) examined the relationship between span of control and performance, with samples of industrial organizations, which brought about the curvilinear relationship among variables. ronan & prien (1973, in dalton et. al., 1986) investigated the relationship between span of control and performance, with samples of manufacturing departments, which obtain the zero relationship among variables. it was also investigated the relationship between organizational structure, in which the dimension is organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 378 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ flat/tall hierarchy, and performance. blau (1968, in dalton et. al., 1986) studied the relationship between flat/tall hierarchy and performance, with samples of government agencies, which obtained the positive relationship among variables. ivancevich & donnelly (1975, in dalton et. al., 1986) examined the relationship between flat/tall hierarchy and performance, with samples of salespersons, which brought about the inverse relationship among variables. the relationship between organizational structure, which dimension is administrative intensity, and performance has also been researched. hildebrand & liu (1957, in dalton et. al., 1986) examined the relationship between administrative intensity and performance, with samples of manufacturing, which obtained the positive relationship among variables. bidwell & kasarda (1975, in dalton et. al., 1986) studied the relationship between administrative intensity and performance, with samples of school districts, which brought about the inverse relationship among variables. there are numbers of studies on the relationship between organizational structure, which dimension is organizational size, and organizational performance. glisson and martin (1980, in boyne 2003) examined the relationship between organizational structure, with sub-variable of organizational size, and service performance, with the variable of efficiency in 30 organizations in one the u.s. city. midwinter and mc vicar (1993, in boyne 2003) studied the relationship between organizational structure with sub-variable of organizational size and service performance with the variable of output quantity and output quality in 155 local authority library department in great britain. duncombe, miner, and ruggiero (1997, in boyne 2003) investigated the relationship between organizational structure with sub-variable of organizational size and service performance with subvariable of value for money in 585 school districts in new york. bradley, jones, and millington (2001, in boyne 2003) studied the relationship between organizational structure with sub-variable of organizational size and service performance with subvariable of outcomes in 2,675 schools in england. some studies investigated the relationship between organizational structure, which the dimensions are internal organization and external organization, and performance. meier and bohte (2000, in boyne 2003) examined the relationship between organizational structure, with sub-variable of internal organization that is span of control, and service performance, with sub-variable of outcomes in 678 school districts in texas. meier and o’toole (2001, in boyne 2003) studied the relationship between organizational structure, with sub-variable of external organization that is frequency of contact with other bodies, and service performance, with sub-variable of outcomes in 507 school districts in texas. there is only a study on the relationship between organizational structure and public satisfaction (customer satisfaction), namely d’aunno, hooijberg, and munson (1991, in boyne 2003) who investigated the relationship between organizational structure, with sub-variable of organization size, and service performance, with sub-variable of consumer satisfaction in 35 state-owned university hospitals in the u.s. this study employed the measurement of organizational size which is the number of hospital beds. hence, many researches were conducted to investigate the relationship between organizational organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 379 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ structure, which one of the dimensions is sub-unit size or span of control or internal organization, and performance, which the example of employed dimensions is output or outcome or value for money. a few studies have been carried out that analysed the relationship between organizational structure and service performance; however, the context is private organization. furthermore, from the survey that has been analysed, boyne (2003) concluded that most of the studies found that the relationship between organizational structure and service performance is insignificant. practically, it is consider that the study on the relationship of organizational structure and public service satisfaction has not existed yet. as the result, this study aims at examining the relation between the organizational structure and public service satisfaction. in indonesia, the practical study on the relationship between organizational structure and public service satisfaction has not existed yet. generally studies conducted are dealing with regional autonomy, bureaucracy, and decentralization. king (19998), in his research on educational organization in indonesia, reported that there is only few possibility to carry out the decentralization as a devolution, in which the central government hands over the power to the decision makers at the regional level. nevertheless, a research is possibly undertaked should it be regarding with deconcentration, where the central government put its employees in the regional level, and as delegation of authority, meaning that the central government delegates the power to the servants in regional level. thus, king stated that the problem of decentralization in indonesia is the ‘struggle’ for region to carry off it. kristiansen et. al. (2008), through the research on six regional governments, found that national systems and political and bureaucratic tradition in indonesia might bring a huge impact toward the existence of corruption and opacity of financial management of the region. this proves that in the autonomy and decentralization era the power from the central government to regional government was dominant and tended to bring negative impacts. this study examines the relationship between organizational structure and public service satisfaction. what does organizational structure mean? the structure of an organization is the pattern of rules, positions, and roles that give shape and coherence to its strategy and process, and is typically described in organization charts, job descriptions and patterns of authority (leach, stewart, dan waish.1994:52). in other words, the structure of an organization can be defined simply as the sum total of the ways in which it divides its labour into distinct tasks and then achieves coordination among them (mintzberg 1979:2). according to mintzberg, the concept related to the organizational structure encompasses 1) job specialization, behaviour formalization, and training and indoctrination (the design of individual positions); 2) unit grouping and unit size (the design of the “superstructure”); 3) planning and control systems and liaison devices (the design of lateral linkage); 4) vertical decentralization and horizontal decentralization (the design of the decision making system). the significance of each concept is defined as follows (mintzberg, 1980:325-327); job specialization is the main parameter to determine the division of labour, concerns with the numbers of duties and each scope in a certain position (horizontal job specialization), and monitors duties of the superior (vertical job specialization). the special organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 380 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ job in horizontal and vertical sensory typically includes in categories called underskilled while horizontal but “enlarged” vertical job usually is called professional. behaviour formalization refers to designing parameter, which the standard work process undergoes rules, procedures, policy guidelines, job descriptions, job instructions, and others. the underskilled job is typically adjusted very formally. structures that rely on standardization for coordination (either from the work process or vice versa) commonly are called as bureaucracy. then, those who count on direct supervision or adaptation are named as organic. training and indoctrination is design of parameter that the standard skills and knowledge pass through the widely educational program, typically in outside organization and before individuals begin their job (particularly in training). unit grouping (the basis of the establishment of organizational units) refers to the design of parameter that the direct control is the essential aspect to be carried out (and it is also employed to influence the mutual changes). it is also related to the basis that the positions are grouped into units that later engrow the comprehensive units until all are grouped in the strategic apex. various possible bases for the establishment are skills, knowledge, the work process, business functions, products, and customer services. it may be consolidated into two bases. the first is by function that by means of the organization is to bring about products and services. and, the second is by markets that by the characteristics of main markets are where the organization functions. unit size (the number of organizational units or usually called as span of control) refers to the number of positions or sub-units that are grouped into a unity. many literatures show that the greater the reliance on standardization to coordination (through either work process, or output, or skills), the larger the unit size. it is due to the lack of direct monitoring. thus, positions or units can be grouped under a single manager. however, it also shows that the reliance on the mutual adjustment of small units since informal communication is needed a small working group. planning and control system is design of parameter in which outputs are standardized in organizations. this system might be considered as two kinds. behaviour planning focuses on outputs from a certain decision or behaviour; for instance, a hole is drilled in two centimetres of diameter or a new product will be presented in september. control performance concerns with measurement after the performance evidence of all decisions or behaviours is given positions or units during certain periods; for example, the sale growth of division in the first quarter in this year. the liaison devices refers to tools that organizations can encourage mutual adjustment in all units. it can be placed along a rough continuum to increase elaboration and formality of the liaison position and then groups of duties and commissions, which have relationship of information in entire units through the integration of managers who were given the formal authority over the decision of their units. it entirely aims at fostering matrix structure which omits classical principles of command unity in supporting responsibilities of two or more managers or units during a certain decisionmaking. vertical decentralization refers to the extent to which formal decision-making power is “delegated” down to the chain of line authority. horizontal decentralization refers to the extent to which power flows informally outside this chain of organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 381 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ line authority that is, to analysts, support staffers, and operators in the operating core. meanwhile, campbell, bownas, peterson, and dunnette (1974, in dalton et.al. 1986) suggest to distinguish between “structural” and “structuring” in organizational characteristics. the “structural” of an organization refers to physical characteristics like size/sub-unit size, span of control, flat/tall hierarchy, and administrative intensity. while the “structuring” refers to the policies and activities taking place in an organization that describes and limits the behaviours of members of the organization such as specialization, formalization, and centralization. denhardt and denhardt (2003) explained that phenomena of public organization undergo three paradigms, namely old public administration, new public management, and new public service. in the old public administration paradigm, the characteristic of the organizational structure established in government organization is bureaucratic organization. this bureaucratic organization is characterized by its basic characteristic, namely top-down authority, hierarchical organization (control from the top of the organization), and closed system (thus citizen involvement is limited). it means that the structure of the government organization has top-down authority, hierarchical organization controlling from the top of the organization, and closed system with limited citizen involvement. furthermore, the characteristics of this bureaucratic organization are designated by the basis of establishment of organizational units based on functions from the duties and compulsories commanded by the supervisor to subordinates, with the large amount and formation of organizational units, a vertical pattern of coordination among its organizational units, and its structural design that is pyramidal and closed. in new public management paradigm, public organization structure is decentralized public organization. this decentralized organization is designated by the basic characteristics like “streamlining agency processes”, “disaggregation of large bureaucratic structures into quasi-autonomous agencies”, and “reduce size of government”. it means that the government organization system has characteristics as government organization with the agencies that are made as compact as possible, as government organization with agencies that are created semiautonomous, and as government organization with agencies that the organization size is diminished. moreover, the organizational structure is designated by the basis of establishment of organizational units in functions that come from the prominence of markets, with the slight size and formation of organizational units, horizontal coordinative pattern among organizational units, and networking-structural design with the markets. in the new public service paradigm collaborative structure is formed. this structure is mainly designated by leadership shared internally and externally. this collaborative structure is the alternative form of decentralized structure. according to osborne and gabler, the decentralized structure is a government organization that is slight and efficient resulted from an adjustment toward the changes in socio-economic environment that lead to the integration of free market and global capitalism. whereas, collaborative structure defined by denhardt and denahrdt is a flexible government organization as the consequences of the close relationship between government and organizations outside of government to address the organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 382 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ needs of public services for citizens. this collaborative organization structure is designated based on the establishment of organizational units in functions from the results of stakeholders’ dialog regarding the needs of public services for citizens, the flexible size and formation of government organization units (the more urgent the issues on public services, the greater the organizational structure accomodating capacity), the multi-lateral pattern of coordination among organizational units, and networking-structural design with the stakeholders in managing public services issues. the other phenomenon displays that government organization resulted from public bureaucracy reform is oriented more to the collaboration with citizens in order to solve problem simultaneously. ansell and gash (2007) define that the concept of collaborative governance is a governing arrangement where one or more public agencies directly engage non-state stakeholders in a collective decision making process that is formal, consensus oriented, and deliberative and that aims to make or implement public policy or manage public programs or assets. ansell and gash (2007) explain that, in the context of decision-making and the implementation, collaborative governance has emerged and superseded the private government models (adversarial and managerial modes). in the models of the recent government, stakeholders from either government agency of citizens work together in a forum oriented to consensus. ansell and gash review a literature related to collaborative governance with the aim at elaborating the model contingency of collaborative governance. they also identify the variables that affect to the success of organizational performance of collaborative governance. what does organizational performance mean? the literatures regarding the conceptualization and measurement of organizational performance in public sector were written by experts (ammons 2001; carter, day, and klein 1992, in boyne 2002). reviewing the literatures, boyne (2002) identified “headline” of dimension of service performance: quantity of outputs (e.g., the number of surgeries performed in hospitals, hours of teaching delivered in schools, the number of houses built), quality of outputs (e.g., speed and reliability of service, courtesy of staff), efficiency (financial ratio of outputs and inputs), equity (fairness of the distribution of service costs and benefits between different groups), outcomes (e.g., percentage of pupils passing exams, percentage of hospital patients treated successfully), value for money (cost per unit of outcome), consumer satisfaction (which may be a proxy for some or all of the above, depending on the questions posed to service users). according to zeithaml, parasuraman & berry (1990), there are 10 benchmarks of services, namely: tangibles, reliability, responsiveness, competence, courtesy, credibility, assurance, access, communication, and understanding. variables in this research are organizational structure and public service satisfaction. the variable of organizational structure comprises aspects of unit grouping, size/number of positions/ units/cub-units, job specialization (basic division of labour), behaviour formalization, training and indoctrination, action planning and performance control, liaison device, vertical decentralization (decision making power system is delegated down to the chain of line authority), and horizontal decentralization (decision making power system flows informally outside this chain of line authororganizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 383 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ity). the variable of public service satisfaction consists of aspects of tangibles, courtesy, reliability credibility, competence, communication, responsiveness, understanding, access, and assurance. the hypothesis in this study is the positive and significant relationship between organizational structure and public service satisfaction exists. methodology this study examined the implementation of the policy of new organization structure in department of licensing of yogyakarta, public service satisfaction, and the relationship between organizational structure and the public service satisfaction. this research employed qualitative approach, and the data were collected through survey. the survey was conducted by distributing questionnaires to respondents who were permitted by licensing department of yogyakarta. since the populations were homogenous, the sampling technique in this research was simple random sampling, in which respondents were taken randomly when they were proposing licensing at the office during research conducted. the respondents of this study are 100 out of 160 people (sugiyono, 2007). descriptive statistic was employed to display the scoring of respondents toward the implementation of the policy of new organization structure and toward the quality of the agency services. since the data of both variables are interval and the data sources are the same, the correlative technique of productmoment was employed to look for the relationship and to prove the hypothesis of the relationship between two variables. findings and discussion the findings of this research dealing with the implementation of the organizational structure and the new characteristics according to the marking of citizens who received public service from licensing department of yogyakarta can be discerned in the following chart. figure 1. index of the implementation of the new organization structure of licensing department of yogyakarta source: adapted from primary data, 2012 the aspect of unit grouping gets index value of 3.9. indicators of this aspect consist of organization lockets/units or sub-units created as the needs of citizens to facilitate them in getting services, to ease them in obtaining goods/services, and to simplify them in gaining the service benefits. the aspect of size/the number of positions/units/sub-units is accounted for index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect comprise: (a) when the citizens proposed the licensing, they pass through a few organizational units/sub-units horizontally (unit size is flat), (b) the citizens could accomplish the licensing only in units/sub-units (unit size is flat), (c) they could get licensing rapidly since the hierarchy from the agency vertically is narrow (span of control is narrow), and (d) they could get licensing service that could be just decided by the head of the licensing department of yogyakarta without having to be re-decided by the higher leaders of the organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 384 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ licensing department of yogyakarta (span of control is narrow). the aspect of job specialization (basic division of labour) is accounted for index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect encompass: in bottom organization lockets/units or subunits u(operating core) the jobs do not pile up, the leader in middle line could organize the work process correctly and rapidly, the leader in the high level (strategic apex) could make decisions appropriately and swiftly, techno-structure could make work systems and procedures properly, and support staff can support the other parts of organization. the aspect of behaviour formalization gets index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect are that the servants have skills and knowledge that standardized so that they could accomplish their job correctly, accurately, and rapidly. the aspect of action planning and performance control is accounted for index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect comprise: the servants apply planning and control system so that they can undertake their job properly and they also have standardized outputs so that the targets can be achieved. the aspects of liaison device is accounting for index value of 3.7. the indicators of this aspect are that units of the institution are connected each other (connections across units). the aspect of vertical decentralization (decision making power system is delegated down to the chain of line authority) gets index value of 3.6. the indicators of this aspect are that in the agencies the subordinates are entrusted with the authority by their superiors to make decision or solve problem by themselves in the scope of their job (delegation to line managers). the aspect of horizontal decentralization (decision making power system flows informally outside this chain of line authority) is accounting for index value of 3.5. the indicators of this aspect are in the agencies that each employee in an organizational unit has authority to decide/solve problems in the scope of their job (power of sharing by non-managers). meanwhile, the finding of empirical data of this research regarding public service satisfaction based on the grading of citizens who received public service from the agency yogyakarta can be discerned in the following chart. figure 2. index of public service satisfaction source: adapted from primer data, 2012 the aspect of tangibles is accounted for index value of 4. the indicators of this aspect comprise the physical environment that is clean and comfortable, the institutional facilities and infrastructures that is neat and orderly, the institutional rooms that quite appropriate to carry out the service activities, the proper waiting room, the adequate facilities, the complete tools, various goods/services, the clear board clerk/counter, the notice board that is easy to be read, and the tools of complain or feedback. the aspect of courtesy gets index value of 3.9. the indicators of this aspect encompass the employees of the institution who are polite, kind, respectful, and responsible. the aspect of reliability is accounted for index organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 385 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect consist of the simple requirements of the registration, the easy and straightforward procedures and mechanisms, the adequate number of employees, the documents accurately checked, reviewed, and managed by the employees. the aspect of credibility gets index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect comprise that the institution is well known as giving good public services, treating people fairly (without discriminating class or status), having a trustworthy service system, having satisfied result, and serving the citizens well when coming back. the aspect of competence is accounted for index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect encompass that citizens’ documents are safe, get assurance in services, obtain discipline of employees, get guaranty that the services do not have negative risks. aspect of communication is accounted for index value of 3,8. the indicators of this aspect include in employees at the information who are kind, responsive in giving information correctly, polite in speaking, clearly in giving explanation, and easy in having dialog. the aspect of responsive gains the index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect comprise that the institutional employees help citizens to solve problems and to fulfil their needs. the aspect of understanding is accounted for index value of 3.8. the indicators of this aspect are that the employees pay attention to the citizens, empathize or understand that the citizens have limited conditions, care about them, feel their shortages, respect their dignity, become patient toward their “fussiness”, provide time to serve their questions, and treat them humanely. aspect of access obtains the index value of 3.6. the indicators of this aspect encompass the cheap service charge, no formal fee (extortion), and being able to be paid easily. the aspect of assurance is accounted for the index value of 3.6. the indicators of this aspect include in giving the safety assurance of documents, giving assurance that the employees are discipline, and giving assurance that the citizens do not need to worry. the relationship between the implementation of the new organization structure and public service satisfaction is indicated in the following table. the data shows that the positive correlation between the implementation of the new organization structure and public service satisfaction is 0.669. it indicates that the grater the implementation, the higher the public service satisfaction. besides, the data displays that the coefficient of the correlation is significant. it means that the data and coefficient gained in the samples could be generalized in the population where the samples are taken. the data could reflect the condition of population as well. conclusion and recommendation the theoretical implication of this survey is the refusal toward assumptions that variables of organizational organization affect variables of public organizational structure and public service satisfaction in yogyakarta city / ulung pribadi / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0026 386 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ service. boyne (2003), in his critical study toward empirical researches on the determinants of public service performance – resources, regulation, markets, organization, and management, concluded that there are only two variables which consistently impact the performance, namely resources and management. in the contrary, the findings of this study support the study of d’aunno, hooijberg, and munson (1991, in boyne 2003) examining the relationship between organizational structure, with sub-variable of organizational size (the number of hospital beds), and service performance, with cub-variable of consumer satisfaction in 35 state-owned university hospital in the u.s. even though this study has different context from their research. this research also finds the phenomena of the changes of public organization, namely from the characteristics of bureaucratic organization to the characteristics of post-bureaucratic organization. according to denhardt and denhardt (2003), in this era government should leave the bureaucratic organization, characterized by top-down authority, hierarchical organization (control from the top of the organization), and closed system (thus citizen involvement is limited), designated by “streamlining agency processes”, “disaggregation of large bureaucratic structures into quasi-autonomous agencies”, and “reduce size of government”. they recommend that government should choose the models of collaborative organization characterized by leadership shared internally and externally. hence, this study finds that a few changes of the characteristics of organization have existed. the practical implication of this study is the recommendation to the officials of the licensing department of the city. it is suggested that the implementation of the policies of the new organization structure should be enhanced to the characteristics of collaborative organization structure oriented to the needs of citizens in order to have implication in fostering the quality of public services. the 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2016 doi: 10.18196/jgp.2016.0028 abstract malaysia’stechnocracy(administrativeelite)andthegovernmentoftheday(politicalelite)havehadandcontinuetoenjoyaharmoniousandsymbioticrelationship. such synergy had its origins and background in british colonial rule when promising malays were groomed for administrative positions. the dawn of merdeka(national independence)allowedforthetransitionfromadministrative positions to political leadership. the first three prime ministers, namely tunku abdul rahman, abdul razak and hussein onn were drawn from these ranks. therewasanorganicdevelopment in therelationshipbetween the ‘old’ technocratsandpoliticiansexpressedinsharedstrategicoutlookanddirection.assuch, national development was characterised not by intermittent periods of political disruption but a sustained period of continuity in the pre-conditions for economic growth which extended and heightened throughout the premiership of mahathirmohamad.his successor,abdullahbadawi,startedto install corporate figures as technocrats to professionalise the governance of the administrative system. under najib razak the role of these ‘new’ technocrats was further entrenchedandenhanced. keywords: technocracy; economic management; developmental politics; najibnomics introduction the term, ‘technocracy’, is normally employed to refer to the concept of ‘expert knowledge’ that is the provenance of a ‘select’ few in the administrative system of a country (e.g. amir, 2008). admittedly, and this is especially true of developing countries particularly in the context of the asia pacific generally, it is difficult to distinguish by way of introduction between the administrative and political sysmailto:sw.loh@kdu.edu.my http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/ tems (ahmed, 2014). both are not only inter-related by virtue of similar and overlapping functions working towards a common agenda, but that in some cases, the politician is also a technocrat and vice-versa in that there had been a transition from the administrative to the political roles – seamlessly. intriguingly, such a trend is also reflected in the pi(i)gs member states of the european union (eu) recently where technocrats have been appointed to not only handle economic management but also oversee the broader national crisis. that is, the recent debt crisis (whether precipitated by the public or private sector) in southern europe which was then followed by the economic crisis of rising unemployment, deflationary price levels, wage cuts, and sustained recession had led in turn to a crisis of political leadership. politicians were not ‘trusted’ by the brussels elite to be able to turn the economy around by way of achieving a primary budget surplus and austerity policies. technocrats such as mario monti and lucas papademos in the mediterrannean member states of italy and greece, respectively, had to be ‘appointed’ as prime ministers at least as a ‘contingency’ arrangement to halt the debt spiral as indicated by the spikes in the bond yields. now, the terms ‘technocracy’ and ‘technocrat’ are normally used in generalor abstraction to denote high-rankingor top level bureaucrats withqualifiedexpertiseandaccumulated experience and knowledge with oversight of the administrative system and managementofpolicy-makingandimplementation.technocrats thereforearebureaucratswho haverisen throughthe rankswithin the bureaucratic structures as part of the wider administrative system. thus, the technocracy refers to a small group of elites that can be regarded as the crème de la crème (cream of the crop). however, the terms might well be also employed to connote certain context-specific or concrete situations whereby captains of industry, corporate figures, politically exposed or connected persons, military leaders (retired or serving), etc. are appointed to assume technocratic roles. thus, in terms of terminology, the boundaries between the traditional and new technocrats are journal of government & politics 209 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 210 blurred. both conceptual frameworks, however, would fit into the ‘elite theory’ – in that technocratic elites are essential, critical and instrumental to perpetuating the position of the political elites. that is to say, the technocratic (organisational) elite play the role of maintaining and strengthening the position of the political (power) elite in society (farazmand, 1999). therefore, whilst not intending to oversimplify the phenomenon and overlook important nuances within the same context, it could be argued that there is a lack of rivalry between the political and administrative (otherwise known as the technocratic) elites in many asian countries (rashid, 2014). such a relationship is often underpinned by dominance or hegemony over the electoral system (processes and outcome). thus, democratic legitimisation is derived from long-standing or established presence as the ruling party (as in the case of malaysia, that of coalition of parties with one dominant or leading component member). [exception would be in countries such as thailand with its ‘intermittent’ coups and constitutional changes or upheavals just falling short of the abolition of the monarchy and theconcomitance of a prime ministerial form ofgovernment]. hence, the subordinated role of the technocracy in many asiapacific countries is not just relative but absolute. that is to say, the subordination is total and complete for it involves the technocracy not only beholden in terms of role or function (i.e. that of the enforcer or implementing agency of the executive will embodied by the political or ruling elite), but also in terms of hierarchy and organisationally. in other words, the independence of the non-elected part of the ‘executive branch’ of government is weak and nominal. one example is the security of tenure – whereby top officials can be transferred – for the purpose of ‘cold storage’ – at ease or sacked withoutquestion. theoretical framework this paper proposes to look at one feature of the technocracy in the asia-pacific – specificallyin the malaysian context– which is the relationship between the technocracy and the political elite. this in turn entails concretising the boundary between the technocratic and political elite whilst maintaining thesubordinated status of the former. furthermore, even though technocrats have yet to assume the dominant role as seen recently in southern europe, there has been the emergence of a ‘special group’ of appointees that neither belongs to the bureaucratic class or order (i.e. the administrative elite) nor are elected politicians or even card-carrying members of the ruling party in malaysia (i.e. the political elite). it will be seen that these new technocrats could actually supplant and not only complement and supplement the position of the traditionalbureaucrats. journal of government & politics 211 figure 1. the place of the ‘new technocrats’ in the political and administrative systems of malaysia figure 1 illustrates the ‘complex’ relationship between the new technocrats with the traditional administrative class on the one hand; and with the political or ruling class on the other. as appointees from outside the structures and organisational ranks of the bureaucracy, the new technocrats are deemed as belonging to the political system (as politically connected or exposed persons). nonetheless, although they are political appointees, the new technocrats lack the power base and political connection with the grassroots. thus, as non-political political appointees in interface with the political system, the new technocrats can be construed as a hybrid – that is a combination of technocratic expertise and political linkages. hence, the new technocratsstand between the traditional or old technocrats and the executive. p vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 212 the hybrid nature of the new technocrats can be formulated thus: nt = p + t{q1, q2, …..} where nt stands for ‘new technocracy’/ ‘technocrat’ and p stands political connections with p as the intensity of exposure combine with t signifyingthe assumed technocratic skills multiply by the nature and extent of background qualifications. looking at the new technocrats in the wider context (e.g. the political economy of an asian country particularly in the case of malaysia of which this paper concerns), these could be categorised as ‘crony technocrats or policymakers’ in that their relationship with the executive is closer rather than at an ‘equidistant’ as is supposedly the case with the old technocrats whose appointments are based on conventional practices and customary processes of rising through the ranks and promotions based on merit and seniority. an interesting feature in malaysia is that unlike in e.g. the philippines (crouch, 1984), there is also a lack of rivalry or struggle for access or influence between the crony technocrats and the cronycapitalists. researchmethod in seeking to highlight and explicate the (inter)relationship between the technocracy and the political elite in malaysia, a broad survey or overview will be conducted. the contents are structured according to the historical developments and therefore necessarily follow a period-specific progression comparable to a time-series analysis. the ‘base point’ is independencein 1957 (terminus a quo) with the 2015 as the ‘end point’ (terminus ad quem). findings background – the pre-nep period (1957-1970) in 1957, the then malaya inherited a well managed and highly motivated bureaucracy from the british colonial administration. the soaringmoralestemmedfromthe nascentnationalisticspirit of many of the civil servants who were teeming with a sense of hope, optimism and new found pride and freedom to shape the destiny of the country. furthermore, many of the bureaucrats, particularly the more senior ones shared a common vision,outlook and values with the new political elite. this could be attributed to the same educational background which has played an important role in fostering and forging mutual affinity. arguably, the bureaucracy then was more respected or honoured by thepoliticalelite, andthe appropriate boundaries/limits between the two forces in the system of government were observed and maintained. the stature of the policy-making bureaucrats or technocrats was generally unimpeachable and they included ismail mohd ali who was bank negara’s second governor. it was he who has been reputed to have set the tone for the institution’s core values and instilled a culture of professionalism, integrity, competency and accountability. people who knew and worked with him would describe ismail mohd ali as a stickler for punctuality and discipline. under his tenure, bank negara helped to introduce probusiness measures which promoted the intermediation process (of depositing and lending). this complemented the legislative dimension of fiscal incentives promulgated by tansiew sin (as finance minister) designed to facilitate import-substitution industrialisation (isi) such as the pioneer industries ordinance (1958), investment guarantee act (1959) and the investment incentives act (1968). thus, economic policies were geared towards protection of the local manufacturing industry where exports were still largely dependent on the primary resources or the commodities (rubber, tin, palm oil, timber). such was the extent of the nationalist attitude towards the developmental agenda of the time. the bureaucracy did notquestion but acquiesced in the industrial policy of the day which more or less continued to reflect the pre-independence economic structure where foreign (mainly british) and ethnic chinese domijournal of government & politics 213 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 214 nated the economy and thus capital was mainly concentrated in their hands. however, it would be a gross inaccuracy to infer that the bureaucracy, particularly the technocrats, were detached or self-insulated from socio-economic concerns. on the contrary, there was indeed selective intervention by the government focussing on the rural areas, particularly in relation to rice farmers. at the same time, assistance was also extended to smallholders and settlers through land redistribution schemes under the federal land development authority (felda). felda was helmed by technocrats such as taibandak, a close friend and peer of tunku abdul rahman’s successor, abdul razak hussein (1970-1976),worked hard for thirteen years (1958-1971) to uplift the socio-economic status of the rural populace. here the shared vision and outlook of the technocrats with the political elite or the executive comes into prominent display. thus, it was no surprise that taib andak was selected to be the chairman of maybank by razak in 1969 even though he had no prior banking experience. razak’s relationship with andakalso epitomises the high level of trust and confidence in the capabilities of the technocrats and a close working relationship. it could be reasonably surmised that the background of razak as the state secretary for pahang – which in effect constitutes the highest ranking civil servant in the state bureaucracy – meant that there was a degree of mutual affinity and empathy between the prime minister and the technocrats prior to the mahathir era. the common educational and professional background of the political elite and the technocrats – which were a “logical” extension or continuation of one from the other set within the same (colonial) system – served to reinforce their affinity and outlook. under the british, the educational establishment particularly the colleges were preparatory grounds for promising or aristocratic students to enter the civilservice. dissatisfaction with the progress and extent of the developmentalagendaandthepolicyfundamentalswasto emanatefrom within the ranks of the ruling party, united malays national organisation (umno). one of the leading proponents of a “leftwing” commitment was aziz ishak whose brother was a minister of state across the causeway in singapore. incidentally rahim ishak was a member of the democratic socialist people’s action party (pap) government under lee kuan yew whose vision of a more egalitarian society was considered to be at odds with umno’s conservatism. 1. the nep (1971-1990) and the mahathir administration(1981-2003) the ugly racial clashes of 13 may 1969 had left a scar in the nation’s psyche. the event was to lay the political foundation for the government to promulgate the new economic policy (nep) in 1971to “eradicate poverty irrespective of race” and “eliminate ethnic identification with economic function.” this included setting a thirty per cent (30%) target in equityownership by 1990, and accelerating malay and bumiputera participation in the economy. the nep, true to its name, marked a new period in economic decision-making, amongst other outcomes. governmental intervention had become more expanded in scope and its nature more politicised than before, where the identity and role of the bureaucracy became increasingly dependent on the patronage and the political hegemonyof the ruling coalition headed by umno. this is because the nep had at the same time enabled a more systematic distribution of economic largesse and favours by the government to consolidate its political legitimacy and promote regime stability. whilst there were approximately only 110 public enterprises under the razak administration in 1970, a decade later the number has grown – as overseen by tengku razaleigh – to more than 650. since 1970 also, public sector spending was estimated at rm3.3 billion. this figure had ballooned by tenfold to rm35 billion in1982. as such, the augmentation of rent-seeking opportunitiesunjournal of government & politics 215 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 216 der the nep was to lead to the massive erosion of bureaucratic integrity and accountability. however, it could be argued that during the first decade of the nep, the executive – under abdul razak and hussein onn (1976-1081), successively – still treated the bureaucracy with institutional esteem, and relied heavily on the advice and expertise of the technocrats as primary inputs for the economic decision-making processes. also the role of the technocrats in the early years could be used to “justify” and therefore shape the decisions of the political elite but as nep matured in its implementation, business interests have become almost synonymous with economic policies and this was to result in the “marginalisation” of technocratic decision-making. in fact, hussein onn had made it a top priority for his administration to combat corruption and weed out enervating influences that would hinder the effective working of the government machinery. under mahathir who inherited the mantle of prime minister from hussein onn, the effective role and traditional prestige of the malaysian technocracy was to suffer ignominy and its “visibility” even more depressed. this is due to mahathir’s personal preference and his illiberal style of governance which detractors say is authoritarian. firstly, mahathir’s penchant for unofficial advisers who at the same time acted as proxies for the corporate interests of the party (umno) epitomised the new nexus between politics and business. this meant that industrial policy and the political economy of the country were largely dictated by corporate interests. hence, the economic outlook was characteristically expressed not only by statist intervention but also active and extensive participation in themarket. secondly, mahathir’s political authoritarianism – which served an overriding purpose to provide a stable and cohesive environment for his market liberalism/liberalisation – inevitably sidelined technocratic decision-making. his distrust and low estimation of the bureaucracy were also contributing factor(s). this was acutely and painfully illustrated when the points of agreement (poa), 1990 – which was supposed to come under the purview of the ministry of foreign affairs (mofa) – was signed by daim zainuddin (the finance minister) on mahathir’s behalf (and not the malaysian government since the conventional and official formalities and procedures – such as seals and letter-heads – were strikingly absent). and ironically it also further insulated the technocracy from political exposure and entrenched bureaucratic docility. in a reversal of scenario, now the technocracy and by extension the bureaucracy can claim justification for its compliance to the executive as personified by mahathir on grounds that the developmental agenda, particularly with respect to the uplifting of the socio-economic status, and the preservation and promotion of the constitutional rights/position of the malays were yet an unfinished business. thus, it could be said that the increasing marginalisation of the bureaucracy went in tandem with its increasing politicisation as the institutional vehicle to ensure ethnic dominance in the form of “malay supremacy.” in summary, the relationship between the technocracy and the executive under mahathir could be described as one of subservience and even of covert rivalry. whether that has been influenced by mahathir’s so-called “plebeian” background incontrast to the elitist education received by many of the technocrats, particularly of the pre-nep era remains debatable and subject to further research. however, it cannot be denied that the technocrats who had “earned” mahathir’s confidence and trust remarkably hailed from similar background as his. one of them was the former chairman of petronas, malaysian airlines (mas) and putrajaya holdings, azizan zainul abidin. prior to serving under mahathir, azizan distinguished himself as the secretary of the national operations council (noc) which was the interregnum between the 13 may riots and restoration of parliamentary democracy. a man of integrity and probity – the quintessential conscientious civil servant – azizan was perhaps one of the very fewtechnocrats – which mahathir had a high degree of “toljournal of government & politics 217 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 218 erance” or gave allowance for dissenting views which in a sense served to “check and balance” the excesses and accountability deficit of the executive. 2. the end of mahathirism and the abdullah administration (2003-2009) malaysia’s notable economic growth rates since 1986 had positioned it amongst the ‘tiger economies’ of asia and of the world and enhanced its international image as a business-friendly, progressive and modern nation. the prospering nation was buoyant with high expectations of continued development in the quest to attain the status of a developed nation by 2020. mahathir’s popularity was also at an all time high, not least due also to his populist steps in the direction of cultural liberalisation vis-à-vis the non-malay communities, particularly with respect to the ethnic chinese. as such, the ‘feel good’ atmosphere amongst the general population was then prevalent. but the unforeseen arrival of the asian financial crisis (1997), the downfall of former deputy prime minister, anwar ibrahim, coupled with the dire economic downturn came to generate a massive sense of pessimism and gloom. interestingly, anwar’s ouster did not result from any forced showdown by him with mahathir, but was symptomatically expressed in sharp policy disagreements by certain key technocrats in bank negara over the monetary aspect of the macro-economic management of the country. particularly, the contested policy approach was over the trade off between exchange and interestrate. here too, the crisis abruptly put to a stop the years of economic buoyancy under the suharto regime. the lack of support and stamina by the technocracy and the established institutional actors in policy-making for suharto in the hey-days of the crisis eroded his legitimacy and hastened his departure from the levers of power. likewise, it was hoped that the general sense of discontent and backlash provoked by anwar’s mistreatment would precipitate in mahathir’s removal from office. nonetheless, the traditional linkages and reciprocal relations between the political elite/establishment and bureaucracy in malaysia remained intact, despite some internal rumblings. the non-partisan role of the head of state, the supreme ruler (yang di-pertuan agong) meant that the neutrality of the bureaucracy, especially that of the defence and security forces could be guaranteed and relied upon to safeguard the interests of the status quo. indeed, the response by the state to the anti-establishment momentum was swift and decisive. as such, save for the exception of some key technocrats, e.g. ahmad don, fong weng phak, the bureaucracy remained loyal and committed to the government of the day. arguably, the management of the financial and economic crisis in the country involved as much preventing political uncertainty and social unrest. that the country did not slide into a situation warranting a proclamation of ‘emergency’ reminiscent of the infamous 13 may incident(s) is to be attributed to firm and rapid response in crisis management by the government through the national economic action council (neac) – a semi-executive body tasked with steering the country out of the crisis and restoring financial and economic stability and normalcy. the formation of the neac in january 1998 under the chairmanship of mahathir with his key aide and principal economic adviser, daim zainuddin as the executive director had been instrumental in cushioning the external shocks of the crisis and guiding the country back to recovery. this helped to maintain legitimacy and regime stability and restore some confidence in the country’s economic fundamentals, although the kuala lumpur composite index (klci), an indicator of market confidence was not to revert to its high level until another decade. daimzainuddin was one of the most influential cabinetmembers of the mahathir administration and also known to be a close confidante of the prime minister. a lawyer by training, he later ventured into business after a stint with the civil service. he was journal of government & politics 219 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 220 to become successful in property development. his experience in banking (as a shareholder) and technocratic role as chairman of the urban development authority (uda) would prove useful for his major politicalappointment and for which he would be most associated with, i.e. as the finance minister and special economic adviser of the mahathir administration. he was appointed as finance minister by mahathir in 1984, two years after winning the parliamentary seat of kuala muda (kedah). he served for seven years, and ironically was to reassume the post in the aftermath of anwar’s sacking in1999. according to mahani (2002), the ‘modus operandi’ of the neac was guided by three principles: a) formulation of measures that could effectively pull malaysia out of the crisis and minimise the adverse impact on the economy; b) changing policies and measures quickly to respond to the changing situation; and c) fine-tuning measures and removing any implementation obstacles. the neac was soon to ‘take over’ and expand on the scope of jurisdiction and authority normally residing with the ministry of finance as the key institutional actor in economic management to deal effectively with the crisis. thus, the decisions of the neac was said to ‘override’ the ministry of finance and by extension of the other ministries in government to ensure minimal conflict of vested power and interests, and intragovernmental friction which could delay or jeopardise rapid policy implementation. the actual committee responsible for working on the details of critical issues within the neac, i.e. the working group, included technocrats such as thong yaw hong, zainal aznam yusof, mahani zainal abidin, and siti hajar ismail. their prudent and pragmatic measures – counter-cyclical – eased the pressure on the economy (e.g. pegging the ringgit to the us dollar at 3.80, imposition of selective capital exchange controls, lowering the statutory reserve requirement, etc.). this time they had the unflinching cooperation of the new governor of the bank negara in the person of ali abul hassan sulaiman who was brought in by mahathir in september 1998. undoubtedly, he proved to be the right choice for the prime minister as bank negara immediately lowered interest rates to spur lending so as to revive the economy. in his speech at the national congress on economic recovery – “the wayforward,” ali abul hassan made a thinly-veiled criticism of his predecessor for “blindly [believing] in the imf (international monetary fund) mantra that a high interest rate regime was good for malaysia.” ali abul hassan also faithfully carried out the decision to disallow the transfer of funds between external accounts by nonresidents – onshore (i.e. local) banks and countries of origin – which at the time could have been interpreted as a defiance of the imf’s insistence of the free flow or movement of funds. this effectively stopped overseas currency trading in the ringgit and nipped the speculative activities in the bud. hence, through the instrumentality of ali abul hassan, malaysia maintained independence in monetary policy and was placed on a more sustainable path towardsrecovery. even though he retired in 2000, ali abul hassan was honoured with the position of special economic adviser to mahathir in recognition of his valuable service. by default, the appointment meant that ali abul hassan was now a “confirmed member” of mahathir’s inner circle. in other words, mahathir’s confidence in ali abul hassan was secure because of the latter’s devoted service and performance at bank negara. and therefore, rather than demonstrating that the malaysian political elite is reliant or dependent upon technocrats, the case of ali abul hassan amply indicate the reverse, i.e. the over-reliance of technocrats on politicians as the pre-eminent policy-makers of the country. the crisis exposed the latent fault-line within the policy-making institutions and processes – that is, between the political elite and technocrats. in the case of malaysia, the conflict was resolved in favour of the political establishment which was able to justify journal of government & politics 221 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 222 its handling of the situation by recourse to existing economic policies which had contributed to the country’s impressive growth record. this was, of course, coupled with the unyielding conviction and personality of mahathir who did not brook any alternative view, much less from the non-political technocrats. mahathir had, prior to the crisis, also enjoyed a strong mandate from the 1995 general elections which saw the ruling coalition he headed triumphed with a landslide victory – the best since he came into power in 1981.the counter-cyclical approach was vindicated when malaysia quickly bounced back from the doldrums from the crisis and made positive strides towards steady recovery. by 1999, the economy grew by 5.4 per cent which was actually the highestin the region (alongsidesingapore). industrial production grew by 4 per cent in q1 (first quarter) of 1999 which more slightly more than doubled by q2. in what must be an indicator of the extent of confidence in the economic recovery (“feel good” atmosphere), the klci rebounded strongly from a low of 262 to range bound at 700-800. and this was also matched by a marginal increase of fdi inflow, thus adding to the capital stock of the country and further boosting economic outlook andprospects. as the new prime minister, abdullah had wanted to introduce a new style of governance which was supposed to be different from the mahathir era. as part of his inclusiveness, he urged the people to ‘work with me, and not for me.’ greater participation, accommodation and consensus have been attributed to abdullah’s style of leadership. thus, abdullah wanted to impressthe people with a consultative and liberal spirit whichwould relax the political inhibitions and constraints that existedpreviously. his people-friendly measures were comprehensive and systematic and extended beyond merely the public service delivery system vis-à-vis the general public but also to the private sector. on 11 january 2007, abdullah set up a high-powered task force called pemudah to reduce bureaucratic processes (‘redtape’) and facilitate the public-private sector partnership in line with the transformation of the former from a regulator to an enabler. when the economics-trained nor mohamed yakcop – who has a long and distinguished career in bank negara – was retained by abdullah for appointment as the second finance minister, detractors were cynical and sceptical about his ability. there have been rumours that he was responsible for the controversial nature of bank negara’s decision to trade in the international currencies (forex) market from 1992-1994 which ostensibly resulted in huge losses. nonetheless, the impressive economic record of 2004 was due to the macro-economic policy decisions undertaken by nor mohamed which saw a high gdp growth combined with lower structural deficit, and an increase in market confidence. the appointment of technocrats as ministers and advisers in the abdullah administration also seemed to epitomise a reinvigorated bureaucracy which had been marginalised and sidelined in key decision-making processes under mahathir. as one who was a technocrat for many years, abdullah was thought to be able to unite all the elements of government which had suffered a blow of credibility and reputation with the sacking of anwar. it was argued that abdullah’s son-in-law, khairy jamaluddin also acted as an adviser to abdullah. together with khairy were his peers from university days and other associates nicknamed the, “the ‘fourth floor boys.” unfortunately, the impression conveyed to the popular imagination was that khairy through the “fourth floor boys” was the “real power behind the throne.” nonetheless, the 2008 general elections did not see the abdullah administration signalling a retreat or a backpedalling on its avowed dependency on the renewed role of the technocrats in formulating and steering the economic direction and orientation of the country. on the contrary, there were efforts to heighten the role of technocracy by co-opting the participation ofthe corporate sector.these private sectorbut governmentjournal of government & politics 223 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 224 linked actors then assumed the role as semi-technocrats with the stamp of prime ministerial authority to promote efficiency and effectiveness and professionalism of the government machinery. these new breed of governmental actors were different from the career bureaucrats such as the late raja tun mohar raja badiozaman, thong yaw hong, gk rama iyer, arshad ayub, and ramon navaratnam. many of these illustrious personalities had started their service during the nascent throes of the nation. some such as raja tun mohar were appointed to lead the malaysian airlines (the country’s national carrier) mid-way during their career, whilst others like thong yawhong are now active in the private sector in their capacity as board chairpersonsand advisers. the abdullah administration pressed ahead with the reform agenda which included what can be described as the increasing ‘privatisation’ of the technocracy (as distinguished from the bureaucracy as a whole), i.e. as the decision-making and policy-making institution. hence, the lines between a technocrat and a ‘corporatocrat’ have become for all intents and purposes blurred. as such, actors who were not previously technocrats have now assumed the role. these new“semi-technocrats” increasingly functioned as “mediating actors” between the cabinet as the highest decision-making body in the country and the bureaucracy as represented at ministry-level. this is discerned most clearly in the measuring of the performance of ministries under the ministry key result areas (mkras) which was later introduced by the najib administration. the mkras are overseen by these semi-technocrats. nor mohamed yakcop and amirsham aziz epitomise the technocrat and semi-technocrat who – under the abdullah administration – have been invested with the responsibility of both representing the executive in the government (bureaucracy) and legislature (senate/dewan negara). nor mohamed was the finance minister ii under the abdullah administration. thus, he was tasked with the macro-economic management of the country. abdullah badawi appointed amirsham aziz as a minister overseeing the economic planning unit (epu), prime minister’s department on 18 march 2008. this was just days after the results of the 12thgeneral elections. the existence of glcs strengthens the need and rationale for corporate governance culture and practices in the bureaucracy. more so, the conceptual framework envisaged in the continuous modernisation programme(s) of the government is that the public and private sectors are partners and thus engaged in a synergy. the irony (paradox?) or arguably unintended consequence is that the enhancement of the performance standards in the bureaucracy under the helm of the technocrats and semi-technocrats tend to provide justification for the continuing direct and particularly indirect involvement of the government in the economy and the market. thus, this situation would run counter to or seemed to contradict the avowed pledge of the najib administration to depart from the era of ‘government knows best,’ and so create an ‘ecosystem’ whereby the private sector can flourish. the aim to prevent a crowding out of private sector or domestic direct investment (ddi) which has been drastically in decline since the east asian financial crisis when it had stood at 35 per cent. by extension, it could be immediately discerned that the semitechnocrats pooled from the glcs also play an important role in promoting private sector expectations of the bureaucracy. hence, they bridge the performance link between the two sectors in the synergistic partnership where one is the pacesetter and enabler and the other has been accorded the salvaged role or ‘honour’ of being the driver of economicgrowth. however, implicit in the role of the semi-technocrats as policy principal and agent is the government’s commitment towards the maintenance and promotion of a stable macro-economic environment. thus, it is important to note that the complementary and indispensable role of the semi-technocrats is vital for a journal of government & politics 225 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 226 smooth and undisrupted transition to a more level-playing field for the private sector in the economy. hence, the role of the semi-technocrats can well be situated in the need to manage the bureaucratic institutions as well as managing the economic transition to steer the nation towards a developed status by 2020. indeed the bureaucracy and by extension the government has benefitted from the enlistment of young, dynamic and promising professional who are drawn from the ranks of renowned conglomerates and firms – both national and international into the top management of glcs during abdullah’s tenure, particularly beginning in the second quarter of 2004. the elite appointments include azman mokhtar to head khazanah nasional (the government’s premier investment arm), wahid omar (touted as trouble-shooter) as the ceo of telekom malaysia (the nation’s leading telecommunications entity), and che khalib mohamed nor who was roped in to helm tenaga nasional (electricity). abdullah had also expressed the government’s desire to hire nonmalays for top management posts. these corporate figures comprise some of the government’s potential pool of semi-technocrats and future policy makers. 3. the politics of technocracy and najibnomics the role of technocrats and semi-technocrats is set to be more prominent under the najib administration. amirsham aziz is seen as a rising star in publiclife having been propelled to greater prominence under the najib administration as the chairman of the national economic advisory council (neac)in june 2009. council members from the neac under mahathir (which was charged with formulation and implementation of economic recovery policies, and hence warranting the word, ‘action’ in its name), i.e. dr mahani zainal abidin and zainal aznam yusof were brought back into service. the rest of the council members under the new economic council are andrew sheng, dzulkifli abdul razak, hamzah kassim, yukon huang, homi j. kharas, danny quah, and nicholas s zefferys. the mandate of the neac was to advise the najib administration on how best to place malaysia on a sustainable path towards a high-growth and high-income nation by 2020. despite the rapid and impressive recovery from the crisis, malaysia has not been able to breach the moderate growth rate of 5-6 per cent. although not absolute or definitive by itself, it impacts on the amount of grossnational income (gni) or the total revenue which a country is supposed to earn per year. by extension, a stagnant gni hampers the income per capita which is a crucial barometer of economic status. other corporate figures enlisted into public service under the najib administration include dato’ sri idris jala, formerly ceo of mas. he now serves as a minister in the prime minister’s department and the ceo ofpemandu (performance management and delivery unit). pemandu was formed on 16 september 2009 under the najib administration. its role is to catalyse changes in the performance of thedelivery system as part of the government transformation programme (gtp). indeed, it is interesting that although mahathir himself never went that far in the ’hybridisation’ of the bureaucracy with the appointment of “outsiders” into technocraticroles and positions, it was precisely in line with his agenda of continuously modernising the public service that his successor abdullah and the current prime minister najib completed the ‘cross-over’ circle of corporate figures (albeit from government-linked companies glcs) joining the public sector and not just vice-versa as hitherto, i.e. former technocrats/bureaucrats taking up posts in the private sector.hence, under najib the trend – as begun by his predecessor, abdullah badawi – is increasing reliance on the participation of the semi-technocratsin drivinghis reformagenda – new economic model (nem), economic transformation programme (etp) and the government transformation programme (gtp). ‘lurking’ in the background is also the political or expert advisers in najib’s inner circle which of course also a practice inherited from the previous administration made journal of government & politics 227 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 228 infamous by the so-called, ‘fourth floor boys’ in the prime minister’s office in putrajaya. it has been said that the concept of economic growth corridors on a regional basis was actually incubated by non-governmental individual(s) close to abdullah badawi, i.e. certain obscure personalities officially in the private sector that formed part of his inner circle. the emergence of new actors in policy-making, particularly economic policies complicates the so-called relationship dichotomy between the public and private sectors – how both sectors view each other is being significantly altered by the continuous modernisation of the bureaucracy, although to be sure prejudices and conventional perceptions remain (entrenched) especially with regards the execution and implementation of polices at the micro-level and the public delivery system. a prominent case (and even could be considered a ‘test case’) would the iskandar regional development authority (irda) which manages the iskandar malaysia economic region, including processing investor applications – functions like a one-stop centre which seeks to avoid problems emanating from multiple or overlapping jurisdictions, thus saving business time and costs. in other words, irda combines the administrative capacity of the bureaucracy with the corporate efficiency of the private sector. the enlistment of the private sector in governmental committees such as pemudah (which as mentioned was set under the abdullah administration) and of corporate figures in the decision-making processes signifies that the government is moving from formulation of pro-market or market-oriented policies towards their institutionalisation, at least at the macro-level of the bureaucracy. dato’ seri ahmad husni mohamad hanadzlah represents a technocrat groomed for political role – appointed to full ministerial position on 10 april 2009 six days after najib became prime minister. his economics background and professional career with big foreign financial firms plus experience in the civil service puts him out as an ideal person for party political service, especially in the context of malaysia where the relationship between the ruling coalition as epitomised by the dominant component party (umno) and the bureaucracy is very strong. najib had once described himself as a “technocratic politician” in an interview with the malaysian business magazine (1993). this was based on his early experience as a public affairs managerwithpetronasfrom 1974-1976.he also served briefly with bank negara. najib had studied industrial economics at the university of nottingham and the exposure there was to provide him with solid grounding in economic and financial policy. najib has brought in outsiders, including most controversially an omar mustapha ong into the board of directors of petronas. this was reluctantly accepted by the top management and ensued in the “premature” retirementof tansri hassan marican as the ceo and chairman. interestingly, he was subsequently given an ‘offer’ by najib to continue serving the country although the terms were not spelt out publicly. although strictly speaking not a technocrat, hassan marican is a high calibre ceo of the country’s most famous government-linked company (glc) and could have joined in the ranks of amirsham aziz and others. under najib, the role of the new technocracy could be clearly seen in two respects, reflecting both continuity and change, namely in the government transformation programme (gtp) and the economic transformation programme (etp). hence, technocracy under abdullah and najib are intimately and indispensably linked with their respective reform agendas – which are to promote political legitimacy and regime stability. theprofessional background of the prime ministers, it would seem, are also influential in their attitude towards technocrats. abdullah was a technocrat before joining politics. (as mentioned, najib considers himself a technocrat). abdullah was the principal assistant secretary of the national operations council (noc)/mageran (majlis gerakan negara), director of youth at the ministry of culture, youth journal of government & politics 229 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 230 and sports after that, and later on as deputy director-general of the same ministry. however, there is a characteristic trait amongst all three prime ministers – mahathir, abdullah and najib in their decision-making and management styles, i.e. micro-management of the economy. in other words, post-crisis economic management remains essentially the same – ‘central planning’ where power is concentrated in the federal government, most notably in the prime minister’s department. it could well be argued that technocrats and semi-technocrats (together with his special advisers) rather than fellow ministers and politicians are the ones responsible for formulating and implementing ‘najibnomics,’ a term coined to describe najib’s policy responses to the global financial crisis and domestic economic reforms. detractors, on the other hand, like to compare the parallel between najibnomics and mahathir’s pump priming approach to stimulating the economy as infrastructure-driven. the issue came into the fore of public attention when it was announced that the government is planning to construct the 100storey warisan merdeka tower in heart of the capital city. najib has claimed that the controversial idea originated not from him but from permodalan nasional berhad (pnb), the glc mandated to promote the equity ownership of the malays and indigenous peoples of the country. that it did not precipitate objections from technocrats is highly suggestive of the strong support najib currently enjoys from them, as well as renewed confidence in his economic policies, not least as exemplified in the nem. thus, there is a consensus in the policy-thinking amongst the political elite and technocrats – both can be relied upon to be rational actors who can agree on major economic issues, particularly in the face of continuing global uncertainties. however, a broader perspective would acknowledge the measured and significant steps undertaken to continue to liberalise the financial markets to position the nation as an attractive investment hub. in his speech at the “investment malaysia conference,” organised by invest malaysia, najib reiterated his commitment to sustaining nation’s reputation as a ‘diversified and broadbased’ capital market in asia, and the world’s largest syariah-compliant bond market. the capital market master plan of the government entails “greater internationalisation.” the master plan seeks to (re)position malaysia’s capital market to enable “wider participation by foreign investors.” thus, the master plan envisages for malaysia to increase its attraction as an investment destination. najib’s foreign policy is, therefore, attuned towards portraying malaysia’s business-friendly credentials, especially in trying to tap intosovereign wealth funds from china and east asia tradingsurplus nations. this was precisely alluded to by najib in his banquet speech in beijing to the chinese businesscommunity. the established or official technocracy under the helm of the chief secretary to the government, sidek hassan, remained true to the maxim of “loyalty to the government of the day.” incidentally, he is also an economist by training and having served with the ministry of international trade and industry (miti) and rising to the rank of secretary-general. the prime concern of the bureaucracy since the mahathir era has ever been its modernisation and transformation process, and entrenched interests and furtive resistance is limited to procedural issues such as performance measurement schemes. 4. the politics of the najib administration najib was unable to outperform his predecessor (abdullah) and secure a strong mandate at the 13thgeneral elections in 2013. since then, he has more or less balanced the advice and counsel of the older technocrats and the semi-technocrats sourced from the private sector as well as the unofficial members belonging to his inner circle. although there is much unanimity on economic policy and strategy, there may still be a lack of political will to carry his reforms through, either because of resentment from the implementing bureaucrats or even opposition from his own journal of government & politics 231 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 232 party, umno. the 1mdb issue has eroded and weakened najib’s authority and standing in his own party. 1mdb – a glc focussing on strategic investments – was a personal ‘pet project’ of najib; and currently embroiled in a controversy over its accounts with allegations that these were not properly audited. on the ground, there is also the challenge to carry the people together to support the implementation of the good & services tax (gst) which is ostensibly aimed at broadening the taxbase but which operates on the ‘consumer pay principle’ where the fiscal burden is shifted towards the end of the supply chain. heavy reliance on consulting firms such as mckinsey and boston (economics) and apco (politics) would always be subject to stringent criticism by the opposition which claim that the policies reflect a neo-liberal agenda detrimental to the interests of ordinary citizens, particularly those on low income. thus, although both the najib administration and the opposition which considers itself as a government-in-waiting have their own respective reform agendas and objectives, the style and ideology are contentious points. that is, although the diagnosis is more or less similar, the prognosis greatlydiffers. as such, inadvertently, all of these factors allow the opposition to politicise the issue of the role of technocrats, semi-technocrats (‘new’ technocrats) and other advisers as contributing to flawed economic policies which are inimical to the well-being of the country in the long-run. the increasing role of semi-technocrats in blurring the lines within the policy formulation and decision-making processes will also increase the technocracy’s exposure (instead of insulation) to political pressures. it is expected that with the reconfiguration of the technocracy in malaysia, not only is najib’s economic fortunes but his political legitimacy is also intimately tied to how effective he manages and balances conflicting views both from within andoutside. discussion two years after the 13th general election, viz. in the second half of 2015, najib’s political legitimacy within the administrative system seemed to be effectively undermined and undercut by forces who perceive him to be a political and economic liability to the ruling party and country, respectively. on 28 july, najib suddenly reshuffled his cabinet. amongst the casualties were the deputy prime minister and the attorney general. in the following days and weeks,certain ranking officials associated with the ‘anti-najib forces’ were transferred to the prime minister’s department (although some eventually reverted to their original posts and institutions). what has happened could well be tantamount to a ‘coup d’état’ by some within both the political and administrative elites. the scenario – of him in danger of being ousted as prime minister – has its roots and revolved the thorny issue of 1mdb which is a sovereign wealth fund and national investment arm of the government of malaysia. najib had been accused of siphoning funds belonging to 1mdb since the wall street journal published a report providing a ‘money-trail’ detailing graphically how rm2.6 billion (usd700 million)ended in the prime minister’s personalaccounts. whilst the ‘new’ technocrats remained loyal to najib, the rumour mill and conspiracy theories spinned about how certain top figures of the administrative establishment (the ‘old’ technocrats) have been up in arms – plotting to force the primeminister to ‘go on (permanent) leave’ (euphemism for resignation). as virtually all of the new technocrats are installed within a single institution, namely the prime minister’s department, mainly as ministers without portfolio, this meant that najib’s base of loyalty and support was highly concentrated. in contrast, the ‘old technocrats’ were widely dispersed throughout the administrative system – as would be normally expected. on hindsight, such an arrangement (vis-à-vis the placements of the new technocrats who owe their appointments solely to the prime minister of the day) placed najib in a vulnerable position that would easily expose him to marginalisation and isolation by theplotters. in military parlance, the concentrated locus of najib’s most journal of government & politics 233 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 234 reliable technocrats in terms of loyalty and support makes him – as the centre of gravity – highly susceptible to encirclement or convergence of attacks (wherein the attackers are able to reinforce each other) by the old technocrats. rumours swirling in cyberspace talked about a high-level conspiracy in the form of a ‘task force’ to investigate and probe the alleged illicit funnelling of funds into najib’s personal account are said to have possibly comprised the following (old technocrats and the traditional bureaucrats): a) the governor of central bank – bank negara (perhaps blaming najib for the twin negative fundamentals of the continued slide of the ringgit vis-à-vis the us dollar which inevitably eats into the foreign reserves as long as that is used to prop up the currency alongside capital flight prompted by declining foreign investor confidence in the debt repayment capacity of the government even as the country is experiencing diminishing earnings from the commodities as major export revenues of oil and crude palmoil); b) attorney-general (perhaps under some intense pressure himself to collaborate with the conspirators – as he is said to have a chequered past aka skeletons in thecupboard); c) the inspector general of police (?); d) certain directors from the malaysian anti-corruption commission (macc). analogous to carl becker’s ephemeral versus affirmed events, the events surrounding the so-called plot to overthrow najib have been subject to the ‘rumoured’ versus ‘official’ versions. the lines between the two are porous and malleable to ‘crossor layered interpretations,’ i.e. the one represents the factual explanation what is accessible and known to the public by direct ‘perception’ (the ‘crust’); and the other factual explanation which can only be inferred or deduced (the ‘mantle’). it has to be noted that these old technocrats were said to have also colluded with key political leaders from the main opposition parties (democratic action party/ dap and parti keadilan rakyat [people’s justice party]/ pkr). that old technocrats – who are known to be committed and dedicated allies and cobelligerents of the executive – should derogate from norms and convention of the bureaucratic tradition perhaps signify a willingness to ‘change players’ (in the form of replacing the prime minister) for the sake of maintaining the status quo i.e., the established order is akin to changing the practices but preserving or conserving the structures. it can be reasonably surmised that such a notion could have been motivated by two factors, namely: a) the changing political landscape or milieu where there is now a real prospect (and not just a theoretical one) of a) change of government at the state level which signals or serves as a harbinger of change of government at the federal level; and the related and derivative of b) the combined parliamentary opposition strength inching its way towards a simple majority by way of the next general election(the 14th). the opposition, by contrast, seek in general to do away with the structures but perhaps maintain some of the practices – so as to ensure that their power base and authority is secured and secure. the power struggle – if one may call it such – is still on-going and the administrative interference in politics marked an (intriguing) reversal of the historical situation in malaysia. on 25 september 2015, najib set up the special economic committee (sec) comprising of figures from the public as well as private sectors and headed by the ‘new’ technocrat, abdul wahid omar, whose appointment was owed solely to prime ministerial prerogative. the role and terms of reference of the sec is to formulate immediate and medium-term plans to strengthen malaysia’s fundamentals, including finding measures to halt the continuous decline of the ringgit. this could also be considered an astute move by najib to consolidate and reinforce his position – by shifting the burden of economic crisis management to the sec, thus creating an (added) layer of ‘protection around’ him and journal of government & politics 235 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 236 enhancingthe stature andposition ofthe newtechnocracywithin theadministrativesystemoftheexecutivebranchofgovernment. ironically,theentrenchingofthe newtechnocracyserves only the partisan interests and objectives of najib – as embodying the epitome of the malaysian political elite. abstractly considered, the new technocracy could arguably be conceived as the ‘missing link’ (analogous to a missing ‘dynamic link library’ file that is used to join two sub-systems or applications within the operating system together – an interface) in the relationship between the political and the administrative systems. that is, the new technocracy in malaysia as standing half-way between the nonpolitical actors (administrative elite) on the one hand and the politicalactors (political elite) on the other hand is able to bridge the ‘political interests’ gap. thus far, the administrative elite do not officially serve party political interests (but the government of the day). it requires overt politicisation to ensure official subservience to party political interests. the new technocracy avoids that need for overt politicisation and yet at the same time because of the ‘chain of command’ and thus organisational proximity with the political elite i.e., under the direct supervision of the prime minister is well-poised to execute party political interests in a much more subtle and nuanced manner and style – behind the veneer of outside technical expertise and knowledge. implication such a scenario or phenomenon turns on its head the customary way of conceptualising the relationship between the political and administrative elites in the asian, particularly malaysian context under discussion. both are policymakers, and historically it has been the role of the technocracy in the administrative system to implement and enforce the policies that for the most part originated from the political elite in the form of e.g., party manifestos. to be sure, the traditional top level bureaucrats did advise on the viability and feasibility of proposed policies. this meant that whilst officially neutral and non-partisan, the traditional technocrats were the administrators and executors of politically-inspired policies. but in the case of the new technocrats, it could be highlighted here that the policies originate from them rather than the political elite. in fact, that is one of the motivations and reasons for the inclusion of these new technocrats in the first place. the new technocrats function as dynamic (i.e. not absolute) equivalent of ‘special advisers’ (spads) found in countries such as the uk. spads play a useful role in a ‘two-party’ political system – where there is a change of government and hence the changing nature of policies. here the new technocrats are supposed to be makers of policies which are not political or politicised in nature (given the nature of the policymaking process) whilst closely or intimately aligned to the political fortunes and career of the prime minister. in the final analysis, the presence new technocrats could only serve to marginalise and erode the decision-making authority and prestige of the traditional technocrats (in malaysia). the policies of the new technocracy will reflect a corporatist bend of making savings and withdrawing or rationalising the subsidy schemes, and reducing the fiscal deficit and debt burden as what has been happening in malaysia under the najib administration. whilst it remains to be seen whether the entrenching of the new technocracy will result in a ‘revolt’ by the traditional technocrats, it is highly plausible that policymaking would be increasingly ‘outsourced’ to the new technocrats which may result in a revolt by the political grassroots. that is, the changing relationship between the political and administrative elites could have – as an unintended consequence of course – profound impact on the relationship between the former and their party grassroots. concretely, this means the rank-and-filemembersof the rulingparty in which caseis umno. in fact, this is already seen in the internal turmoil and discord within umno over the 1mdb issue. the idea for the formation of 1mdb as a sovereign wealth fund did not originate from journal of government & politics 237 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 238 umno or the civil service but was the brainchild of personal adviser of najib who behaved in many ways not too dissimilar to that of the new technocrat. this thesis also confirms the view or perspective that, ultimately, in the asian context, only the traditional (non-corporatist/ non-‘privatised’) technocracy could claim to be the ‘defender’ of the status quo in a meaningful and sustainable sense. references amir,sulfikar.(2008).theengineersversus theeconomists:thedisunityof technocracy in indonesian development. bulletin of science, technology & society, 28(4), august, 316-323. retrievedon11august2015: <http://bst.sagepub.com/content/28/4/316.full.pdf+html>. chin, j. (1996). the 1995 malaysian general election: mahathir’s last triumph? asian survey, 36(4), 1996, pp. 393-409. crouch, h. (1984). domestic political structures and regional economic co-operation. (singapore: institute for southeast asian studies/ iseas) farazmand,ali. (1999). the elitequestion: towardanormative elite theory oforganization. administration & society, 31(3), july,321-360. retrieved on 11 august 2015: http://aas.sagepub.com/content/31/3/321.full.pdf+html felker,g. (1999).malaysia in1998: a cornered tigerbares itsclaws. asian survey, 39(1), 43-54. source: retrieved from <http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2645593.pdf?accepttc=true> jeshurun, chandran. (2007). malaysia: fifty years of diplomacy, 1957-2007. petaling jaya, malaysia: the other press. khoo, b. t. (1995). paradoxes of mahathirism: an intellectual biography of mahathir mohamad (oxford: oxford university press). khoo, b. t.(2005). capital controls and reformasi [reformation]: crises and contestations overgovernance. in loh, k.w.&f.j.ojendal (eds.), southeast asian responses to globalization: restructuring governance and deepening democracy (pp. 83-119). copenhagen: nordic institute of asian studies/nias). haggard, t.s. & low,l. (n.d.) the political economy of malaysian capital controls (working paper). institute on global conflict & cooperation (igcc), university of california. source: retrieved from <http://igcc3.ucsd.edu/pdf/afc/afc_haggard2.pdf>. mohamad, abdul kadir. (2009). abdullah ahmad badawi and malaysian diplomacy. (institute for diplomacy and foreign relations/ idfr). pandian,sivamurugan&omar,rusdi. (2010).workwithme,notforme:malaysiaunder abdullah ahmad badawi (2003-2009). asian culture & history, 2(1). source: <http://journal.ccsenet.org/index.php/ach/article/viewfile/4763/4004> pepinsky,t.b. (2008).capitalmobilityandcoalitionalpolitics:authoritarianregimesand economicadjustmentinsoutheastasia. source: <http://spot.colorado.edu/~pepinsky/docs/autocrats_reform.pdf>. rashid, ahmed k. (2014). the role of the bureaucracy in policymaking in bangladesh. asia pacific journal of public administration, 36(2), 150–161. retrieved on 7 august 2015: http://bst.sagepub.com/content/28/4/316.full.pdf%2bhthttp://aas.sagepub.com/content/31/3/321.full.pdf%2bhtml http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2645593.pdf?accepttc=true http://igcc3.ucsd.edu/pdf/afc/afc_haggard2.pdf http://journal.ccsenet.org/index.php/ach/article/viewfile/4763/4004 http://spot.colorado.edu/%7epepinsky/docs/autocrats_reform.pdf source: <http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2014.911491> saw, s. h. & kesavapany, k, (eds.)(2006). malaysia: recent trends and challenges (singapore: institute of southeast asian studies/ iseas). taib, kalsom. (2008). taib andak: in a class of his own. petaling jaya, malaysia: mph publishing. welsh,bridget.(2005).malaysia in2004:outofmahathir’sshadow?asian survey,45(1), 153-160. zainal abidin, mahani & ahmad, zakaria. (1999). malaysia’s economy: crisis and recovery. (singapore: institute of southeast asian studies/ iseas). zainal abidin, mahani. (2002). rewriting the rules: the malaysian crisis management model. (kuala lumpur: pearson malaysia sdn bhd). journal of government & politics 239 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2014.911491 the politics of technocracy in malaysia (1957-201 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 layout desember 2008 135 e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 kodar udoyono lembaga pengkajian kebijakan publik (lpkp) yogyakarta. e-mail: kangkodar@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this research studied on implementation of stocking goods and services electricly. eprocurement is a breaktrough in public services to create accountability on stocking of goods and services. the object of which observed are stocking goods and services electricly at yogykarta municipality 2009. this research uses a case study method. the data obtained pass trough depth interview and document observation. the result of this research i.e firstly, dimension fo ficibility in stocking of goods and services electricly at yogyakarta municipality 2009 pass trough regulative, administrative and techocratic, political, and needs society. secondly, dimension of accountability on stocking of goods and services electricly at yogyakarta municipality 2009 pass trough regulative, political, and financial. finally, implementation e-procurement at yogyakarta municipality 2009 is ficible but no accountable . keywords: e-procurement, ficiblity, accountabilty. abstrak tesis ini mengkaji tentang implementasi pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. e-procurement merupakan terobosan dalam pelayanan publik untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. objek penelitian ini adalah pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009. metode yang digunakan dalam tesis ini yaitu studi kasus. data penelitian ini diperoleh melalui wawancara mendalam dan observasi dokumen. temuan dari tesis ini adalah 136 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pertama, dimensi fisibilitas dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 meliputi regulatif, teknokratis dan administratif, politik, dan kebutuhan masyarakat. kedua, dimensi akuntabilitas dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 meliputi meliputi regulatif, politik, dan keuangan. dengan demikian, implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 fisibel tapi tidak akuntabel. kata kunci : e-procurement, fisibilitas, akuntabilitas. pendahuluan tata kelola pemerintahan memerlukan reformasi di berbagai bidang termasuk di lingkungan birokrasi. reformasi birokrasi di indonesia yang sedang berlangsung harapannya bisa menciptakan pemerintahan yang baik tahun 2025. reformasi birokrasi mencakup beberapa aspek. pertama, kelembagaan, yaitu terwujudnya struktur organisasi birokrasi yang ramping dan kaya fungsi; kedua, sdm, yaitu menciptakan sdm yang profesional dan kompeten; ketiga, tata laksana, yaitu menciptakan proses bisnis yang efisien dan efektif; keempat, pengawasan dan akuntabilitas, yaitu menciptakan proses bisnis yang transparan dan akuntabel; kelima, pelayanan publik, yaitu menyelenggarakan pelayanan publik yang cepat, tepat, murah, mudah, tidak diskriminatif, dan memuaskan. berkaitan dengan praktik pengadaan barang dan jasa memegang peran yang cukup besar dalam apbn dimana jumlahnya terus berkembang dari tahun ke tahun. total belanja negara dalam apbn 2009 mencapai rp 1.037 triliun. anggaran rp 443 triliun adalah merupakan belanja pemerintah pusat dan rp 594 triliun mengalir ke pemerintah daerah. total nilai belanja yang melalui proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah adalah sebesar rp 347 triliun atau sekitar 33,4% dari total, di mana rp 180 triliun merupakan bagian dari belanja pemerintah pusat, dan rp 167 triliun adalah belanja daerah (www.fiskal.depkeu.go.id). jika dikaitkan dengan hasil laporan bank dunia, maka potensi kebocoran pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah adalah sebesar rp 69,4 triliun. untuk mengatasi kebocoran pengadaan barang dan jasa maka (electronic procurement), e-procurement mempunyai peran strategis. implementasi eprocurement telah memberikan kontribusi penghematan anggaran sampai 18,4% 2009 di kementerian keuangan republik indonesia. jika dilihat berdasarkan potensi pengurangan tingkat kebocoran maka solusi strategisnya menggunakan sistem elektronik berupa eprocurement. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 137 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ e-procurement merupakan proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah yang dilakukan secara elektronik terutama berbasis web atau internet. instrumen ini memanfaatkan fasilitas teknologi komunikasi dan informasi meliputi pelelangan umum secara elektronik yang diselenggarakan oleh lpse. pengadaan barang dan jasa tanpa e-procurement telah mengakibatkan penyalahgunaan anggaran negara mencapai 10-50 persen. angka ini sebenarnya bisa ditekan melalui penggunaan teknologi informasi terutama e-procurement. penggunaan e-procurement menjadi tantangan karena praktik kkn yang mengakar kuat dalam praktik pengadaan barang dan jasa. hal ini dipertegas oleh fathul wahid (2009) yang menjelaskan bahwa pengembangan lpse pada tahap awal baru diselenggarakan di beberapa tempat saja. misi akhir dari penerapan e-procurement ini adalah bagaimana proses pengadaan barang dan jasa di pemerintahan dan bagaimana caranya memanfaatkan teknologi informasi agar tidak banyak membuang buang waktu dan biaya (indrajit dkk, 2002: 151). adapun kementerian yang menggunakan e-procurement hanya kementerian pendidikan nasional dan kementerian keuangan. sedangkan di tingkatan pemerintahan yaitu kota dan atau kabupaten yang menggunakan adalah kabupaten bangka, kota denpasar, kota yogyakarta, kota batam, kota banjarbaru, kota banjarmasin, kota banda aceh dan kota pekanbaru. dan delapan propinsi yang sudah menerapkan adalah jawa barat, jawa timur, sumatra barat, kalimantan tengah, diy, riau, sumatra utara dan gorontalo. e-procurement dapat menjadi instrumen untuk mengurangi tindakan kkn karena melalui e-procurement lelang menjadi terbuka sehingga akan muncul tawaran-tawaran yang lebih rasional. bahkan mereka juga yang tidak berada dalam jaringan pun bisa terlibat. meskipun menurut fathur wahid tidak terhindari adanya ‘permainan-permainan’ pula dalam praktik e-procurement. penggunaan e-procurement secara rasional dapat menghemat anggaran 20-40%. selain itu, e-procurement dapat menghemat 50% anggaran untuk kontrak kecil dan 23% untuk kontrak besar (republika, 21 juni 2009). selain itu, ada sisi negatif yang bisa ditimbulkan dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa yang sering terjadi tanpa e-procurement antara lain: pertama, tender arisan dan adanya kickback pada proses tender; kedua, suap untuk e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 138 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memenangkan tender; ketiga, proses tender tidak transparan; keempat, supplier bermain mematok harga tertinggi (mark up); kelima, memenangkan perusahaan saudara, kerabat atau orang-orang partai tertentu; keenam, pencantuman spesifikasi teknik hanya dapat dipasok oleh satu pelaku usaha tertentu; ketujuh, adanya almamater sentris; kedelapan, pengusaha yang tidak memiliki administrasi lengkap dapat ikut tender bahkan menang; kesembilan, tender tidak diumumkan; kesepuluh, tidak membuka akses bagi peserta dari daerah (sucahyo dkk, 2009). kebijakan implementasi e-procurement dilakukan dengan cara mengoptimalkan pemanfaatan kemajuan teknologi informasi untuk mewujudkan good governance melalui pengadaan barang dan jasa yang bebas kkn. sasaran diterapkanya sistem e-procurement adalah untuk memberikan media proses pengadaan barang yang transparan, kompetitif, efektif, efisien, adil dan tidak diskriminatif dan akuntabel (keppres no. 80/2003). penerapan e-procurement dikembangkan untuk membentuk jaringan sistem manajemen dan proses kerja instansi pemerintah secara terpadu dengan pihak-pihak yang menjadi kerjasama dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. e-procurement juga memberikan rasa aman dan nyaman. rasa aman karena proses pengadaan mengikuti ketentuan yang diatur secara elektronik dengan mengedepankan transparansi dan akuntabilitas, sehingga pemenang adalah penyedia barang dan jasa yang telah mengikuti kompetisi dengan adil dan terbuka. jumlah peserta pengadaan yang bertambah akan meningkatkan persaingan yang mengakibatkan penawaran mencapai harga pasar yang sesungguhnya. risiko panitia menjadi berkurang karena teknologi membantu mengurangi kemungkinan kesalahan prosedur baik yang disengaja maupun tidak. pada akhirnya, masing-masing pihak merasa nyaman berkat bantuan e-procurement. kenyamanan yang diberikan juga dapat dilihat dari menurunnya jumlah sanggah sejak digunakannya eprocurement. e-procurement juga berdampak terhadap interaksi yang terjadi antara pelaku usaha dengan pemerintah. jika di masa lalu, pelaku usaha perlu sering mendatangi instansi pemerintah di masing-masing sektor dan mendekati pihak yang terkait untuk mendapatkan informasi tentang peluang pengadaan, maka kini informasi tersebut telah tersedia dalam menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 139 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sistem. akibatnya, terjadi perubahan cara berinteraksi dimana frekuensi komunikasi melalui sistem e-procurement meningkat sedangkan frekuensi tatap muka menjadi jauh berkurang. pada lingkup implementasi di kota yogyakarta e-procurement bisa meningkatkan perhatian terhadap fasilitas ti. sifat e-procurement yang lintas sektor menuntut penyediaan fasilitas ti yang mencukupi kebutuhan setiap unit organisasi dalam menyelenggarakan proses pengadaan. ketika sistem yang ada tidak dapat digunakan oleh pihak yang terkait dengan proses pengadaan, tentunya akan menimbulkan keluhan. dari sisi panitia pengadaan, ketidaktersediaan sistem akan mengganggu proses pencantuman pengadaan beserta dokumen penunjangnya. dari sisi pelaku usaha, ketidaktersediaan sistem akan mengganggu proses pengunduhan dokumen pengadaan, dan pengunggahan dokumen penawaran. oleh karena itu, e-procurement menuntut organisasi untuk meningkatkan kapasitas dan kemampuan dalam pengelolaan sistem ti. e-procurement juga mengajak pihak yang terlibat untuk lebih mengenal dan mengerti ti. panitia pengadaan dituntut mampu menggunakan teknologi ti dalam mengoperasikan sistem e-procurement. pelaku usaha wajib menggunakan teknologi yang ada jika ingin berpartisipasi dalam kegiatan pengadaan. namun dibalik kecanggihan dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa melalui e-procurement ada sisi lain yang harus diteliti secara komprehensif terutama di kota yogyakarta. sisi lain tersebut antara lain (wahid, republika, 21 juni 2009): pertama, pelaksanaan proyek yang selalu terlambat karena instansi yang berwenang dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa lebih memahami pola manual dari pada e-procurement. kedua, harga kontrak relatif sama atau lebih mahal dibandingkan dengan harga pasar atau toko. hal ini dikarenakan praktik e-procurement menjadi rent-seeking baru praktek penyelenggaraan di pemerintah daerah. berdasarkan uraian di atas, tukisan ini akan menjawab satu pertanyaan, yaitu: bagaimana fisibilitas e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta? kerangka teoritik untuk menganalisis penelitian tentang peran e-procurement dalam mewujudkan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa sebagai bagian dari e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 140 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ reformasi birokrasi di pemerintah kota yogyakarta, maka diperlukan tiga teori antara lain teori reformasi birokrasi, teori e-government dan teori akuntabilitas. 1. teori reformasi birokrasi perubahan struktur politik yang awalnya sentralistis, tertutup menjadi desentralistis, terbuka telah membawa perubahan dalam kehidupan masyarakat indonesia. dengan lahirnya perubahan atau reformasi telah mendorong masyarakat indonesia lebih leluasa dalam mengembangkan potensi dan sumber daya yang dimiliki. reformasi dalam birokrasi juga telah mendorong adanya perubahan dalam hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah, yang tadinya bersifat sentralisasi atau terpusat sekarang berubah. hubungan itu menjadi desentralisasi atau kebebasan yang dimiliki oleh pemerintah daerah dalam mengembangkan sumber daya manusia dan sumber daya alam lebih optimal dalam konteks negara kesatuan republik indonesia. agus dwiyanto (2006) mendefinisikan reformasi budaya birokrasi sebagai sebuah sistem atau seperangkat nilai yang memiliki simbol, orientasi nilai, keyakinan, pengetahuan, dan pengalaman hidup yang terinternalisasi kedalam pikiran. seperangkat nilai tersebut diaktualisasikan dalam sikap, tingkah laku, dan perbuatan yang dilakukan oleh setiap anggota dari sebuah organisasi yang dinamakan birokrasi. menurut miftah toha (2008) bahwa membangun budaya organisasi pemerintah idealnya adalah membangun sikap dan perilaku sistem yang kemudian diikuti secara konsisten oleh pelakunya untuk menciptakan tata pemerintahan yang baik. berdasarkan beberapa pendapat dapat disimpulkan bahwa budaya organsiasi merupakan unsur yang sangat penting bagi perkembangan reformasi dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa. ketika sebuah organsasi melupakan perubahan pada sisi budaya ketika melakukan perubahan organisasi, maka hal itu merupakan sebuah usaha sia-sia. karena usaha itu akan gagal dan kondisi akan kembali ke semula. berdasarkan teori tersebut, reformasi pelayanan publik dalam prosedur pengadaan barang dan jasa hanya merupakan upaya yang dilakukan untuk meningkatkan akuntabilitas dalam proses transfaransi sehingga jauh dari kkn. perubahan budaya kerja merupakan usaha yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah dalam memberikan pelayanan yang terbuka menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 141 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sehingga setiap warga mempunyai kesempatan yang sema dalam mengakses informasi pengadaan barang dan jasa. usaha yang dilakukan dengan adanya media e-procuremen sebagai basis pelayanan secara elektronik dengan memanfaatkan internet. kehadiran ini sebagai jawaban dari reformasi birokrasi dalam bidang pengadaan barang dan jasa yang selama ini banyak kebocoran, karena proses manual memungkinlan terjadinya kkn. berdasarkan semangat reformasi diatas, maka yang menjalankan tugas penuh tanggung jawab, dapat mempermudah arah penataan organisasi pemerintahan. akibatnya akan tercapai peningkatan kinerja yang epektif dan efisien. organisasi pemerintahan menggunakan alat untuk mengukur kinerja birokrasi publik, indikator yang digunakan sebagai berikut (dwiyanto, 2002: 48-49): a. produktivitas. konsep produktivitas tidak hanya mengukur tingkat efisiensi, tetapi juga tingkat efektifitas pelayanan. produktivitas pada umumnya dipahami sebagai rasio antara input dan output . b. kualitas layanan. banyak pandangan negatif yang terbentuk mengenai organisasi publik, muncul karena ketidakpuasan masyarakat terhadap kualitas layanan yang diterima dari organisasi publik. dengan demikian kepuasan dari masyarakat terhadap layanan dapat dijadikan indikator kinerja organisasi publik. c. responsivitas. responsivitas adalah kemampuan organisasi mengenali masyarakat, menyusun agenda dan prioritas pelayanan dan mengembangkan program-program pelayanan publik sesuai dengan kebutuhan dan aspirasi masyarakat. d. responsibilitas. responsibilitas menjelaskan apakah kegiatan organisasi publik itu dilakukan sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip administrasi yang benar atau sesuai dengan kebijakan organisasi. e. akuntabilitas. akuntabilitas publik menunjukkan pada berapa besar kebijakan dan kegiatan organisasi publik tunduk pada pejabat politik yang dipilih oleh rakyat. dalam konteks ini, konsep akuntabilitas publik dapat digunakan untuk melihat berapa besar kebijakan dan kegiatan organisasi publik itu konsisten dengan kehendak masyarakat banyak. dengan demikian dapat disimpulkan bahwa jika organisasi e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 142 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintahan ditata dengan benar dan disesuaikan dengan kebutuhan organisasi dengan memperhatikan prinsip-prinsip organisasi modern yaitu mempunyai visi dan misi dengan jelas maka akan dapat mempermudah kinerja aparatur pemerintahan. keadaan seperti ini tentunya akan menciptakan pemerintahan yang responsibilitas, responsivitas, dan akuntabilitas sehingga dapat mewujudkan good governance. setiap aparatur pemerintahan dalam menjalankan kinerjanya harus selalu dilandasi dengan tanggungjawab sehingga tercipta kualitas kinerja yang optimal dan dirasakan manfaatnya oleh masyarakat. dengan uraian tersebut reformasi birokrasi mempunyai instrumen seperti electronic procurement aplikasi teknologi pengadaan barang dan jasa yang dinamakan dengan eprocurement. kesiapan aparatur perlu diseimbangkan dengan kualitas sumber daya manusia yang mampu mengaplikasikan penerapan e-procurement. dengan demikian munculnya e-procurement dapat meningkatkan kinerja aparatur dalam mengimplementasikan kebijakan di pemerintah kota yogyakarta khususnya dalam menigkatkan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa sehingga adanya praktik-praktik kkn dapat dihindarkan. aplikasi e-procurement merupakan bagian dari sarana reformasi birokrasi yang semangatnya adalah meningkatkan good governance. pada intinya e-procurement merupakan alat bantu teknologi pengadaan barang dan jasa yang memberikan kemudahan bagi publik dalam mengurus pelayanan dan informasi publik di kota yogyakarta melalui penggunaan teknologi ini diharapkan pemerintah, masyarakat dan dunia usaha dapat mengunakan teknologi ini sehingga proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara terbuka tidak berbelit-belit yang dapat menghambat pelayanan publik sehingga semangat dari reformasi birokrasi terhambat. untuk menilai kualitas pelayanan publik itu sendiri, terdapat sejumlah indikator yang dapat digunakan maka produk pelayanan publik di dalam negara demokrasi setidaknya harus memenuhi tiga indikator. 1) reponsiveness adalah daya tanggap penyedia layanan terhadap harapan, keinginan, aspirasi maupun tuntutan pengguna layanan; 2) responsibility adalah suatu ukuran yang menunjukkan seberapa jauh proses pemberian pelayanan publik itu dilakukan sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip atau keten-tuan-ketentuan administrasi dan organisasi yang benar dan telah menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 143 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ditetapkan; 3) accountability adalah suatu ukuran yang menunjukkan seberapa besar proses penyelenggaraan pelayanan sesuai dengan kepentingan stakeholders dan norma-norma yang berkembang dalam masyarakat (dwiyanto, 2008: 144). 2. e-government dalam upaya mengembangkan pemerintahan yang berbasis e-government, komputer serta sarana pendukung lainnya seperti alat pengolah data elektronik merupakan faktor penting. kebijakan penerapan e-government merupakan mekanisme interaksi baru (modern) antara pemerintah kota yogyakarta dengan masyarakat dan kalangan lain yang berkepentingan. kebijakan penerapan e-government sangat tepat dengan kemajuan teknologi yang semakin mutakhir sekarang ini. dalam hal ini, penerapan e-government diartikan sebagai sebuah hal, cara dan hasil kerja atau wujud dari e-government dan sesuai dengan kemajuan teknologi sekarang ini di kota yogyakarta. bank dunia mengemukan, e-government dijadikan acuan yang digunakan dalam sistem informasi pemerintahan (seperti dalam wide area networks, internet, dan komunikasi berjalan) yang memiliki kemampuan untuk menjembatani hubungan dengan warga negara lainya, para pebisnis dan berbagai elemen pemerintahan lainnya (indrajit dkk, 2002: 3). sedangkan pemda melalui implementasi e-government untuk memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat terbagi ke dalam delapan pola sebagai berikut: (lihat tabel 1) dalam kebijakan penerapan e-government, terdapat indikator-indikator yang penting berkaitan dengan berbagai infrastruktur serta strategi pendukungnya, yaitu meliputi 1) data infrastruktur, meliputi manajemen sistem, dokumentasi, dan proses kerja di tempat untuk menyediakan kuantitas dan kualitas data yang berfungsi mendukung penerapan e-government; 2) infrastruktur legal, hukum dan peraturan termasuk berbagai perizinan untuk mendukung menuju e-government; 3) infrastruktur institusional, diwujudkan dengan institusi pemerintah secara sadar dan eksis melakukan dan memfokuskan tujuannya dalam penerapan e-government; 4) infrastruktur manusia, sumber daya manusia yang handal e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 144 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ merupakan hal pokok yang harus dipersiapkan dalam penerapan e-government; 5) infrastuktur teknologi, penerapan e-government banyak bertumpu pada adanya infrastruktur teknologi yang memadai; 6) strategi pemikiran dan kepemimpinan, penerapan e-government sangat membutuhkan pemimpin yang membawa visi e-government dalam agendanya dan memiliki strategi pemikiran untuk mewujudkannya (indrajit dkk, 2002: 25). tabel 1. matriks penyedia-pengguna teknologi informasi sumber: indrajit dkk, 2002: 41. tuntutan masyarakat dalam mewujudkan kebijakan penerapan e-procurement dalam mewujudkan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa sebagai reformasi birokrasi di kota yogyakarta dilaksanakan dengan pendirian lembaga pengadaan secara elektronik (lpse) di kota yogyakarta sebagai upaya reformasi dalam bidang pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. alat tersebut merupakan sebuah media bagi masyarakat untuk mendapatkan berbagai informasi mengenai pengadaan barang dan jasa secara terbuka dengan media interaksi yang terhubung langsung dengan semua masyarakat yang mengakses web tersebut. menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 145 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tabel 2. peta jalan menuju tahap e-government dan merujuk pada renstra tik 3. fisibilitas implementasi pengadaan barang dan jasa berbasis elektronik (e-procurement) hadir tanpa nilai kelayakan begitu saja atau prasyarat. prasyarat tersebut meliputi fisibilitas regulatif, teknokratis administratif, politik kebutuhan masyarakat (pemkota yogyakarta dan fisipol ugm: 25). pertama, fisibilitas regulatif artinya aspek peraturan yang memayungi tentang e-procurement sudah ada, sah dan layak. dengan adanya peraturan tersebut menjadikan yang terkait implementasi e-procurement yaitu mempunyai kekuatan hukum. kedua, fisibilitas teknokratis administratif artinya sistem birokrasi dalam setiap tingkatan pemerintahan mendukung implementasi e-procurement. sistem birokrasi sangat mendukung terselenggaranya implementasinya e-procurement karena e-procurement akan memangkas pola kerja dari birokrasi. institusi birokrasi memungkinan sistem pengorganisasian pengelolaan e-procurement dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. ketiga, fisibilitas politis yaitu kemauan politik dari struktur politik seperti lembaga eksekutif daerah (kepala daerah) dan lembaga legislatif daerah untuk melaksanakan kebijakan e-procurement. selain itu, fisibilitas e-procurement merupakan hasil kontestasi antara pihak yang mendorong implementasi e-procurement dengan pihak anti e-procurement. keempat, fisibilitas kebutuhan masyarakat. fisibilitas dalam implementasi e-procurement ini bertujuan untuk memudahkan masyarakat ikut e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 146 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berpartisipasi dari berbagai lapisan bahkan mengawasi implementasinya. selain itu, e-procurement untuk mendekatkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. hal ini berbeda dengan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara manual yang serba tertutup, lama. secara umum e-procurement adalah proses pembelian barang dan jasa yang diperlukan bagi kebutuhan operasional organisasi secara elektronik (oliviera dkk, 2001: 43). e-procurement dalam pengertian umum diterapkan pada sistem data base yang terintegrasi dan area luas yang berbasis internet dengan jaringan sistem komunikasi dalamsebagian atau seluruh proses pembelian barang dan jasa. begitu pula, terkait dengan implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakar ta bahwa keempat prasyaratan tersebut apakah sudah bisa dipenuhi. untuk memperkuat argumentasi fisibilitas implementasi e-procurement dapat dilihat dari sisi kesiapan pemerintah daerah terutama pelembagaan e-procurement sebagai pendukung terlaksanya kebijakan tersebut. 4. akuntabilitas menurut the oxford advance learner’s dictionary, akuntabilitas adalah required or expected ti give an explanation for one’s action. dengan kata lain, dalam akuntabilitas terkandung kewajiban untuk menyajikan dan melaporkan segala tindakan dan kegiatan terutama di bidang kebijakan pemerintah di kota yogyakarta dalam pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa. dalam hal ini, terminologi akuntabilitas dilihat dari sudut pandang pengendalian tindakan pada pencapaian tujuan. tolak ukur atau indikator pengukuran akuntabilitas kewajiban individu dan organisasi untuk mempertanggungjawabkan capaian kinerjanya melalui pengukuran yang seobyektif mungkin. wahyudi kumorotomo (2002) menyatakan bahwa akuntabilitas adalah ukuran yang menunjukan apakah aktivitas birokrasi publik atau pelayanan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah sudah sesuai denga norma dan nilai-nilai yang dianut oleh masyarakyat dan apakah pelayanan publik tersebut mampu mengakomodasi kebutuhan masyarakat yang sesungguhnya. dengan demikian akuntabilitas birokrasi terkait dengan falsafah bahwa lembaga eksekutif pemerintah yang tugas utamanya adalah melayani masyarakat harus dipertanggungjawabkan secara langsung menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 147 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maupun tidak langsung kepada masyarakat. untuk menjamin terwujudnya suatu tingkat kinerja yang diinginkan, efektivitas dan akuntabilitas publik akan banyak tergantung kepada pengaruh dari pihakpihak yang berkepentingan tersebut diatas meliputi: pertama, terdiri dari publik dan konsumen pelayanan yakni pihak yang terkait dengan penyajian pelayanan yang paling menguntungkan mereka. kedua, terdiri dari pimpinan dan pengawas penyaji pelayanan publik, yang merupakan pihakpihak berkepentingan terhadap pelayanan. ketiga, terdiri dari penyaji pelayanan itu sendiri dengan tujuan dan keinginan yang seringkali berbeda dengan pihak pertama dan kedua di atas. dengan demikian, secara absolut akuntabilitas memvisualisasikan suatu ketaatan kepada peraturan dan prosedur yang berlaku, kemampuan untuk melakukan evaluasi kinerja, keterbukaan dalam pembuata keputusan, mengacu pada jadwal yang telah ditetapkan dan menetapkan efisiensi dan efektivitas biaya pelaksanaa tugastugasnya. finner dalam joko widodo menjelaskan akuntabilitas sebagai konsep yang berkenaan dengan standar eksternal yang menentukan kebenaran suatu tindakan birokrasi. pengendalian dari luar (external control) menjadi sumber akuntabilitas yang memotivasi dan mendorong aparat untuk bekerja keras. masyarakat luas sebagai penilai objektif yang akan menentukan accoutable atau tidaknya sebuah birokrasi. ciri-ciri pemerintahan yang accountable adalah 1) mampu menyajikan informasi penyelanggaraan pemerintahan secara terbuka, cepat, dan tepat kepada masyarakat; 2) mampu memberikan pelayanan yang memuaskan bagi publik; 3) mampu menjelaskan dan mempertanggungjawabkan setiap kebijakan publik secara proporsional; 4) mampu memberikan ruang kepada masyarakat untuk terlibat dalam proses pembangunan dan pemerintah; 5) adanya sarana bagi publik untuk menilai kinerja (performance) pemerintah. dengan pertanggungjawaban publik, masyarakat dapat menilai derajat pencapaian pelaksanaan program/kegiatan pemerintah (kumorotomo, 2002). dari sudut pandang fungsional, j.d. stewart (dalam nico, 2007: 23). mengidentifikasikan bahwa akuntabilitas publik terdiri dari lima tingkatan. 1) policy accountability, yakni akuntabilitas atas pilihan-pilihan kebijakan yang dibuat; 2) program accountability, yakni akuntabilitas atas pencapaian e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 148 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tujuan/hasil dan efektivitas yang dicapai; 3) performance accountability, yakni akuntabilitas terhadap pencapaian kegiatan yang efisien; 4) proses accountability, yakni akuntabilitas atas penggunaan proses, prosedur, atau ukuran yang layak dalam melaksanakan tindakan-tindakan yang ditetapkan; 5) probity anda legality accountability, yakni akuntabilitas atas legalitas dan kejujuran panggunaan dana sesuai anggaran yang disetujui atau ketaatan terhadap undang-undang yang berlaku. akuntabilitas dirumuskan sebagai suatu kewajiban untuk memberikan pertanggungjawaban atau menjawab dan menerangkan kinerja dan tindakan seseorang atau pemerintahan kepada pihak yang memiliki hak dan kewajiban berkewenangan untuk meminta keterangan atau pertanggungjawaban. metode penelitian jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif dengan metode kualitatif. unit analisanya adalah pemerintah kota yogyakarta. teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah wawancara dengan para responden yang tergabung dalam sumber primer dan observasi secara mendalam terhadap data yang diperoleh dari sumber dara seperti dokumen-dokumen berkaitan pengadaan barang dan jasa 2009 kota yogyakarta. sedangkkan teknik analisa data menggunakan tahapan-tahapan berikut ini: petama, pengumpulan data dari berbagai sumber baik primer maupun sekunder melalui wawancara mendalam dan observasi. kedua, mensistematisasikan datadata yang sudah dikumpulkan tersebut menajadi data yang lebih sederhana. ketiga, menganalisis data yang sudah tersistematisasi menjadi sebuah hasil akhir penelitian. keempat, menyimpulkan hasil penelitian yang sudah dianalisis. hasil dan analisis 1. fisibilitas e-procurement a. fisibilitas regulatif di era globalisasi sekarang ini, transparansi dan akuntabilitas menjadi tuntutan publik dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan. berbicara tentang pemerintahan yang akuntabel menjadi hal yang penting dalam proses pertanggungjawaban sebuah pemerintahan sehingga tujuan dari good governance dan clean governance. hal ini sebagai tindak lanjut keluarnya pp menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 149 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ no. 80/2003 tentang pengadaan barang dan jasa. begitu pula dengan kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah kota yogyakarta dalam mendukung penerapan e-procurement sebagai bagian dari reformasi birokrasi pengadaan barang dan jasa. bentuk dukungan terhadap upaya implementasi e-procurement pemerintah kota yogyakarta telah melaksanakan undang-undang informasi dan transaksi elektronik (ite) no. 11/2008 yang telah memberikan implikasi bahwa: transaksi elektronik menjadi sah dan dokumen elektronik (sms, email, file) diakui sebagai alat bukti yang sah; tanda tangan elektronik yang terdiri atas informasi elektronik yang dilekatkan, terisolasi atau terkait dengan informasi elektronik lainnya sebagai alat verifikasi. contohnya: md5, hash key, user id dan password memiliki kekuatan hukum yang sama dengan tanda tangan konvensional; keppres republik indonesia no. 80/2003 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah presiden republik indonesia; peraturan walikota yogyakarta no. 137/2009 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik pada lpse kota yogyakarta walikota yogyakarta; peraturan walikota yogyakarta no. 81/2009 tentang pembentukan dan susunan organisasi unit layanan pengadaan kota yogyakarta walikota yogyakarta; regulasi pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik mestinya menjadi payung hukum yang kuat dalam proses mendisiplinkan pelayanan publik. kesesuaian antara mekanisme pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa yang termuat dalam peraturan walikota yogyakarta no. 137/2009 seharusnya tidak sebatas pada implementasi administrasi. namun proses pengawasan pengumuman tender, mekanisme pemenangan tender sampai implementasi tender seharusnya menjadi tugas dan wewenang lpse dan ada tim independen yang menangani hal itu (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). fungsi lembaga dewan sekarang dalam proses pengawasan pengadaan barang dan jasa masih sebatas pengawasan anggaran dan laporan pertanggungjawaban pengadaan barang dan jasa yang diberikan oleh sub bagian pengandalian dan pengembangan yang membawahi lpse kota yogyakarta. selain itu, regulasi pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik (eprocurement) seharusnya mampu meningkatkan dan menjamin terjadinya e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 150 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ efisiensi, efektivitas, transparansi dan akuntabilitas dalam pembelanjaan anggaran daerah kota yogyakarta ((wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). proses tersebut juga dapat menjamin tersedianya informasi, dan memberi kesempatan dan peluang usaha, serta mendorong terjadinya persaingan yang sehat dalam terwujudnya keadilan bagi seluruh pelaku usaha yang bergerak dibidang pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik pemerintah kota yogyakarta 2009. kelemahan regulasi dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah secara elektronik sulit diawasi oleh masyarakat dalam proses implementasi tender karena dalam regulasi tersebut tidak ada pengaturan dalam monitoring pelaksanaan tender. bahkan aparat pengawasan fungsional pemerintah yang semestinya berfungsi melakukan pengawasan kurang antisipatif melakukan tugasnya. apalagi tim pengawas independen jarang dilibatkan akibatnya sering muncul masalah seperti: adanya sertifikasi perusahaan yang kurang fair, penggelembungan harga karena tidak ada institusi yang mengawasi tarif atau standar harga. hal ini rawan terjadi penggelembungan harga dan tidak adanya evaluasi atas pekerjaan yang dilelang sehingga tidak diketahui apakah barang yang diterima sudah memiliki kualifikasi sesuai kebutuhan atau belum. b. fisibilitas teknokratis administratif dalam peraturan walikota yogyakarta no. 58/2008 tentang fungsi rincian tugas dan tata kerja di lingkungan sekretaris daerah kota yogyakarta, bagian pengendalian pembangunan mempunyai fungsi pengoordinasian dan pengendalian administrasi, pengendalian operasional, analisis sistem dan prosedur kegiatan. bagian pengendalian pembangunan terdiri dari tiga sub bagian pengendalian administrasi, sub bagian pengendalian operasional dan sub bagian sistem dan prosedur kegiatan. adapun yang membawahi pelaksanaan e-procurement adalah pada sub bidang pengendalian administrasi, mempunyai rincian tugas: mengumpulkan, mengolah data dan informasi, menginventarisasi permasalahan serta melaksanakan pemecahan permasalahan yang berkaitan dengan pengendalian administrasi; merencanakan, melaksanakan, mengendalikan, mengevaluasi dan melaporkan kegiatan sub bagian; menyiapkan bahan kebijakan, bimbingan dan pembinaan serta petunjuk teknis yang menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 151 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berkaitan dengan pengendalian administrasi; melaksanakan pengelolaan e-procurement; melaksanakan pengembangan e-procurement; melaksanakan pengendalian administrasi kegiatan pembangunan; memfasilitasi pemecahan permasalahan administrasi pengadaan barang dan jasa; melaksanakan kajian pengembangan kelembagaan pengadaan; melaksanakan pengelolaan ulp; melaksanakan pengumuman pekerjaan; menginventarisir dan menganalisis kebutuhan sdm pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa; membuat usulan diklat untuk pemenuhan kebutuhan sdm pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa; melaksanakan pelatihan/ diklat untuk pelaksanaan e-procurement; mengadministrasikan penyerahan hasil kegiatan; melaksanakan analisis dan pengembangan kinerja sub bagian; melaksanakan tugas lain yang diberikan oleh kepala bagian. pegawai bagian pengendalian pembangunan sesuai dengan hasil analisis jabatan sejimlah 56 orang, namun sampai dengan desember 2009 jumlah pegawai di bagian pengendalian pembangunan sejumlah 32 orang atau 57% terdiri dari 21 orang pns, 4 orang cpns dan 7 orang naban. adanya dukungan berupa pelembagaan e-procurement di kota yogyakarta dari hasil wawancara dengan kepala bagian pengendalian pembangunan ir. edy muhammad: dalam mendukung pemberlakuan keppres no. 80/2003 sejak 2008, pemerintah kota yogyakarta telah membentuk lpse sebagai bagian dari reformasi birokrasi dalam bidang pengadaan barnag dan jasa dimaksudkan agar pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah dilakukan secara efisien, efektif terbuka dan bersaing, transparan, adil non diskriminatif dan akuntabel. beberapa tahun belakangan ini dengan prediksi kedepan, peserta pengadaan barang dan jasa akan selalu bertambah jumlahnya, sehingga diperlukan mekanisme yang lebih mendukung untuk pencapaian pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik (wawancara, 23 agustus 2010). berdasarkan dukungan terhadap implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta selanjutnya pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa dilaksanakan oleh panitia di lpse di tiap skpd. dengan demikian skpd bisa memanfaatkan sistem informasi e-procurement untuk menciptakan prinsip transparansi dan akuntabilitas. informasi mengenai semua hal yang terkait proses lelang seperti dokumen pemilihan penyedia barang dan jasa disediakan oleh unit kerja panitia pengadaan. ulp berkedudukan sebagai e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 152 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ barang dan jasa di lingkungan pemerintah kota yoyakarta yang merupakan lembaga non struktural, berada di bagian pengendalian pembangunan setda kota yogyakarta dengan personil teknik ulp 6 orang dan kelompok kerja pengadaan (kkp) berjumlah 45 orang, jumlah anggota per pokja 5 orang dan cadangan 10 orang. direkrut dari pegawai bersertifikat pengadaan barang dan jasa di lingkungan pemerintah kota yogyakarta sebagai berikut : tabel 3. jumlah pegawai unit layanan pengadaan bersertifikat sumber: lakip sekretariat daerah pemerintah kota yogyakarta 2009 lpse kota yogyakarta juga memberikan fasilitas pelatihan aplikasi eprocurement secara gratis kepada penyedia barang dan jasa baik yang telah terdaftar maupun terbuka bagi penyedia yang belum terdaftar di lpse kota yogyakarta. lpse kota yogyakarta telah melaksanakan pelatihan kepada panitia di lingkungan pemerintah kota yogyakarta 175 orang di tahun 2009, sedangkan pelatihan kepada rekanan sejumlah 283 penyedia. selain pelatihan yang diberikan secara gratis penyedia juga mendapatkan training kit (bahan-bahan pelatihan) dan fasilitas diantaranya bagaimana mekanisme e-procurement di kota yogyakarta dilaksanakan. anggota dprd kota yogyakarta menilai fisibilitas teknokratis administratif dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa elektronik di kota yogyakarta, yaitu: dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik secara administrasi sudah memenuhi standar administrasi, namun secara sdm masih gemuk dalam menempatkan pegawainya. kesiapan dari pegawai tergantung dari komitmen eksekutif dalam memberikan dukungan politik terhadap pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa (wawancara dengan robert silvanus, 25 agustus 2010). namun penilaian berbeda datang dari lod kota yogyakarta menyatakan bahwa: dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik secara administrasi menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 153 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ seharusnya tidak muncul dari birokrat itu sendiri karena ada unsur intervensi dari eksekutif. untuk menghindari itu seharusnya lembaga ini independen. kesiapan dari pegawai sulit untuk mengawasi kinerjanya karena tidak ada mekanisme pengawasan yang jelas dalam proses evaluasi yang dilakukan secara berkala (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). menurut seorang pengusaha yang pernah menjadi rekanan dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik dengan pemerintah kota yogyakarta mengatakan: dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik secara administrasi sudah memenuhi standar administrasi, evaluasi kami terhadap pelaksanaan teknis masih ada cara-cara manual yang dilakukan dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa sehingga masih terbuka proses tatap muka yang dilakukan dalam interaksi. kesiapan dari pegawai tergantung dari komitmen eksekutif dalam memberikan dukungan politik terhadap pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa (wawancara dengan penanggungjawab gapensi kota yogyakarta). pembentukan panitia pengadaan barang dan jasa merupakan langkah strategik dan harus diwaspadai dalam proses pengadaaan barang dan jasa sebab berkembangnya penyakit korupsi, kolusi dan nepotisme dalam proses pengadaan pemerintah sangat tergantung pada komitmen panitia lelang yang akan sangat berpengaruh terhadap bersih tidaknya proses pengadaan barang dan jasa disuatu unit kerja pemerintah. beberapa masalah yang terkait dengan tahap ini adalah panitia tidak transparan, integritas panitia lemah, panitia memihak atau tidak independen dengan cara menambah persyaratan untuk membatasi jumlah peserta. c. fisibilitas politik pelaksanaan e-procurement di pemerintah kota yogyakarta selain dipandang meningkatkan transparansi dan akuntabilitas dalam proses pemerintahan di kota yogyakarta dalam reformasi birokrasi pengadaan barang dan jasa. dengan diberlakukannya kepress 80/2003 sejak tahun 2004, maka efisiensi (mencapai harga pasar) akan tercapai apabila proses pengadaan transparan, diikuti dengan jumlah peserta yang cukup banyak, dan mengedepankan proses persaingan yang sehat. kebijakan daerah dalam mendukung implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta pada e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 154 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tahun 2008 lpse kota yogyakarta melaksanakan paket pengadaan sesuai mou dengan bappenas (11 paket pekerjaan). sedangkan pada 2009 pengadaan barang dan jasa di atas 500 juta “wajib” dilaksanakan dengan lpse (sesuai dengan per wal no. 18/2009). tahun 2010 seluruh pengadaan barang dan jasa dilaksanakan oleh ulp dengan menggunakan lpse (sesuai dengan perwal no 82 tahun 2009). berdasarkan kebijakan daerah tersebut ulp organisasi pemerintah yang bersifat struktural maupun non-struktural yang bertugas untuk menangani pekerjaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah secara terintegrasi dan terpadu sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. untuk daya dukung maka unit yang terdiri dari pegawai-pegawai yang telah memiliki sertifikat keahlian pengadaan barang dan jasa dibentuk sebagai pelaksana pengadaan barang dan jasa di lingkungan pemerintah kota yogyakarta. implementasi e-procurement di pemerintah kota yogyakarta 2009 secara fisibilitas politik menurut m. zuhrif hudaya adalah: ada kekuatan politik yang terlibat dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik bentuknya adalah dengan adanya perwal. bentuk dukungan politiknya adalah dengan mengeluarkan perwal dan mengevaluasi langsung jalannya e-procurement. kekuatan politiknya adalah walikota, skpd. posisi yang lain adalah sebagai partner dalam melaksanakan e-procurement dan sebagai tim pelaksana teknis. pengusaha mengatakan tidak mempunyai relasi politik, namun beberapa pejabat mempunyai relasi politik dengan pengusaha (wawancara, 11 agustus 2010). ada penilaian berbeda terhadap implementasi e-procurement di pemerintah kota yogyakarta 2009 secara fisibilitas politik dari lod yogyakarta yaitu: ada kekuatan politik yang terlibat dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik bentuknya adalah dengan adanya perwal. bentuk dukungan politiknya adalah dengan mengeluarkan perwal dan mengevaluasi langsung jalannya e-procurement. kekuatan politiknya adalah walikota, skpd. posisi yang lain adalah sebagai partner dalam melaksanakan e-procurement dan sebagai tim pelaksana teknis. pasti ada relasi politik dalam setiap pengadaan barang dan jasa karena proyek tersebut saling menguntungkan (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 155 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penilaian yang hampir sama juga dialami oleh seorang pengusaha yang pernah menjalin kerjasama implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta 2009 yaitu: ada kekuatan politik yang terlibat dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik bentuknya adalah dengan adanya perwal. bentuk dukungan politiknya adalah dengan mengeluarkan perwal dan mengevaluasi langsung jalanya e-procurement. kekuatan politiknya adalah walikota, skpd. posisi yang lain adalah sebagai partner dalam melaksanakan e-procurement dan sebagai tim pelaksana teknis. ya mempunyai relasi politik, relasi politik ini penting untuk memuluskan dalam proses memenangkan tender (wawancara dengan penanggungjawab gapensi kota yogyakarta). pada beberapa kasus persoalan yang lazim dijumpai adalah adanya penyalahgunaan wewenang pimpinan baik pada level eksekutif maupun legislatif, modusnya bisa berupa rekomendasi lisan dari pimpinan, rencana pengadaan yang diarahkan, adanya lelang tanpa tender, adanya pendelegasian lelang yang tendensius ataupun rencana pengadaan yang digagalkan. hal tersebut menunjukkan intervensi penguasa atau pimpinan pada pelaksanaan lelang sangat kuat. terlebih jika pimpinan memiliki rangkap jabatan sebagai pejabat publik sekaligus merangkap sebagai direktur pemegang saham atau komisaris perusahaan tertentu sehingga kadang muncul adanya kecenderungan kualifikasi yang mengarahkan pada perusahaan tertentu. d. fisibilitas kebutuhan masyarakat masyarakat bisa memonitoring dan mengevaluasi proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik sehingga prosesnya transparan dan akuntabel. dengan demikian pemerintah kota yogyakarta dapat meningkatkan pelayanan dan efisiensi anggaran untuk pengadaan barang dan jasa. proses pengadaan barang dan jasa melalui e-procurement membuka peluang yang sama bagi perusahaan kecil maupun besar untuk ikut dalam tender. bahkan peluang perusahaan kecil menjadi lebih besar karena pada umumnya perusahaan kecil lebih efisien dalam biaya operasional dan overhead cost-nya sehingga keuangan perusahaan menjadi lebih sehat. fakta menunjukan bahwa selama kurun waktu 2008-2010 dimana e-procurement sudah berjalan di pemkot yogyakarta, frekuensi e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 156 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perusahaan kecil yang menang jauh lebih banyak yang terlibat dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. berdasarkan implementasi e-procurement pemerintah kota yogyakarta, maka anggaran daerah akan terhemat yaitu rata-rata lebih dari 8% anggaran sampai 12.68% (wawancara dengan penanggungjawab pelaksana lpse kota yogyakarta, 16 agustus 2010). artinya adalah dari segi penghematan anggaran dapat membantu mengurangi biaya operasional dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. nilai kontrak pengadaan barang dan jasa di kota yogyakarta yang ditandatangani oleh pemenang oleh pemenang tender pada kurun waktu 2008-2010 nilainya juga lebih besar diperoleh oleh perusahaan kecil dibanding dengan perusahaan yang besar. rata-rata 60 persen pertahun nilai kontrak dikuasai oleh pengusaha kecil. sistem pada implementasi e-procurement pemerintah kota yogyakarta menciptakan proses pengadaan barang dan jasa yang efektif dan efisien. sistem e-procurement menghasilkan peningkatan kualitas administrasi dan terciptanya database pengadaan barang dan jasa yang baik. e-procurement dengan sistem yang dijalankan mampu menekan biaya pengadaan barang dan jasa dari segi pengguna, satuan kerja maupun penyedia barang dan jsa serta meningkatkan kualifikasi barang dan jasa yang di hasilkan oleh penyedia barang dan jasa. dengan sistem ini hasil paket pekerjaan dalam sistem pengadaan barang dan jasa menjadi optimal dan target pemerintahan kota yogyakarta dalam penyediaan barang dan jasa pemerintah terpenuhi. implementasi e-procurement di pemerintah kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 secara fisibilitas kebutuhan masyarakat menurut m. zuhrif hudaya adalah: belum ada keterlibatan langsung. namun masih pada publikasi laporan saja kepada masyarakat. belum sesuai karena masih ada area private dalam proses akses informasi pengadaan barang dan jasa (wawancara dengan ketua komisi c dprd kota yogyakarta, 11 agustus 2010) hal tersebut dibenarkan oleh lod yogyakarta yaitu: keterlibatan pasif tapi pada wilayah interaksi masyarakat masih belum dilibatkan. namun secara regulasi formal e-procurement dalam proses publikasi tidak bermasalah (wawancara dengan ketua bidang sosialisasi dan penguatan jaringan lod diy, 27 agustus 2010). menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 157 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam pelaksanaan lelang secara elektronik juga sering terjadi manipulasi karena tidak adanya transparansi dan pengawasan yang terlembagakan, sehingga masyarakat dalam hal ini masih mempertanyakan transparansi dan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa. kadang panitia lelang mencari-cari kesalahan dalam penilaian dan membuat aturan yang rumit, kadang juga terjadi multi interpretasi antar panitia lelang karena tidak ada persamaan persepsi. manipulasi tersebut juga dapat terjadi karena minimnya honor panitia dan pimpro sehingga melakukan mark up harga dalam perencanaan ataupun melakukan pembelian barang yang, kurang bermanfaat. manipulasi juga kadang terjadi pada saat pengumuman lelang. 2. akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa di kota yogyakarta a. akuntabilitas regulatif pada 2009 sesuai dengan perwal no. 18/2009 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik pada lpse kota yogyakarta, paket pengadaan yang bernilai rp. 500 juta dilaksanakan secara elektronik. terdapat 43 paket pekerjaan yang bernilai sesuai perwal no. 18/2009 dalam pelaksanaanya menjadi 49 paket pekerjaan dimana terdapat 6 paket pekerjaan bernilai dibawah rp 500 juta. dari 49 paket pekerjaan, 16 diantaranya mengalami gagal lelang dan selesai dilaksanakan dengan lelang ulang sebanyak 12 paket pekerjaan sedangkan 4 diantaranya dilanjutkan secara konvensional. dalam hasil wawancara tentang akuntabilitas regulatif dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009, anggota dprd mengatakan: proses pengadan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 bersifat terbuka masih pada wilayah normatif, namun mekanisme teknik dilapangan masih memerlukan lembaga independen yang mengawasi implementasi dilapangan terutama dalam proses evaluasi proyek. proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 telah memenuhi pertanggungjawaban secara hukum terbukti dengan adanya laporan pertanggungjawaban setiap tahun kepada dprd dan kepada publik melalui media massa (wawancara dengan anggota dprd komisi c kota yogyakarta, 25 agustus 2010). e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 158 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ namun pengamatan berbeda datang dari lod kota yogyakarta 2009 tentang akuntabilitas regulatif dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 menyatakan: proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 bersifat terbuka masih normatif, masih ada formalitas dalam proses melaksanakanya, belum ada pertanggungjawaban secara publik yang menjelaskan prioritas diterimanya sebuah lelang oleh pengusaha tertentu. proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 telah memenuhi pertanggungjawaban secara hukum, namun penegakan hukum bagi pengusaha atau pelaksana lelang yang kkn belum ada lembaga khusus yang berani menegakan hukuman tersebut (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). pertanggungjawaban regulatif dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah secara elektronik sulit diawasi oleh masyarakat karena pelaksanaannya tidak secara terbuka di awasi oleh masyarakat. bahkan aparat pengawasan fungsional pemerintah yang semestinya berfungsi melakukan pengawasan kurang antisipatif melakukan tugasnya. apalagi tim pengawas independen jarang dilibatkan, akibatnya sering muncul persoalan, seperti: adanya sertifikasi perusahaan yang kurang fair, penggelembungan harga karena tidak ada institusi yang mengawasi tarif standar harga sehingga rawan terjadinya penggelembungan harga dan tidak adanya evaluasi atas pekerjaan yang dilelang sehingga tidak diketahui apakah barang yang diterima sudah memiliki kualifikasi sesuai kebutuhan atau belum. b. akuntabilitas politik kebijakan dan pengembangan e-procurement di kota yogyakarta tertuang dalam peraturan walikota yogyakarta no. 137/2009 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik pada lpse kota yogyakarta walikota yogyakarta. dukungan walikota juga dalam pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik dengan harapan bisa meningkatkan transparansi dan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa disampaikan dalam informasi laporan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah (ilppd) tahun 2009. dalam laporanya pentingnya menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 159 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penyelenggaraan pangadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik dengan nama (lpse) menjadi prioritas pembangunan daerah yang wajib dilaksanakan masuk dalam kategori urusan otonomi daerah, pemerintahan umum, administrasi keuangan daerah, perangkat daerah, kepegawaian dan persandian. dalam kutipannya: implementasi e-procurement sebagai layanan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik (lpse). pada 3 november 2009 telah di-launching ulp kota yogyakarta agar proses pengadaan barang dan jasa lebih transpaan dan akuntabel (kedaulatan rakyat, 29 april 2010: 15). e-procurement sebagai upaya inovatif bagi perbaikan layanan publik dalam mekanisme pangadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah merupakan proses reformasi birokrasi dan transformasi tata pemerintahan yang sedang berjalan dan terbukti capaiannya baik dari aspek kebijakan, kelembagaan, sdm, pengembangan sistem dan aplikasi serta program dan anggarannya. untuk mengimplementasikan e-procurement di kota yogyakarta, pemerintah pemerintah kemudian membentuk lpse sebagai lembaga yang menangani proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektonik, kemudian membentuk ulp yang merupakan unit yang menangani pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik juga sebagai pengembangan dari lpse. lpse mempunyai kedudukan dibawah bagian sub pengandalian dan pengembangan, dalam menjalankan tugasnya lpse melaporkan pertanggungjawabanya kepada sub pengandalian dan pengembangan. sedangkan sub pengandalian dan pengembangan bertanggung jawab langsung kepada sekretaris daerah kota yogyakarta. untuk pelaksanaan tugas dan fungsinya sub pengandalian dan pengembangan berada di bawah koordinasi dprd kota yogyakarta komisi c. sub pengandalian dan pengembangan juga merupakan satu-satunya lembaga pemerintah yang bertanggungjawab secara terus menerus dan konsisten mengembangkan, menyusun strategi dan kebijakan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah termasuk menyelenggarakan fungsi monitoring dan evaluasi, pengembangan sumber daya manusia pengelola pengadaan serta pemberian pendapat, rekomendasi untuk membantu menyelesaikan permasalahan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. landasan hukum lpse adalah peraturan walikota yogyakarta nomor e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 160 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 137 tahun 2009 tentang pedoman pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik pada lpse kota yogyakarta walikota yogyakarta. lpse mempunyai peran yang sangat strategis dalam memperkuat reformasi birokrasi sekaligus sebagai ujung tombak pencegahan kkn dalam pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah yang selama ini mengalami inefisiensi dalam setiap tahunnya. untuk menjawab permasalahan dan tantangan dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah, struktur organisasi ulp berkoordinasi dengan ppkom, pokja pengadaan,dan penyedia barang dan jasa. sebagai lembaga yang menjadi pengawal dalam memperbaiki proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah di kota yogyakarta, maka peran dan fungsiya dalam upaya penerapan e-procurement semestinya menjaga profesionaliseme dalam proses tersebut. karena apa bedanya ketika proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara konvensional dan elektronik. motivasi adanya e-procurement sebagai bagian dari reformasi birokrasi dalam meningkatkan efektivitas, efisiensi, transparansi dan akuntabilitas pengadaan barang dan jasa menjadi penting ketika kehadiran lembaga ini dapat menjawab dan mempertanggungjawabkan proses keberhasilan e-procurement seperti yang dicita-citakan. untuk itu perlunya melaksanakan regulasi dan standarisasi yang telah dibuat oleh lembaga tersebut sehingga sesuai dengan tugas dan fungsinya lpse akan merumuskan strategi dan kebijakan di bidang pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah. pentingnya pengawasan dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik seperti yang disampaikan oleh ketua komisi c dprd kota yogyakarta: e-procurement tidak akan menjawab masalah bila tidak ada kepatuhan terhadap regulasi dan standarisasi yang telah dibuat, untuk itu perlunya pengawasalan dalam setiap proses tahapan pengadaan barang dan jasa menjadi tanggung jawa siapa belum ada lembaga yang menangani hal itu. pada dimensi administrasi e-procurement sudah memberikan jawaban yang baik pada proses pelayanan, namun dalam implementasi dilapangan apa tender yang sudah dikerjakan kualitasnya sesuai dengan yang diharapkan (wawancara ketua komisi c dprd kota yogyakarta, 11 agustus 2010). pengadaan barang dan jasa semestinya mempunyai tim independen yang bisa mengawasi kinerja dari eksekutif, karena lpse adalah di bawah naungan sub bagian pengendalian dan pengambangan bertanggung jawab langsung kepada sekda maka monitoring dan evaluasi terhadap jalannya menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 161 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ e-procurement apa sudah akuntabel siapa yang bisa mempertanggungjawabkan. kalau memang kehadiran e-procurement menjadi service politik pemerintah maka tujuan dari reformasi birokrasi pengadaan barang dan jasa maka tidak mencapai akuntabilitas, hanya menjawab palayanan pengadaan barang dan jasa yang efektif dan efisien. prinsip yang dikembangkan oleh kehadiran lpse akan terbentuknya satu pasar (e-market place) dimana pasar pengadaan barang dan jasa harus terbuka dan bersaing adil, dapat diakses oleh seluruh stakeholders dimanapun baik dari kalangan pengusaha maupaun kalangan instansi pemerintah diberbagai daerah serta dapat berkompetisi secara sehat, sehingga perlu ada penyatuan data serta satu sistem dimana harus mengacu pada satu standar berdasarkan aturan dan pengaturan. pendekatan yang digunakan oleh lpse adalah pendekatan akses dan jangkauan luas tanpa pembatas. karena itu, dukungan politik sebagai penyelenggara tata pemerintahan seharusnya memiliki political will sehingga adopsi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta memberikan jawaban dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik yang akuntabel karena proses setiap pos yang dilaluinya dapat diakses oleh masyarakat pengguna e-procurement. konfigurasi sistem penempatan pejabat pengambil keputusan juga semestinya bukan saja menjadi wilayah eksetukif namun legislatif terlibat dalam menempatkan orang yang akan melaksankan e-procurement. sehingga proses kepercayaan publik dalam hal ini dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara politik. pentingnya tim pengawasan yang independen terhadap berjalanya eprocurement adalah melaksanakan pemantauan, penilaian, melakukan evaluasi dan memberikan masukan atas pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah setiap tahun sebelumnya untuk menjadi bahan penyusunan proses perencanaan dan anggaran serta pembinaan dan pengembangan sistem informasi pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah secara elektronik. untuk mengoptimalkan peran dan fungsinya dalam melakukan monitoring dan evaluasi dalam pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah perlu mengembangakan sistem informasi yang tersimpan dalam suatu data base. karena itu, setiap tahapan kerja pengadaan barang dan jasa bisa di akses oleh masyarakat. menurut hasil wawancara tentang akuntabilitas politik dalam e-procurement di kota yogyakarta e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 162 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2009 dengan salah serang anggota dprd kota yogyakarta mengatakan: bentuk dukungan politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dukungan walikota lewat perwal dan publikasi pertanggungjawaban melalui media masa kepada publik. bentuk pertanggungjawaban politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dengan media masa dan meningkatkan kapasitas pelayanan publik kepada masyarakat. pertanggungjawab secara politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dengan meningkatkan evaluasi pelayanan pengadaan barang dan jasa secara maksimal sehingga keterbukaan dan transparansi menjadi pilihan yang terbaik (wawancara dengan robert silvanus dendeng, anggota dprd komisi c kota yogyakarta, 25 agustus 2010). sedangkan pengusaha menyatakan: bentuk dukungan politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dengan meningkatkan kontrol dan evaluasi dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. pertanggungjawaban politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dengan memberikan informasi secara terbuka kepada semua pengusaha tanpa pandang bulu. pertanggungjawab secara politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah dengan memberika jaminan bahwa tidak ada kkn dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa (wawancara dengan h. tri harjanto, sh. ketua gapensi kota yogyakarta, 18 agustus 2010). terakhir menurut pengamatan dari lod kota yogyakarta bahwa: bentuk dukungan politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 dalam hal ini eksekutif memimpin langsung proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara akuntabilitas bisa dipertanggungjawabkan. pertanggungjawaban politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 seharusnya tidak secara administrasi dan normatif saja, namun secara akuntabilitas standar publik dalam memberikan informasi secara terbuka. yang bertanggungjawab secara politik dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 adalah eksekutif, skpd harus memberikan menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 163 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kepastian hukum dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto, 27 agustus 2010). masalah yang paling dominan ditemui pada saat melakukan lelang adalah adanya kolusi antara pejabat publik dengan rekanan penyedia barang dan jasa. sehingga perusahaan harus mengeluarkan sejumlah fee atau komisi yang biasanya diberikan pada saat pencairan dana atau sebelum tender dilakukan dengan tujuan agar tendernya dimenangkan. kolusi tersebut biasanya akan melibatkan pimpro dengan melakukan pembicaraan rahasia dengan pihak rekanan yang kemudian akan diikuti dengan berbagai sekenario dalam proses lelang. di samping itu juga dijumpai adanya pemenang lelang yang dijual karena pengusaha hanya mencari fee bahkan ada yang mengalihkan pelaksanaan kontrak di bawah tangan karena ada persekongkolan. c. akuntabilitas keuangan payung hukum e-procurement kota yogyakarta untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas publik dengan meningkatkan efisiensi dan transparansi dilakukan untuk perbaikan terhadap prosedur lelang dengan cara, pertama, menyediakan komunikasi online antar pihak yang berkepentingan, sehingga potensi pengaturan penawaran dapat ditekan. kedua, mengubah persyaratan pemenuhan dokumen menjadi tidak harus dalam bentuk hardcopy/ paperless, sehingga terjadi penghematan 80% biaya administrasi pelelangan dibanding dengan sistem pengadaan barang dan jasa secara konvensional. secara keseluruhan masyarakat mendapat keuntungan dengan akselerasi penyediaan pelayanan publik karena proses pengadaan barang dan jasa menjadi lebih terencana dan terintegrasi antara satuan kerja. konsep pelayanan pengadaan barang dan jasa di kota yogyakarta membentuk sistem satu atap e-marketplace antara instansi pemerintahan dengan penyedia barang dan jasa dengan memberikan : pertama, single windows for public procurement; yang mana sistem memberikan informasi pelelangan secara terintegrasi dan on time registration untuk penyedia barang dan jasa. kedua, online transaction, yang mana proses dilakukan secara elektronik dan database sistem terhubung dengan pusat database berbagai pihak e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 164 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang perlu dan bisa dirujuk. namun dalam pelaksanaanya pengusaha dalam hal ini adalah pelaku usaha yang terlibat dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa merasa bahwa dengan adanya e-procurement, ada proses manual juga yang harus dilakukan secara langsung bertemu antara lpse denga pengusaha. sehingga konsep e-procurement yang motivasinya adalah untuk meminimalisasi proses tatap muka dengan lpse tetap ada. hal ini seperti yang diungkapkan pengurus gabungan pengusaha konstruksi kota yogyakarta (gapensi) : adanya lpse membuat proses pengarsipan kerja dua kali, mulai dari pengisian secara online namun dalam data yang lain masih harus dilaksanakan secara manual yaitu bertemu langsung dalam pengumpulan berkas penawaran (wawancara dengan h. tri harjanto, sh. ketua gapensi kota yogyakarta, 18 agustus 2010). namun penilaian lain hadir dari seorang anggota dprd kota yogyakarta yang mengatakan: bentuk pertanggungjawaban keuangan dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 adalah dengan efisiensi proses pengadaan barang dan jasa, dan keterbukaan dalam melaporkan keuangan. proses pertanggungjawaban keuangan dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 bersifat terbuka secara administrasi, namun secara penghematan masih jauh dari target penghematan anggaran. pertanggungjawaban keuangan dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009, walau ada sulit dibuktikan, karena dengan e-procurement tersebut audit menjadi tertutup secara keuangan (wawancara dengan robert silvanus dendeng, anggota dprd komisi c kota yogyakarta, 25 agustus 2010). penilaian berbeda datang juga dari pengamatan lod kota yogyakarta yaitu: bentuk pertanggungjawaban keuangan dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 adalah belum mencapai efisiensi proses pengadaan barang dan jasa, dan keterbukaan dalam melaporkan keuangan masih sebatas internal birokrat. proses pertanggungjawaban keuangan menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 165 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009 bersifat terbuka secara administrasi, namun secara penghematan masih jauh dari target penghematan anggaran. pertanggungjawaban keuangan dalam setiap proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik di kota yogyakarta 2009, walau ada sulit dibuktikan, karena dengan e-procurement tersebut audit menjadi tertutup secara keuangan (wawancara dengan didik r. sumekto. ketua bidang sosialisasi dan penguatan jaringan lod diy, 27 agustus 2010). pelaksanaan lelang dengan menggunakan e-procurement secara administrasi pun masih memberikan tanda tanya dari efektivitas pengarsipan data. seperti yang di ungkapkan narasumber di atas masih ada cara-cara konvensional yang dilakukan dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. sebagai catatan, untuk menciptakan, menjalankan dan memelihara e-procurement serta pembangunanya dilakukan oleh lpse kota yogyakarta agar proses pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah menjadi lebih terpadu, mampu bekerja secara profesional dalam menerapkan prinsip-prinsip pengadaan barang dan jasa sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan berdasarkan atas kepastian hukum, manfaat, kehati-hatian dan itikad baik. pentingnya dalam meningkatkan profesionalisme, meningkatkan efisiensi dan efektifitas, transparansi, persaingan sehat dan akuntabilitas, dalam pelaksanaan pengadaan barang dan jasa sehingga mampu menciptakan situasi yang kondusif dan bebas praktek kkn dalam proses pemilihan penyedia barang dan jasa. 3. faktor penghambat dan pendukung akuntabilitas e-procurement a. faktor penghambat akuntabilitas dalam e-procurement adapun faktor-faktor penghambat derajat akuntablitas dalam implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 antara lain: pertama, minimnya monitoring dalam implementasi tender dilapangan. hal ini karena pelaksanaannya serba online sehingga memberikan struktur peluang terjadinya kkn. bahkan aparat pengawasan fungsional pemerintah yang semestinya berfungsi melakukan pengawasan kurang antisipatif melakukan tugasnya. selain itu, tim pengawas independen yang seharusnya mengawasi implementasi e-procurement jarang dilibatkan sehingga sering muncul masalah yaitu: adanya sertifikasi perusahaan yang e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 166 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kurang fair, mark-up dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. kedua, penyalahgunaan wewenang dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. beberapa kasus yang sering ditemui adalah adanya penyalahgunaan wewenang pimpinan baik pada tingkatan eksekutif maupun legislatif, modusnya seperti rekomendasi lisan dari pimpinan, rencana pengadaan yang diarahkan, adanya lelang tanpa tender, adanya pendelegasian lelang yang tendensius ataupun rencana pengadaan yang digagalkan. hal tersebut menunjukkan intervensi penguasa atau pimpinan pada pelaksanaan lelang sangat kuat. terlebih jika pimpinan memiliki rangkap jabatan sebagai pejabat publik sekaligus merangkap sebagai pemegang saham perusahaan tertentu, sehingga kadang muncul adanya kecenderungan kualifikasi yang mengarahkan pada perusahaan tertentu. ketiga, masih adanya penyimpangan kontrak dalam implementasi eprocurement. masalah yang sering temui dalam penyimpangan kontrak seperti pemakaian bahan volume barang tidak sesuai dengan spesifikasi dokumen kontrak, pengurangan kualitas barang, pemalsuan barang, markup harga, adanya proyek yang dikejar-kejar waktu sehingga terkesan asal jadi, pemenang lelang yang disub-kontrakan serta adanya rekanan yang menawar jauh di bawah hps (harga pengadaan setempat). keempat, kolusi antara pejabat pelaksana e-procurement dan rekanan. masalah yang paling sering ditemui pada saat melakukan lelang adalah adanya kolusi antara pejabat publik dengan rekanan penyedia barang dan jasa. perusahaan harus mengeluarkan sejumlah fee atau komisi yang biasanya diberikan pada saat pencairan dana atau sebelum tender dilakukan dengan tujuan agar tendernya dimenangkan. kolusi tersebut biasanya akan melibatkan pimpina proyek dengan melakukan pembicaraan rahasia dengan pihak rekanan yang kemudian akan diikuti dengan berbagai sekenario dalam proses lelang. di samping itu, dijumpai adanya pemenang lelang yang dijual karena pengusaha hanya mencari fee bahkan ada yang mengalihkan pelaksanaan kontrak di bawah tangan karena ada persekongkolan. kelima, manipulasi dalam implementasi e-procurement. dalam pelaksanaan lelang juga sering terjadi manipulasi karena tidak adanya transparansi. kadang panitia lelang mencari-cari kesalahan dalam penilaian dan membuat aturan yang rumit, kadang juga terjadi multi interpretasi menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 167 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ antar panitia lelang karena tidak ada persamaan persepsi. manipulasi tersebut juga dapat terjadi karena minimnya honor panitia dan pimpro sehingga melakukan mark-up harga dalam perencanaan ataupun melakukan pembelian barang yang, kurang bermanfaat. manipulasi juga kadang terjadi pada saat pengumuman lelang. keenam, kelemahan sdm. proses ini menghambat pengembangan ideide baru ini. selama dprd memiliki sikap yang masih pokoknya harus begini, begitu, maka bisa menghambat penggunaan teknologi yang baru ini. hal ini karena dimungkinan karena memang petugas masih menyukai pola-pola lama dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. b. faktor pendukung akuntabilitas e-procurement ada empat faktor pendukung untuk mencapai derajat akuntabilitas dalam implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta antara lain. pertama, kemauan politik (political will). penyelenggaraan tata pemerintahan yang baik hanya dapat berkembang apabila ada komitmen yang kuat dari pimpinan daerah dalam mengawasi dan mendukung implementasi e-procurement. inisiasi implementasi e-procurement merupakan bagian dari reformasi birokrasi pengadaan barang dan jasa. hal ini menjadi tujuan dari pemerintah kota yogyakarta dalam proses pelayanan publik. dengan dibentuknya ulp oleh pemerintah daerah. aplikasi e-procurement disesuaikan dengan apa yang digunakan dan dikembangkan oleh lpse nasional yang dirancang menggunakan sistem operasi yang memberikan pelayanan secara online sehingga pertemuan antara penyedia jasa dan pengguna jasa bisa diminimalisasi. pengembangan apikasi ini dirancang dalam semangat keterbukaan dan akuntabilitas. namun permasalahannya, menurut pengakuan di daerah, aplikasi e-procurement yang digunakan oleh lpse nasional yang dikembangkan oleh lkpp (lembaga kebijakan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah) masih sering berubah-ubah. selain itu keberadaan bidding room, komputer dan pengadaan perangkat multimedia lainnya juga masih terkendala biaya. kedua, relasi politk dalam pengawasan e-procurement pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektonik dilakukan oleh komisi c bagian pengawasan anggaran. faktor proses pelaksanaan dan hasil dari pengadaan barang dan jasa akan dilihat apakah sesuai dengan target-target pemerintah dalam e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 168 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menciptakan iklim akuntabilitas pengadaan barnag dan jasa. kasus di kota yogyakarta menunjukkan gejala tersendat-sendatnya proses pelaksanaan e-procurement. hal ini terkait dengan hambatan dalam proses e-procurement yang masih tahap uji coba. hal ini juga dikeluhkan oleh pengusaha yang terlibat langsung dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa. singkatnya waktu pelaksanaan dengan tahun anggaran baru disinyalir menjadi penyebab rumitnya urusan penganggaran di daerah. adanya perbedaan antara istilah pejabat pembuat komitmen (ppk) di apbn menurut keppres no. 80 yang secara tekstual tidak dikenal di konsep apbd juga menjadi hambatan dalam masalah prosedur e-procurement. selain itu, juga masih ada keraguan dari para aparat di daerah terkait dengan landasan hukum yang masih belum diterbitkan dalam operasional dilapangan. ketiga, dukungan lsm dan masyarakat dalam adopsi kebijakan pengadaan barang dan jasa menjadi monitoring langsung dalam proses pengadaan tersebut. lembaga ombudsman daerah (lod) mencatat dari hasil monitoringnya meskipun masih adanya kelemahan dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara elektronik. adanya cara-cara manual yang masih digunakan dalam pelayanan pengadaan barang dan jasa sehingga membuka ruang untuk bertransaksi. masalah yang terkait dengan faktor ini antara lain kesiapan tim pelaksana lpse mengingat vendor dan skpd yang belum dilatih tentang sistem e-procurement. hal ini mengakibatkan pemahaman tentang sistem e-procurement masih belum memadai. pns yang telah dan akan terlibat dalam lpse juga belum bisa di fungsikan secara baik. selama ini pns yang terlihat diambil dari pospos lain sehingga memiliki beban kerja ekstra. untuk itu kemudian ada renumerasi, namun pola pengembangan karirnya juga belum jelas. sampai saat ini masih belum ada sk pengangkatan terhadap personil lpse. keempat, faktor sdm juga terkait dengan bagaimana melibatkan masyarakat luas agar dapat terlibat dalam proses pengawasan. transparamsi dan akuntabilitas pelaksanaan e-procurement juga tidak bisa kemudian menjadi eksklusif bagi kalangan tertentu. padahal, semangat pelaksanaan e-procurement adalah semangat good governance, sedangkan good governance sendiri mensyaratkan adanya partisipasi masyarakat dalam bidang pemerintahan. kelima, pelaksanaan e-procurement membutuhkan dukungan banyak menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 169 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ hal, baik itu dukungan dana maupun dukungan politik. muara dari segala gejala hambatan dari faktor lainnya sebenarnya terkait dengan masalah seberapa serius pengambil keputusan di tingkat daerah dalam mendukung e-procurement dan lpse. kata bulat sepakat dari legislatif-pun agak sulit terwujud karena disinyalir, belum semua anggota dprd kota yogyakarta memahami pentingnya lpse. hal ini lebih diakibatkan oleh masih adanya anggaran bahwa pelaksanaan e-procurement bukanlah prioritas bagi kota yogyakarta saat ini. anggapan ini tidak hanya memberi efek pada lemahnya daya dukung politik terhadap e-procurement namun juga menghambat proses percepatan good governance itu sendiri. namun, pemerintah kota yogyakarta telah melakukan pendekatan secara serius dengan dprd dengan melibatkan lembaga-lembaga lainnya seperti perguruan tinggi, lsm dan media. komunikasi yang masih belum berjalan baik di high level decision makers akan mempengaruhi anggaran serta timing pelaksanaan e-procurement di kota yogyakarta. kesimpulan jawaban penelitian ini atas pertanyaan dari rumusan masalah penelitian yaitu bagaimana fisibilitas e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas adalah fisibel tapi tidak akuntabel. hal ini dibuktikan sesuai dengan temuan lapangan yaitu: pertama, dimensi fisibilitas harus memenuhi nilai kelayakan seperti adanya regulasi yang menjamin terlaksananya e-procurement, adanya dukungan pelembagaan e-procurement, adanya dukungan dari stakeholder terhadap implementasi e-procurement, dan adanya dukungan masyarakat terhadap pelaksanaan e-procurement. kedua, dimensi akuntabilitas meliputi belum adanya pertanggungjawaban regulasi dari proses pengadaan barang dan jasa, pertanggungjawaban secara politik masih bersifat internal pemerintahan, dan ertanggungjawaban secara keuangan masih tertutup. adapun faktor penghambat akuntabilitas e-procurement adalah minimnya monitoring dalam implementasi dilapangan, penyalahgunaan wewenang dalam proses pengadaan barang dan jasa secara, masih adanya penyimpangan kontrak dalam implementasi e-procurement, kolusi antara pejabat pelaksana dan rekanan, manipulasi dalam implementasi e-procurement, dan kelemahan sdm. sedangkan faktor pendukungnya adalah e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 170 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kemauan politik, pengawasan legislatif serta pengawasan lsm dan lod. dengan demikian, implementasi e-procurement di kota yogyakarta tahun 2009 fisibel tapi tidak akuntabel. daftar pustaka andrianto, nico (2007). good e-government : transparansi dan akuntabilitas publik melalui e-government. banyu media publishing. malang anwar, m. khoirul (2004) simda: aplikasi sistem informasi manajemen bagi pemerintahan di era otonomi daerah bikshapathi, k dan p. raghuveer, 2007, implementation of e-procurement in the government of andhra pradesh: a case study. bisa diakses di www.csi sigegov.org / casestudies / e-procurement. djojosoekarto, agung. e-procurement di indonesia, pengembangan layanan pengadaan barang dan jasa pemerintah secara elektronik. kemitraan dwiyanto, agus (editor) (2008). mewujudkan good governance melalui pelayanan publik. gadjah mada university press. yogyakarta febrian, jack (2004) sumber pengetahuan komputer dan teknologi informasi. informatika. bandung finner, herman, dalam joko widodo (2005). membangun birokrasi berbasis kinerja. banyumedia publishing. malang indrajit, richardus eko dkk (2002) e-government strategi pembangunan dan pengembangan sistem pelayanan publik berbasis teknologi digital. andi. yogjakarta ______ (2004). electronic government: strategi pembangunan dan pengembangan sistem pelayanan berbasis teknologi digital. andi. yogyakarta ______ (2005). e–government in action: ragam kasus implementasi sukses di berbagai belahan dunia. andi. yogyakarta instruksi presiden nomor. 3 tahun 2003 tentang kebijakan dan strategi nasional pengembangan e – government keppres nomor 80 tahun 2003 kumorotomo, wahyudi (2002). akuntabilitas birokrasi publik. pustaka pelajar. yogyakarta. mustamsikin, jogiyanto h (2001). analisis dan disain sistem informasi pendekatan terstruktur teori dan praktek aplikasi bisnis menguatnya politik identitas di ranah lokal / muhtar haboddin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0007 171 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ peters, b. guy (1982). american public policy: process and performance, dalam franklin watts dan kenneth m. dolbeare (editor), 1975, public policy evaluation. sage publication. california purwanto, erwan agus dan wahyudi kumorotomo (editor) (2005). birokrasi publik dalam sistem politik semi-parlementer. gava media. yogyakarta giri sucahyo, yudho giri dkk (2009). inovasi layanan publik melalui eprocurement, diambil dari makalah pembekalan layanan pengadaan barang secara elektronik di bappenas, jakarta toha, miftah (2009). birokrasi pemerintahan indonesia di era reformasi. kencana prenada media group. jakarta undang-undang nomor. 54 tahun 2010 ttentang pengadaan barang dan jasa wahab, a solichin (1997). analsis kebijakan dari formulasi ke implementasi kebijakan negara. pt. bumi aksara. jakarta e-procurement dalam pengadaan barang dan jasa untuk mewujudkan akuntabilitas di kota yogyakarta / kodar udoyono / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0008 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) 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been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 important along with the maranao traditional leaders in terms of conflict resolution and promotion of peace in the aforementioned areas. introduction every organization is bound over these assumptions, that, first there can be no organization without people, and second, the success or failure of an organization depends on the kind of people it has. the society being composed of people is in need of a leader who is equipped in guiding his people in attaining an everlasting tranquil and conducive environment for everyone. people are in need of a leader who can promote their general welfare particularly in a society with manifold laws which may throw the people into confusion instead of earnestly collaborating in upholding change in the community. as said, collaboration is a central element of effective inteorganizational relationships, particularly in diverse settings. the study in leadership and its role in the maintenance and development of societies including those with perennial peace problems, have been the focus of researches for many years. scientific explanations on the role of leaders in society, from the pre-modern, the traditional as espoused by max weber and the classicists, the behavioural, and the situational approaches, abound. yet there is a dearth of literature on the roles of traditional leaders and modern political leaders who are co-existing in a society and on the effective collaboration of these two sets of leaders in the promotion of peace and development in a society. this scenario indicates the significance of studying the collaboration and participation of both traditional and local political leaders in promotion of peace in the community. this study mainly assumed that the traits and characteristics of traditional leaders as well as the administrative capabilities of local political leaders play an important role in attaining peace, and that a strong partnership of both the traditional and local political leaders towards collaboration in attaining or promoting prof. milhaya dianalan langco college of public affairs, mindanao state university main campus, milhayadianalan@yahoo.com the role of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders towards collaboration in promotion of peace in marawi city ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ received: june, 14th, 2014 | accepted: july, 3rd, 2014 abstract this study determined the role of traditional maranao leaders and local political leaders towards collaboration in promotion of peace in marawi city. the study used the descriptive – explanatory research design. descriptive statistics such as frequency counts and percentage distribution were used in the presentation and analysis of data. furthermore, this study explored the association among variables. pearson r tests were conducted to determine if there were associations between the traits and characteristics of maranao traditional leaders and their role in promotion of peace; association between the administrative capabilities of local political leaders and their role in promotion of peace; both as independent variables, and association between roles of traditional and political leaders and their level of collaboration in promotion of peace, as the dependent variables. percentage was used to quantitatively describe and analyze the responses given by the respondents while weighted mean was used to determine the average value of the responses in each item of the given questionnaire. results of the findings revealed that the sulutan was the highest traditional leader involved in conflict resolution while the datu was the second most influential traditional leaders involved in the same. furthermore, these traditional maranao leaders is still seen by the respondents as honest and dependable, morally upright, tenacious and responsible, able to identify and clarify the needs and desires of groups, as well as that of the community as their priority. moreover, the local political leaders in marawi city including those of the province of lanao del sur, are being seen to be ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 115 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 peace in communities like marawi city, is fundamental. in a traditional community like marawi city, there are times wherein two different existing laws may contradict each other resulting often to misunderstandings, clan feuds and conflicts. however, this can be pacified through the efforts of both the traditional leaders and the local political leaders being the arbitrators in settling disputes as well as in providing support systems in peace efforts in the individual, group, and community levels. they serve as linkages between the community and government agencies and non-governmental organizations that are providing good and services needed to uplift the people’s socio-economic conditions. hence, a partnership on collaboration between the traditional leadership and the local political leaders in community governance is a vital and necessary tool for sustainable development in which peace is indistinguishable. collaborative governance has become a common term in public administration, yet its effective application is still inchoate. as such, adherence to this contention is regarded as an effective mechanism in identifying the effectiveness of partnership of two existing leadership styles, the traditional and local political leadership. emerson, nabatchi, and balogh (2011) emphasize that collaborative governance could result to the engagement of people constructively across the boundaries of public agencies, levels of government, and other aspects to carry out a public need that otherwise could not be accomplished. it is a common fact that the city of marawi and its people has long been suffering from its slow pace of socio-economic development owing mainly to prolonged and sporadic disruptions in its peace and order situation. in an interview with some local leaders, it was noted that these disruptions have been caused by family feuds or conflict or “rido”. the said local leaders also emphasized on the need for a joint efforts between the traditional maranao leaders and the local political leaders of this city, in the resolution of these feuds by playing active roles in arbitration/ mediation or in prevention of the outbreak of a conflict, thereby promoting peace in the city. hence, to shed light on these concerns, this study focused on determining the roles of both the existing or current traditional leaders and the local political leaders of marawi city, towards collaborative effort to promote peace in the said city. statement of the problem generally, the main problem of the study was to determine the role of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders towards collaboration in the promotion of peace in marawi city. specifically, it attempted to obtain answers to the following questions: 1. what are the features of the existing maranao traditional political divisions of marawi city including existing traditional political positions or titles with their incumbent occupants? 2. what is the status of the leadership traits and characteristics of the maranao traditional leaders as perceived by the respondents? 3. what is the status of the administrative capabilities of the local political leaders as perceived by the respondents? 4. what are the roles of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders in promotion of peace in marawi city as perceived by the respondents? 5. what is the status of perceived collaboration of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders in promotion of peace in marawi city? 6. is there a significant association between the perceived traits and characteristics of maranao traditional leaders and perceived role in promotion of peace in marawi city? 7. is there a significant association between the perceived administrative capabilities of local political leaders and its role in promotion of peace in marawi city? 8. is there a significant association between the perceived roles of traditional and political leaders and their level of collaboration in the promotion of peace in marawi city? 9. what are the problems and issues encountered by the maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders relative to promotion of peace in marawi city? theoretical framework the basic propositions of the various theories on collaboration and collaborative governance provided the blueprint in the conceptualization of this study. 116 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abdel-hamid (1988) as quoted by black (2002), juxtaposes that collaboration is important when the interorganizational relationships involve the development of innovation or new business process. in addition, the same author stresses that collaborative work is embedded in a series of reinforcing processes associated with learning about one’s own and another’s role, needs, constraints and objectives in the project work. this contention was reinforced by black (2002) who said that collaboration is the sum of participants’ engagement, that a participant are more engaged and collaborate more, productivity increases through a participant’s engagement depends on her sense of progress and her level of trust in the other participant. a newer concept which provided direct guidance in the conceptualization of this paper has emerged as today’s one of the important concept in new public administration, that of collaborative governance. the theory of collaborative governance popularized by emerson, nabartchi, and balogh (2011) defined collaborative governance as the processes and structures of public policy decision making and management that engage people constructively across the boundaries of public agencies, levels of government, and/ or the public, private and civic spheres in order to carry out a public purpose that could not otherwise be accomplished. for further enlightenment on the concept of collaborative governance, ansell and gash (2008) as quoted by emerson, nabatchi, and balogh (2011) defined it as a governing arrangement where one or more public agencies directly engage non-state stakeholders in a collective decision-making-process that is formal, consensus-oriented, and deliberative and that aims to make or implement public policy or manage public programs or assets. this definition encompasses “multipartner governance,” which can include partnerships among the state, the private sector, civil society, and the community, as well as joined-up government and hybrid arrangements such as public-private and private-social partnerships and co-management regimes (agrawal and lemons, 2007, quoted by emerson, nabatchi, and balogh, 2011). these propositions certainly provided explanations on the fundamental concepts of this study and more importantly, on the interrelationships of the concepts used. the constructive engagement of people across boundaries of the public and civic spheres as emphasized in the definitions given may as well refer to the active roles of the traditional leaders who came from the civic sphere, and the local political leaders from public agencies such as the local government units who are collaborating in carrying out a public purpose, such as the promotion of peace in marawi city. and, without such collaboration, this public purpose cannot be realized. the importance of traditional leaders as co-collaborators for peace in communities like marawi city has been pointed out by barcenas (1985) who said that the sultan has a huge influence as middlemen between his people and the local government and he is not simply a traditional leader; but he also serves as a link between the local government and the people. in this regard, he can help the people who encounter difficulties in the transaction with government agencies and officials. as such, he is considered as a political broker of the community. during elections, he is utilized to perform the function of a political leader assigned to deliver votes necessary to win the political contest. by virtues of his traditional influence and status, he can easily mobilize his people to support candidates during election periods. therefore, partnering the traditional leadership in state governance is a vital and necessary tool for bringing in peace to communities riddled with conflict such as marawi city and within the ambit of collaborative governance, the sultans, datus, and other maranao traditional leaders with their age-old traditional leadership, and authority could be engaged in doing functional inter and intra-relationships that impact initially on local development and later, in the national stability and progess. barcenas (1985) further pointed out that governance, though complex becomes easy to coordinate if considered in an integrative manner, and that rooting indigenous knowledge in state governance is therefore a necessary impetus for growth and development such that achieving sustainable development therefore requires an effective use of both traditional leadership and state governance since communities are mostly controlled by elders and clan heads who are answerable to traditional leaders while paying allegiance to state authority. moreover, other theorists argue that to achieve effective and successful collaboration, drivers for collaboration must include leadership, consequential incentives, interdependence, and uncertainty (bryson, croby and stone, 2006) selin and chavez (1995) as quoted by emerson, nabatchi, and balogh (2011) define leadership as the 117 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ presence of an identified leader who is in a position to initiate and help secure resources and support for a collaborative governance. the same authors characterize the traits of a leader for collaboration in the following ways: the leader may, by virtue of her own stature, be a member of one of the parties or the deciding official or may be located within a trusted boundary organization; he should possess a commitment to collaborative problem solving, a willingness not to advocate for a particular solution, and exhibit impartiality with respect to the preferences of participants. conceptual framework this study considered two (2) types of variables – the independent variables and the dependent variable. the independent variables included the perceived traits and characteristics of maranao traditional leaders and the perceived administrative capabilities of local political leaders in terms of leadership capabilities, decision making, linkages, monitoring and evaluation. these variables were presumed to be associated to the leaders’ role in the promotion of peace in marawi city. the dependent variable was the perceived roles of both the traditional and local political leaders as well as the level of collaboration between the maranao traditional leaders and the local political leaders in promotion of peace in marawi city specifically on the elimination of rido (conflict) among clans, absence of rido, poverty, hunger, improvement of health care and health facilities, discipline, respect for human rights and improvement of quality of education. moreover, the problems and issues encountered by the maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders likewise formed part of the conceptual model. the interplay of variables is shown in figure 1 on the schematic diagram. null hypotheses ho1. there is no significant association between the perceived traits and characteristics of maranao traditional leaders and their role in promotion of peace in marawi city as perceived by the respondents. ho2. there is no significant association between the perceived administrative capabilities of local chief executives and their role in promotion of peace in marawi city. ho3. there is no significant association between the perceived roles of traditional and political leaders and their level of collaboration towards promotion of peace. figure 1. schematic diagram showing the interrelationships of concepts used in the study 118 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ features of existing traditional maranao divisions, positions and incumbent based on documents, particularly the research output of barcenas in 1985, the pamagsopa sa marawi as shown in table 1 is composed of eleven (11) traditional subdivisions, namely: buadi sakayo, loke-a-datu, bacolod, guimba, raya madaya, lilod madaya, toros, lumbac a toros, dansalan, sabala a manao, marinaut, and tuca. moreover, the same documents specified the highest traditional position or titles in these 14 traditional subdivisions. these titles ranged from sulutan to datu, masiricampo, cabugatan, and radiamoda. table 1 further shows the incumbent occupants of the aforementioned traditional position. these were obtained from interviews with the key informants. the findings imply that marawi is organized into traditional subdivisions. in addition, interviews with the key informants further revealed that each agama has its own mosque. socio-religion activities center on the mosque. relationships and interactions among the people within the traditional setup are regulated and defined by the adat and other customary laws of the people as defined and regulated by the taritib. authority and leadership in the system is vested on actual and potential titleholders. the number of actual titleholders in each of the small communities varies. similarly, their power or influence also varies from area to area (barcenas, 1985) maranao traditional leaders involved in conflict resolution and peace promotion in marawi city table 2 shows that majority (93 or 42.9 %) of the respondents thought that the sultan was the highest traditional leader involved in conflict resolution. this finding sustained the rulership and influence of a sultan being the overall chief of the traditional community. the datu was the second most influential traditional leaders involved in conflict resolution as perceived by the respondents. the findings in table 2 showed that higher level traditional position was perceived to have higher involvement in conflict resolution and promotion of peace in marawi city. the rank order of these positions were presented in the pamagsopa sa marawi. this finding implies that the traditional maranao political system is still functional in the maintenance of the maranao society. table 2. frequency distribution and ranking of maranao traditional leaders involved in conflict resolution and peace promotion in marawi city * multiple responses allowed as pointed out earlier, traditional leaders are highly involved with conflict resolution and promotion of peace in the community. in practice, they tend to dominate because of the people’s adherence, respect and loyalty to table 1. existing maranao traditional political divisions and incumbent traditional titleholders 119 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ traditions which is strongly implied when tawagon (1989) put forward the analysis that maranaos accept the government only because it has been imposed to them; and they have no other way to accept it or rebel against it. maranao traditional leaders’ traits and characteristics using the mean on awareness on every traits and characteristics of the traditional leaders, the study revealed that the respondents agreed on the following traits and characteristics which may be possessed by the traditional leaders. (1) promote peace and understanding among families and clans (3.16), (2) foresee future outcomes associated with a current course of action (3.13), (3) committed to fostering to peaceful environment (3.10), (4) aware of one’s strengths and limitations (3.08), (5) honest and dependable (3.07), (6) identify and clarify the needs and desires of a group (3.03), (7) morally upright, tenacious, and responsible (3.0), (8) needs of people in the community is their first priority (2.87), and (9) strive to make themselves and others regain their strength in the face of failure or suffering (2.77). it can be seen in table 3 that the respondents generally agreed that the following traits and characteristics may be possessed by the maranao traditional leaders in marawi city as evidenced by the over-all weighted mean of 3.02 with a descriptive remark of “agreed”. it may be said then that the respondents still see, to a moderate degree, the traditional maranao leaders such as the sulutan, datus, masiricampos, cabugatans, and radiamodas of marawi city as honest and dependable (3.07); morally upright, tenacious and responsible (3.0); able to identify and clarify the needs and desires of groups (3.03), as well as that of the community as their priority (2.87). moreover, the findings in table 2 signify that the respondents perceived that maranao traditional leaders, in an average manner, have the resilience in regaining their strength in the midst failure (2.77); in foreseeing future outcomes (3.14); in community to foster a peaceful environment (3.10); in promoting peace and understanding among clans (3.16); and, in being aware of one’s strength and limitations (3.08). these findings are being sustained by the arguments posed by poingan (1981) as to the characteristics and traits of a maranao muslim leader as well as by the contentions of barcenas that the main role of such leaders lie with keeping and maintaining peace in the community thereby giving premium to these leaders’ ability to promote peace in the community. these findings bring significant implications to the importance of the traditional leadership system and the traditional leaders in maintaining the fabric of maranao society. while the findings imply that the people of marawi city still overture and recognize the legitimacy of table 3. frequency distribution and mean scores of responses on perception on traits and characteristics of traditional maranao leaders * strongly agree (sa) 3.5 – 4.0 disagree (d) 1.5 – 2.4 agree (a) 2.5 – 3.4 strongly disagree (sd) 1.0 – 1.4 120 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the traditional leadership structure, there is a need to strengthen this recognition, increasing people’s faith in the efficacy of these leaders’ role in promoting peace in the city. administrative capability of local political leaders the results on the specific modern political titles who ran the political machinery in marawi city and the province of lanao del sur are presented in table 4 while findings on perception on the administrative capability of these leaders by the respondents are presented in table 5. the findings presented in table 4 reveal that indeed the local political leaders in marawi city including those of the province of lanao del sur, involved in the resolution of “rido” and promotion of peace in the aforementioned areas. table 4 further reveals that as ranked by the respondents, the local chief executives – the mayor of the city, the barangay chairmen of the barangays in the city, and the governor, in that order, were seen as the most involved local politicians in the resolution of “rido” and promotion of peace in the city. the finding implies that the modern political system with its local political leaders is now entrenched into the maranao socio-political system. it is further implied here that the modern local political leaders in marawi city are being seen to be important along with the maranao traditional leaders. table 4. frequency distribution and ranking of local political leaders’ involvement in the resolution of rido and promotion of peace in the community * multiple responses allowed the over-all weighted mean score of 2.9 as illustrated in table 4 indicate that the respondents generally agreed that the local political leaders of marawi city including those of the province of lanao del sur were more or less capable in doing their administrative functions considering that all eight (8) statement indicators were positive ones. the respondents agreed that the local political leaders of marawi city and province had the following capabilities: maintain good relations with people (3.1); had influence with various societal sectors (2.9); provide constituents’ needs, maintain compliance and coordinate efforts (2.83); create trusts (3.); use adequate resources for maintenance of society’s development (2.80); and possess good working linkages (2.81). more importantly, these local political leaders were seen by the respondents as being able to seek the assistance of the uniformed groups such as the philippine army and the philippine national police to neutralize warring groups in the area (2.75); and also able to gather information on any conflict situation that happened in the city and its vicinity as the mean score of 3.02 indicates. the findings imply that in marawi city and in its contiguous places including the province of lanao del sur, there exist at least a moderate awareness and belief that local political leaders particularly the local chief executives (lces) which include the mayor, the barangay chairmen, and the governor do have the average level of administrative capability. it must be noted perhaps the need to emphasize that positions were involved in the study, not the incumbents or personalities. it should be likewise noted that the respondents only agreed on these leaders’ administrative capability. they failed to strongly agree on this variable. role of traditional maranao leaders in promotion of peace the role of traditional maranao leaders in its promotion of peace in this study, was indicated by eight variables shown in table 6. the same table bears the on how the respondents perceived the role of said leaders in the promotion of peace in marawi city. with the over-all mean of 3.0, results showed that the respondents did agree on the eight (8) indicators which defined the role of said leaders. specifically, the respondents agreed that the traditional maranao leaders in marawi perform the following tasks: advocate the promotion of peace in the community (3.16); hold regular meetings and consultations to promote harmony in the community (2.65); intervene to control hostilities (3.02); intercede/ mediate in family disputes (3.14) as well as initiate negotiations between feuding parties to end disputes with a mean score of 3.14, as shown in table 6. 121 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table 5. frequency distribution and mean scores of responses on perception on administrative capability of local political leaders moreover, as perceived by the respondents, the traditional maranao leaders’ tasks in marawi city also included encouraging the participation of the “imam” or a muslim religious leader as well as the “uluan” (head) and the “pulok-loksan” (council of elders) in the resolution of clan disputes or “rido”, with 3.13 and 3.35 mean scores, respectively. lastly, the traditional leaders in the pursuit of their role in mediating for clan dispute resolution were perceived by the respondents to have sought the assistance of the philippine army or uniformed groups in the settling of disputes. this strategy or tasks done by community leaders in marawi city in settling disputes among feuding families by seeking the assistance of the philippine army is sustained by the findings of a study conducted in 2012 that the philippine army had played significantly in settling clan disputes in lanao del sur (micarandayo, 2012). the findings may not have pointed to a very strong perception on the role of the traditional muslim leaders – the sultans, datus, and the like in the promotion of peace in marawi city. the findings however, imply that said leaders could still be effective in the promotion of peace in the area by acting as mediators in the feuds or “rido” between and among clans. the stature of the traditional muslim leaders is still considerable, commanding respect among ordinary members of the agama. role of local political leaders in promotion of peace the findings shown in table 7 reveal that the respondents generally agreed that the local political leaders had a role to play in the promotion of peace in marawi city. specifically, this role included the following: advocate on the promotion of peace in the community (3.14); initiate negotiation between parties in order to end dispute (3.10); intervene in order to quell hostility (3.08); consult the ‘uluan’ or ‘pulok-loksan’ in settling disputes among the people (3.05); intercede on personal and family disputes brought to them (3.0); encourage participation of the ‘imam’ in the resolution of disputes (2.98); and, hold regular meetings and consultation to promote understanding and harmony in the community (2.76). considering that the indicators involved in measuring the respondents’ perception on the role of the local political leaders in the promotion of peace in marawi city were the same indicators used to measure such perception on the role of the traditional muslim leaders, it is implied by these findings that the respondents do equally recognize the importance of both the traditional muslim leaders and the modern political leaders of the communities not only in marawi city but perhaps, in the other communities of the autonomous region of muslim mindanao (armm) where this dual community leader122 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ship or authority systems co-exists. moreover, these findings may lead to the possibility of creating strategies to expedite clan disputes resolution in the area that are centered on the joint efforts or collaboration between these two (2) groups of political leaders. however, there is a need to emphasize that the importance given by the respondents to the roles of both community leaders was implied to be only on the average. expediting conflict resolution particularly in marawi city and its nearby area would definitely need a strongly table 6. frequency distribution and mean score of responses on perception on the role of traditional maranao leaders in promotion of peace table7. frequency distribution and mean scores of responses or perception on the role of local political leaders in promotion of peace in marawi city 123 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ entrenched positive look upon these community leaders by the constituents for the later to be significantly influenced by the former. as posed by weihrich and koonts in 1994, leadership is the art or process of influencing people so that they will strive willingly and enthusiastically toward the achievement of group goals. and, within the premiere of this study, the priority group goal is the speedy resolution of clan disputes or conflicts, or “rido”. status of collaboration between maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders in promotion of peace the trend of results remains the source which can be seen in table 8. the over-all weighted mean of 2.95 suggests that the respondents had agreed on the existence of collaboration between the maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders in the promotion of peace in marawi city. a closer look at the same table reveals that the respondents agreed that a cooperative relationship had been established between and among the community leaders mentioned as evidenced by a mean score of 3.0 shown in the said table. moreover, the respondents agreed (3.0), that this cooperation had been quite successful, and that there was sustainability in this cooperation, with a mean score of 2.86. the findings imply that there may exist a working collaboration between and among the traditional muslim leaders and modern political leaders of marawi city particularly in the promotion of peace in the city. however, such collaboration is not strong considering that the perception only denoted a mere agreement. it becomes clear then that such a need is fundamental since as black (2002) argues as participants are more engaged and collaborate more, productivity increases. test results on association of variables association between perceived traits and characteristics of maranao traditional leaders and their role in promotion of peace the test result on the association or relationship between perceived traditional maranao leaders’ traits and characteristics vis-a-vis their role in promotion of peace in marawi city using pearson’s r test, showed as r-value of table 8. frequency distribution and mean score responses on perceived status of collaboration between maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders in promotion of peace in marawi city table 9. test results on association between perception on traditional leaders traits and characteristics and role in promotion of peace *two-tailed test 124 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 0.428 shown in table 9. this indicates a moderately significant relationship between the aforementioned variables. to further test the significance of r, a t-test of significance was conducted at both 0.05 and 0.01 levels of significance. the data in table 8 illustrate that the computed t value was 5.295 and which was greater than the critical value of t (two-tailed 0.05 and 0.01) which is 1.960 and 2.576, respectively. therefore, on the basis of these statistical evidences, the null hypothesis of no significant association between the aforementioned variables, is rejected. it can be surmised from the results of the tests conducted and the decision on the hypothesis that the perception on the traditional maranao leaders’ traits and characteristics could predict their role in promotion of peace in marawi city. suffice it to say that as the perception on these leaders’ traits increases, perception on the importance of their role in the promotion of peace in marawi city also tends to increase. the finding implies that the way people look at the characteristics and traits of leaders particularly the traditional maranao leaders determine or influence, to a large extent, their efficacy in mediating to resolve clan disputes or “rido”. thus, when people think traditional leaders are honest, dependable, morally upright, responsible, and take into consideration peoples’ needs, they tend to see or believe in the leaders’ task to bring peace to society. test results on association between perceived administrative capabilities of local political leaders and their role in promotion of peace when the association of perception on political leaders’ administrative capability and their role in promotion of peace was tested using pearson’s r, tested under 0.05 and 0.01 levels of significance, a positive r value of 0.295 was yielded as illustrated in table 9. and when subjected to test of significance, the computed t value was 3.452 which was greater than the tabular t values at 0.05 and 0.01 level of significance, with 1.960 and 2.576, respectively. based on the results presented in table 10, it may then be concluded that null hypothesis (2) be rejected. thus, it may be inferred that a positive perception on the administrative capabilities of local political leaders influences in a positive manner, the way they carry their role or task in bringing peace to the maranao society in marawi city. the perspective is that when peoples’ positive views about these leaders’ administrative capability increases, peoples’ confidence in these leaders’ role to promote peace likewise increases. tests results on association between roles of both maranao traditional and local political leaders and their level of collaboration in promotion of peace the results shown in table 10 indicate correlation coefficient values of 0.150 insofar as the role of traditional maranao leaders vis-a-vis status of collaboration in promotion of peace was conceived while 0.123 was obtained in role of local political leaders vis-a-vis the status of collaboration variable. initially, these results signify very weak relationships between the aforementioned variables. however, the results of the t-test conducted for the significance of r, revealed that no significant relationships between the variables mentioned, did exist. this is evidenced, as shown in table 11, by the comparison between the computed t values and the table 10. test results between perceived local political leaders administrative capability and their role in promotion of peace *two-tailed test 125 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ corresponding tabular t values in both.01 and.05 levels of significance. since the computed t values on the role of traditional muslim leaders as against status of collaboration was 1.696 which was lesser that to tabular t values of 1.960, tester at.05 level of significance and at.01 with a t value of 2.576, null hypothesis 3 is accepted. it may be deduced from the findings that the way people see the role of both traditional and modern local political leaders does not significantly affect the collaboration of other leaders in attaining peace for marawi city. problems and issues identified by key informants as to the encountered problems and issues related to the roles of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders as they collaborate in promotion of peace in the community, the two key informants identified the following scenarios as the top four (4) problems which hindered the attainment of a long lasting peace in marawi city. the interviews revealed that poverty was the number one problem in the community that basically hindered efforts to conflict resolution. it was followed by lack of social participation, western influences, and rido. the succeeding discussion deals on the details of the results of the interviews as well as their proposed solution: 1 poverty. when asked to identify the number one problem that hindered the peace mediation by both traditional muslim leaders and the local political leaders in marawi city, the key informants were one in identifying this phenomenon. to them, poverty refers to lack of basic human needs which commonly includes clean and fresh water, nutrition, health care, education, clothing and shelter. one of the key informants, a high ranking government official remarked that poverty also include new social problems like unemployment and underemployment as well as the lack of job opportunities among the production sector of the marawi city community. because of this poverty, people are forced to do illegal activities, even against their will, to sustain the need of their respective families such that adherence to muslim laws and traditions, including belief and confidence in the capabilities of traditional and political leaders, tend to stagnate on the average level, an insufficient condition to arrived at a full commitment by all actors involved to resolve feuds and conflicts on hand. these are being reinforced by the major findings of this study. no strong agreements were obtained in all variables involved. the informants also put forward the suggestion promotion of peace the traditional and local political leaders must collaborate not only in the promotion of peace in marawi city but also in building capabilities to venture in entrepreneurship based on indigenous resources, increased agricultural production, in light manufacturing, and ecotourism among others. as muhi and panopio (1993) mentioned, the realization of employment condition in traditional community is heavily dependent on the ability of the economy to provide employment, the nature of that employment, and the individual’s ability to secure it. 2 lack of social participation. an informant who happened to be one of the local political leaders in table 11. test results between roles of maranao traditional leaders and local political leaders and status of collaboration in promotion of peace *two-tailed test 126 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the city contended that despite of their effort of formulating and implementing innovative programs for their constituents, the maranao people are hesitant of adopting and acknowledging such innovations. the same informant further added that in spite of local ordinances on people’s participation in government decision-making, the ordinary citizens have remained reticent and even hostile. hence, the solution to this issue, according to the key informant who happened to be an expert in local governance, is to encourage maximum citizens’ or peoples’ participation in local governance. 3 western influence. one of the key informants who is an incumbent traditional leader, expressed the opinion that western influence is partly a barrier why a traditional society like marawi city cannot attain peace since the introduction of western behaviour such as recreation and consumption including western technology had eroded people’s belief in their own indigenous ways and systems including the traditional maranao political system and leaders. the same informant went on to say that the practices and systems of western governance have made the maranaos think that the sole authority in governance and decision-making is vested in the government with its huge financial assistance in the form of internal revenue allotment (ira) and foreign loans assistance. this finding seemed to contradict the conclusion of tawagon (1990) that maranaos accept the government only because it has been imposed upon them; and they have no other way except to accept or rebel against it. 4 rido. sullivan (1986) as cited by kamlian (2007) defined such term as a personal conviction to uphold the integrity of one’s family group, by defending it by all means. it is related to concept of dignity, honor and self-respect the key informants concerned with these concepts and commented that marawi city could have been one of the peaceable places in lanao del sur if not due to the immigration of maranaos with rido coming from the rural areas of lanao. the key informants lamented the fact that most of the rido from the thirty nine municipalities of lanao del sur are of the types that initiate immediate retaliation and unfortunately, the parties involved often do it in marawi city. the key informants further elucidated on “rido”, and said that when an aggrieved person is incapable of outright retaliation, it is kept dormant until he is capable or the situation is suitable for him to regain his self-respect and the respect of the community then activate the retaliation. so far, according to the key informants, the most effective mediators of disputes in a traditional community are the traditional leaders. the key informant who is an expert in governance and political affairs emphasized that since “rido” is already part of the culture of maranaos, it is imperative that both traditional and local political leaders should work together to strengthen their collaboration and participation in solving this kind of problem in a peaceful manner. conclusion based on the findings, the following conclusions were drawn: 1 the result on the association or relationship between perceived traditional maranao leaders’ traits and characteristics vis-a-vis their role in promotion of peace in marawi city using a t-test of significance was conducted at both 0.05 and 0.01 levels of significance. the computed t value was 5.295 and which was greater than the critical value of t (two-tailed 0.05 and 0.01) which is 1.960 and 2.576, respectively. therefore, on the basis of these statistical evidences, the null hypothesis of no significant relationship between perceived traditional maranao leaders’ traits and characteristics vis-a-vis their role in promotion of peace in marawi city is rejected. 2 the result on the association of perception on political leaders’ administrative capability and their role in promotion of peace was tested using a t-test of significance was conducted at both 0.05 and 0.01 levels of significance. the computed t value was 3.452 which was greater than the tabular t values at 0.05 127 journal of government and politics vol.5 no.2 august 2014 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and 0.01 level of significance, with 1.960 and 2.576, respectively. with their statistical evidence, it is therefore warranted to reject the null hypothesis. 3 the role of traditional maranao leaders significantly affects the collaboration of other leaders in attaining peace for marawi city. since the computed t values on the role of traditional muslim leaders as against status of collaboration was 1.696 which was lesser that to tabular t values of 1.960, tester at.05 level of significance and at.01 with a t value of 2.576. with their statistical evidence, it is therefore warranted to accept the null hypothesis. 4 the role of local political leaders significantly affect the collaboration of other leaders in attaining peace for marawi city as revealed in the t-test that were conducted for the significance of r. with their statistical evidence, it is therefore warranted to accept the null hypothesis. layout jgp mei 2016 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 240 received 17 march 2016 revised 30 march 2016 accepted 11 april 2016 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/ jgp.2016.0029 / 240-265 the indonesian police reform: police in the reform era based on new institutionalism perspective achmad nurmandi, isnaini muallidin, suryanto, eko priyo purnomo department of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id abstract since the reformation and democratization movement in 1998, indonesians have faced a chronic corruption problem. at the beginning of reformation era in 1998 to fight against corruption, the indonesian government reforms the orga nization structure of the indonesia police to be an independent body separated from the military organization. the police reforms begun in 1999 and got legal foundation with act no. 2/2002. however, since fourteen years, the level of police reform has not yet succeed because of low community satisfaction on police service and the intense conflicts always occur whenever aca investigates the case of corruptions conducted by police leaders. three conflicts between police institution and aca have taken placed. by using institutionalism approach, this research focus on the reform in police themselves are major actors on how reforms are organized and managed. this study is interpretative in nature gained only through social constructions such as language, consciousness, shared meanings, documents, tools, and other artefacts’. this finding revealed that this unsuccessful institutionalization process took place in a context of the main task of police for communicty service. second, the study has demon strated that three concepts from institutional theory as aforementioned provided vocabularies and insights to explain the phenomenon under study. keyword: new intitutionalism. anti corruption agency, police, corruption, con flict introduction in the early 20th century there were increasing demands for a police reform in order to professionalize the police, reduce corruption and political influence, and increase the accountability of the police to the law (paun. c, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/ mailto:nurmandi_achmad@umy.ac.id since the reformation and democratization movement in 1998, indonesians have faced a chronic corruption problem. at the beginning of reformation era in 1998 to fight against corrup tion, the indonesian government reforms the organization struc ture of the indonesia police to be an independent body sepa rated from the military organization. in addition, another anti corruption body was also established in 2002 named anti-cor ruption commission (acc) to fight against big corruption. the police also played a role as an instrument of control un der the new order government, especially through its role as an institution from which any permission should be sought for any social and political activities (sukma, r., & prasetyono, e. (2003). meanwhile, after the new order under the national police act no. 2/2002 stipulates that the police are an instrument of the state responsible for guarding public security and order and are tasked to protect, guide, and serve the public as well as uphold the law (sukma, r., & prasetyono, e., 2003). however, the in donesian police has been ‘trenchantly criticized for being inef fective, inefficient, brutal and corrupt’(kunarto, 1995). as they are very poorly funded, inadequately trained, and insufficiently equipped, they have been completely incapable of fulfilling their duties, particularly in hot spot areas such as aceh, papua, maluku, kalimantan, and central sulawes. indeed, the police are ill pre pared to perform that function; a fact that has been acknowl edged by the police themselves (indonesian observer, 18 de cember 2000). since the police joined the military and executed a paramilitary policing style, polri has been characterised by three problems: their terrible weakness as law enforcers, the poor qual ity of policing and an unhealthy police public relationship (meliala, a. 2001). institutional norms and practice of police must be brought into clear alignment with citizens’ interests and needs for safety and reassurance (influence) (goldsmith, 2005). levi argued that to ‘earn the trust of the citizens, government actors place themselves in institutional arrangements that struc ture their incentives so as to make their best options those in journal of government & politics 241 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 242 which their individual benefits depend on the provision of the collective benefit’ (1998). this study is interpretative research in new institutionalism perspectives that nature gained only through social construc tions such as formal and informal constrains of institution. first, it provides a new understanding and a fresh explanation of how institutionalization of indonesia’s police have taken place in the context of developing countries. theoretical framework according to ostrom (1999), institutions have wide defini tions and numerous concepts that are based on behavioural rules, norms and approaches. in other words, “institutions are the pre scriptions that humans use to organise all forms of repetitive and structured interactions, including those within families, neighbourhoods, markets, firms, sport leagues, churches, private associations, and governments at all scales (ostrom, 2005). the terms of institutions can be considered to include formal institu tions, such as constitution, government laws, charter, decree and statutes, and informal institutions, such as code of conducts, customs, local knowledge and social expectations (north, 1991, quinn et al., 2007, smajgl and larson, 2007). north (1990) argues institutions are the rules of the game in society or, more formally, are humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction. in consequence they structure incen tives in human exchange, whether political, social or economic. moreover, north argues that conceptually, the rules must be clearly distinguished from the players. besides, the purpose of the rules is to define the way the game is played but the objective of the team within that set of rules is to win the game (north, 1990). a key difference between organisation and institutions is as follows: organisation is a group of people that want to achieve the same goals bound by common purposes, and institutions are mainly the rules of the game or code of conduct that define so cial practices and interactions among the stakeholders (north, 1990). on the other hand, there are some problems with north’s exposition. hodgson (2006) says that north is insufficiently clear about the distinction, (a) between institutions and organisation, and (b) between “formal rule” and “informal constraint”. the first problem arises if we define the organisation as an actor or player. north simply ignored that the instances when “the group of people that want to achieve the same goals bound by common purposes” may not be the case. north is less interested in the internal mechanism by which the organisations coerce or per suade members to act together to some degree (hodgson, 2006). in other words, an organisation involves structures or networks, and these cannot function without rules of communication, membership and sovereignty so in that case, organisation must be regarded as a type of institution (hodgson, 2006). the second ambiguity of north’s argument is the distinction between formal “rules” and “informal” constraint. some iden tify formal with legal and look at informal rules as non-legal; in turn, if “formal” means “legal”, then it is not clear whether “in formal” should mean illegal (hodgson, 2006). furthermore, it is possible to identify the formal as being that which is designed, and the informal as spontaneous institutions, along the lines of carls’s distinction between pragmatic and organic organisation (hodgson, 2006). therefore, it is suggested that the terms for mal and informal with regard to institution and rules should either be abandoned or employed with intense care. another scholar says that institutions are also a body of norms, rules and practices that form behaviour and expectations of the stakeholders (heywood, 2011). in other words, institutions can be described as the sets of working rules that are used to decide who is entitled to make decisions in some arena, what actions are permitted or restricted, what aggregation rules will be en forced, what procedures must be obeyed, what information should or should not be shared, and what rewards or punishments will be given to stakeholders based on their action (ostrom, 1990). journal of government & politics 243 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 244 in regard to describing the difference between norms and law, norms is all of those settings that define proper behaviour and then these norms make it feasible for people to live together with out excess (ostrom, 1990). in addition, norms can build reputa tion. on the other hand, law is established by government and applied throughout society; law is compulsory; a citizen cannot choose which laws to follow or to ignore (heywood, 2011). fur thermore, law is also recognised as binding on those whom it affects and law has a civic quality in that is consists of codified, published and enforced (heywood, 2011). in addition, law pro vides rights to the people and promises that all the people or parties will be treated equally (fennell, 2010). institutions as rules and procedures (both formal and infor mal) that structure social interaction by constraining and enabling actors behavior. how to distinguish between formal and infor mal institutions is, however, less clear. some scholars equate in formal institutions with cultural traditions others employ a state societal distinction, treating state agencies and state-enforced rules as formal, and the rules and organizations within civil society as informal. still others distinguish between informal norms, which are self-enforcing, and formal rules, which are enforced by a third party, often the state (helmke and levitsky, 2004) in the recent period we find two influential but contrasted ways to conceptualize the relation of informal and formal rules institutions the first is hayek’s theory of law. it is influenced by the common law experience and sees law (like morals) as evolved abstract rules that have been selected through a lengthy histori cal process of cultural evolution, where the advantageous rules have been filtered through group selection. the second promi nent theory is north’s view of institutional change. north dis tinguishes between formal and informal institutions, and under lines the inertial character of the latter. defining institutions as constraints, he notes that “informal constraints that are cultur ally derived will not change immediately in reaction to changes in the formal rules,” leading to a “tension between altered for table 1. three pillars of institution source: w richard scott, institution and organization, sage, los angeles, 2009. mal rules and the persisting informal constraints.. while changes in formal rules are made and enforced by the polity, informal constraints are linked to cultural inheritance. north also strongly criticizes the mainstream approach to transition, emphasizing the limits to our understanding of institutional change (chavance, 2008). a number of authors have extended the new institutionalist view in terms of the interplay between formal and informal rules. pejovich (1999) has put forward the “interaction thesis,” where different instances of relations are distinguished: 1) formal in stitutions suppress, but fail to change informal institutions; 2) formal rules directly conflict with informal rules; 3) formal rules are either ignored or rendered neutral; and 4) “formal and in formal rules cooperate” — as in cases where the state institution alizes informal rules that had evolved spontaneously. based on new institutionalism—which focuses on the interaction between an organization and its broader context and defines “institution” not only as the formal and informal processes and rules of an organization but also as systems of meanings and normative or der that guide, incentivize, constrain, and encourage how indi vidual and organizations operate and interact with each other (dimaggio & powell, 1983; march & olsen, 1984, 1989; scott, 1994). further more scott (2008) identified supporting institu tion called “pillars” (table 1). journal of government & politics 245 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 246 institution constraint and regularize behaviour. it has regula tory processes that involve the capacity to establish rules, inspect other conformity to them and manipulate sanctions-rewards or punishment in an attempt to influence future behavior (scott, 2009). normative pillar is placed on normative rules that intro duce a prescriptive, evaluative and obligatory dimension in to social life, such as values and norms (scott, 2009). selznick (1996) suggests, organizational practices are not institutionalized unless they emerge to have distinctive forms, are infused with value beyond the technical task requirements, and are embedded with rituals and norms. cultural pillar follows anthropologists theory which stresses the centrality of cultural-cognitive elements of in stitutions: the nature of social reality and the frames through which meaning is made (again see table 1). cultural-cognitive pillar insist not only organization applies rules and enforce ment mechanism, but also socially contructed (scott, 2009). research methods the research in qualitative in nature trying to explore police organization as a institution. police organization is heavily in fluenced by one another’s actions or institution, and pattern their own behaviors after those of other organizations at large, they are continually in flux, as they are produced and reproduced in response to a larger social—that is, institutional—environment (zorn et. al, 2010). institutional pressures from the environment thus magnify the homogeneity of practices across institutions. research emanating from institutional theory has empirically documented how common practices become established across multiple organizations, in order that organizations may be seen as legitimate members of a particular organizational field (scott & meyer, 1991; tolbert & zucker, 1983). the document of indonesia’s police reform and vary police survey could be impor tant source of data for this paper. we try to combine many source of data from different research and classify into inttituionalist view of thinking. table 2. indonesia police reform since 1999 source: bambang widodo umar, indonesia police reform, idsps press, jakarta, 2009. journal of government & politics 247 result and analysis we will describe and analyze the current status of indonesia police reform into three sections: police reform policy, previous longintudinal community satisfaction on police service research done by other reseachers, corruption in police organization and the dynamic relation between police and aca (anti corruption agency) in term of suspected high-rank police officers. police reform policy police reform in indonesia was preceded the release of presi dential decree no. 2 1999 which ordered defence minister to set the police instituion separation from the armed forces. in july 2000 furthermore the government issued a presidential decree no. 89 / 2000 on the police institution status and role. this presidential decree stated that police is managed directly under the president. in the next august 2000, the government issued a decree of house of representatives no.vi. year 2000 on the separation function and power of armed forces and po lice and a decree of house of representatives no. vii year 2000 on the role of the army and the role of police. later on, parlia ment and government continue to issuie act no. 2 year 2002 on the police (january 2009) (umar, 2009). since the act no. 2 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 248 year 2002 issued, some police reforms were launched below (table 2). by using regulative pillar (structural change and legal change), those regulations become regulatory based for police institution to provide inducement to secure compliance. relational system of new police institution based on act no. 2/2002 created the new governance system: police under president and separated from the army with specific mandate for public servant. in the fig 1 below, since 1999 indonesia police organization has develop police organization into the new five provincial units (polda-polisi daerah), 88 anti terror units, 31 narchotics units, 30 regency/city units and 247 district units. this logic of police organizational development is basically based on the growing number of new autonomy city or regency after 1998. regency/ city police organization (polres-polisi resort) has similar service area with regency/city one. fig. 1. the police organization development source: irjen nanan sukarna, demoratic policing,, seminar federasi kontras-kontras-iom praxissespimpol,lembang 28 july 2009. however, since fifteen years the police reform has been launched, the cultural reform in police organization has been challenged by the public. how do police doing their job and roles as a public servant ? is there any change from military cul ture to service culture in police institution? marzuki and eko (2004) tried to do community survey on police service for local community in pontianak, west borneo with 250 respondents. the research found that there was very low public satisfaction on police service. only 18 percent of respondents from the com munity state that the police can handle the community reports satisfactorily signified by 18 percent reporting having very good experience. similar to the previous figure, other data depicts vivid data on unsatisfied public toward the police service since the majority of the public (65.61 %) consider the police as either uncapable or bad. only 7.69 percent of public that feel satisfied with the police service as they regard that the police service is good. mean, one third of the public (27.69%) see that the police service is just fair. the number of public complaints to indonesia ombudsman confirmed the findings of marzuki and eko (2004) research above. although the public complaint to national ombustmant on police intitution decreased from 26.02% in 2008 to 12,02% in 2013, but the police was the second-consistent rank complained public organization in term of the number of public complaints (see table 3). in 2011, of 1867 to the ombudsman, most cases reported by the public is local government service at 671 cases or 35,94%. this fact revealed the similarities with the report to the ombudsman ri in previous years. while second agency, police of 325 reports or 17,41% awas also widely reported by the pub lic, folowed by the court at 178 reports (9,53%), national land agency at 165 (8,84%), as well as ministry of 154 reports (8.25%). in the year 2013, based on the classification of report was three (3) most reported namely maladministration at local government of 2329 reports (45,02%), the police of 654 reports (12,91%), and ministries of 520 reports (10.05%). journal of government & politics 249 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 table 3. public complaints to national ombustman (%) 250 source: indonesia ombusman report, www.ombudsman.go.id. fig.2. public experience on police service source: kompas survey, 8 november 2013 meanwhile, the public complaint to national police commis sion is 2014 was around 1,036 cases, 75% of thoses are bad police service, 21% of thoses were indicated an abuse of power. http://www.ombudsman.go.id/ the most important findings showed that the criminal detective being the most police reported police institution (949 cases or 70%). in 2013, kompas (2013) did survey research on police ser vice. it was not surprisingly that kompas survey findings was not different with the marzuku and eko’s (2004) findings the re search findings done by kompas (2013) from 1000 respondents above confirms that police organization has not follow rules yet that much of behavior in an organization is specified by stan dard operating procedures. the violations of police rules and regulation done by police officer are common cases found in different level of police office. figure 4 can figure out the cur rent data on the public satisfaction toward the police service. the public perceive that the police are too bureaucratic (52%) in providing their services. the rest (48%) of the public character ize the police to have negative images including making power abuse, conducting procedure deviation, being incompetence, treating public unfairly, accepting bribery, and behaving unpolitely. police, corruption and its relation with anti corruption agency (kpk-komisi pemberantasan korupsi) one of the normative pillar of institution is morally governed institution. how do police institution obey to clean governance values? in this case, we try investigate corruption in police orga nization. corruption in police organization has been a hot po litical issue in indonesia since democratization era in 1998. in the following description, we try to explore corruption case in police and the dynamic relation between police and anti-cor ruption agency (kpk) due to the determination of the suspects to high-rank police officer in corruption scandal. a research done by college of police in 2009 (table 4), a police school for high rank police officer, revealed that corruption could be found at all levels police or units organization, such as in six police journal of government & politics 251 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 252 units namely criminal detective, intelligent security, front office, traffic management, personnel, and logistics (umar, 2009). table 4. corruption in police organization source: bambang widodo umar, indonesia police reform, idsps press, jakarta, 2009 buttle j et.al (2015) concluded that the above corruption cases are the distinct nature of indonesia police, which theory of cor ruptions are only partially applicable to indonesia. illegal log ging in national parks is also facilitated by collusive corruption, with government officials, military and police receiving bribes for overlooking these activities (mccarthy 2000). some district officials claimed they were unable to convict offenders, because ofthe intervention of the police and military, who were underthe control of the central government (smith, j, et. al, 2003). the most serious accusation that has been made in connection with the settlement of criminal cases is that the investigating officers can be persuaded to close their eyes to the crime committed and close the case under investigation citing insufficient evidence (to the detriment of the victim). this condition has incited loud protests from the public in high profile cases involving high level corruption (reksodiputro in holloway, 2002). in the most cases if the corruption took placed at the regency/city police office, police leaders are often ambivalent via-a-vis local corruption pros ecutions (clark, s. 2012). police in indonesia, like many countries, even when not ac tively abusive, is lack a tradition of public service to the commu nity at large, indifference ( like neglect, it is another form of un responsiveness), a lack of dedication, incompetence, venality (petty corruption), extortion: this is more systematic and serious in nature than venality,relying on overt intimidation or actual vio lence, inconsistency, intimidation, excessive force, brutality (gold smith, 2005). in addition, another anti-corruption body was also established in 2002 named anti-corruption commission (aca) to fight against big corruption. aca was successful to bring big corrup tors before the law. however, intense conflicts always occur when ever aca investigates the case of corruptions conducted by po lice leaders. three conflicts between police institution and aca have taken place since aca’s establishment. the first conflict took place in 2009 which was known as a “lizard versus crocodile case”. next, a strong conflict between police and aca emerged again when aca enacted brigadier general police djoko santoso as the accused in the corruption case. the latest dynamic rela tion between police and aca has taken place recently in the case of appointment general budi gunawan as the candidate of indonesian police leader. act no. 30/2002, the statute that established the aca (kpk), made it institutionally independent of government (art. 3). the journal of government & politics 253 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 254 law authorises the kpk to investigate and prosecute most cor ruption cases itself and to take over corruption investigations and prosecutions from police and prosecutors in some circum stances (arts 8 and 9). it gives the aca (kpk) investigative pow ers that the police lack. these include powers to wire-tap sus pects’ phones without seeking court approval, to freeze bank ac counts and to issue travel bans (art. 12). the law also prohibits the aca (kpk) from dropping a case once it has progressed beyond initial investigations – a restriction aimed at preventing prosecutions from being dropped in return for bribes (fenwick 2008). ordinary police, prosecutors and judges appear poised to regain the exclusive control over corruption cases that they lost to the aca (kpk) and the corruption (tipikor) court under the 2002 aca (kpk) law (butt, 2011). table 5. weakening anti-corruption agency source: kompas, 24 january 2015 there were some serious attack actions on anti corruption agency (kpk) in indonesia from 2007 until 2015, namely de creasing commission member (should be five members), legal action, criminalization by police, political statements and inves tigation burden (see table 4). in indonesia, the combined man dates that the kpk’s investigators and prosecutors be lent from the attorney general’s office and police, and that they be of highcompetence and integrity, leads to an “institutional ‘zero sum game’... ,wherein the kpk draw[s] staff resources away from th[e other] twoorganizations (jacobs, l. g., & wagner, b. b. (2007). it is interesting to look at conflict tense of aca (kpk) and police in 2009, there was the public face-book movement to support the corruption eradication committee, also known as the “gecko vs. crocodile” case. this case exemplifies the conver gence of participatory culture and civic engagement that resulted in two of the most successful online collective movements in the last decade in indonesia. the gecko vs. crocodile case (or kpk case) started in april 2009 when susno duadji, the national police chief of detectives, found that the aca (kpk) had tapped his phone while they were investigating a corruption case. fur thermore, lim (2013) noted that the kpk had indeed armed itself with tools such as warrantless wiretaps to confront the en demic corruption among high rank public officials. in a press conference, duadji expressed his anger and compared the kpk to cicak, a common house gecko, fighting buaya, a crocodile, which symbolised the police. in september 2009 two kpk deputy chair men chandra hamzah and bibit samad rianto, who had been suspended in july, were arrested on charges of extortion and brib ery (lim, 2013). the two men denied the charges, saying they were being framed to weaken the aca (kpk). most indonesians perceived these charges as fabricated ones; some showed their support through an online campaign. in july 2009 immediately after the case against kpk appeared in the mainstream media, especially television, movement of 1,000,000 facebookers sup porting chandra hamzah & bibit samad riyanto)was launched (lim, 2013). by august 2009, the group had surpassed its goal of one million members in support of bibit and chandra. that particular facebook support page was not the only one. youtube videos about the case quickly emerged, including one with a javanese rap song that was also distributed as a downloadable ring-tone. online cartoons, comics and posters with depictions journal of government & politics 255 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 256 of “gecko vs. crocodile” soon proliferated online. when the in donesian corruption watch organized a street rally online, 5,000 people showed up on the streets of jakarta showing support for “the gecko.” this was followed by demonstrations in several other cities in support of the two men. on december 3, 2009, this public pressure saw charges against bibit and chandra dropped (lim, 2013). in the latest conflict between aca and police happened when joko widodo proposed budi gunawan as a police chief to na tional parliament after that, in january, the aca (kpk) named budi a suspect for alleged financial misdeeds in his capacity as head of the career development bureau at the national police from 2004 to 2006, where he amassed a total of rp 95 billion, allegedly acquired through bribes and gratuities, including bribes allegedly paid by officers in pursuit of higher police posts.following the aca (kpk)’s move, the police moved against two kpk commissioners, abraham samad and bambang widjojanto, by naming them suspects in petty criminal cases (jakarta post, 5/20/2015). after a month-long standoff, the kpk passed its probe into budi onto the attorney general’s office (ago), which then allowed the police to take it over. the chair man of the independent team tasked to resolve tensions between the national police and the corruption eradication commis sion (kpk), ahmad syafii maarif, urged president joko “jokowi” widodo to fire detective division chief comr. gen. budi waseso, whom maarif described as the most responsible person behind the criminalization of those who are critical of the police (jakartapost, 9/3/2015). in summary, by analysing conflict betweent police and aca (kpk) from 2006 till 2015, police gov ernance system created mutual agreement in whithin police or ganization whenever the conflict with aca (kpk) happened, by legitimate hierarchical authority or by non legitimate coercive means (scott, 2009). post the establishment of kpk, the cases were handled by police and public prosecutor have completed quicker by 49 percent in comparison to those were dealt prior the establishment of kpk (partohap, t. h., & pradiptyo, r., 2015). formal institutions as rules are readily observable through written documents or rules that are determined and executed through formal position, such as authority. in indonesia, the corruption cases were handled by three legal institutions: police, aca and prosecutor. every institution seizes its authorities that are regulated by the law. this paper focuses to discuss two insti tutions only, namely, police and aca, since when these two in stitutions imposed their authorities; they produce various ten sions, constraints, and disagreement in implementing their au thorities. in the article 14 paragraph (1) point law no. 2, 2002 about indonesian national police states that the main function of po lice is to conduct investigation and indictment towards all legal offenses in aca accordance to criminal procedure acts and other laws. this main function of aca in criminal procedure acts (cpa) article 6 paragraph (1) cpa states that investigator are indone sian police officers and civil servants with special authorities granted by law. meanwhile, article 6 point c law no. 30, 2002 about anti-corruption acts (aca) mentions that the functions of aca are to conduct investigation and prosecution towards corruption crimes. and article 11 point c gives a limitation that aca can only investigate and prosecute corruption crimes that cause the state loss at least 1 billion indonesian rupiah (idr). ferawati (2013) argued that the regulations on functions and authorities of aca and police in law no. 30, 2002 about aca and law no. 2, 2002 about indonesian national police are over lapping with the reasons that various explicit functions and au thorities in these laws are just a kind of formality. it is because, in fact, instead of creating working harmony and synergy in eradi cation corruption in indonesia, these laws have become effective coordination segregation tools between police and aca. tatuil (2013) said that the ways to overcome the disputes on the inves tigation authority between two state institutions, aca and po journal of government & politics 257 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 258 lice, based on article 50 law no. 30, 2002, include: 1. when a corruption case is found out and the kpk has not commenced its indictment process, while the case is being indicted by the police or the prosecutor’s office, that institu tion is obliged to inform the kpk at the latest fourteen days since the commencement of the indictment process. 2. an indictment process being conducted by the police or the prosecutor’s office as outlined in (1) must be coordinated continuously with the kpk. 3. when the kpk has already commenced its indictment pro cess, the police or the prosecutor’s office no longer has the authority to conduct an indictment process. 4. when an indictment process is being conducted concurrently by the police and/or the prosecutor’s office and the kpk, the process conducted by the police or the prosecutor’s of fice shall cease immediately. informal institution constitutes rules based on implicit un derstandings, being in most socially derived parts and therefore it is not aca acessible through written documents or it is neces sarily sanctioned through formal position. informal institutions include coordination and supervision. there are some informal institutional problems that become the root of disharmonious relation between aca and police in eradicating corruption in indonesia. the problems include not solid coordination patterns to work in team between the institutions and egocentric issues that exist in the institutions (ferawati, 2013).aca hold a wide range of authorities to coordinate with other authorized institu tions to fight against corruption. article 6 point a law no. 30, 2002 mentions that aca retains coordination function with other authorized institutions to eradicate corruption. aca should optimally implement coordination and supervi sion functions (see table 5) with both legal institutions (police and prosecutor) and governmental functional supervisory insti tutions (inspectorate general, the finance and development comptroller, and local auditing agency) nugroho (2013). to be more specific, aca should focus to coordinate and supervise in processing the corruption crime with police and prosecutor. nugroho (2013) found that the coordination and supervision functions of aca as enacted in article 6 point a and b law no. 30, 2002 has been implemented and even getting better from year to year. however, investigators from attorney institution and police in central java mentioned that functions of coordina tion and supervision of aca are not properly accomplished yet. aca only undertakes coordination and supervision functions when aca obtains reports from the society. next, the constraints faced by aca to perform its coordination and supervision func tions in local level lay on legal factor, legal officer factor, and facilities factors. aca encounters human resources shortages to accomplishe its corruption indictment coordination and super vision functions. consequently, the main task to cover coordi nation and supervision functions all over indonesian regions is not optimally undertaken. other than coordination and supervision issues, a fundamen tal problem in terms of informal institutional constraints is insti tutional egoism, that is, in handling the corruption case, officers from every institution tend to protect their corruption-suspected colleagues to save the name of their institutional corps. one of the instances is the corruption case of driving license simulator. in this case, aca had made early indictment and named the suspect inspector general joko susilo. soon, police name three other suspects in this case. in the indictment process in this cor ruption case, police refers to the mou signed by police, aca and atterney on march 29 2012. artile 8 poin 1 in the mou mentions, “when some parties make indictment in the same case, to avoid investigation duplications, the institution that is obliged to proceed the investigation is the institution that issues the letter of order for investigation or a party under approval of other related parties.” rachnaningsih (2013) stated that mou signed by police, aca journal of government & politics 259 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 260 and prosecutor contains article that is in contradictory with the law about aca. therefore, based on civil procedure act the mou was null and void. it is null and void because any agree ment should be in contradiction with the existing and binding law. as a result, police could not use mou as the basis for in dictment in the case of driving license simulator. besides null and void, the case had named insp. general djoko susilo, a police personnel, as the suspect. as regulated in article 11 point a anti-corruption law, when corruption case involve a legal apparatus, aca is the right institution to undergo an indict ment process. moreover, if the corruption is more than 1 bil lion, it is the authority of aca to administer an indictment pro cess. in this respect, the corruption case of driving license simu lator reached an amount of idr 198,7 billion. the dynamic relations between police and aca can be ana lyzed from the perspective of new intuitionalism. in this light, institutional changes and reforms to eradicate corruption can be comprehensively seen from both formal and informal institu tional aspects. formal institutions need to perform various regu lation revisions so that the overlapping regulations that accomodate the overlapping authorities of police and aca can be eliminated. ferawati (2013) argued that indonesian police law no 2, 2002, specifically article 13-19, should be revised. these articles regulate functions and authorities of police as legal en forcer. however, when an in-depth scientific study on these ar ticles is conducted, many articles are not in line with them. for instance, article 13-19 are not compatible with article 6 – 7 law no 30, 2002 about anti-corruption commission and its pre amble, article 103 of criminal code. thus, law on indonesian police cannot be harmonized with existing specific criminal law especially aca law in terms of indictment processes. it seems necessary to mention the clear cut of the police task in the in dictment functions that deals a specific crime, moreover, when such a specific crime has been regulated separately. revision fo cuses can be addressed to article 13 – 19 law no. 2, 2002 about indonesian police to add the provision on functions and authori ties of police to handle specific criminal cases like corruption cases. this comprises the strategy to minimize the future rela tional collision between police and aca. informal institutional reforms require agreements that emphasizes on strengthening professionalism culture, nurturing mutual respect, and reducing institutional egoism. such agreements are demanded when en forcing the law to the legal enforcer apparatus. based on the above understanding, we hypothesize that the current institutional status quo (s) and its relative position to the idealized institutional setting (i) should constrain the possi bility of reform space (r) and incentivize certain reform strate gies (fig 6), such as decoupling. journal of government & politics 261 fig. 3. institutional contexts and hypotheses of reform strategies of police fig 3. conceptualizes this idea of institutional gaps. the three pillars of institution discussed above are represented in the three axes in the diagram. the space, r, outlined as the area of ais, represents the ideal characteristics of reform based on reliable vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 262 and valid data collection (process), a social obligation, morally governed, shame and honor (normative pillar) and constraints of executive power and good check and balance mechanisms to prevent frauds and abuse (power) (regulative pillar). in order to fill the gap (ais), police leadership at all levelt unit is very important factor to encourage police reform this leadership has leadership characteristics, such as the charisma of the reform leaders as a figure example (humble and honest)their ability to articulate a clear vision for others to follow, and their ability to connect with other key stakeholders to mobilize their support, are very important and can alter the institutional land scape and release the constraining forces (see ho and im, 2013). the second variable is citizen powers that allow citizens to ex press their opinions and frustration, and the legal rights to pro tect their freedom of speech through the media, such as in case of gecko vs. crocodile and the budi gunawan budi failed as the chief of national police. the third variable is police reform is affected by the establihment of aca (kpk) due to the competition among the law enforcement agencies in combating corruption. the results show that both police and public prosecutor have managed to reduce the length of period of judiciary process for corruption cases since the establishment of the aca (kpk) (partohap, t. h., & pradiptyo, r. (2015). conclusion in sum, the indonesia’s police reform is still at below of nor mative phase of institutionalism. police practices are not institu tionalized yet they are not infused with value beyond the techni cal task requirements, and are embedded with rituals and norms. trust in the police does not only concern advancing coopera tion and compliance with the law lack of trust in the police is also likely to undermine many people’s sense of safety and ulti mately their subjective well (tomassen, g, 2013). in addition to building trust, ways of institutionalizing distrust are needed. the problem is more of an institutional and societal problem than an individual and group problem (kumssa, a. 2015). the sig nificant and sustainable reform was achieved in east germany, eastern slavonia, el salvador, mozambique, namibia, northern ireland and south africa (bayley, d. h. 2001). those success fully reforms were affected by the reform with considering the personal and institutional interests, a evidence-based policing that involves developing a new management style as well as reliable information systems (bayley, d. h. 2001). by analyzing conflict between aca and police, paper summarizes that the dynamic relational problems between aca and police embody many con straints. the constraints derive from formal institutional aspects due to the existing overlapping authorities of each institution. in addition, the constraints are also rooted in informal institu tional aspects signified by the shortages of effective coordination and supervision as well as the strong institutional egoism in en forcing the law to fight against corruption in indonesia this paper had been presented at international conference on pub lic organization organized by asia pacific society for public af fairs, 27-28 august 2015 in davao, philipines. references bayley, d. h. 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(2013). corruption and trust in the police: a cross-country study umar, bambang widodo (2009). indonesia police reform, jakarta: idsps press journal of government & politics 265 http://www/ http:// dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8151 technology, emotion and democracy: understanding the dynamic through analyzing conversation in indro adinugroho1*, faculty of psychology universitas katolik indonesia atma jaya , indonesia indro.adinugroho@atmajaya.ac.id smitha sjahputri2, judotens budiarto3 and roby muhamad4 provetic lab abstract innovation in technology brings tremendous impact in various areas, including theissues of democracy, politics andgovernment. inthisstudy, authorsobserve twitter as a digital medium to gather people from diverse background to com municate each other. conversation in twitter, known as tweet, could be a gateto represent various political issues. this study aims to analyze valence and arousal of indonesia’s top political topics in twitter started from november 2015 until may 2016. top political topics are collected with one primary keyword, jokowi. each topic is represented with various tweets from different users. the data is collected by specializedcomputer software namely tracker developedby provetic lab. as an attempt to analyze tweets, authors used algoritma kata (ak) as the primary instrument toanalyze valence and arousal contained in each topic. re sult shows when users talked about jokowi and kebanggaan (pride), theconver sation contained positive valence and high excitement in arousal level. whereas, when users discussed corruption and other scandal involving government, the conversationturnedintonegativevalencewithdifferentarousallevel. keywords: computational psychology, jokowi,valence, arousal, politics abstrak inovasi di bidang teknologi membawa dampak yang signifikan dalam berbagai area, termasukisudemokrasi, politik dan pemerintahan. dalam studi ini, penulis memperhatikan twitter sebagai media digital yang mampu mempertemukan individu dari berbagai latar belakang untukmenjalin komunikasi. percakapan di twitter, atauyang lebihawam dikenal sebagaitweet, dapat menjadi pintumasuk untuk memahami berbagai isu politik. studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis valensi dan arousal dari topik-topik politik yang muncul di percakapan twitter. topik-topikpolitik dikumpulkan dengan satu kata kunci, yaitu jokowi. setiap topik direpresentasikan oleh berbagai tweet dari berbagai user. data dikumpulkan melalui software khusus yang bernama tracker, dikembangkan oleh provetic lab. sebagai usaha untuk menganalisis valensi dan arousal dari tweet di setiap topik, penulis menggunakan instrumen algoritma kata (ak). hasil menunjukkan ketika jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 79 received 05 december 2016 revised 10 january 2017 accepted 10 february 2017 mailto:indro.adinugroho@atmajaya.ac.id vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 80 user membicarakan jokowi dan topik kebanggaan (pride), percakapan memiliki muatan valensi positif dan tingkat arousal yang tinggi, sedangkan ketika user membicarakan mengenai korupsi (corruption) dan skandal lain yang melibatkan pemerintah, percakapan memiliki muatan valensi yang cenderung negatif dengan tingkat arousal yang berbeda beda. kata kunci: computational psychology, jokowi, valence, arousal, politics introduction in 1998, indonesia was gifted with a historical moment when finally the new order regime fell. new order (orde baru) is a politi cal condition which describes the cruelty of government under soeharto’s regime (aspinal & fealy, 2010). for many indone sian citizens, this moment is known as “may 1998”. may 1998 became a starting spot for indonesia to gear up brighter social and political condition as democratic country. this moment brought numerous social consequences such as the rising of new political parties and various non-governmental organizations. democracy in indonesia is valued as the condition where all citizens are free to communicate, discuss and criticize govern ment. may 1998 is not just affecting society; it also brings a change in state structure. some of the changes are direct election; trans parency and also the existence of numerous independent com mission which responsible giving national recommendation. accepting democracy as our constitutional ground means there is an attachment between government and people. although democracy in indonesia has been successively for over 18 years, there is an occasion to enhance the quality of de mocracy using contemporary approach. in this study, we are fo cusing on digital approach as the solution for democratic coun try. we define digital approach as the application of internet that could help government forms psychological attachment with the people. internet could be an alternative medium where government could communicate ideas, opinion and policies to grass roots and groups of specific people (berman & weitzner, 1997). in order to build this condition, government and people could use online platform namely social media. one of the well known one is twitter. twitter is a digital medium where people are free to write their thought and feeling toward various objects or moments. if at the past, many social and behavioral scientists were collecting research data by directly contact the participants, today we could find numerous data in twitter. twitter contains behavioral data in the form of people’s conversation, called tweet. in this study, we used tweets as our primary analysis unit. this study is focusing on how tweets function as empirical data to explore public response towards political issues. we see emotion as an important element in democratic environment as a glue to affix between government and people (marcus, 2002). as an attempt to examine valence and arousal in the tweets, we use circumplex model of affect (ca) developed by russell (1980; 2003) as our theoretical ground. ca is circular model that ex plains emotion from two primary poles, valence and arousal. valence is a psychological condition ranging from negative into positive demarcation, whereas arousal refers to physical condi tion ranging from calm (low) to excited (high). valence is marked with horizontal axis, whereas arousal is marked with vertical axis. combination between these two poles will fabricate four quad rants represent different valence and arousal level. emotion lo cated in different quadrant will produce different behavioral consequences. besides its function to categorize various emo tional labels, ca also can be used to predict human behavior towards specific stimulus. ca is fine-grained theoretical model that has been used for theoretical framework in various psychological instruments which measured emotion and mood, such as positive and negative affect scale (panas; watson & clark, 1988); four dimensions mood scale (fdms; huelsman, nemanick & munz, 1998); self assess ment manikin (sam; lang, 1980) and semantic differential scale (sds; mehrabian & russell, 1974). panas is a psychological instrument measuring emotional state using two emotional di mensions, positive affect (pa) and negative affect (na). if panas is focusing on two dimensions, fdms is using four emotional dimensions expanded from panas theory, namely valence and jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 81 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 82 arousal. specifically, fdms is focusing on mood which refers to emotional state that could occur even without any emotional stimulus. if panas and fdms are focusing on human emo tional condition, sam and sds are the psychological instruments constructed to measure emotional response towards objects. various objects have been measured by using sam and sds, for example, words (anew; bradley & lang, 1999); photo (iaps; lang, 1995) and also sounds (iads; bradley, 1994). all of these instruments show that ca is confirmed to clarify human emo tion in numerous contexts. in this study, we are focusing on words in twitter to reveal public emotion towards government. study to reveal emotion through words in digital medium has been conducted for vari ous purposes, such as blogs to identify pre and post 9/11 situa tion in america (cohn, mehl & pennebaker, 2004) and facebook posts to construct building block on emotional expression in facebook (preotiuc-pietro et al., 2016). in the context of english language, text could be analyzed using affective norms of english words (anew, bradley & lang, 1999) or linguistic inquiry and word count (liwc; pennebaker, booth & francis, 2007). anew is word bank contain more than 1000 words with valence and arousal load in each word, whereas liwc is also a word bank, but it is contain more diverse variables, such as positive/nega tive emotion; social identity; and also time orientation. how ever, liwc and anew could not be used in indonesia due to contextual factors. as an attempt to overcome this situation, we use algoritma kata (ak; wenas, sjahputri takwin, primaldhi & muhamad, 2016; adinugroho, muhamad & susianto, 2016). ak is a word bank consists of 3000 indonesian words and emoticons with valence and arousal score in each unit. we use ak as our primary tool to analyze conversation in twitter related to the most popular political topics. in attempt to explore the main purpose of study, we collected the topics in twitter for six month period started from january until june 2016. we use computerized text analysis namely tracker for collecting those popular topics. tracker is developed under provetic lab li cense and it will be fully functioning with keywords. we use one primary keyword for tracker search in twitter. then we combined the primary keyword with additional keywords derived from tracker’s algorithm. the combination between primary and addi tional keywords is our top political topics which analyzed in this study. circumplex model of affect to recognize valence and arousal in tweets we use circumplex model of affect (ca; russel, 1980; 2003) as the core theory to explain human emotion using two primary aspects, namely valence and arousal. valence is an empirical term to describe direction of emotion from psychological angle, whereas arousal refers to physical state related emotional state. by using ca, we also agree of human emotion that could be characterized by four quadrants produced by the interaction be tween valence and arousal. each quadrant contains specific emo tional labels which differ in the degree of valence and arousal. through this argument, ca states that emotion in the same va lence, but different in arousal level will produce different behav ior and vice versa. related to the study, ca is a gate to explore valence and arousal score in each tweet analyzed. the interaction between valence and arousal is extremely important element in understanding emotion with ca. ca as theoretical model is different with discrete emotion (de) model (ekman, 1992). de model explain human emotion by using ba sic emotions as its empirical term. those basic emotions are sad, anger, fear, jealousy, disgust, contempt, embarrassment, guilt, stress, acute grief and envy. each emotion has specific character istic and only can be found in human species. basically, ca only could describe these specific emotions by the interaction of va lence and arousal. although ca could not examine the specialty of each basic emotion, the applicability of this theory is well known as a behavioral predictor. emotion produced by the in jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 83 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 84 teraction of valence and arousal is a marker to predict human behavior towards emotional object (russell, 2003). algoritma kata (ak) to examine valence and arousal in tweets as an attempt to applied ca in this study, we use algoritma kata (ak; wenas et al., 2016) as the main measurement tool. ak is indonesian words and emoticons collection that derived from twitter as the main corpus. each word or emoticon has valence and arousal score produced from sds scale (mehrabian & russell, 1974). ak is constructed by adopting anew, the english words collection with valence and arousal score in each word. valence score is represented with the scale range from 1 (negative) until 5 (positive), whereas arousal score is represented with scale range from 1 (calm) to 4 (excited). we use median as a benchmark to categorize the degree of valence (3) and arousal (2,5). this study relies on ak as the instrument to analyze selected tweets. in order to produce valence and arousal score in tweets in each top topic, we follow the formula derived from dodds and danforth (2010). the formula is focusing on examining va lence and arousal score as the mean score from the quantity of unique words in the text. in this study, text refers to various figure 1. circumplex model of affect and 16 core affect (russell, 2003, p.148) tweets in each topic. figure 3 describes the calculation formula used for analyzing the tweet from the unique words. the symbol of “a ” refers to arousal score and “õ ” refers to valence score. text text the formula works with the total score of valence or arousal and the amount of unique words captured in the tweet. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 85 figure 2. formula for calculating valence score (1) and arousal score (2) in text (dodds & danforth, 2010) example of identifying valence and arousal score in a tweet could be found from tweet example wrote by president joko widodo in his official account, @jokowi: selamat juga atas kelulusan adik2 smk. bagi yang belum berhasil jangan patah semangat. kita songsong era kompetisi dengan kerja keras –jkw. underline words are unique words that contain valence and arousal score according to ak words collection. valence score for seven unique words are, 4,46 (selamat/congratulation); 4,07 (adik/brother); 4,78 (berhasil/success); 1,9 (patah/broken); 4,46 (semangat/spirit), whereas the arousal score for these words are, 3,14 (selamat/con gratulation); 2,38 (adik/brother); 3,5 (berhasil/success); 2,36 (patah/broken); 3,71 (semangat/spirit). by identifying valence and arousal in each unique words, valence and arousal score for the tweet can be calculated using formula in figure 3. atext = 1/7 (1x3,14 + 1x2,38 + 1x3,5 + 1x2,36 + 1x3,71) ≃ 2,16 υtext = 1/7 (1x4,46 + 1x4,07 + 1x4,78 + 1x1,9 + 1x4,46) ≃ 2,81 from the numerical calculation, we can conclude that the tweet from @jokowi has a score 2,16 for valence and 2,81 for vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 86 arousal score. based on the median as the benchmark, this tweet has average valence and arousal. our conclusion is constructed from figure 2 which describes the range of valence (1 to 5) and arousal (1 to 4). if one tweet contains score near to 5, the tweet contains positive valence and vice versa. similar with valence score, if one tweet has a score near to 4, the tweet contains high arousal level. method as an attempt to describe how tweet reflects public response towards various political topics, we conducted three primary steps in this study. first step is related to tweets collection using spe cific keywords in tracker. the word jokowi (current president of republic of indonesia) is selected as the main keyword. the key word jokowi is chosen due to represents indonesia’s political situ ation in national scale. by using this keyword, tracker will auto matically search, select and gather all the tweets that mentioned the word jokowi from november 2015 until may 2016. through its computer algorithm, tracker also searches for unique words that have the highest occurrence in the tweets. these unique words are the additional keywords that combined with primary keywords as the top topics. examples of additional keywords derived from tracker search are “korupsi” (corruption); “kebanggaan” (pride); “freeport” and “reklamasi”(reclamation). second step, we identified the number of tweets in each topic and the accounts involved in each topic. two types of accounts described in this study, namely top active account (taa) and top mentioned account (tma). taa refers to an account who fre quently exist in the twitter by posting original tweet, whereas tma refers to account which frequently mentioned by other account while discussing one topic. illustration on tma and taa could be found from this tweet, @pramonoanung: hari ini presiden @jokowi dan wapres @pak_jk mengumpulkan eselon 2 yg berjumlah 1810, memberikan arahan ttng arah dan tujuan pemerintahannya. from this tweet, taarefers to@pramonoanung and tma refers to @pak_jk and @jokowi. last step, we con ducted valence and arousal analysis for various tweets concern ing each topic using ak. there are 2 types of scores in this study. first score related to tweet’s score in each topic and second score related to topic’s score. tweet score is calculated by using va lence and arousal score in unique words and total number of unique words captured. topic score is the aggregate score pro duced from mean score in eachtweet. results description of top topics in this study, top topic is a combination between primary keyword and additional keyword in twitter. based on tracker search, there are ten top topics with the highest tweets occur rence. table 1 identifies those 10 top topics based on combina tion between primary keyword and additional keywords. from 10 top topics, six topics categorized as political events (terorisme; freeport; setya novanto; ojek online; reklamasi and korupsi), whereas four topics related to jokowi’s activity as a president (kunjungan; kebanggaan; reshuffle and hambalang). each topic consists of spe cific event in indonesia as described in table 3. table 1. top topics in twitter jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 87 toptopics totaltweets tweets with valence and arousal score jokowi freeport (freeport) 40.451 36.500 jokowi terorisme (terrorism) 38.467 37.266 jokowi kebanggaan (pride) 34.053 33.787 jokowi korupsi (corruption) 25.790 25.237 jokowi setya novanto (setya novanto) 24.660 23.484 jokowi reklamasi (reclamation) 19.209 17.292 jokowi reshuffle (reshuffle) 16.084 15.001 jokowi kunjungan (visit) 15.844 14.918 jokowi hambalang (hambalang) 12.673 11.973 jokowi ojek online (online ojek) 7.198 6.695 vol. 8 no. 1 table 2. top topics and account involved in the topic february 2017 88 in order to describe further the top topics, we also analyze the relationship between top topics and the accounts categorized into tma and taa. this analysis is conducted to frame a pic ture on the relation between top topics and the main actors in each topic. table 2 describes the accounts who involved as men tioned account (tma) and active account (taa). result shows the relation between specific events represented by top topic and the actors who involved in the conversation. number in parenthesis inside table 2 reflects the frequency of specific account who ac tively posts tweets (taa) and how many accounts mentioned by others (tma). the dynamic between top topics in this study, we also measure the dynamic between top top ics from november 2015 to may 2016. this analysis is conducted as an attempt to understand public response towards various political topics in indonesia. this analysis also useful to under stand the relation between media and how one topic becomes viral in society. result in figure 3 shows that each topic has dif ferent dynamic in each month from november 2015 until may 2016. this result shows that public opinion on political issues is dynamic and tend to change in short period of time, approxi mately one month. for further exploration, we also analyze from the media what causes each topic become viral in twitter. table 3 provides explanation of news from various media and the rela tion to top political topics. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 89 figure 3. the dynamic of top topics from november 2015 to may 2016 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 90 to achieve further qualitative explanation, we conducted manual search using internet using top topics as the keyword. based on our search, we highlight some important news reports related to the top topics. result in table 3 shows a relation be tween specific event reported in the media and the significant increase of tweets in each topic. from the descriptive analysis, we could draw a relation between the events that could affect public opinion in indonesia. for example, the issue of jokowi korupsi emerged due to the election for new leaders of national commission for corruption eradication (kpk) which also happened in december 2015 (parlina, 2015). table 3. top topics and the explanation of highest buzz top topics highest amount of tweets news report jokowifreeport december 2015 freeport scandal between setya novanto and riza chalid (tan, 2015) jokowiterorisme january 2016 terrorist attackinsarinah (quiano, mckirdy &payne, 2016) jokowi kebanggaan march2016 jokowi’s visit to entikong and other border areas in indonesia (amindoni, 2016) jokowikorupsi december 2015 the inauguration of new kpk leaders (parlina, 2015) jokowi setya novanto december 2015 ethical court towards setya novanto due to freeport’s scandal (hermawan, 2015) joko wi reklam asi april 2016 th e reclamation issue bet ween central gov ernm ent and dki jakarta provincial government (harbowo, 2016) jokowikunjungan november2015 jokowi’s working visit to lampung, south sulawesi, south kalimantan, and various indonesian districts (matic, 2016) jokowireshuffle march2016 the second reshuffle issue appeared in march 2016 (toriq, 2016) jokowi hambalang march2016 jokowi visits hambalang (nurbianto, 2016) jokowiojekonline december 2015 the issue of new policy to ban all transportation based on mobile apps (rahayu,2015) valence and arousal in top topics valence and arousal analysis is conducted by using ak to analyze tweets in each topic. valence and arousal score in each topic is derived from average score based on valence and arousal score in each tweet. figure 5 describes valence and arousal score in each topic. from figure 4, topicwith the highest valence (3,98) and arousal (2,95) score is jokowi kebanggan. this topic is related with the activity when jokowi visited entikong (border area of indonesia). from russell’s framework (2003), highvalence and arousal is related to various emotional labels such as pride; en thusiast; elated and excited, which means when people discussed jokowi and kebanggaan, they are covered with various positive emotions. in contrast, topic that has lowest valence score (3,06) is jokowi korupsi and the lowest arousal score is jokowi reklamasi. from figure 5, each topic has different valence and arousal score. however, the graph shows a huge gap between kebanggaan (pride) and korupsi (corruption). in order to explore whether the difference is caused by empirical pattern or possibility, we test the difference using t-test. method of t-test is statistical method applied to identify the mean difference betweentwo groups (field, 2011). two groups are used for t-test calculation, first group con sists of tweets related to kebanggaan (n=33.787) and second group related to tweets which discussed korupsi (n=25.237). in order to overcome the unequal sample size, we test the homogeneity of vari ance between the two groups using levene’s test. result shows that two groups did not meet the principle of homogeneity of vari ance for valence (f=9870,45; p<.05) and arousal (f=210,83; p<.05). based on t-test calculation using equal variance not assumed principle, these two groups has significant difference for valence (t(59022)=243,93; p<.05) and arousal (t(59022)=172,51; p<.05). this difference is due to each topic represents different emo tional condition. when users discussed about pride, specifically it was happened during the visit of jokowi to entikong to see border, jokowi often state that our border areas need to be equal with other country. this statement became the trigger in twitter that causes public response related to pride and other positive emotions related to pride. in opposite, corruption topic is per ceived with negative valence and low level of arousal. emotion labels related to this condition are tired; sad and gloomy. it is oc jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 91 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 92 curred due to the generic definition of corruption as a crime. figure 4., valence and arousal score in top topics discussion text analysis has been applied for various purposes, such as investigating the dynamic of by american citizens after 9/11 at tack through blog (cohn, mehl & pennebaker, 2004); studying marilyn monroe’s fragments (fernandez-cabana, garcia-cabal lero, alves-perez, garcia-garcia & mateos, 2013) up to examin ing the psychological aspect of song lyrics made by the beatles (petrie, pennebaker & sivertsen, 2008). these studies are using liwc (pennebaker, booth & francis, 2007) to examine various psychological aspects inside the text. besides liwc, another text analysis instrument to discover psychological aspec is anew (bradley & lang, 1999). anew is words collection containing valence and arousal in each word and it is used to analyze the emotional content in text. anew is used by dodds and danforth (2010) to investigate blogs and song’s lyrics and also preotic-pietro et al. (2016) who focusing their analysis on numerous facebook posts. based on the promising evidence from various studies, in this study, we are focusing on twitter as the analysis unit to under stand further about public opinion. various studies in indone sia only describe public opinion by using survey and other de scriptive data, this study will reveal it comprehensively by apply ing valence and arousal theory as our primary analysis. by ana lyzing valence and arousal, we could more accurately predict what kind of social movement will be appeared in public. result in figure 3 and figure 4 has shown an empirical insight which ap plicable as a tool to understand how public response various political issues which occurred in indonesia. this result also could become an insight and other stakeholders to map and manage political stability. managing political stability is fundamental is sue due to its relation with economic growth, foreign investment, social conflict and any other issues related to public well-being. in conclusion, this study is not just useful as empirical support in social studies, but also as an attempt to understand “people in democracy”. conclusion study of human behavior in twitter is an alternative method to understand public opinion towards various political issues. various tweets published by numerous accounts are the analysis units that could describe the dynamic of public opinion and how people feel towards government, president, politicians and other political issues. this study is a combination between com puter science and psychological approach. this combination is the alternative to reveal various political issues that could not be captured by survey and other common research method. by us ing primary keywords, jokowi and additional keywords derived from computer algorithm, we could collect various data from from twitter that represents indonesia’s political situation. in the end, this study is the innovation in the context of social and human behavioral studies. to genuinely understand public response, this study is focus ing its attention on valence and arousal (emotion) in tweets re garding each political topic. valence and arousal are the psycho logical approach that becomes primary issue related to politics and democracy. by understanding valence and arousal, this study also capture specific emotional labels that related to each topic jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 93 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 94 according to specific core affect (russell, 2003). in democratic country like indonesia, emotion functions as the glue that plac ards people and government (marcus, 2002). by understanding valence and arousal as representation of emotion, we could pre dict psychological attachment between people and government. in democratic country, a state is like a big ship, people are the crew and government is the captain. the ship will not move di rectly on the proper destination if the captain could not manage the crew. by understanding valence and arousal in twitter, the captain will have comprehensive data to support navigation pro cess. references adinugroho, i., muhamad, r., & susianto, h. 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(2015). menhub: ojek online boleh beroperasi. antaranews.com. accessed on december 18, 2015 from http://www.antaranews.com/berita/ 535825/menhub ojek-online-boleh-beroperasi russel, j.a. (1980). a circumplex model of affect. journal of personality and social psy chology, 39(6), 1161-1178. russel, j.a. (2003). core affect and the psychological construction of emotion. psycho logical review, 110(1), 145-172. tan, h. (2015). freeport indonesian scandal shows need for transparency. cnbc. ac cessed on december 10, 2015 from http:/ /www.cnbc.com/2015/12/10/freeport indonesian-scandal-shows-need-for-transparency.html toriq, a. (2016). isu resfuffle menguat, siapa menteri yang akan diganti? detik.com. accessed on march 21, 2016 from http://news.detik.com/berita/3169611/isu-re shuffle-menguat-siapa-menteri-yang-akan-diganti watson, d., clark, l. a., & tellegen, a. (1988). development and validation of briefmea sures of positive and negative affect: the panas scale. journal of personality and social psychology, 54(6), 1063-1070. wenas, a., sjahputri, s., takwin, b., primaldhi, a., & muhamad, r. (2016). measuring happiness in large population. paper presented in iop conference series: earth and environmental science 31, bandung, institut teknologi bandung, indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 95 http://journals.sagepub.com/home/epm http://kabarmakassar.com/ini-agenda-kunjungan-jokowihttp://kabarmakassar.com/ini-agenda-kunjungan-jokowihttp://www.thejakartapost.com/ http://www.thejakartapost.com/ http://www.thejakartapost.com/ http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/12/22/new-kpkhttp://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2015/12/22/new-kpkhttp://edition.cnn.com/ http://edition.cnn.com/ http://www.antaranews.com/berita/535825/menhubhttp://www.antaranews.com/berita/535825/menhubhttp://www.cnbc.com/2015/12/10/freeporthttp://www.cnbc.com/2015/12/10/freeporthttp://news.detik.com/berita/3169611/isu-rehttp://news.detik.com/berita/3169611/isu-rehttps://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/7124/10f2b20c831678f71db35ec01ba1b38bc842.pdf https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/7124/10f2b20c831678f71db35ec01ba1b38bc842.pdf https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/7124/10f2b20c831678f71db35ec01ba1b38bc842.pdf layout desember 2008 316 policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 saidin ernas faculty of da’wa and ushuluddin of iain (state islamic religious institute) ambon. email: ernassaid@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract maluku conflict (ambon) occurred in 1999 to 2003 is one of the most heartbreaking human tragedies in the history of modern indonesia. various attempts have been made by the government to resolve the conflict, including by carrying out malino agreement for maluku. this paper discusses the process of implementation of the malino agreement and analyzes the impact on the resolution of maluku conflict. by using methods of descriptive analysis and a qualitative approach, this study can present some important findings. first, the malino agreement is one strategy (policy) to resolve sara(racial) conflict well and democratically. it is seen from the atmosphere of the negotiation which is peaceful, honest and democratic. parties had 11 points of peace agreement due to a strong desire to end the conflict in maluku. second, the malino agreement has brought positive impacst, i.e lack of escalation of conflict and violence in maluku, even a year since the malino agreement, the peace has been enforced in maluku. however, this paper also found that conflict resolution model such as malino agreement still needs refinement, as malino agreement factually succeeded in pushing the cessation of conflict, but substantively has not resolved various problems that trigger conflicts in maluku. keywords: conflict, peace, malino agreement and maluku. abstrak konflik maluku (ambon) yang terjadi pada 1999 hingga 2003, merupakan salah satu tragedi kemanusiaan yang paling memilukan dalam sejarah indonesia moderen. berbagai 317 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ upaya telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah untuk menyelesaikan konflik tersebut, termasuk menyelenggarakan perjanjian malino untuk maluku. tulisan ini membahas tentang proses pelaksanaan perjanjian malino dan menganalisis dampaknya terhadap penyelesaian konflik maluku. dengan menggunakan metode analisis deskriptif dan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini berhasil mempresentasikan beberapa temuan penting. pertama, perjanjian malino merupakan salah satu strategi (kebijakan) penyelesaian konflik sara yang cukup baik dan demokratis. hal ini terlihat dari suasana perundingan yang dialogis, damai, jujur dan demokratis. para pihak yang bertikai berhasil menghasilkan 11 butir kesepakatan perdamaian karena keinginan yang kuat untuk menghentikan konflik di maluku. kedua, perjanjian malino telah membawa dampak yang positif, yakni berkurangnya eskalasi konflik dan kekerasan di maluku, bahkan satu tahun sejak perjanjian malino, perdamaian sudah dapat ditegakkan di maluku. namun demikian, tulisan ini juga menemukan bahwa model penyelesaian koflik seperti perjanjian malino masih perlu penyempurnaan, karena perjanjian malino secara factual berhasil mendorong penghentian konflik, namun secara subtantif belum menyelesaikan berbagai akar persoalan yang melahirkan konflik maluku kata kunci: konflik, perdamaian, perjanjian malino dan maluku. introduction at the end of twentieth century, indonesia was struck by a number of conflicts and riots, one of which is the one occurred in maluku. conflicts and communal riots happened in maluku manifested in acts of collective violence under religious symbols, and has caused massive destruction. it is not surprising that azumardi azra called maluku conflict as the most heart-breaking communal conflict under religious excuses in the modern indonesian history. (azra, 2000) maluku tragedy which became mass conflict on january 19, 1999 has created the most tragic and heart-breaking records. based on the government’s official data, more than 2080 people died, 4204 people were injured, and 281000 people had to leave their houses and hometowns. thousands of houses, offices, and other infrastructures were collapsed and burnt (violations investigation commission on human rights and mediation in maluku, december 18, 2000). the loss did not include moral deterioration and psychological trauma undergone by people in maluku in long period. maluku conflict is a complete example on how a conflict developed from the simplest stage. it is believed that a fight between two individuals with a single issue can become a fight between two community groups with various issues spreading to various regions in maluku involving many people, even outsiders, which then becomes national crisis that triggers international reactions. policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 318 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maluku conflict escalation which was so perfect made the resolution so difficult and protracted. it became more complicated when the conflicts used religious symbols that ignited solidarity outside maluku even created concern of international worlds. during the period of 2000 – 2002, conflict nuance had contextual shift from social conflict under racial nuance among maluku community to new conflict that began to create political frictions that made the conflict more complicated. on april 6, 2000, forum komunikasi ahlus sunnah waljamaah (fkaswj) held tabligh akbar in senayan jakarta, as well as declared the establishment of laskar jihad. one month later the laskar jihad in waves began to enter into various areas of conflict in maluku. as if responding to the deteriorating condition of maluku, on december 18, 2000, a group of predominantly christian maluku declared the establishment of front kedaulatan maluku (the maluku sovereignty front) or fkm with political agenda to fight for the independence of maluku from the republic of indonesia. political issues began to involve into maluku conflict that made the conflict hard to finish. cultural resolution models such as pela-gandong, masohi/maren or larful ngabal which previously were powerful enough to dampen social conflicts in maluku were getting to lose their power. even, contrastively it was seen that those values – with various reasons – were getting to undergo “discoloration obedience” from various walks of life in maluku. initially many people called that the resolution of maluku conflict was resolved by the maluku community themselves. however, it seems no longer effective, because the conflict dynamics and escalation had been increasingly extreme and involved external factors that could not be reached by cultural instruments. even the call itself caused controversy since the country was regarded to be irresponsible in resolving the social conflicts in the society. meanwhile, the government continued to find a way (trial and error) to solve the conflict. efforts done by the government such as the formation of various teams (prasety, 2002 and the general diary of republika, info seribu team, june 23, 2003) formally and informally to the implementation of civil emergency in maluku, had not shown satisfactory results, even generally the trend of conflict was increasing and widespread from time to time. in early 2022, government policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 319 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ initiative through the minister of coordination and public welfare, yusuf kalla, appeared to bring the parties involved into the conflict to a more wide-ranging discussion, involving all the elements and those who had been fighting on the ground and tied it to a shared responsibility. this idea was finally realized on february 11 – 12, 2002 and called maluku agreement in malino or malino agreement ii1. malino agreement is a monumental effort for the peace in maluku since in the agreement the islamic and christian delegations as many as 70 people (not including the review team) for the first time sit down and discussed a variety of efforts and agreements which ought to be done to resolve the conflict in maluku peacefully, civilly and dignifiedly. therefore, the implementation of the malino agreement is a national event which is interesting and deserves to be researched and studied further, at least for three reasons. first, the implementation of the malino agreement is one of the government’s policies which is quite successful at reducing conflict escalation in maluku, even to this day it can be said that maluku conflict can finally be stopped. in the context of a policy, the malino agreement has the opportunity to serve as a model of social conflict in indonesia. second, the malino agreement has been a civilized and democratic dialogue forum for parties in conflict in maluku to build a peace agreement between them. third, as far as the writer knows, until now there has been no research that specifically examines and analyzes the implementation of the malino agreement in connection with the settlement of the conflict (conflict resolution) particularly regarding the implementation of the initiative, the dynamics in the agreement to the effect of the implementation of the malino agreement to the maluku conflict resolution. so far, discussion on malino agreement is only found in some articles or papers, as well as some books about maluku conflicts which analyze the conflicts at glance. theoretical framework resolving social conflicts is not an easy thing. moreover, the social conflict that has lasted for long time and has a high complexity. approach to security is not sufficient because other efforts are also needed to truly convince the parties involved in conflict to reach a peace agreement. in policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 320 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the orde baru era, a policy to deal with various potential crises in indonesia, even the conflict itself, was carried out in repressive ways that promoted very tight security approach. government often resolved conflicts in society by relying on military force. this approach was able to suppress the growth of conflict, but in a fairly long period of time it maintained a variety of potential conflicts. therefore an appropriate conflict resolution policy or action is needed so that negative conflict potentials can be managed properly and creatively to produce a positive energy that can serve a useful social capital for social change and development. the challenge for democratic countries today is how to formulate appropriate policy conflict management in order not to cause political instability (haris dan reily, 2000). conflict resolution, especially the nuances of racial conflict must be based upon a change in the views of all parties involved in the conflict so that there will be no more conflict between them in an interaction of social life. one of the theories commonly used in conflict resolution policy is conflict resolution theory (abdel salam, 2005). one of the scientists who also developed conflict resolution theories, jhon burton (1990), wrote: “resolusi konflik artinya menghentikan konflik dengan cara-cara yang analitis dan masuk ke akar permasalahan. resolusi konflik, berbeda dengan sekedar ‘manajemen’ atau ‘settlement’, mengacu pada hasil yang dalam pandangan pihak-pihak yang terlibat, merupakan solusi permanen terhadap suatu masalah” (conflict resolution means to stop the conflict in analytical ways and into the problem root. conflict resolution, as opposed to just ‘management’ or ‘settlement’, refers to the results which is in the view of the parties involved, is a permanent solution to a problem) so conflict resolution is a theory which gives emphasis on conflict resolution from the root causes of the conflict, and the need to see peace in the long run. conceptually, if massive conflicts have occurred, the conflict resolution can be carried out in four stages of policy. the first stage is dominated by a military strategy that seeks to control armed violence between the warring groups. the second stage has a political orientation that aims at initiating the process of re-integration of the political elite of the warring groups; this phase is usually characterized by dialogue policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 321 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and negotiations between the warring parties. the third stage has more social nuances and work to implement a problem-solving approach. while at the last stage, it has strong cultural nuances because this stage aims at making socio-cultural structural reformations that can lead to the establishment of a lasting peace community (burton, 1990). conflict resolution by means of force or military action is sometimes required in situations of conflict which has led to armed warfare. however, policy which prioritizes military forces commonly only resolves conflict at the level of the surface and it is possible to make the conflict bigger in the future (widjajanto, 2001). implementation of the civil or military emergency, for example, can only control the armed violence. therefore, the next step that should be done is to seek negotiations between the elite and the warring parties to get agreement or consensus in order to stop further conflict and violence and create peace. one important requirement in achieving consensus is the bargaining, which is the willingness of all parties involved in the conflict to reduce its own demands and accept certain parts of the other parties’ demands. with the creation of a consensus there is no more difference between the parties in conflict, whether between people or between groups of individuals. parties in conflict can finally reach meeting point so that there are no more problems in social relationships. according to maswadi rauf (2000), there are several possible consensuses that can be reached in the conflict resolution process, whether conducted through a mediator or not (directly committed by the warring parties). the first model is the consensus which is a combination of opinion from the parties involved in conflict. this model presupposes the need for negotiation to seek the opinion points adopted by the parties in the conflict that can be agreed by all parties involved in the conflict. in that process, there will be bargaining in form of a party’s willingness to accept opinion points from another party with the provision that the other party must also agree on their opinion points. the second model has similarity to the first model. the difference lies in the agreed points of the opinion of one of the parties in the conflict. this model is called the consensus of the dominant group. this model usually happens in a conflict involving more than two groups. the third model is an estabpolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 322 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lished consensus of the opinions of other parties, not the opinion of the parties to the conflict. the other party can be a mediator or others in the community. outside opinions are used due to the difficulties of the warring parties to accept the opinion of each opponent. fourth model is a joint consensus. this model is a combination of several consensus models discussed above. in this model, certain opinions of the parties to the conflict are used in addition to other opinions from those who are not involved in the conflict. negotiations to resolve a sharp conflict may be the most difficult ending, but all parties are demanded their willingness to mutually reduce the demands and interests so a consensus can be achieved. this is where the necessary role of government is needed to formulate the patterns of the right policy. in the context of the maluku conflict, the government’s effort to bring the warring factions to a negotiation shows persuasive effort to provide an opportunity for muslim and christian communities in conflict to negotiate their interests peacefully and democratically in the malino agreement. consensus or agreement built up between the warring groups will lead to conflict resolution efforts in a comprehensive manner to create peace again. research methods this study is a part of the study of conflict resolution that takes focus on the case of the implementation of the malino agreement for maluku and analyzes their impacts on the maluku conflict resolution as a whole. therefore, this study used a qualitative approach to uncover the complexity of issues relating to the cases studied. the data needed to construct this study were collected by the techniques commonly used in qualitative approaches. the first technique is interview. to perform the deepening of the research object, in-depth interviews was conducted in order to obtain primary data by using interview technique which was not scalable. the selection of this technique is to give freedom to the researcher in developing questions to informants (the characters and actors) who were involved or not involved directly, but had a close relationship with the implementation of the malino agreement. the informants are people who are considered to have the competence and / or have policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 323 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ information about the object to be examined. as a comparison, interview to certain figures was also conducted to get a balanced portrayal. table list of informants the second method is observation. this method is one of the instruments in collecting data and becomes very important particularly in case study research type. for this study, observation was conducted to condition in ambon after the implementation of malino agreement so that the effectiveness of malino agreement in resolving conflict entirely could be measured. third method is library research and documentation. it policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 324 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ was done to analyze some important documents especially mediator team’s papers and some reports from muslim delegation and christian delegation during malino agreement. comprehensive analyses on maluku conflict and its comparison with conflicts happened in other regions, mass media, and official or private documents were also used as secondary data, particularly the data which related to the chronology of maluku conflict until malino agreement was held. the last step is data analysis. in this study, there are some steps done as follows: firstly, data were collected by using the techniques mentioned above. secondly, the collected data in form of documents and interview were transferred into transcript and grouped based on the discussion. thirdly, data were analyzed based on the research problems in formulation of the problems and described in writing so thorough understanding could be achieved. result and analysis 1. maluku conflict resolution efforts since the conflict in maluku happened on january 19, 1999 in the city of ambon, there were enough measures and policies taken by governments to address the escalation of the conflict. however, no policy can be said to succeed to stop the conflict. the initial steps performed by tni (indonesian national army) headquarters to send some soldiers to be empowered in korem (military resort commands) pattimura. however, the military presence, especially kostrad (command of the army strategic reser ve) from the militar y area command (kodam) wirabuana ujung pandang, was considered by many parties, especially in christian community, not to be neutral in acting. this suspicion was based on the fact that most of the kostrad soldiers were from bugis and makassar whose citizens became the victims of the early riots in ambon. this is related to the issues raised at the beginning of the conflict which was “cast out of fuel” (bugis, button, makassar). the soldiers were considered incapable of maintaining their neutrality to the community and tend to favor his own tribe (ratnawati, 2003). responding to the complaint, in march 1999, the armed forces commander wiranto reformed a team called team 19. in accordance policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 325 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ with its name, the team consists of 19 high and middle officers from maluku, led by (major general) suadi marasabessy who was then serving as commander wirabuana ujung pandang. according to the analysis of the team from policy and political studies center of gajah mada university yogyakarta (2002), the performance of team 19 would not mean much because of its militaristic approach used. the result of the performance of the team was just a political benefit to the military. it was proven by the success of the recommendations on the need to increase the status of korem pattimura to be kodam. the government finally really realized these recommendations, by increasing the status of korem pattimura to be kodam. maluku regional government also took steps to resolve the conflict. on february 13, 1999, the governor of maluku formed a team to resolve the conflict known as team 6. the team was then developed more widely with the involvement of a wider number of community leaders of both warring parties in pusat rujuk sosial (social reconciliation center) or prs. however in its journey, the team also failed to do anything and conflicts reoccurred. according to john ruhulesin, who was a former member of the social reconciliation center, this team did not work well because it was not supported by the consistency of the rule of law (law enforcement) which was firmly against those who sparked controversy (interview with the rev. john ruhulesin in ambon, december 20, 2005). looking at the situation in ambon which was more uncertain, on march 14, 1999 president habibie resent a fact-finding team, known as team 20 consisting of 10 muslim figures and 10 christian figures. however, the team performance was also unclear. komnas ham (national comission for human rights) also sent some envoys to monitor the issue of human rights violations in ambon. along with the arrival of envoys of komnas ham, the house of representatives also sent a team of mediation and investigation on february 18, 1999, led directly by the vice chairman of the dpr / mpr lt. gen. (ret.) hari sabarno. however, the performance was also unclear (prasetyo, 2002; 20). conflict prevention policies conducted by the central and local government during the period of 1999 to mid-2000, was not able to reduce the escalation of the conflict in maluku. on the contrary, since that pepolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 326 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ riod, maluku conflict was progressively more extreme and began to show the political ripples. declaration of maluku sovereignty front (fkm), which supported the mission of the independence of the republic of south maluku (rms) that has existed in the past to add political weight to the conflict. declaration of front kedaulatan maluku (maluku sovereignty front) or fkm, which supported the mission of the independence of the republic of south maluku that existed in the past, added political weight to the conflict. similarly, the arrival of laskar jihad and the escalating tension eventually made the conflict more complicated and complex, making it more difficult to finish. warring parties not only used traditional weapons of machetes and spears, but also used some organic weapons. organic weapons circulating in the hands of the public, some were stolen from the headquarters of the maluku police mobile brigade (which had been broken by the rioters) and partly obtained from outside parties. a source said that illegal weapons were supplied from java and from the mainland of filipinos (prasetyo, 2002). these conditions made the maluku conflict like the tangled threads that made the government more and more difficult even in the confusion in resolving the conflict. in confusing psychology and uncontrolled chaos, president abdurahman wahid decided to issue a presidential decree no. 88/2000 which establishes the status of civil emergency in maluku and north maluku. imposition of civil emergency based on the consideration that the expansion of the function and role of the military, along with certain legal basis for any actions taken, would give enough space for the military to act quickly and decisively to stop the conflict (ahmad, 2004). this policy was then expressed through the degree of additional troops in significant volumes. in the early period of the imposition of civil emergency, the security situation in maluku was reported quite restrained. however, these conditions did not last long because the conflict reoccurred. even in the reality, victims of violence tended to increase. ironically, they were victims of violence who were aggressively committed by security forces. on behalf of civil emergency, special units were sent in waves to maluku to commit acts of violence to society, both muslim and christian (ahmad, 2002). policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 327 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. implementation of the malino agreement; seeking for peace consensus complete failure to resolve maluku conflict prompted the government to find alternatives to bind the parties to the conflict in a peace treaty. since then, a discourse on the implementation of a peace agreement for maluku as what has been done by the government to poso was begun. it also responded to public demand that the government immediately intervened to immediately stop the maluku conflict peacefully. therefore, the central government, represented by yusuf kalla, minister of coordination and public welfare, and maluku regional government began to do approach and socialization to the community about the possibility of holding a peace negotiation. on january 16, 2006, yusuf kalla accompanied by minister of politics and security coordinator, chief of police and staff conducted intensive meetings separately with muslim and christians figures in maluku governor’s official residence. in the morning they met with 150 representatives of christian and during the day they had a meeting with the muslim community with the same number of representatives. hasbullah toisuta (interview, december 21, 2005), an academic who was also present representing the muslims, said that in the meeting the parties spoke with a very high emotion, even with rage and scorn. each claimed to be persecuted and defeated by his opponent. in different words, it can be concluded that they were really tired of fighting. the results of that meeting led to a conclusion that both sides wanted peace and would disseminate to each group (interview with elly tamrin in jakarta, march 2006). one process that was critical to the preparation of the malino agreement was delegation arrangement. this stage was about to thwart the various stages that have been passed previously. in the christian group, recruitment process of delegation members occurred more rapidly, because they used church institutions that already had a neat system of organization. according to pastor jhon ruhulesin (interview, december 22, 2005), christian delegation applied certain standards to determine the prospective members of the delegation. christian delegation was filled by figures representing the various groups within the christian community. there were religious leaders, youth leaders, traditional leaders, policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 328 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ women leaders and academics. however, john admitted there was some who refused, especially the maluku sovereignty front, which from the beginning did not agree with the plan of the malino agreement. yet the rejection of fkm was considered not too significant. christian delegation team totaled 33 people and led by toni pariela, an intellectual from the university of pattimura ambon and as an advisor to the reverend christian delegation is dr.iwj hendriksz, chairman of the synod of the protestant church of maluku. in muslim party, the process of preparing a delegation occurred toughly and stressfully. the desire to construct a delegation truly representative and representative of all elements in the islamic community was not an easy thing to do. this difficulty was quite obvious since the conflict has spawned many new informal leaders who felt they had mass support and the right to be heard. they were the ones who had played a role in leading the mass of the conflict on the battlefield. besides a variety of community organizations also sprung up during the conflict. after a delegation consisting of 35 people was selected, tamrin elly was chosen as a leader of the islamic delegation. groups who were disappointed with the preparation of the islamic delegation canceled their plan to go to makassar. they were led by cleric muhammad attamimi and irwan patty. another group which also rejected the malino agreement and did not want to come to malino is laskar jihad. the group was deliberately excluded from the initial preparation of the delegates to avoid rejection of the christian community. resolution on the malino agreement began to achieve with the willingness of both parties to join the preliminary meeting in makassar. the meeting was held on january 30, 2002. the mediators consisting of yusuf kalla and staff as well as maluku governor, saleh latuconsina conducted a closed meeting with both delegations at two different places. meeting with muslim delegation was performed at kenari hotel makassar, while meeting with christian delegation was held in losari hotel, maksassar. in that meeting, some issues and agenda were discussed which initially would be held on february 5 – 7, 2002. the preliminary meeting has recorded some issues to be discussed further at the peak of negotiations in malino, either the ones that had been agreed on or those that still had policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 329 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ different points. however, as expected, the presence of laskar jihad and fkm / rms was still a matter of serious debate for the two delegations. on the advice of mediator team, the two issues were agreed to be presented and discussed more deeply at the summit in malino. in other words, both parties have agreed that they have not made a deal on both issues. the result of the meeting in makassar was good news, because at least two sides had agreed to end the conflict through dialogue and negotiations. commenting on the good results, yusuf kalla said that although the preliminary meeting was not been able to discuss the matter in deep and detailed negotiations, there was progress compared to previous meetings, so he would propose that some of the issues that were still debated could be discussed more deeply at the summit in malino (suara maluku, february 1, 2002). to streamline the meeting in malino, the government designed the negotiation method simply so that it could lead the two delegations to make an agreement easily and quickly (interview with dr. farid husein (former deputy ii of ministry of coordination and public welfare and general directorate of medical services of ministry of health) in jakarta, february 14, 2006). in this case, mediator used three stages of dialogue and negotiation. the first stage was the meeting between mediator and muslim delegation. in that meeting, mediator listened to and accepted aspirations and hopes told by muslim delegation. second stage was the meeting between mediator and christians delegation to listen to their proposals and aspirations. the third stage was a joint meeting involving mediator and the two delegations. in the third meeting, mediator and the two delegations tried to do bargaining and found out some solutions for the aspirations, proposals, and issues told by the two delegations which had not been agreed. (malino agreement proceeding, february 11–12, 2002) besides, commissions to analyze some aspirations which developed during the negotiation would also be established. 3. aspirations and proposals of muslim and christians delegation on monday, february 11, 1999 at 10–12 am wita (central indonesia time) mediator team held the first meeting (separated meeting) with policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 330 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 35 people of muslim delegation. in the overview read by the chairman of muslim delegation, tamrin elly (malino agreement prociding, february 11 – 12, 2002), muslim delegation concerned some important issues, such as: 1. demanding an investigation into the riots happened on january 19, 1999 when the eid day was commemorated 2. rejecting political intervention from international world in maluku conflict. it related to christians offers to ask for international mediator from the united nations. 3. rejecting over dramatization toward laskar jihad as intruders in ambon since in fact there are there to give social assistance for muslim communities in maluku. they have similar functions as other social institutions involved into humanitarian programs during the conflict. 4. demanding investigation toward fkm/rms involvement in maluku conflict. 5. demanding investigation toward tni/polri involvement in maluku conflict, either institutional or individual involvements. 6. rejecting dramatization of islamization issues toward christians as accused by christian communities in maluku. muslim delegation also reiterated that peace-making process in maluku was determined by the success of those who wanted to stop the conflict. therefore, malino agreement should be able to bond all parties so that they obeyed the agreed things. after the overview was presented by the chairman of muslim delegation, tamrin elly, mediator gave opportunity to members of muslim delegation to give their point of view to complete the aspirations told by the chief of the delegation. from the overviews, the point was that efforts to stop the conflict should be done. the second meeting between mediator team and christian delegation was conducted on february 11 starting from 2.30 pm to 4.15 pm. from the overview entitled “visions of christian society of maluku on conflict resolution” presented by the chairman of the delegation, tony pariela, christian delegation recommended specifically some important points to be discussed in the negotiation, those are: 1. relocating the refugees immediately and considering some adequate facilities policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 331 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. the government should consider giving specific funds for the maluku post-conflict reconstruction. 3. to minimize various conflict potentials, the government should immediately clarify some central issues which are very disturbing, i.e. i) accusations that christians started the riot on january 19, 1999, ii) the issue of republik maluku selatan (republic of south moluccas) or rms which is very detrimental to christians in maluku, iii) the existence of laskar jihad which increases tension in maluku, iiii) the issue of the existence of terrorist networks in maluku, involving alqaeda network. based on the proposals and aspirations from the two delegations presented separately, mediator then recorded it and promised to share the proposals to each delegation to be learnt and responded. it would be done before the joint meeting held in the following day. then, mediator gave the list of proposals from the two parties to each delegation and asked them to respond and give solution. 4. crucial issues in the negotiation; laskar jihad and fkm/rms malino agreement on the second day met the two delegations with the mediator or the first meeting in which the two delegations met each other directly. generally, the two delegations agreed to stop the conflict and asked the government to relocate the refugees and reconstructed the damaged infrastructures because of the conflict. however, the existence of laskar jihad and fkm/rms was still debatable. christians party insisted that laskar jihad who created the conflict in maluku should be punished and expelled from maluku. meanwhile, the muslim party demanded that the government would take stern action against the activists of rms and immediately conducted a thorough investigation of the separatist movements in the moluccas. the debate of the two delegations on both issues will be described briefly. for the christian delegation, the presence of laskar jihad made the situation worse. because their presence was basically to fight christians and were not attacking the rms or separatist movement as often argued. therefore, the christian delegation demanded that the laskar jihad must policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 332 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ be pulled or pushed out (expelled) from all regions of maluku. even the christian delegation indicated that laskar jihad had relation with international terrorist network or al-qaeda. this allegation was supported by the fact that once there were seven afghan nationals who came to maluku, and when the officer of the pattimura airport ambon asked for their passport, they refused to give it. however for muslim delegation, the allegation of the christian delegation was not entirely true, as laskar jihad came to ambon after the conflict in ambon and maluku lasted nearly a year. that means that laskar jihad was not a cause of maluku conflict, but merely a result of the conflict. laskar jihad would not come to maluku if the conflict did not happen. initially they came as social workers, built emergency schools, clinic and provided food and clothing assistance to muslims in maluku. therefore, the muslim delegation felt hard to send them home. on that objection, the christian delegation should hold a closed meeting for one hour in room 101 of celebes villa where they stay during the meeting. based on the results of the meeting, they insisted to demand the return of laskar jihad as a prerequisite for peace (republika, may 15, 2002). as for fkm / rms, the islamic delegation accused fkm as a reincarnation of the rms in maluku. fkm was considered as a separatist movement for supporting the ideals of rms to fight for the people of maluku who were separated from the republic of indonesia. muslim delegation pointed to the fact that in various statements and political actions, fkm always brought up ideas about independence for maluku. similarly, when security forces raided the residence of a number of prominent of fkm, various documents were found on the fkm’s plans to establish its own state. in april fkm always commemorates the anniversary of the rms which falls on 25 april 1950, although the ceremony was always strongly opposed by muslim citizens and security forces. yet, the allegation from muslim delegation was refuted by the christian delegation. christian delegation indicated that there was formation of public opinion that seemed to put christian people of maluku similar to rms. for the christian delegation, the term of “christian rms” was crafted by a particular party to confront the christians to the country. christian delegation rejected the discourse of separatism fought by fkm, yet christian delegapolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 333 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tion asked all parties to analyze the phenomenon of fkm honestly and wisely. for the christian delegation, fkm is a movement that emerged in an attempt to sue the state’s role in failing to stop the conflict and carnage. this means that the existence of fkm should be seen as a protest against the injustice and the failure of the state in dealing with the maluku conflict (peris, 2004). after going through a pretty fierce debate, punctuated by a fairly heated debate about the presence of laskar jihad and fkm / rms finally the meeting was rested for a lunch and the two delegations had discussion on two crucial issues that have not yet been agreed. according to tamrin elly, the chiefs of delegation and advisers as well as some leaders of both delegations had met in the event breaks, to lobby and negotiate. in the lobby between the mediator and head of delegations several agreements were achieved. first, the christian delegation softened stance and agreed to the provision which stated the rejection and the ban on the rms. it was then inserted into the third items which stated determination to resist, oppose and prosecute all forms of separatist movements that threatened the integrity and sovereignty of the republic of indonesia, among others, the rms. secondly, islam delegation also softened its stance and agreed to the provision that stated the prohibition of armed paramilitary in maluku including laskar jihad. the statement should be incorporated into the fifth point, which read all forms of organizations, units, groups or armed camps without permission in maluku were banned and must submit weapons. for outsiders who wanted to screw up maluku, they must leave maluku. compromise was achieved because of the strong desire of the two delegations to immediately stop the conflict, for if the debate on the fkm and the laskar jihad was continued, all plan to stop the conflict would fail. in addition, the government promised to the two delegations to immediately establish a national independent investigation team tasked to thoroughly investigate the issues of conflict which was quite sensitive and debated during the malino agreement, namely the incident of january 19, 1999, fkm / rms, laskar jihad, laskar christ and the issue of diversion of religion by force. compromise and consensus were then considered as a win-win solution of both parties so that the agreement policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 334 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ found its solution (proceedings of the malino agreement for maluku, february 11-12, 2002). the result of the compromise was then made in the eleven-point peace agreement entitled “agreement in malino maluku”, which is equipped as follows: 1. end up every conflict and violence 2. uphold the rule of law fairly, decisively, honestly, and impartially, with the support of the whole community. therefore, law enforcement agencies must be professional in performing their duties. 3. refuse, against and crack down on any form of separatist movements that threaten the integrity and sovereignty of the republic of indonesia, among others is rms. 4. as part of the republic of indonesia, maluku has the right to reside, work and run business in the entire territory of the republic of indonesia, and vice versa, another indonesian society can work and run business in maluku province legally and fairly by regarding and obeying the local culture and maintain security and order. 5. all forms of organization, units, groups or armed camps without permission in maluku have to surrender their weapons or disarmed and taken appropriate action law. for those who confuse maluku, they have to leave. 6. independent investigation team was formed to investigate the incident thoroughly occurred on january 19, 1999, fkm, rms, christians rms, laskar jihad, laskar christ, forcible transfer of religious and human rights abuses, and so forth, for the sake of the law. 7. return the refugees to the same place without coercion with civil rights gradually according to the circumstances. 8. the government will assist communities to rehabilitate mental, social, economic facilities, and public facilities, such as educational facilities, health and religion as well as public housing, so that in the future the whole community can develop maluku back and out of trouble. accordingly, any form of restrictions on movement of the population is opened, so that economic and social life goes well. 9. in an effort to maintain order and security throughout the region and community, cohesiveness and firmness of the army / police according to the functions and duties of each, is absolutely necessary. in line policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 335 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ with it, the various facilities of tni / police must be constructed, equipped and used again. 10. to maintain the relationship and harmony between all religious communities in maluku, all efforts of evangelism must be upheld by considering local cultural diversity. 11. supports pattimura university under the principle of rehabilitation to progress together. therefore the system of recruitment and other policies are carried out openly with the principles of justice to meet the specified quality requirements. in the end, muslim and christian delegations coming to malino with an abundance of anger and hostility finally showed a prudent attitude. although disappointed with some of the proposals and aspirations which were not accommodated, they could accept that the results achieved in malino were maximal consensus. jacky manuputty, a young pastor, who was also a member of the christian delegation, acknowledged that the agreement was an evidence to show that the muslims and christians parties have been put consciousness of brotherhood and humanity as a main frame in the negotiations. although muslim-christian was long enough to get involved in the conflict but they realized that they must make peace, because they were brothers who inhabited the same land inherited by the ancestors. therefore, they had an obligation to maintain social harmony in the land of a thousand islands (interview with jacky manuputy in ambon, december 20, 2005). 5. impacts of malino agreement toward maluku community response to the malino agreement was split in two, between those who approved and supported as well as those who refused. among the muslim community, groups who mostly rejected the malino agreement were several islamic organizations calling themselves as the group 11. as task force of amar maruf nahyi mungkar, executive board of the association of nusa ina muslim brotherhood (pb.iksamuni), the regional board of islamic youth movement (pw.gpi) maluku, board of maluku islamic youth front (pb.fpim) and several local organizations such as muslim youth front baguala (fpmb), stated explicitly that they rejected the malino agreement. there policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 336 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ were two things that drove group 11 to refuse the malino agreement. first, methodologically, the measure used in the implementation of the malino agreement was considered to be unclear and full of government intervention, so it was suspected as a form of driving opinion for the benefit of specific groups. second, the substance of the malino agreement itself was not considered to meet the aspirations and interests of muslims maluku, even if it was further explored, it tended to harm muslims. group 11 questioned the failure of muslim delegation in dealing with the issue of laskar jihad, so that the group which had been meritorious in defending the interests of muslims should be charged as criminals and expelled from maluku. similarly, the compensations that must be received by the islamic groups were not discussed maximally (interview with irwan patty in ambon, december 17, 2005). in christian communities, some dissatisfaction also appeared shown by the public at the “maranata command post”.2 they rejected the sixth item stating the involvement of the south maluku republic (rms) in ambon-maluku conf lict. many christian leaders believed that the maluku conflict was the design of certain interest groups from jakarta and rms issues only become a “scapegoat” (interview with the rev. jacky manuputy in ambon, december 20, 2005). they also regretted the connection of rms with the christians as a “christian rms” on the sixth point in the malino agreement. according to some christian communities, as published in local media, these words were a highly tendentious and discriminatory political formula, because it imaged christian community in maluku as separatist rebel group against the state (suara maluku, february 23, 2002). john pires said the formula had significantly lost the moral position of the christian communities in maluku (peris, 2004). harder rejection, of course came from the laskar jihad and fkm from the beginning that had shown disagreement with the implementation of the malino agreement. laskar jihad and fkm were not involved in the negotiations, so they said it was not bound by the contents of the agreement. in fact they said it would continue to conduct its activities respectively as before. resistance movements against the malino agreement generally only occurred in the city of ambon and on the delegation arrival only involved policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 337 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the delegation of certain elite group. it can be concluded that the rejection of the malino agreement generally involved only a small portion of society. actions against the refusal of some figures did not significantly influence the attitude of grass root society. in general, people just expected the conflict to be stopped immediately in order that peace was realized, so that they could rebuild their ruined lives. the results of community development and empowerment foundation (yppm) in may and june 2003 which was directed against the 1265 respondents in various places in maluku, showed that 62% of respondents supported the malino ii agreement, and only 17% who expressed no support and the rest did not know the answer. conditions and security situation after the malino agreement were not yet fully secure. there were still some incidents and clashes that occurred in the city of ambon and surrounding areas, such as assault and the bombing of the community in the city of soya, ambon which killed eight people and burnt maluku governor’s office on april 3, 2002. some of the incidents that occurred after the malino agreement showed that it was not easy to bring peace to the warring parties (muslim and christian) after 2 more years actively involved in the conflict which caused many casualties and material. psychological trauma, revenge, mutual suspicion and lack of trust (distrust) between members of the community showed that a process of conflict resolution should be done gradually and carefully. so what is to be achieved after the malino agreement can work well. one indicator of the success of the malino agreement is the decrease in the intensity of the conflict and created a more conducive security conditions in maluku. this situation is a marker that the warring parties upheld commitments to create peace which have been sworn and signed together. since the period of june 2002 until now, the conflict decreased even stop altogether. there have been some incidents and violence sporadically, but the security forces could handle it and the escalation did not extend as previous times. there were three major incidents that cause loss of life, namely, 1) the burning of the maluku governor’s office on april 3, 2002, 2) attack on the village of soya on april 28, 2002, and 3) the clash between the fkm and the community at diponegoro street, policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 338 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ambon on april 25, 2003. things like that can still be understood because from the conflict resolution perspective, there is no direct peace process, but it must go through different phases of a particular transition. but the most important thing is that the incidents were not to encourage people, especially the two warring parties (muslim and christian) on the mass clashes and attack each other as what happened before the implementation of the malino agreement. there are several things that can be identified as a determinant factor in the maluku conflict termination process after the malino agreement. first, the dissolution of laskar jihad and fkm. as a form of implementation of the malino agreement, laskar jihad was finally dissolved on october 3, 2002. for the maluku sovereignty front (fkm), which also refused to obey the points of malino agreement, the figures were also arrested one by one by the security forces as one of the implementations of the malino agreement. along with the arrest of laskar jihad commander, chairman of the presidium of the fkm dr. alex manuputy was also arrested and taken to jakarta and brought to justice. he was sentenced by the central jakarta district court four years in prison. but in the suspension of detention, manuputty fled to america and stayed in that state until today. dissolution and repatriation of laskar jihad as well as the arrest of fkm exponent have made the security situation in maluku more conducive and controlled. along with that, the societies from the two parties believed that the peace in maluku can be really realized. second, the success of law enforcement and security are systematically carried out by the intelligence coordination forum army, police and attorney with the coordinator of asintel kodam xiv pattimura in an effort to detect and act against the rioters. for cases of assault, a combined military-police investigation team has been sent into the locations of the crime for the disclosure of the culprit. security checkpoints were set up along military police to anticipate of a conflict between the military and police officers in the field. to give strict actions to local authorities who got involved in the riot, the rotation of personnel with new personnel brought in from outside maluku was done. other security effort is the implementation of sweeping of firearms and explosives materials in the hands of the public by a joint military-police units and agenpolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 339 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cies. along with that, people began to voluntarily hand over their weapons and explosives materials they had. during the period of june 2002 until december 2004 organic and homemade firearms handed over by the muslim and christian groups were as many as 673 pieces, while explosives materials were as many as 1620 pieces (www.pemprov-maluku.org. maluku provincial government site. accessed on november 17, 2005). in addition to firearms they also handed over the traditional weapons such as machetes, arrows and spears. the security forces and law enforcement agencies were also encouraged to accelerate investigation, prosecution and trial of the case, especially matters of riot, organize traffics in the centers of community activities, supervise the border with sealing troops, crack down and capture or immobilize rioters or instigators and implement surveillance and inspection of foreign people coming in and out of the moluccas. third, restoration of social and economic conditions. the increasingly conducive security conditions have also encouraged the movement of people and economic recovery of social life in maluku. normalization of social life still occurred gradually, as objectively both muslim and christian communities lived separately in their respective territories. however, muslim and christian communities began to make personal contacts between them. traditional markets become the first place to provide an open space for natural interaction between the two communities. mardika traditional markets located in the boundary line between islam and christian settlements which were destroyed during the conflict was engulfed in a mass, re-functionalized self-funded by the local community. the market is then named bakubae market or peace market. in order to speed up the process of social recovery, the government also conducts rehabilitation program that includes repatriation of refugees and the construction of homes for residents. since the period of september 2003, the number of refugees who had returned is as many as 19,313 families. those who died in the conflict were also given in the form of cash compensation of two millions to their heirs. compensation was also provided to victims of conflict and permanent disabilities who are not able to find a job / income for one million rupiahs per inhabitant (maluku social services 2004). policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 340 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 6. malino agreement as conflict resolution model model of conflict resolution such as the malino agreement may not be something totally new. previously the government has brought together a number of figures in maluku to seek peace. therefore, the social reconciliation center was established involving various religious leaders and people of maluku. in practice, the social reconciliation center did not give maximal role, because the groups involved were very limited. most of them were intellectual and religious figures (mui, gpm, and diocesse) whose legitimacies decreased during conflict. they also did not have access directly to the people who fought in the field, whereas immediate access was very important, because it related to the ability to control violence by a community. in the reality of maluku conflict, many members of the public were more obedient to the commanders of the post and the people who emerged as new informal leaders during the conflict. conflict resolution projects that do not involve conflict resolution figures do not bring much benefit, because they are the ones who control the masses in the field. one of the successes of the malino agreement is a willingness to involve as many as these figures in the negotiation process. they became a symbol for his followers in the process of conflict resolution. although it must be admitted that the number of characters that were present was not maximal in terms of representation. in addition to the above aspects of legitimacy, in the case of social reconciliation center, the implementation of pledge of peace made is not monitored and evaluated jointly, so when a new conflict occurs, each side feels that they are betrayed that ultimately grows mistrust. while in the malino agreement there were some things different from the model of peace mediation ever conducted by the government in previous times. first, in terms of formulation, the malino agreement was planned better, especially in conditioning society, socialization and negotiation process in a systematic and planned agenda. the parties involved were also quite large and came from diverse backgrounds, such as post commanders, intellectuals, religious leaders, traditional leaders and community leaders. even the christian delegation also included representatives of women who had not given a role. maximum participation of the various elements policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 341 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ involved in the conflict, is a very important part of the process of conflict resolution. second, government involvement also plays an important role. especially a low profile shown by minister of coordination and public welfare, yusuf kalla, who acted as the initiator and chairman of the mediator. yusuf kalla also did not hesitate to come to the residence of the community leaders to explain the importance of peace negotiation to be facilitated by the government. this business is getting a positive response from the community, because it is considered as a form of government sincerity in resolving the conflict. in the model of the malino agreement, the government not only acted as a mediator and facilitator, but also signed as the responsible party. this means that the malino agreement is a tripartite agreement for it involved three parties with similar interests: the islamic groups, christian groups and the government. with that position malino agreement has a strong position and importance, as all parties were involved and responsible, particularly the role of government which was required in law enforcement and security. that is why, when the incident happened a few times after the malino, a number of legislators of ambon planned to conduct legal undertakings clash action against the government. they argued that government could be prosecuted legally as a form of accountability for the implementation of the malino agreement, because the government is a signatory to the peace agreement. involvement of outside groups that fought in the negotiations malino was also very positive. the presence of religious figures such as rev. dr. ip lambe or din policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 342 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ syamsudin and several national intellectuals is expected to provide positive input to the parties to negotiate, especially at times of impasse in negotiations. nevertheless it should also be stressed, as a model of conflict resolution, the malino agreement still leaves a number of weaknesses that need to be refined and further developed. as when socialization and execution time is quite short, mechanisms and methodologies of the negotiations can not lead to a more intensive dialogue to explore all the issues of conflict. similarly, the concept of monitoring and evaluation after negotiation has not been made in detail so the implementation in the field cannot be measured. conclusion government efforts to stop the maluku conflict through the implementation of the malino agreement for maluku, proves that the social conflict of racial nuances that often occurs in indonesia can be resolved by peaceful, dialogue, and democratic means. conflict resolution models by prioritizing the repressive power of the state commonly meet failure; it can even encourage the emergence of a massive and destructive violence. in fact the biggest impact of the implementation of the malino agreement is a cessation of violence and security restore throughout maluku. the indicators can be seen on the steps when the government revoked the implementation of civil emergency in maluku on september 20, 2003 by presidential decree no. 27/2003 to revoke presidential decree no. 88/2000. improved security conditions have also encouraged the various steps of development and recovery of social life in maluku in stages, especially the relocation and return of refugees. thus the malino agreement has become a very important foundation in bringing back peace in maluku. this study shows that, liberated from various weaknesses, the malino agreement has succeeded in encouraging the cessation of conflict and violence for nearly three years in all regions of maluku. this can be done for two of the most important things. first, the implementation of the malino agreement can be occurred in a peaceful, dialogue and demopolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 343 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ cratic atmosphere. although the two delegations (muslims and christians) differed on two crucial issues, the presence of laskar jihad and the maluku sovereignty front (fkm), with honest dialogue and full consciousness, they are able to receive the opinions and demands of each, and would also reduce certain parts of the claim. the two delegations recognize that the cessation of conflict is a prerequisite to initiate the next steps for peace. the sensitive issues such as the presence of laskar jihad, fkm / rms, warriors of christ, christian rms, the transfer of the religion by force, violations of human rights law were agreed to be further investigated by an independent team as stated in the sixth point of malino agreement. second, the process of conflict resolution with negotiation model done by the government in the malino agreement for maluku, substantially only has an impact on the cessation of conflict and violence. in other words, the malino agreement affects on the completion of the trigger factors (manifest) of maluku conflict. therefore, to solve the fundamental problems which become latent potential of maluku conflict, socio-cultural works are necessary, namely restructuring torn apart social relationships, reducing the religious sentiment which has raised social segregation in society, re-arranging the professional bureaucratic system and encouraging development and economic equality that do not cause social jealousy. thus, the malino agreement is only a temporary to stop the conflict and further requires an advanced process to resolve these fundamental issues so that a lasting peace can be created again in the moluccas. hopefully! endnotes 1 it is called malino ii agreement to differentiate it from malino i agreement also done to end social conflict of racial nuance in poso, central sulawesi.malino is a cool air place in gowa district, central sulawesi. that place is often occupied as negotiation place by many parties, even since netherland colonialism. further, the agreement will be called malino agreement. 2 maranata post is the information center and the christian community activities during the maluku conflict. besides in maranata post, anpolicy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 344 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ other activities center is in the diocese of amboina. refference abdel salam, el fatih a. 2005. kerangka teoritis penyelesaian konflik associate professor, department of political sciences, kulliyyah of islamic revealed knowledge and human sciences international islamic university, kuala lumpur, malaysia dalam (www.groups.yahoo.com/ group/sosiologi_profetik). ahmad, saiful. 2004. dinamika poltik lokal dan pemberlakukan darurat sipil di maluku utara, tesis pada program magister ilmu politik, departemen ilmu politik, fisip-universitas indonesia jakarta, 2004. (tidak diterbitkan). azra azumardi, muslim and christian relation in contemporary indonesia, makalah pada komprensi tentang “christian and muslim in the commonwealth”, windsor , inggris, 6-9 juli 2000. burton, jon. 2002. conflict: resolution and provention, new york: st. martin’s press peris, john., tragedi maluku, sebuah krisis peradaban, (jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia, 2004). prasetyo, eko. 2002. memahami wajah pembela agama, potret gerakan islam dalam pusaran arus global, yogyakarta; insist. haris, peter dan ben reily (edit). 2000. democracy and deep-rooted conflict: option for negosiator. international idea,.. tim pspk. 2002. pertikaian antar etnik dan keberadaan tni (kasus ambon-maluku), jakarta, 25 mei 2002. tim kpmm, 2000. laporan penyelidikan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan mediasi di maluku, jakarta; 18 desember 2000. ratnawati , tri. 2003. “mencari perdamaian di maluku”, dalam wai. stockof, dkk., konflik komunal di indonesia , (jakarta: inis universitas leiden bekerjasama dengan iain jakarta, 2003). widjajanto, andi., dinamika keamanan pasca orde baru, (global: jurnal politik internasional, vol.1, no.7, (februari2001). policy of social conflict resolution: implementation of the malino agreement in maluku / saidin ernas / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0017 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.v13i3.15780 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 334 affiliation: 1,2,3,4universitas muhammadiyah malang correspondence: tutiksulistyowati@umm.ac.id how to citate: sulistyowati, t., wahyudi, salahudin, & sihidi, i. t. (2022). the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(3) 334-355 article history: received: august 7, 2022 revised: august 30, 2022 accepted: october 27, 2022 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy tutik sulistyowati*1 , wahyudi2, salahudin3, iradhad taqwa sihidi4 abstract: this paper aims to explain the social construction of family roles in migrant workers’ income management. many migrant worker families are unable to manage their income correctly. this social construction would affect the com munity by giving negative stigma to the families of migrant workers. this re search was conducted using a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. the subjects were selected based on proportional sampling, namely people who live close to the families of migrant workers, extended families of migrant workers, and community leaders. the results of this study indicate that, in reality, some couples of migrant worker families can manage their income well, resulting in the income of migrant workers that does not have a mean ingful impact on the family. the findings of this study contribute to developing a theory of social construction, where reality is the result of personal under standing, which is used as a shared understanding in the community. this shared understanding gives a new stigma to the reality of migrant worker families. the research limitation is that the data used are only obtained from subject interview data and case observations in the field, so the research findings limitedly describe the study of social construction in general. future research that can be conducted based on this finding is investigating the ef fect of poor income management on the increasing migrant workers’ family disharmony. keywords: social construction, family role, migrant family abstrak tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan konstruksi sosial peran keluarga dalam pengelolaan pendapatan pekerja migran. kenyataannya, banyak keluarga tki yang tidak mampu mengelola pendapatannya dengan baik. konstruksi sosial ini akan mempengaruhi masyarakat dengan memberikan stigma negatif kepada keluarga pekerja migran. penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. subyek dipilih berdasarkan purposive sampling, yaitu orang-orang yang tinggal dekat dengan keluarga tki, keluarga besar tki, dan tokoh masyarakat. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada kenyataannya beberapa pasangan keluarga tki tidak dapat mengelola pendapatannya dengan baik, sehingga pendapatan tki tidak berdampak berarti bagi keluarga. temuan penelitian ini berkontribusi pada pengembangan teori konstruksi sosial, di mana realitas merupakan hasil pemahaman individu, yang digunakan sebagai http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:tutiksulistyowati@umm.ac.id https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1814-7564 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0371-1030 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5687-0812 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1845-636x jurnal studi pemerintahan pemahaman bersama di masyarakat. pemahaman bersama ini memberikan stigma baru terhadap realitas keluarga pekerja migran. keterbatasan penelitian ini adalah data yang digunakan hanya diperoleh dari data wawancara subjek dan observasi kasus di lapangan, sehingga temuan penelitian terbatas menggambarkan kajian konstruksi sosial secara umum. penelitian selanjutnya yang dapat dilakukan berdasarkan temuan ini adalah menyelidiki pengaruh manajemen pendapatan yang buruk terhadap meningkatnya disharmoni keluarga pekerja migran. kata kunci: konstruksi sosial, peran keluarga, keluarga migran introduction indonesia is a country that supplies a large number of mi grant workers to other countries. based on the data from the national agency for the placement and protection of indone sian migrant workers (bnp2tki) in 2018, as of january 2019, 283,640 migrant workers worked as indonesian migrant work ers overseas. approximately 47% are placed in the formal and 53% in the informal sectors. meanwhile, based on marital sta tus, 41% are married, 35% are not married, and 24% are di vorced. based on gender, male migrant workers are 30%, while female migrant workers are 70% (bnp2tki, 2020). from the data on the number of indonesian migrant workers, it can be interpreted that most of them are parents with married or di vorced status. many female indonesian migrant workers who are married or no longer single indicate that they are mostly house wives. the low employment opportunities in the village and the narrowing agricultural land ownership have caused many villag ers to leave their hometowns for the city and even their country (herawati, 2010; irawaty et al., 2011; sulaiman et al., 2017; sulistyowati, 2019). the expectations are to get jobs quickly with high salaries. the research center for development and infor mation of bnp2tki (2020) noted that, for three consecutive years, from 2016 to 2018, the placement of indonesian migrant workers increased every year. from 234,451 in 2016, 262,899 in 2017, to 283,640 in 2018. the policy of indonesian migrant workers (pmi) abroad is one of the government’s efforts to reduce unemployment and poverty rates in indonesia (primawati, 2011; madrah et al., 2020; 335 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 336 wijaya et al., 2020; kadir, 2019; lasim et al., 2021). the consid eration of becoming migrant workers is taken due to inadequate employment opportunities in the country of origin, family’s eco nomic pressure, and dreams of having valuables such as motor bikes, cars, rice fields, and good houses, among others. thus, becoming a migrant worker would make the need for these valu ables easier to obtain (isnawati, 2019). this description of conve nience is due to the way of thinking constructed by former mi grant workers who have returned to their hometowns with rela tive success in the financial sector, encouraging other individu als to make the same choices of becoming migrant workers. the low household income is not in line with the increas ingly high demands of life, requiring individuals to choose to become migrant workers overseas in the hope of being able to have a better life (brown & bean, 2005; lim & morshed, 2015; lim & basnet, 2017). individual migration, either one or several family members, will impact the household they leave behind economically, socially, and the community in which they previ ously lived. likewise, the migration of individual parents (either by the father, the mother, or both father and mother simulta neously) can directly affect the family, especially the abandoned children (sumantri, 2013). the problems related to migrant workers do not affect many people’s desire to become migrant workers. however, the prob lems that migrant workers always go through from various send ing countries impact the families that are left behind. direct impacts can arise due to the loss and separation of family mem bers who work as migrant workers, such as anxiety in family members who are left behind because they hear news about prob lems with indonesian workers abroad. apart from the psycho logical impact, the economic impact will also be very influential, such as managing income (remittances) by migrant workers’ fami lies. remittances received by households of origin can have posi tive and negative impacts (sumantri, 2013). it has a positive im pact when the remittance management is carried out following jurnal studi pemerintahan the household’s basic needs. in contrast, the negative impact can occur if the remittances are not appropriately used, like for sprees, fun, gambling, and others. another problem in families of migrant workers is that when one family member chooses to become a migrant worker, one of the functions in the family will change. automatically, one of the family members will play a dual role in carrying out their duties; for instance, when a wife becomes a migrant worker, the father must perform dual roles as the head of the family while at the same time replacing the roles of the mother in the family (sulistyowati, 2017). parents’ departure to become migrant workers affects the children’s daily lives and the relationship with substitute parents at home and neighbours (lutfiyah et al., 2020). this phenom enon often becomes a problem, especially when mothers leave home to become migrant workers. problems that often arise in the family when the mother leaves the family for a relatively long time are the children are not well taken care of, the house is less maintained, the husband feels lonely, and so on. consequently, husbands tend to find new friends and leave their children with caregivers. an indirect problem that can arise is the phenom enon of divorce among female migrant workers, which ultimately impacts the children (bungin, 2008). the community’s social construction towards the family of migrant workers due to a shift in family functions would affect the mindset of family members. in the view of social definition, the reality is the result of creative human creation through the power of social construction of the social world around it. bungin (2008) stated that the social world is the reality outside the indi viduals’ social world. according to our impression, the reality ‘exists’ within oneself and the law that governs. the impact of being in a migrant worker’s family does occur not only psychologically but also socially, such as divorce and child delinquency among migrant workers. furthermore, the impact on the family economy, most successful legal migrant 337 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 338 workers experience an improvement in the family’s economic status. berger (poloma, 2013) claimed that individuals do not just step into roles that previously existed in the family. how ever, social norms are generally accepted and guide their behaviour, and the shared reality is much of their creation. social reality is a social construction created by individuals who are free human beings. the individual becomes the deter minant in the social world constructed based on his will. hu mans, in many ways, have the freedom to act outside the control limits of their social structures and institutions in which indi viduals go through responses to stimuli in their cognitive world. in the social process, the human individual is seen as the creator of social reality who is relatively free in his social life (anwar et al., 2013). practically, this research is a basic form of help to provide information to the community about how the community con structs the role of the family in managing the income of migrant workers in building the family economy. the family of a migrant worker is the party responsible for managing the income or re mittance of a migrant worker while he is still overseas. as in come managers, families must manage the income properly and be responsible for realizing hopes and dreams in building family life. nevertheless, in reality, what happens is sometimes the op posite; families use the income of migrant workers irresponsibly so that the hope of building a family economy is not achieved. this study intends to see how the community constructs migrant worker families as income managers in building the family economy. the concept of social construction is a statement of belief (a claim) and a point of view that the content of awareness and ways of relating to other people are taught by culture and society (ngangi, 2011). meanwhile, indonesian migrant workers are ev ery indonesian citizen who will, is currently, or has done work by receiving salaries outside the territory of the republic of in donesia (sulistyowati, 2017). jurnal studi pemerintahan this study on the social construction of the role of the family in managing the migrant workers’ income to build the family economy is research from the perspective of family sociology, which is related to the relationships and strengthening the func tion of the nuclear family in supporting the existence of the nuclear family. the primary concern is the community’s under standing of the roles and responsibilities of migrant worker fami lies in managing income to build the family economy in the com munity. so, it is expected that the results of the current study could give recommendations to people, mainly migrant workers, and the government as policymakers to protect the migrant work ers and their families. particularly in building community un derstanding of how the role and responsibility of the family in managing the income of migrant workers to build the family economy in the community. literature review a study on social construction was conducted by (sulistyowati, 2019) about the model of adaptation of female migrant work ers in constructing social identity in destination countries. the study shows that the construction of individual self-identity can not be separated from the understanding that underlies the so cial interactions, attitudes, and actions performed by female mi grant workers in their social lives. it differs from the research by (lutfiyah et al., 2020) about the dilemma of women migrant workers in fulfilling rights and responsibilities to the family. women are constructed as family members who have to sacri fice for the family—working as migrant workers are considered an obligation and a solution to pay debt and overcome poverty in the family (sumantri, 2013). similar research by (purwanto, 2018) regarding the social con struction of migrant workers’ husbands on children’s education shows that husbands understand children’s education as a shared responsibility. however, it is more important for the wives to handle it because of different abilities in educating children be 339 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 340 tween them, in which wives tend to have more emotional close ness, painstaking, and patience in educating children. it is in contrast with husbands who tend to be more impatient. second, the process of educating children by the husband in the family when the wife is a migrant worker abroad includes teaching chil dren to read, write, and draw while also instilling the values of politeness, discipline, and religious values, as well as enrolling children in courses, and religious schools. third, the husband’s adjustment process in the family significantly determines the process of educating children. in contrast, the wife works as a migrant worker abroad, such as the family’s economic background (upper middle and lower middle class), the husband’s role in the education of children in the family, husbands who work or not, and differences in the level of children’s education in the family of migrant workers. . social construction concept in many aspects, humans have the freedom to act outside the control limits of the structure and social institutions where the individual originated. humans actively and creatively develop themselves through responses to stimuli in their cognitive world. further, the reality is a social construction created by individu als. individuals are not human victims of social facts but produc tion and reproduction machines that are creative in construct ing their social world (dunford & perrigino, 2018; griffith, 2018; jacobs, 2012; meyer, 2019; sosa et al., 2019). social reality does not stand alone without the presence of individuals, both inside and outside of that reality, and social reality has meanings. when social reality is constructed and interpreted subjectively by other individuals, it stabilizes the reality objectively (barry, 2016; blazsin & guldenmund, 2015; bosco et al., 2019; diaz-leon, 2015; dunford & perrigino, 2018; griffith, 2018; jacobs, 2012; krippendorff, 2016; lusiani & langley, 2019; meyer, 2019; sosa et al., 2019; swim et al., 2018). individuals construct social real ity in the world of reality, viewing it based on other individuals’ jurnal studi pemerintahan subjectivity in their social institutions (diaz-leon, 2015; mcwilliams, 2022; bungin, 2008). the process of social construction on developing community understanding regarding the importance of the family role in managing the migrant worker’s income. so far, what happens is that families tend to use the income (consumptive), not manage it. in social construction, individuals (husband/wife of migrant workers) build themselves in understanding as managers, not as income users. so the reality of the individual acting as a man ager is a social construction. the everyday social reality is a social construction made by the community. indonesian migrant workers as a social phe nomenon indonesian migrant workers as a social phenomenon are al ways interesting to be investigated individually, in groups, or in institutions, legally, socially, psychologically, and economically. in general, the decision to migrate is always driven by someone’s desire to improve some or one aspect of their lives. before the covid-19 pandemic, the number of indonesian migrant workers was still high. data from the ilo web shows that the number of indonesian migrant workers reaches 164 million, half of whom are women. while the impact of the covid pandemic period tends to decrease, demand from several coun tries in all aspects of work has decreased. however, seasonal health and agricultural demand tend to increase (international labour organization, 2020). indonesian migrant workers provide benefits for both the sending country, the receiving country and the migrant workers’ families. countries of origin that send migrant workers will re ceive remittances by sending migrant workers abroad. on the other hand, countries receiving migrant workers benefit economi cally from the fulfillment of the number of workers they need for the economic growth of the receiving country. in addition, for individuals themselves, being a migrant worker is considered 341 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 342 to be able to increase their level of social status in society, achieve economic independence, and increase self-confidence (asriani & amalia, 2016). the perspective of social construction theory (peter l. berger) the social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociological of knowledge (peter l. berger and thomas lukman, 1966) describes social processes through actions and interactions, in which indi viduals continuously create a shared reality that is shared and experienced subjectively (bungin, 2008). assumptions of berger and lukman’s social construction theory are: 1. reality is the result of creative human creation through the power of social construction on the social world around them; 2. the relationship between human thought and the social con text in which it arises is developed and institutionalized; 3. community life is continuously constructed; 4. distinguish between reality and knowledge. reality is defined as the quality contained in reality that is recognized as having an existence (being) that is not dependent on our own will. meanwhile, knowledge is the certainty that the realities are actual and have specific characteristics. berger and lukman substantively believe that reality results from creative human creation through the power of social con struction on the social world around them, “reality is socially con structed.” the social construction of the financial management reality of the migrant worker’s family is a social reality. this social real ity is formed from an understanding of subjective reality that blends with objective reality on the contribution of families to the financial management of migrant workers. the community has always understood that the family carries out the financial management of migrant workers, but sometimes migrant work ers do not trust the family. in this context, society understands a jurnal studi pemerintahan subjective reality that eventually becomes an objective reality to wards the contribution of families in the financial management of migrant workers in building the family economy. research method this research uses a descriptive design. this type of descrip tive research has the characteristics of describing and explaining the observed phenomena. this study aims to describe and ex plain how society constructs the identity of migrant workers’ fami lies based on social reality. the research uses a qualitative research approach. this re search approach analyzes qualitative data from research subjects as necessary statements. therefore, it applies descriptive qualita tive data analysis to describe and explain public statements relat ing to the social construction of families of indonesian migrant workers. the research was conducted in the community of tapakrejo village, kesamben district, blitar regency. tapakrejo village is one of the highest sending areas of migrant workers in blitar, and most migrant workers are female migrant workers. until 2020, the number of migrant workers from tapakrejo village temporarily registered at the village office is 67, consisting of 15 men and 52 women (sulistyowati, 2020). the subjects in this study were determined by purposive sampling, with the criteria being a partner of a migrant worker, living closely, and one of the family members. result and discussion most kesamben district people work as farmers in rice fields, dryland agriculture, and animal husbandry. almost all villages in the kesamben district have residents who become migrant workers abroad, both men and women. the destination coun tries where they work are hong kong, malaysia, saudi arabia, taiwan, and korea. they leave their families, children, and hus band or wife for a long time. 343 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 344 one of the villages in kesamben district, which has many migrant workers, is tapakrejo village. according to information from the head of the village, almost all families of tapakrejo had been migrant workers. of all the migrant workers, the majority are women. even a villager has been a migrant worker in hong kong for 22 years and has not returned until today. tapakrejo village is one of the kesamben district villages with a topography of slopes and hills, so it cannot be used as an arena for rice fields. the location of tapakrejo village is to the north of the centre of kesamben district, with a distance of 10 km from the district city centre. there is no vehicle/public transpor tation to enter this village, only motorcycle taxis from the dis trict capital. residents of tapakrejo village use motorcycle taxis and motorbikes if they want to travel outside the village. tapakrejo village has geographical characteristics of hills and dry land. due to the village’s location being on a hillside, most people work as farmers and farm labourers/fields. the plants grown are woody, such as sengon, sono, and coconut, and only a few residents grow corn or cassava. concerning the types of crops grown are hard crops, men are primarily involved in agriculture, while women do not have access to work in agriculture. agriculture is the main work of the villagers, so when only male residents are involved in agriculture, female residents will look for other alternative jobs, such as trading or working out side the area. the phenomenon in the tapakrejo village com munity is that women feel excluded from the agricultural sector, so they have to look for other productive jobs. alternatively, their choices are to become assistants in the city or migrant workers, or female workers (tkw) abroad. moreover, many residents of neighbouring villages who became migrant workers and returned home with much money (success) inspire them to do the same. migrant workers in tapakrejo village blitar according to village head tapakrejo, the more significant number of female migrant workers than male migrant workers jurnal studi pemerintahan in this village is because the male residents of tapakrejo village work in moors and the women sell and use the products. how ever, the results obtained were not much, so the women ven tured to work abroad. the research informants also confirmed the information submitted by the head of the village. as stated by the subject tumi (neighbour) to the researcher as follows: “. family income is not enough to fulfil our daily needs, (lutfiyah et al., 2020), whereas the children need money. if we do not work, we do not have money. there are many people (women) here who go abroad. some are in malaysia, hong kong, taiwan, singapore, and saudi arabia. there are also many in hong kong and malaysia”. (erwin, 2020) based on the data of indonesian migrant workers (tki) from the tapakrejo village office in 2014, besides the number of mi grant workers, the majority are women (52 out of 57 migrant workers) with mostly elementary school and junior high school graduates, only a few who graduated from high school. addi tionally, the 52 female migrant workers from tapakrejo village are primarily housewives, and only two are unmarried. on aver age, they registered at the private indonesian manpower com pany (ptkis) in malang and surabaya. the average migrant workers from tapakrejo village are between 25 and 45 years old, and their length of work abroad is between 2 and 6 years. an explanation given by mr erwin, the head of tapakrejo village, to the researchers, revealed that: “. the desire of many villagers, especially women, to become tkw is caused by many things, including many people who returned from abroad and succeeded in building houses, buying vehicles, buying land. usually, are those who are married, aged between 20-30 years, unemployed, and are open to going abroad.” (erwin, 2020) changes in tapakrejo village after the arrival of migrant workers physically, the changes in society due to the presence of mi grant workers in tapakrejo village that many people’s houses 345 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 346 appear to have different building look compared to houses of villagers in general. usually, houses that look big and have tiled floors and high fences are houses owned by migrant workers. in contrast, ordinary villagers’ houses are simple buildings with ce ment floors and without fences. non-physically, villagers who migrate to become migrant workers abroad have inspired other villagers, especially the youths. therefore, the village government made various efforts to influence village residents, especially youth, to work in their area. as stated by mr erwin, the head of tapakrejo village, to the researchers as follows: “… i am thinking how to invite the youth here to do something pro ductive, for example, by opening training in fisheries, animal hus bandry, and other skills so that they do not work abroad as migrant workers.” (erwin, 2020) based on the head of the village’s explanation, it indicates that the community’s mindset has been constructed to become migrant workers better than working as farmers. therefore, the village government seeks to create job opportunities for its youth so they would not become migrant workers abroad; thus, the development in the community is increasingly visible. protection policy on migrant workers in blitar regency nationally, the indonesian migrant worker policy is contained in law no. 18 of 2017 concerning the protection of indonesian migrant workers. the protection policy includes protection be fore work, at work and after work. meanwhile, the government’s policy on the protection of migrant workers and their families is contained in the policy of the productive (desmigratif) migrant village program. this program aims to empower, improve ser vices, and provide protection for migrant workers and their fami lies. in this program there are four pillars, namely the village as an information service, the village as a productive business cre ation, the village as community parenting and the village as a productive business engagement. in the pillar of productive busi jurnal studi pemerintahan ness creation, pmi families are expected to be able to manage their income to create productive businesses (nuraeni, 2021). as the second-largest sending area for migrant workers in east java, the blitar regency government, through the manpower and transmigration service (disnakertrans), has made a set of policies related to overseas job seekers. these policies include: a. policies regarding the placement of job seekers abroad: the types of services for the placement of inter-country in donesian migrant workers are as follows: registration of prospective tki (ctki)/yellow card 1. providing an introduction letter to ctki for the head of village/ lurah/ muspika to assist with the required let ters/documents as a condition for working overseas 2. checking the completeness of the required documents for ctki 3. providing recommendations for ctki to the emigration office in srengat to process passports 4. ratifying the placement agreement between ctki and the implementing private indonesian workforce placement (pptkis) specifically for ctki to taiwan 5. settlement of cases of tki, those who are still working abroad and who have returned to indonesia. such as cases of tki being returned to indonesia before the end of their contract for unclear reasons, illness, bankruptcy, and oth ers 6. cases of tki who are not paid per the agreement on the work contract 7. cases of old migrant workers in shelters and others 8. cases of tki who died or were deceived by brokers b. policies concerning services in the field of implementation supervision, blitar regency regulation no. 8 of 2001 concerning retribution for occupational safety and health (k3): 1. carrying out inspection/ testing of equipment in the com pany and working environment conditions to comply with 347 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 348 existing standards in the provisions of work safety laws and regulations. 2. issuing permits /recommendations for the use of specific work equipment and recommendations/ permits related to ctki for inspection/ testing of: a) the tools/ machines meet predetermined standards b) the risk of work accidents can be reduced to a mini mum c) controlling indonesian migrant workers abroad and adding skills (blitarkab.go.id, 2020) the policy on migrant workers in blitar regency is slowly but surely being socialized to all sub-districts and villages throughout blitar regency, including in tapakrejo village, kesamben dis trict. the goal is for migrant workers (especially prospective mi grant workers) to prepare themselves well and become migrant workers without problems. research subject this study used a qualitative approach, and the data were analyzed using descriptive analysis. the subjects of this study were determined by purposive sampling with the criteria, migrant worker spouses, neighbors, and extended family members. from the findings, six research subjects were recruited. the following is the subject’s identity based on the criteria: table 1. research subject identity data no. name age education description 1. syamsudin 65 bachelor degree (s1) worker’s spouse 2. widodo 40 bachelor degree(s1) worker’s spouse 3. tumi 40 elementary school (sd) neighbor 4. erwin 45 senior high school (sma) neighbor 5. edi 37 senior high school (sma) worker’s relative 6. surini 45 junior high school (smp) worker’s relative source: author, 2021 jurnal studi pemerintahan community responses to migrant worker real ity the people of tapakrejo village, in general, are dryland farm ers; thus, to get a better income, they should work outside the area, whether working in the city as construction workers for men or as household assistants for women. since one person dared to work abroad and earn more income outside the region, they also scrambled to work abroad, especially women. this phe nomenon has existed since the early 1990s until now. there are tens or even hundreds of tapakrejo village residents who have worked abroad, especially in malaysia, hong kong, and brunei darussalam. regarding how the subjects responded to seeing young people in the village with young people who were already migrant work ers abroad, they told the researcher that: “it is okay to work anywhere, as long as you are serious. moreover, working abroad must have skills so that the income is large so that it can provide for the family economy” (edi, 23 august 2020) the community and local community leaders realized that the village and all the environmental conditions of the commu nity could not provide the work needs and much income for the villagers, so they gave up and permitted the community mem bers to work abroad. until now, the tendency of people to work abroad in this village is still high. this tendency was conveyed by a subject to researchers as follows: “the desire of the villagers here to work abroad is still high; on aver age, every day, there are always people looking for letters to meet the requirements for overseas, both men and women. their destinations are usually malaysia, hong kong, taiwan, and brunei darussalam (widodo, 2 september 2020). essentially, the tendency of community members to work abroad is not the only solution to earn income for the difficulty of finding jobs in the village. however, because there is a strong push from other residents who have succeeded, other residents are eager to follow in their footsteps. 349 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 350 the following is the result of an interview from one of the commu nity members regarding how the people in this village manage their income while migrant workers are away for work: “very few hus bands can manage income when their wives become migrant workers. most of the money sent to the family is used for their interests. their children are not taken care of and handed over to grandparents” (surini, 23 august 2020). the statement of the subject shows that the majority of hus bands are not able to manage income. this reality makes people have a negative view of the family in managing the income of migrant workers. as a result, the income that should be used to build the family economy and organize the household is wasted. the social construction of families in income management the social construction of the family in managing the income of migrant workers is seen from the aspects of management knowl edge, management ability, and attitudes and actions in manage ment. the results of an interview about family knowledge in managing income show that the family does not have the au thority to manage it because when the family receives remittances, there are already details of its use. as stated by one of the com munity leaders to the following researchers: “usually, when people receive remittances from their fami lies who work abroad, they have detailed usage. for example, this amount is to buy this, for the children’s expenses, to pay debts, and other usages. so, the family only carries out or ders.” (erwin, 3 september 2020) according to the interview above, the subject is not involved in managing income, so from knowledge, attitude, and behav ior, management is not involved. aspects of community igno rance in managing spouse income have implications for manag ing the income. there is a reality that some families cannot man age the income of migrant workers. jurnal studi pemerintahan the ability of migrant family partners to manage income and take care of children until they graduate from school is some thing that migrant workers and the community expect in build ing the family economy. besides, the family can achieve prosper ity and economic security even though one of the spouses still migrates abroad. ultimately, this reality can construct society towards the family as the migrant workers’ income manager in building the family economy. in doing so, cooperation between families as managers and migrant workers as income seekers are essential. the perspective of social construction theory in viewing migrant worker income family man agement social construction is an understanding that reality results from the production of humans themselves, who are socially constructed; therefore, reality and knowledge are two correspond ing keys to having that understanding (syafitri, 2017). the dia lectical process in social construction theory occurs due to the tug-of-war between how objective reality is interpreted by the at titudes of individuals with various values held to show their iden tity in social institutions in which they are part of it (karman, 2015). peter l. berger divides the dialectical process into three parts: externalization, objectivation, and internalization (poloma, 2013). first, the externalization process is an individual’s expression in real life. the preparation of one’s understanding is built based on developing issues, existing realities, and the policies of those in power. second, the objectivation process occurs when indi viduals transmit and share the results of understanding obtained with others. (diniati, 2018) calls the objectivation process a phase of rejection by comparing the initial knowledge possessed with the reality in society which then transmits that understanding to others. the third is the internalization process in which an indi vidual identifies as a social institution member. 351 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 352 the internalization process can occur if the individual suc cessfully passes the rejection and acceptance phases. in the real ity of social construction, the family manages the income of mi grant workers to build the family economy. there are aspects of externalization, objectivation, and internalization so that social construction is formed. in the process of externalization, as an individual expression from real life and constructing one’s un derstanding based on developing issues. the study results show that some families could not take care of the household and manage the income of migrant workers, making people not trust the extended family of migrant workers; hence there is a rejec tion of the migrant workers’ existence. furthermore, the objectivation process occurs as a phase of rejection by comparing the initial knowledge that the migrant worker’s family can manage income with the fact that the family cannot manage income, making people not believe in it. how ever, since it truly exists, it can influence others to believe. the last is the internalization process resulting from not believing that several families are unable to manage income, so they are unable to show the economic structure of the migrant worker family, even though the community can accept this reality. conclusion based on research, it can be concluded that in the externali zation process, there is an initial understanding of the commu nity about family involvement in income management that can be carried out correctly. however, the reality of the research shows that several families cannot manage their income. it is a reality that exists in migrant worker families. thus, aspects of objectiva tion are shown in community members who know the truth that not all families can manage income and then convey this to other community members as new information. in this dialectic pro cess, there is a debate between believing and not believing in community members. moreover, in internalization, community members finally jurnal studi pemerintahan accepted and agreed that the social reality was that not all fami lies could manage income in building the family economy. the research limitation is that the data used are only obtained from subject interview data and case observations in the field, so the research findings limitedly describe the study of social construc tion in general. future research that can be conducted based on this finding is investigating the effect of poor income manage ment on the increasing migrant workers’ family disharmony. recommendation this research uses an analytical approach to social construc tion theory developed by peter l. berger and thomas lukman. therefore, the recommendation of this research is addressed to future researchers who plan to explore and examine the realities of the family life of migrant workers. in this regard, the research ers provide recommendations to the following researchers to examine: 1. literacy of migrant worker income management for families 2. literacy on household management for migrant worker fami lies 3. literacy on the lives of migrant workers and their problems for children of migrant workers who are growing up. references anwar, yesmil, & adang. 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(2017). konstruksi sosial anak jalanan terhadap rumah singgah (studi konstruksi sosial di uptdv kampung anak negeri, surabaya). thesis: universitas airlangga. https://repository.unair.ac.id/68234/ wijaya, h. b., rudianto, i., & kurniawati, h. (2020). migrant entrepreneurs in industry cluster formation and innovation: the case of semarang, central java, indonesia. in the urban book series. springer international publishing. https://link.springer.com/ chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-50363-5_7 acknowledgement the authors would like to express their gratitude to the lead ers of the universitas muhammadiyah malang who have sup ported the authors in carrying out the research until it is finally published. 355 https://doi.org/10.47198/naker.v16i1.90 https://www.blitarkab.go.id/ layout desember 2008 1 koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 ayi karyana jurusan ilmu admisnistrasi universitas terbuka. email: ayi@ut.ac.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the study aims to describe and analyze: (1) coordinate the implementation of co-administration in bangka regency; and (2) obtain a picture of the coordination function implemented in co-operation in the regency of bangka. the method used in this research is descriptive analysis on the basis of an interpretive approach. the results showed, in cocoordinating the implementation of bangka regency between the local government unit (skpd) as the executor of the affairs of co-administration (tp) and that the coordination of development planning, and funders (provincial and central) are not well coordinated. in the sense of coordination is still weak, it does not function according to the procedure that should be. lack of coordination can lead to programs and activities of tp can not fully achieve the goals, and objectives are clear, in addition to the cost requirements, facilities and infrastructure, re-source requirements needed to ensure the success of the tp has not been properly analyzed and measured in accordance with local capabilities. keywords: coordination, coordination function, co-administration. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis: (1) koordinasi pelaksanaan pembantuan (tp) di kabupaten bangka, dan (2) memperoleh gambaran fungsi koordinasi dilaksanakan dalam kerjasama di kabupaten bangka. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis deskriptif berdasarkan pendekatan interpretatif. hasil penelitian menunjukkan pelaksanaan tp di kabupaten bangka antara unit pemerintah daerah (skpd) sebagai pelaksana urusan tp dan penyandang dana (provinsi dan pusat) adalah tidak terkoordinasi dengan baik. dalam arti koordinasi masih lemah, tidak berfungsi sesuai dengan prosedur yang seharusnya. kurangnya koordinasi 2 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dapat menyebabkan program dan kegiatan tp tidak dapat sepenuhnya mencapai tujuan yang jelas. persyaratan biaya, sarana dan prasarana, sumber daya untuk keberhasilan tp belum dianalisis dan diukur sesuai dengan kemampuan lokal. kata kunci: koordinasi, fungsi koordinasi, tugas pembantuani. pendahuluan penyelenggaraan asas tugas pembantuan (tp) merupakan cerminan dari sistem dan prosedur penugasan pemerintah kepada daerah dan atau desa dari pemerintah provinsi kepada kabupaten dan atau desa, serta dari pemerintah kabupaten kepada desa untuk me-nyelenggarakan suatu urusan pemerintahan dan pembangunan yang disertai dengan kewa-jiban melaporkan pelaksanaannya dan mempertanggungjawabkannya kepada yang mem-beri penugasan. tp diselenggarakan karena tidak semua wewenang dan tugas peme-rintahan dapat dilakukan dengan menggunakan asas desentralisasi dan asas dekonsentrasi. pemberian tp adalah untuk meningkatkan efisiensi dan efektivitas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan, pengelolaan pembangunan, dan pelayanan umum, sedangkan tujuannya memperlancar pelaksanaan tugas dan penyelesaian permasalahan serta membantu penyele-nggaraan pemerintahan, dan pengembangan pembangunan bagi daerah dan desa. secara teoritis pengaturan pendanaan tp sebelum ditetapkan agar efisien dan efektif dalam pelaksanaannya perlu dilakukan terlebih dahulu koordinasi antarinstansi, agar terjadi keselarasan dan sinergitas antara kementerian (k) atau lembaga negara (l) dengan guber-nur yang menerima kegiatan pelimpahan wewenang, dan daerah provinsi atau kabupaten dan atau desa yang menerima kegiatan tugas pembantuan. temuan di lapangan membuktikan bahwa penyelenggaraan tp dalam implementa-sinya tidak seperti yang diharapkan, terbukti dengan fakta masalah sebagai berikut: (1) terja-di ketidaksinkronan program dan kegiatan tp; (2) masih lemahnya sisi perencanaan, penge-lolaan, pelaporan serta pertanggungjawaban tp pada pemberi tugas dan penerima tugas; (3) pemberian tp masih didasarkan pada kepentingan k/l penyedia dana tanpa mempertim-bangkan kebutuhan mendesak dari daerah yang menerima dana tp; (4) kebijakan persa-maan situasi di seluruh indonesia yang dianut k/l penyedia dana, sehingga usulan dari ka-bupaten/ kota/provinsi tidak sinkron dengan rencana dari pemerintah pusat; (5) koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 3 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penye-lenggaraan kinerja program tp secara fisik maupun keuangan, ketepatan dan kelancaran penyampaian laporan berdasarkan laporan bulanan dan triwulan masih sangat rendah; (6) masih adanya revisi daftar isian pelaksanaan anggaran/petunjuk operasional kegiatan (dipa/pok) pada satuan kelengkapan pemerintah daerah, padahal program dan kegiatan seharusnya sudah berjalan dan dilaksanakan; (7) terjadinya keterlambatan penetapan calon petani (cp)/calon lahan (cl) oleh bupati pada skpd, karena skpd tidak memiliki peta cp/cl; (8) belum seluruh skpd menyusun petunjuk pelaksanaan (juklak) dan petunjuk teknis (juknis); (9) belum seluruh kegiatan pengadaan dapat dilaksanakan, hal tersebut dise-babkan karena terbatasnya panitia pengadaan dan sulitnya pembentukan panitia pengadaan di skpd; (10) adanya sanggah dan banding pada beberapa proses pengadaan yang memer-lukan penelaahan dan waktu cukup lama dalam penyelesaiannya; (11) seringnya terjadi mutasi pengawai yang menjabat sebagai pengelola keuangan dana tp pada skpd; (12) pertemuan koordinasi, monitoring, dan evaluasi triwulanan provinsi dengan satker kabu-paten, pertemuan bulanan dan triwulanan satker kabupaten dengan desa kurang optimal seiring kesibukan masing-masing skpd melaksanakan tugas pokok dan fungsinya dan ku-rangnya dukungan sarana dan prasarana; (13) pengelolaan dan pelaporan dari skpd masih belum mentaati berbagai aturan yang mengatur tentang pengelolaan dan pelaporan dana tp. tim penyusun naskah akademik revisi uu no 32/2004 menilai bahwa hubungan koordinasi antara provinsi dan kabupaten/kota selama ini masih kurang berjalan secara efektif. kewenangan dan kapasitas pemerintah provinsi untuk melaksanakan koordinasi dalam perencanaan program pembangunan dan pelayanan publik yang memiliki ekster-nalitas lintas kabupaten/kota kurang dapat dikelola secara efektif dan sinerjik. padahal berbagai peraturan sudah dibuat untuk mengeliminir tidak sinkronnya suatu program dan kegiatan, namun koordinasi tetap sulit untuk disinergikan. dalam pelaksanaan tp, kepala daerah wajib membangun pola koordinasi perencanaan secara komprehensif dengan berbagai pihak yang terkait dengan tugas pembantuan. dalam implementasinya proses koordinasi tidak mudah untuk dilakukan, dapat terjadi untuk koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 4 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ merumuskan program dan kegiatan tp ini disatukan dengan acara musyawarah peren-canaan pembangunan untuk keperluan daerah sendiri. itupun, pihak daerah masih menduga-duga program dan kegiatan yang akan di tp-kan dari kementerian/lembaga yang memberikan dana. jika polanya sudah terbangun dan sudah diputuskan, kepala daerah mengusulkan daftar skpd yang mendapatkan tp kepada kementerian negara/lembaga yang memberikan tugas untuk ditetapkan sebagai kuasa pengguna anggaran/kuasa peng-guna barang. apabila kepala daerah tidak menyampaikan usulan daftar skpd, kementerian negara/lembaga dapat meninjau kembali pengalokasian tp. salah satu daerah yang mendapat tp adalah kabupaten bangka. salah satu masalah yang dibahas dalam rapat koordinasi dan sinkronisasi program tp 2009 di hotel tanjung pesona, sungailiat, kabupaten bangka, didapatkan informasi bahwa koordinasi dan sinkro-nisasi tp didalam kegiatan perencanaan, pelaksanaan dan pengawasan program dan anggaran masih belum optimal. diprediksi untuk program dan kegiatan tahuntahun selan-jutnya (2010 dan 2011), masalah yang sama akan timbul dan berulang. berdasarkan pengamatan, informasi dari narasumber dan informan, penjajakan lapa-ngan (observation) di kabupaten bangka dan latar belakang permasalahan yang diuraikan diatas, peneliti melihat terdapat masalah utama yang perlu dikaji melalui penelitian bidang ilmu adalah bagaimanakah koordinasi penyelenggaraan tp di kabupaten bangka? kerangka teoritik dalam suatu organisasi, koordinasi yang merupakan interaksi berupa komunikasi dan membangun sinergi antarlembaga atau kelompok/ individu, memegang peranan penting untuk berjalannya suatu program dan kegiatan secara harmoni tanpa mengganggu dan me-nimbulkan akibat yang tidak baik terhadap program dan kegiatan lainnya. tanpa koordinasi yang efektif, lembaga/satuan kerja/kelompok kerja akan kehilangan pandangan terha-dap perannya dalam organisasi secara total, dan cenderung aktivitas anggotanya lebih men-dahulukan kepentingan sendiri atau kelompoknya sendiri dan mengorbankan tujuan orga-nisasi, sehingga program dan kegiatan gagal dicapai. hal ini sesuai dengan pendapat stoner koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 5 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan freeman (1992) yang menyatakan bahwa: “koordinasi adalah suatu proses penyatupaduan tujuan-tujuan dan kegiatan dari unit-unit, bagian-bagian atau bidang fungsional suatu organisasi yang terpisah untuk mencapai sasaran organisasi secara efektif”. koordinasi tidak hanya sekedar menyangkut kesepakatan dalam penyatupaduan kerja bersama yang operasional sifatnya, tetapi juga koordinasi dalam pembuatan kebijakan. dua hal ini memang tidak serta merta menjamin terjadinya sinkronisasi antar organisasi, missal-nya kementerian dengan daerah yang menerbitkan peraturan dan kebijakan mengenai suatu alokasi dana, tetapi secara normatif koordinasi dalam penyusunan kebijakan akan mengha-silkan kebijakan yang sistematis dan tidak bertubrukan satu sama lain. dalam kaitannya dengan memantapkan sinergitas pusat dan daerah, perlu adanya pengaturan yang sinkron dalam pelaksanaan koordinasi penyelenggaraan suatu program atau kegiatan. hal itu berarti bahwa untuk mewujudkan efektivitas pelaksanaan otonomi daerah, maka segala tugas dan satuan kerja organisasi berikut pejabat yang ada dalam organisasi pemerintah daerah/satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd) harus dikoordinasikan secara baik. wirdi (1983) mendefinisikan koordinasi sebagai proses pengintegrasian tujuan-tujuan dan kegiatan-kegiatan pada satuan-satuan yang terpisah (kementerian atau bidang-bidang fungsional) suatu organisasi untuk mencapai tujuan organisasi secara efisien. tanpa koordinasi, individuindividu dan kementerian akan kehilangan pegangan atas peranan mereka dalam organisasi. mereka akan mulai mengejar kepentingan sendiri, yang sering merugikan pencapaian tujuan organisasi, menjauh dari keberpihakan terhadap kepentingan publik. dari sisi administrasi, siagian (1992) menyebutkan bahwa koordinasi adalah penga-turan tata hubungan dari usaha bersama untuk memperoleh kesatuan tindakan dalam usaha mencapai tujuan bersama. karena itu koordinasi merupakan suatu proses yang mengatur agar pembagian kerja dari berbagai orang atau kelompok dapat tersusun dan diikat menjadi suatu kebutuhan yang integrasi dengan cara dan tindakan yang seefisien mungkin. mengenai pentingnya koordinasi dalam suatu organisasi, ditulis oleh stoner dan freeman (1992) bahwa tanpa koordinasi setiap orang/individu koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 6 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan departemen akan kehilangan pedoman/pegangan kerja tentang peranan apa yang harus dilaksanakan dalam organisasi. dalam suatu organisasi yang merupakan kumpulan dari orang/individu ataupun unit kerja yang akan mencapai tujuan, penting dilaksanakannya koordinasi. koordinasi dapat dilakukan antar individu maupun unit kerja yang mempunyai ikatan berdasarkan tujuan yang sama. adapun pengertian bahwa koordinasi sebagai suatu proses menyatukan sasaran dan kegiatan dari unit-unit kerja yang terpisah untuk mencapai tujuan organisasi secara efektif, karena adanya pembagian tugas pekerjaan sesuai dengan fungsinya masing-masing baik menurut unit atau wilayah/areanya. tugas pembantuan, menyiratkan adanya tugas yang dilakukan dengan menggunakan mekanisme koordinasi. pentingnya koordinasi dapat dilihat pada batasan yang dikemukakan oleh mc far-land (1979) yang mengemukakannya bahwa koordinasi adalah proses yang di-tempuh para manajer untuk mencapai pola-pola usaha kelompok dan individu yang terpadu: “untuk mengkoordinasi tujuan umum harus mengembangkan kesatuan tindakan. koordinasi dapat mengarahkan dan menyatukan kegiatan dari beberapa satuan kerja sehingga organisasi dapat bergerak sebagai kesatuan yang bulat guna melaksanakan tugas organisasi yang diperlukan untuk mencapai tujuan. koordinasi yang efektif merupakan tujuan yang harus dicapai oleh administrasi yang baik dan hal ini menjadi tanggung jawab langsung dalam suatu organisasi”. untuk lebih memperjelas bahasan dari koordinasi, mcfarland (1979) menguraikan lima hal pokok tentang koordinasi sebagai berikut: (1) bahwa koordinasi merupakan salah satu tanggung jawab kepemimpinan manajer; (2) koordinasi terdapat pada berbagai tingka-tan dan merupakan sebuah proses yang kontinyu; (3) koordinasi diterapkan untuk usaha kelompok, bukan usaha individu; (4) kesatuan tindakan berarti bahwa pimpinan harus mengatur sedemikian rupa usaha-usaha tiap kegiatan individu sehingga terdapat adanya keserasian di dalam mencapai hasil; dan (5) akhirnya definisi tersebut menyatakan bahwa objek koordinasi adalah tujuan umum. koordinasi merupakan upaya langkah dan tindakan dari berbagai koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 7 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bidang tertentu, sehingga akan dapat menciptakan keharmonisan dalam mencapai tujuan, terutama dalam rangkaian kerja. koordinasi merupakan alat menyesuaikan aktivitas seseorang atau unit-unit yang satu dengan yang lainnya dalam upaya menciptakan kerjasama dalam suatu organisasi dalam rangka mencapai tujuan organisasi. mengenai hal tersebut sugandha (1991), menye-butkan unsur-unsur yang terkandung dalam usaha koordinasi yaitu: (1) unit-unit atau orga-nisasi-organisasi; (2) sumbersumber atau potensi yang ada seperti tenaga kerja, keteram-pilan personilnya, teknologi, anggaran serta fasilitas kerja lainnya; dan (3) kesatupaduan atau hubungan di antara sasarannya sehingga mewujudkan suatu integritas atau kesatuan yang kompak. pengertian koordinasi diatas, sangat jelas bahwa unsur yang harus dibangun dan dilaksanakan dalam penyelenggaraan tp di kabupaten bangka adalah dimana unsur-unsur terkait harus saling memperkuat dalam pencapaian tujuan bersama untuk mendapatkan ha-sil yang optimal sesuai dengan tugas yang diberikan. senada dengan pendapat diatas sugandha (1991) menyebutkan ada dua jenis koordinasi sesuai dengan lingkupnya, yaitu: (1) koordinasi intern adalah koordinasi antara pejabat atau antara unit kerja di dalam suatu organisasi, dan (2) koordinasi ekstern yaitu koordinasi antara pejabat dari berbagai organi-sasi. koordinasi antara skpd dengan biro yang menangani tp di provinsi; provinsi koordinasi dengan k/l yang menugaskan tp. begitu juga koordinasi di tingkat pelaksana dan kelompok-kelompok masyarakat penerima bantuan yang tersebar di berbagai kecamatan dan desa. secara historis, tp merupakan asas yang diwariskan oleh hukum tata negara hin-dia belanda. tugas pembantuan yang dahulu disebut disebut serta-tantra yaitu suatu terje-mahan dari medebewind yang pengaturannya tertuang dalan undang-undang desentralisasi 1903 atau secara lengkap wethoutdende decentralisatie van het bestuur in nederlandsch-indie (s.1903/ 329). menurut kleintjes (1929), medebewind dalam hukum tata negara hindia be-landa diadopsi dari hukum tata negara belanda. di belanda semula dipakai istilah zelf-bestuur untuk medebewind. apabila istilah zelfbestuur diterjemahkan dalam bahasa inggris menjadi self government, maka istilah tersebut merupakan padanan autonomy. oleh karena itu kemudian dipakai istilah medebewind. koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 8 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menurut prasojo (2007) di belanda medebewind diartikan sebagai pembantu penyelenggaraan kepentingan-kepentingan dari pusat atau daerah-daerah yang tingkatan-nya lebih atas oleh perangkat daerah yang lebih bawah. menurut bagir manan (1994), tp diberikan oleh pemerintah pusat atau pemerintah yang lebih atas kepada pemerintah daerah dibawahnya berdasarkan undang-undang. oleh karena itu, medebewind sering disebut serta tantra/tugas pembantuan. medebewind adalah kewajiban daerah otonom untuk menjalan-kan peraturan perundangundangan pusat atas penugasan dari pemerintah dengan jalan mengadakan peraturan daerah guna menyesuaikan peraturan perundang-undangan pusat dengan kondisi daerah otonom tersebut. kleintjes (1929) mengemukakan medebewind berarti ikut sertanya daerah otonom dalam pengaturan dan pelaksanaan materi yang menjadi kompetensi badanbadan hukum yang lebih tinggi. disamping medebewind, di belanda terdapat istilah medebestuur yang berarti ikut sertanya daerah otonom dalam pelaksanaan perundang-undangan badan hukum yang lebih tinggi. koesoemahatmadja (1979) mengartikan medebewind atau zelfbestuur sebagai pembe-rian kemungkinan dari pemerintah pusat/pemerintah daerah yang lebih atas untuk meminta bantuan kepada pemerintah daerah/pemerintah daerah yang tingkatannya lebih rendah agar menyelenggarakan tugas atau urusan rumah tangga dari daerah yang tingkatannya lebih atas. daerah yang diberi tp oleh pemerintah pusat yang disebut medebewind atau zelfbestuur (menjalankan peraturan-peraturan yang dibuat oleh dewan yang lebih tinggi). istilah zelfbestuur adalah terjemahan dari selfgovernment yang di inggris diartikan sebagai segala kegiatan pemerintahan di tiap bagian dari inggris yang dilakukan oleh wakil-wakil dari yang diperintah. dalam menjalankan medebewind tersebut urusan-urusan yang diselenggarakan peme-rintah daerah masih tetap merupakan urusan pusat/daerah yang lebih atas, tidak beralih menjadi urusan rumah tangga daerah yang di minta bantuan. hanya saja cara daerah otonom menyelenggarakan bantuan tersebut diserahkan sepenuhnya pada daerah itu sen-diri. daerah otonom ini tidak berada di bawah perintah, juga tidak dapat dimintai pertanggung jawaban oleh pemerintah pusat/daerah yang lebih tinggi yang memberi tugas, karena hakekatnya urusan yang koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 9 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diperbantukan pada daerah otonom tersebut adalah urusan pusat, maka dalam sistem medebewind anggarannya berasal dari apbn. anggaran pusat ini lalu ditransfer langsung ke kas daerah. anggaran ini masuk ke rekening khusus yang pertanggungjawabannya terpisah dari apbd. menurut koesoemahatmadja (1979) dalam sistem medebewind pemerintah pusat atau daerah otonom yang lebih tinggi, dalam hal ini pemerintah provisi, menyerahkan urusan yang menurut peraturan perundang-undangan merupakan kewenangannya kepada daerah otonom di bawahnya (kabupaten/kota/desa). daerah otonom yang diserahi tugas tersebut melaksanakannya melalui satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd). dalam melaksanakan tugas tersebut, skpd tidak bertanggung jawab kepada pemerintah pusat/daerah yang lebih tinggi yang memberi tugas tetapi kepada kepala daerah (zelfuitvoering). konsep tp yang dianut di indonesia adalah penugasan (taak) dengan kewajiban mempertanggung jawabkan pelaksanaannya kepada yang menugaskan. luas dan sempitnya wewenang untuk melaksanakan tp akan sangat tergantung kepada peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengaturnya. konsekuensinya, pertama, kebijakan pengaturan urusan tp tetap ada pada pemerintah pusat atau daerah tingkat atasnya. kedua, kebijakan cara melaksanakan urusan tersebut diserahkan kepada pemerintah daerah atau daerah yang lebih rendah tingkatnya. keleluasaan mengenai kebijakan cara melaksanakannya tergantung kepada peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengaturnya. ketiga, kebijakan pembiayaan menjadi beban dan tanggung jawab pemerintah yang menugaskan, yaitu; pemerintah pusat atau pemerintah daerah tingkat yang lebih atas. keempat, dasar pertimbangan pemberian medebewind adalah efisiensi dan doelmatig serta mendorong pemerintah daerah untuk lebih meningkatkan kemampuan ekonominya melalui learning process. jadi, didalam asas tp tersimpul pengertian pemberian kewenangan otonomi yang tidak penuh atau dapat pula dikatakan bahwa penyerahan urusan dalam bentuk tp adalah sebagai fase antara (tussen fase) dalam menuju kepada pemberian otonomi penuh. pemerintah daerah yang mempero-leh tp tersebut mengadakan adaptasi melalui kegiatan learning process. menurut hoessein (2005), dalam penyelenggaraan tp (medebewind; co-administration; co-government), pemerintah (k/l) menetapkan kebijakan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 10 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ makro dan menugaskan daerah otonom untuk implementasinya berdasarkan kebijakan mikro yang dapat diatur oleh daerah otonom sesuai dengan kondisi yang ada di daerah. sedangkan wasistiono (2006) menjelas-kan latar belakang perlunya diberikan tp kepada daerah dan desa, yaitu: (1) ada-nya pera-turan perundang-undangan yang membuka peluang dilakukannya pemberian tp dari pemerintah kepada daerah dan desa dan dari pemerintah daerah kepada desa (pasal 18a uud 1945 sampai pada undang-undang pelaksanaanya, uu no. 32/2004 dan uu no. 33/2004); (2) adanya kemauan politik (political will) untuk memberikan pelayanan yang lebih baik kepada seluruh lapisan masyarkat dengan prinsip lebih murah, lebih cepat, lebih mudah dan lebih akurat; (3) adanya keinginan politik untuk menyelenggarakan pemerinta-han, pembangunan dan pemberian pelayanan kepada masyarakat secara lebih ekonomis, lebih efesien dan efektif, lebih transparan dan akuntabel; (4) kemajuan negara secara keseluruhan akan sangat ditentukan oleh kemajuan daerah dan desa yang ada di dalam wilayahnya; dan (5) citra masyarakat akan lebih mudah diukur oleh masyarakat melalui maju atau mundurnya suatu desa atau daerah. citra inilah yang memperkuat atau memper-lemah dukungan masyarakat terhadap pemerintah yang sedang berkuasa. menurut ateng syafrudin (dalam fauzan, 2006), dasar pertimbangan pelaksa-naan asas tp, yaitu: (1) keterbatasan kemampuan pemerintah dan atau pemerintah daerah; (2) sifat sesuatu urusan yang sulit dilaksanakan dengan baik tanpa mengikutsertakan pemerin-tah daerah; (3) perkembangan dan kebutuhan masyarakat, sehingga sesuatu urusan pemerintahan akan lebih berdaya guna dan berhasil guna apabila ditugaskan kepada pemerintah daerah. dalam kronologis tp, wasistiono (2006) menjelaskan bahwa sebelum diberlakukan uu no. 32/2004, melalui asas tp, dana-dana dekonsentrasi yang semula dialokasikan kepada instansi vertikal di kabupaten/kota dan provinsi pada masa uu no. 5/1974, ditarik ke atas untuk kemudian didistribusikan kembali ke daerah melalui mekanisme tp. asas ini sekaligus juga sebagai salah satu alat kendali pemerintah pusat kepada pemerintah daerah melalui jalur keuangan. selama ini pemerintah pusat mengendalikan daerah melalui tiga jalur yakni kewenangan, kepegawaian, koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 11 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ serta keuangan. setelah berlakunya uu no. 22 /1999, alat kendali pemerintah pusat hanya melalui keuangan saja, karena kewenangan dan kepegawaian sudah diserahkan kepada daerah. untuk koordinasi pembinaan dan pengawasan penyelenggaraan tp di daerah provin-si/kabupaten/kota telah diatur dalam pp no. 23/2011 tentang perubahan atas pp no. 19/ 2010 tentang tata cara pelaksanaan tugas dan wewenang serta kedudukan keuangan gubernur sebagai wakil pemerintah di wilayah provinsi. gubernur melakukan koordinasi dengan k/l terkait dalam rangka penyusunan program/kegiatan yang akan dilimpahkan kepada gubernur dan/atau ditugaskan kepada provinsi/ kabupaten/kota. koordinasi dilaku-kan melalui rapat kerja gubernur yang dilaksanakan paling sedikit 2 (dua) kali dalam setahun. metode penelitian metode kajian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analisis. objek yang dikaji adalah koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan. teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpu-lan data adalah observasi (pengamatan), wawancara langsung dengan informan dari sumbernya, meminta jawaban tertulis, dan studi dokumentasi. data primer bersumber dari observasi, wawancara, dan jawaban tertulis dari semua pihak yang terkait, baik langsung maupun tidak langsung dalam ruang lingkup koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantu-an. data sekunder berupa dokumen, baik catatan, arsip, maupun laporan, dan untuk meng-uji keakuratan data dan informasi dilakukan triangulasi. hasil dan analisis wilayah kabupaten bangka terletak di pulau bangka dengan luas lebih kurang 2.950,68 km2 atau 295.068 ha. secara administratif wilayah kabupaten bangka berbatasan langsung dengan daratan wilayah kabupaten/kota lainnya di provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung, yaitu dengan wilayah kota pangkalpinang, kabupaten bangka tengah dan kabupaten bangka barat. pada tahun 2008 kabupaten bangka terdiri dari 8 kecamatan, 9 kelurahan, 60 desa yang merupakan desa definitif dan di dukung 199 dusun/lingkungan. dari jumlah seluruh kelurahan/ desa yang ada di kabupaten bangka menurut klasifikasi desa terdiri dari koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 12 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 8 desa swakarya dan 61 desa swadaya. sementara itu dilihat dari potensi aparatur negara yang ada hingga 2009 terdapat 2.207 pegawai negeri sipil (pns) yang tersebar di 11 satuan kerja di kabupaten bangka. dengan jumlah penduduk pada 2009 sebanyak 260.395 jiwa. menurut laporan dan dokumen yang diterima badan perencanaan dan pembangu-nan daerah (bappeda) kabupaten bangka pada tahun anggaran 2010 sampai dengan triwulan iv (31 desember 2011), terdapat 3 skpd yang melaksanakan kegiatan yang memiliki sumber dana apbn tugas pembantuan yaitu dinas pertanian dan peternakan, ba-dan ketahanan pangan, dan dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja. 1. analisis koordinasi penyelenggaraan tp di kabupaten bangka kementerian keuangan republik indonesia (2011), menguraikan permasalahan pen-danaan tp tidak hanya dalam dimensi perencanaan, tetapi terjadi juga dalam pelaksa-naan dan pertanggungjawabannya. penyebab timbulnya permasalahan, selain karena keti-dakkonsistenan menerapkan aturan juga disebabkan kurangnya koordinasi, pembinaan, dan pengawasan yang dilakukan k/l terhadap penyelenggaraan kegiatan tp sehingga menjadi tidak optimal. secara normatif skpd penerima tp di kabupaten bangka, pada tingkat pimpinan memahami prosedur yang seharusnya dikerjakan dalam pelaksanaan perencanaan program dan kegiatan. untuk tugas perencanaan daerah dilaksanakan oleh bappeda. sesuai tugas dan fungsinya dalam mengkoordinasikan perencanaan daerah, berdasarkan hasil wawan-cara dengan bappeda kabupaten bangka pada 13 oktober 2011 di kantor bappeda, semua usulan dari skpd yang berkenaan dengan tp dikoordinasikan oleh bappeda ke pemerintah pusat melalui masing-masing kementerian negara sesuai dengan urusannya. namun, setelah disetujui, ternyata dana dari kementerian langsung dikirim ke skpd penerima tp, tanpa tembusan ke bappeda. langkah yang dilakukan bappeda agar tidak kehilangan data dan untuk keperluan koordinasi di bidang perencanaan pembangunan dae-rah, bappeda kabupaten bangka meminta data ke provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung melalui biro pemerintahan untuk evaluasi koordinasi dan untuk keperluan pencatatan program dan kegiatan tp di lingkungan kabupaten bangka. koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 13 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ program dan kegiatan tp di kabupaten bangka, terdapat kegiatan yang belum mengarah kepada kegiatan yang memprioritaskan kebutuhan inti skpd, sering terjadi tidak sinkronnya kebutuhan skpd dengan kementerian. program dan kegiatan tp masih belum sinkron dengan pemanfaatan dan pengembangan skpd dan desa. awaluddin salah seorang kepala bidang pertanian di dinas pertanian dan peternakan mengemukakan hal berikut: “skpd tidak pernah menolak program tp yang dikeluarkan kementerian, walaupun ada program yang tidak sesuai dengan kebutuhan daerah dan skpd. komunikasi dan konsultasi tetap berjalan, komitmen pimpinan skpd terhadap tindak lanjut kesepakatan melalui koordinasi dengan berbagai pihak termasuk kelompok penerima bansos atau kelompok tani melalui rapat-rapat diusahakan untuk tetap dilaksanakan”. pada dasarnya pola kerja dan mekanisme sinkronisasi perencanaan dan penganggaran pembangunan antara kementerian dan daerah (provinsi/ kab/kota/desa) termasuk program dan kegiatan tp seharusnya dilakukan melalui musrenbang, yaitu; forum dalam rangka menyusun rencana program dan kegiatan k/l dan rencana pembangunan daerah, yang secara operasional dilaksanakan oleh skpd-skpd. pernyataan narasumber dan informan berkenaan dengan hambatan dan kendala di lapangan melaksanakan kegiatan tp ternyata memperkuat temuan hasil monitoring dan evaluasi yang dilakukan oleh kementerian keuangan (2010), terhadap pengelolaan dana tp tahun anggaran 2009 yang dilakukan oleh 54 (lima puluh empat) skpd penerima dana tp, dari 5 (lima) k/l, yaitu: (1) kementerian kelautan dan perikanan (19 skpd); (2) kementerian tenaga kerja dan transmigrasi (26 skpd); (3) kementerian pekerjaan umum (5 skpd); (4) kementerian pendidikan nasional (2 skpd); dan (5) kementerian dalam negeri (2 skpd); ditemukan isu penting atau masalah tentang aspek perencanaan dan penganggaran, berkenaan dengan mekanisme yang digunakan daerah (provinsi/ kabupa-ten/kota/desa) dalam menyampaikan informasi kebutuhan pembangunan daerah melaui skpd masing-masing yang didanai melalui program dan kegiatan tp. kementerian keuangan menunjukkan hampir sebagian besar (82,50%) masih menggunakan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 14 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mekanisme di luar musrenbangnas dan musrenbangda dalam menyampaikan informasi kebutuhan pembangunan daerah, sekitar 70% menggunakan mekanisme usulan daerah yang dilakukan secara formal melalui surat maupun proposal, dan 12,50% menggunakan mekanisme informal. informan dari kantor bappeda kabupaten bangka memperkuat bukti tidak sinkronnya program dan kegiatan tp. bukti lain adanya masalah koordinasi tp berkaitan dengan mekanisme usulan daerah tentang tp ini, dikemukakan oleh informan dari bappeda, faisal (41 tahun), salah seorang kepala bidang di kantor bappeda kabupaten bangka. “skpd sepertinya langsung menyampaikan laporan ke kementerian, tidak menyampaikan ke provinsi, tembusan tidak disampaikan ke provinsi, makanya kami kadang tidak tahu yang dapat dana tp ini, kami juga izin minta informasi ke provinsi. jadi dari provinsi tidak jelas, apalagi dari pusat tidak pernah menyampaikan kepada kami yang bakal dapat dana tp, skpd ini itu, kami jemput bola ke provinsi. jadi kami berpikiran dasar tp semuanya dari musrenbang dan musrenbang dikoordinasikan oleh bapeda. undang-undang perencanaan begitukan aturannya, tidak boleh perencanaan dibuat seperti itu, kita tidak tahu mekanisme di pusat seperti apa, bagaimana pembagiannya, tidak tahu kita, yang penting kami akomodir usulan dari skpd diteruskan ke provinsi, minta ke provinsi dananya, itu mekanisme perencanaan di kami (bappeda)”. pernyataan dari awaluddin (kepala bidang pertanian dinas pertanian dan peternakan kabupaten bangka) memperkuat adanya masalah dalam koordinasi tugas pembantuan: “begini, kalau di tahun sebelumnya untuk usulan, baik dana tp maupun dana dekon di rapatkan dahulu di provinsi, ada pertemuan, nanti pada saat pertemuan di minta membuat agenda usulan-usulan seperti itu. nah, memang di 20102011 itu kayaknya provinsi yang handle, kita sendiri tidak tahu, makanya kemarin begitu muncul banyak keluhan-keluhan dari semua kabupaten, seperti pembangunan embung, embung itu memang tidak pernah mengusulkan tahutahu muncul, dari 20 unit yang dapat, ada yang sulit direalisasikan, kita siap saja, memang seperti itu adanya, mau dipaksakan juga mau tangan dua jadi satu sayapun mau. karena ini menyangkut kesiapan dari masyarakat, bantuan sosial (bansos) ini untuk masyarakat yang mengelola, kalau mereka tidak siap kan tidak bisa dipaksa”. koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 15 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sehubungan ketidaksiapan tp dialami oleh satker dinas pertanian dan peternakan. kelompok tani tidak siap melaksanakan bantuan sosial untuk kegiatan perluasan areal dan pengelolaan lahan pertanian dengan pagu anggaran sebesar rp. 1.650.000.000,, dana yang terserap sampai september 2011 sebesar rp. 595.000.000,(36,06%). ketika ditanyakan, bagaimana menghadapi kasus seperti tidak terserap dan terealisasinya kegiatan, awaluddin (44 tahun), menyatakan: “pada 2011 ini masih dalam tahapan pelaksanaan, karena dari surat perjanjian itu sendiri sampai dengan 31 desember, nanti kalaupun seandainya pekerjaan tidak terselesaikan karena dana itu sudah ada di kelompok, kita hitung dana untuk konstruksi seberapa, seberapa itu yang kita bayarkan, selebihnya dana yang tidak terserap harus dikembalikan kembali ke kas negara…”. berdasarkan penjelasan dari informan, untuk pencairan dana tp tahap 3, penerima bansos tp harus mempersiapkan dokumentasi, pembobotan fisik, dan lain-lain yang disyaratkan, selanjutnya setelah selesai laporan dengan dukungan dokumen tadi, baru turun dana tahap berikutnya. indikasi tidak sinkronnya program dan kegiatan dengan dana tp di kabupaten bangka terjadi. di skpd dinas pertanian dan peternakan, pembuatan cadangan air atau embung tanaman pangan tidak pernah diusulkan, akibatnya skpd ini harus mempersiapkan sarana dan prasarana, termasuk lokasi kegiatan embung/kolam cadangan air. berdasarkan pengakuan kabid pertanian, awaluddin, persoalan yang muncul dari adanya program dan kegiatan yang tiba-tiba keluar, tidak sesuai dengan usulan dalam musrenbang adalah daya serap. menurutnya, kegiatan di lapangan memerlukan persiapan, mencari lahan, penunjukkan kelompok tani dan lainnya. penunjukkan inipun tidak bisa serta merta, tetapi perlu koordinasi dengan berbagai pihak yang terkait dengan bentuk kegiatan. daya serap pengelolaan air irigasi untuk pertanian/embung ini per 20 september 2011, hanya 10%. fakta lain, kelompok tani tidak siap untuk melaksanakan kegiatan perluasan areal dan pengelolaan lahan pertanian, sehingga daya serap hanya mencapai 36.06%. persoalan yang dihadapi bukan hanya ketidaksiapan kelompok tani, ternyata kelompok tani yang menyatakan siap, dalam pelaksanaannya kelompk ini belum membuat tahapan usulan, termasuk kelompok tani calon peserta belum koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 16 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menyerahkan syarat-syarat yang telah ditetapkan. pernah terjadi dinas pertanian dan peternakan merevisi surat keputusan susunan kelompok tani penerima kegiatan bansos. seharusnya kebutuhan pembangunan daerah yang didanai melalui program dan kegiatan tugas pembantuan adalah kebutu-han pembangunan daerah yang sesuai dengan prioritas pembangunan nasional dan prioritas pembangunan daerah, sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam penjelasan pasal 21 ayat (2) dan pasal 50 ayat (2) pp 7/ 2008 tentang dekonsentrasi dan tugas pembantuan. untuk penyempurnaan perencanaan di daerah perlu didorong untuk lebih mengoptimalkan peng-gunaan mekanisme musrenbang dalam menyampaikan informasi kebutuhan pembangunan daerah agar terwujudnya efisiensi dan sinergi kebijakan program dan kegiatan pembangu-nan pusat dan daerah. penyediaan dana pendampingan terjadi pada satker dinas pekerjaan umum kabupaten bangka untuk program nasional pemberdayaan masyarakat pengembangan infrastruktur sosial ekonomi wilayah (pnpm pisew) dengan dana sebesar rp. 675.844.500 yang diambil dari dana apbd kabupaten bangka tahun anggaran 2010. dana pendam-pingan ini, disediakan juga oleh dinas pertanian dan peternakan, serta badan ketahanan pangan. hasil evaluasi kementerian keuangan (2010) menunjukkan masih ada daerah/ skpd, sebanyak 22,86% yang diminta untuk menyediakan dana pendamping. 2. analisis pelaksanaan fungsi koordinasi dalam penyelenggaraan tp perkembangan realisasi penyerapan dana program tp sebagai bukti pelaksanaan fungsi koordinasi terselenggaranya tp, berdasarkan kegiatan tahun anggaran 2011 yang dilaksanakan di kabupaten bangka berdasarkan data lapangan ditemukan, sebagai berikut: a. satuan kerja dinas pertanian dan peternakan untuk satuan kerja dinas pertanian dan peternakan, dana tp diberikan untuk perbaikan irigasi, perluasan areal dan pegelolaan lahan pertanian, pengelolaan sistem pe-nyediaan dan pengawan alat mesin pertanian, dukungan manajemen dan dukungan teknis lainnya, kegiatan pengelolaan produksi tanaman serealia, kegiatan pengelolaan sistem pe-nyediaan benih koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 17 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tanaman pangan. untuk implementasi pelaksanaan tp di skpd dinas per-tanian dan peternakan dapat dilihat pada tabel dibawah ini: tabel 1. realisasi dana tp di satker dinas pertanian dan peternakan sumber; data primer b. satuan kerja badan ketahanan pangan pada tahun 2011, skpd badan ketahanan pangan kabupaten bangka melaksanakan program peningkatan diversifikasi dan ketahanan pangan masyarakat, dengan total pagu anggaran sebesar rp. 1.086.700.000,dengan kegiatan dapat dilihat secara detail pada tabel dibawah ini: tabel 2. realisasi dana tp satker badan ketahanan pangan sumber; data primer c. satuan kerja dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja pada tahun 2011, skpd dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja kabupaten koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 18 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bangka melaksanakan program penempatan dan perluasan kesempatan kerja, dengan total pagu anggaran sebesar rp. 419.201.000,dengan kegiatan dapat dilihat secara detail pada tabel dibawah ini: tabel 3. realisasi dana tp satker dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja sumber; data primer hasil penelitian di kabupaten bangka, dalam hal pelibatan bappeda sebagai perangkat kerja pemerintah daerah yang melakukan fungsi koordinasi, perencanaan, monitoring dan pelaporan dalam tata kelola tugas pembantuan sangat lemah. bappeda kabupaten bangka hanya sebagai penerima laporan jumlah dana atau besaran pagu tugas pembantuan suatu kementerian di skpd, itupun diketahui setelah masingmasing skpd yang mendapat tp, yaitu; dinas pertanian dan peternakan, dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja, dan badan ketahanan pangan kabupaten bangka, untuk tahun anggaran 2011 memberikan laporan. dalam proses pelaksanaan, bappeda kabupaten bangka tidak lagi mengetahui, adanya proses perubahan pagu, apakah masih sesuai dengan perencanaan atau tidak sesuai, bappeda mengetahui terjadinya perubahan dari laporan triwulanan berikutnya setelah dibandingkan dengan laporan paling awal, itupun sering terlambat dan seetelah dilakukan jemput bola. berkenaan dengan laporan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka dikemukakan oleh kepala bappeda moch. kamil abubakar, s.h, dalam wawancara yang dilakukan pada 12 oktober 2011 di kantor bappeda, seperti berikut: “ dari hasil monitoring, evaluasi dan laporan yang diterima bappeda per-20 september 2011, terhadap pelaksanaan kegiatan tugas pembantuan tahun anggaran 2010 yang dibiayai oleh apbn, sampai dengan triwulan ke-iv, diketahui pada kantor dinas sosial dan tenaga kerja kabupaten bangka untuk kegiatan fasilitas pendukung pasar kerja, melalui penguatan kelembagaan, peningkatan informasi penyelenggaraan bursa kerja yaitu pada kegiatan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 19 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penyuluhan dan penyebaran informasi, belum ada petugas atau pegawai yang menangani secara khusus kegiatan tersebut. kurangnya partisipasi pihak perusahaan dalam menyampaikan laporan ketenagakerjaan. perusahaan tidak secara terbuka memberikan laporan secara terbuka dan lengkap. masalah lain yang dihadapi adalah lambatnya skpd yang mendapatkan dana tugas pembantuan menyampaikan laporannya ke bappeda kabupaten bangka sehingga penyusunan laporan yang seharusnya dikirim ke kementerian yang memberikan dana tugas pembantuan menjadi terlambat”. laporan yang tersumbat terjadi dalam domain fungsi koordinasi penyelenggaran tp di kabupaten bangka. bukti adanya keterlambatan diterimanya laporan oleh bappeda kabupaten bangka dapat dilihat dari pernyataan kepala bappeda, moch. kamil abubakar, s.h, dalam wawancara tanggal 12 oktober 2011 di kantor bappeda sungailiat sebagai berikut: “pada intinya bappeda itu menerima laporan dari skpd yang berkaitan dengan tp baik yang menyangkut realisasi dana tp maupun kegiatan di lapangan, itu biasa pak, kalau terlambat, tapi untuk mengantisipasi biar tidak ada sanksi, kami lakukan jemput bola, kami langsung ke skpd minta laporannya untuk masa berjalan, aturannya maksimal tanggal tujuh setelah bulan yang bersangkutan, laporan dibuat triwulanan, jadi sebelum tanggal tujuh kalau mereka (skpd) tidak ada laporan ya …sudah kami ke skpd, biar tidak ribet, cuma tiga skpd, tinggal minta data dari mereka”. pernyataan tersebut menunjukkan bahwa skpd yang melaksanakan dan mengelola tugas pembantuan lemah dalam pengadministrasian dana tp. laporan tidak lengkap, tidak dilaporkan per semester, dan tidak menggambarkan keseluruhan pelaksanaan kegiatan. dengan terjadinya keterlambatan laporan dari skpd dan tidak lengkapnya laporan, menimbulkan kebingungan bagi bappeda. berikut pernyataan kepala bappeda: “akhir september 2011 sebenarnya kepala bappeda seluruh kabupaten dan kota harus menyampaikan laporan penyerapan dana, dan menjelaskan segala macam berbagai hambatan berkenaan dana tp ke provinsi, semestinya laporan tidak terlambat, mereka punya satker tp koq. jadi, seharusnya mereka lebih lengkap menuliskan kendala dan hambatannya”. koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 20 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lain halnya yang dikemukakan mulyoto (50 tahun), penyuluh pada badan ketahanan pangan yang selalu ada dan bertugas di lapangan, juga sebagai pelaksana kegiatan tp: “masalah laporan tidak masalah, itu kuncinya di kita, asal kegiatan di tingkat kelompok ada, jadi kita lihat buku kegiatan, buku kas dan lain-lain, kemudian kita buat salinan untuk bahan laporan”. menurut kementerian keuangan (2010), sinergi pusat dan daerah dalam perspektif desentralisasi fiskal menunjukkan faktor penyebab dominan atas keterlambatan pencairan/penyerapan dana dana tugas pembantuan adalah karena lamanya penyelesaian revisi dipa (35,85%), dan adanya perbedaan nomenklatur (20,75%). lamanya penyelesaian revisi dipa disebabkan adanya proses konsolidasi dipa yang direvisi oleh k /l terkait, sebelum diajukan ke kementerian keuangan, kondisi ini memungkinkan terjadinya penambahan waktu atau memperlama penyelesaian revisi dipa. subhan (33 tahun), dari badan ketahanan pangan kabupaten bangka menyatakan: “kegiatan pengembangan dan peningkatan perluasan kesempatan kerja kondisi sampai 20 september 2011, triwulan iii baru terserap 52,65%, permasalahan yang dihadapi adanya perubahan lokasi dari desa cit ke desa batu ampar dan lambatnya sk dari kementerian tenaga kerja dan transmigrasi yang berhubungan dengan proses pencairan dana pnbp, kita koordinasi yang intensif via telepon dan email ke biro keuangan depnakertrans. pencairan dana tugas pembantuan adalah termasuk bagian terpenting dari percepatan penyerapan apbn, sehingga perlu dilakukan monitoring secara terus menerus pelaksanaannya agar dapat segera diketahui dan diatasi segala permasalahan yang terjadi. mekanisme konsolidasi untuk pengumpulan dipa signifikan untuk ditata ulang oleh kementerian negara/lembaga, baik mengenai jangka waktunya maupun prosedurnya, agar penyelesaian revisi dipa dapat dipercepat sesuai ketentuan yang berlaku. hasil kajian dokumen, ditemukan keputusan untuk penetapan kelompok tani penerima bantuan langsung benih unggul (blbu) sl-ptt dan kelompok tani penerima ll sl-ptt padi non hibrida dan lahan kering di kabupaten bangka tahun anggaran 2011, baru ditetapkan pada 30 juni 2011, sehingga berpengaruh terhadap pelaksanaan jadwal koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 21 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kegiatan. apalagi keberadaan kelompok tani di kabupaten bangka sangat tersebar hampir di seluruh kecamatan. kelompok tani yang dibentuk tersebar di 7 kecamatan, yakni: (1) kecamatan belinyu tersebar pada 4 desa dan 1 kelurahan, keseluruhan kelompok tani sebanyak 6 kelompok, rencana tanam juli 2011; (2) kecamatan riau silip tersebar pada 6 desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani penerima dana sebanyak 17 kelompok, rencana tanam agustus-september 2011; (3) kecamatan pemali tersebar pada 4 desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani sebanyak 11 kelompok, rencana tanam juli 2011; (4) kecamatan puding besar tersebar pada 6 desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani penerima dana sebanyak 9 kelompok, rencana tanam juli dan september 2011; (5) kecamatan merawang tersebar pada 2 desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani penerima bantuan sebanyak 9 kelompok, rencana tanam juli 2011; (6) kecamatan bakam tersebar pada 2 desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani penerima bantuan sebanyak 2 kelompok, rencana tanam juli 2011; dan (7) kecamatan mendo barat tersebar pada 6 (enam) desa, keseluruhan kelompok tani penerima dana sebanyak 10 kelompok, rencana tanam juli 2011 sampai dengan september 2011. mundurnya penetapan kegiatan menimbulkan masalah di tingkat pelaksana, seperti yang dikemukakan subhan (33 tahun), informan dari badan ketahanan pangan (bkp) kabupaten bangka. “kita dapat peringatan dari kppn pangkalpinang, pelaporan terlambat, namun kami konfirmasi ulang pelaporan kami tepat waktu, hanya saja berjenjang, kami dari bkp kabupaten ke bkp provinsi lalu ke kppn, lalu provinsi tidak menyampaikan waktu itu, laporan hilang, sehingga kita langsung ke provinsi dan kppn langsung dua laporan sekaligus. ya, kita dapat teguran, tim siaga juga kena, namun kita sudah berusaha”. alasan yang dikemukakannya adalah: “jelas ada kendala, mengapa realisasi sekecil itu, terutama adanya perpres 54, mungkin itu salah satu kendala kami, mungkin pemahaman kami masih terbatas masalah perpres 54 itu, sehingga kami kesulitan melakukan spj, misalnya ada dana pertemuan di kelompok, misalkan untuk makan-minum, tapi kita masih kesulitan, awal-awal itu cukup ada talangan pkk saja kita kasih dana, kemudian dimasak untuk makan-minum, apakah harus pihak ketiga yang sudah ada npwp, dan sebagainya, kemudian yang kedua, perubahan kpa, karena kepala badan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 22 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kita diganti pada maret 2011, penggantian penguasa anggaran, jadi itu terlambat dengan adanya pergantian kpa, itu kan berhubungan dengan keuangan, uang tidak bisa dicairkan, kemudian sdm nya terbatas, jumlah orang yang di ketahanan pangan itu ada 7 orang (satker tp bkp), tidak mengganggu, cuma karena jumlah orang terbatas, ya sedikit kewalahan, jadi melebihi dari jam kerja. permasalahan yang terjadi pada satker bkp, sesuai dengan hasil evaluasi dari kementerian keuangan (2010) bahwa yang menjadi faktor dominan atas kendala teknis administrasi pengelolaan keuangan pelaksanaan dana tp di daerah adalah terbatasnya jumlah sdm yang mempunyai kemampuan teknis dalam menangani kegiatan sekitar 46,61%, sementara 6,98% menyatakan penyebab lainnya, seperti: terlambat menerima pedoman pelaksanaan kegiatan dari pusat, format sistem pelaporan berbeda-beda, dan lainnya. apabila kendala teknis ini tidak segera dicarikan solusinya, maka bukan hanya mengakibatkan terhambatnya penyelesaiaan pelaksanaan tp tersebut, juga berpengaruh dalam pertanggungjawaban pengelolaan dana. pihak skpd penerima dana tp sebenarnya telah melakukan berbagai upaya untuk mengatasi berbagai permasalahan yang timbul, namun terkendala dengan berbagai hal seperti yang dikemukakan pada bagian terdahulu. kata kunci untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut sebenarnya adalah sosialisasi dan koordinasi. melakukan koordinasi dengan berbagai instansi dan perusahaan yang dilibatkan dalam pengelolaan dana tp, koordinasi dengan kelompok tani dan koordinator kegiatan, dan mempercepat seluruh kegiatan yang belum terlaksana. faktor penyebab kendala teknis pelaksanaan program dan kegiatan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka antara lain dikemukakan oleh subhan dari badan ketahanan pangan. terjadinya keterlambatan pelaksanaan program dan kegiatan di satuan kerja penerima dana tp dikemukakannya antara lain disebabkan terlambatnya turunnya petunjuk operasional kegiatan (pok), dan adanya revisi daftar isian penggunaan anggaran (dipa). penatausahaan barang hasil pelaksanaan kegiatan tugas pembantuan di skpd dikemukakan subhan (33 tahun) kasubbid konsumsi yang juga anggota tim koordinasi tp di satkernya (bkp) kabupaten bangka, sebagai berikut: koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 23 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “alat penepungan ini yang jadi masalah, alat penepung ini, karena proses lelang bukan di kita, tetapi di pemda. jadi disana proses lelang sudah selesai, sebenarnya ini tinggal menunggu alat ini datang, berita acara pemesanan barang, sudah tinggal pencairan dana, sedangkan untuk bantuan ke p2kp sudah terserap tapi duitnya kecil disitu. uangnya 40 juta ditambah 160 juta. kemudian untuk pangan segar uji lab itu ada. uji labnya itu, sudah selesai tinggal pencairan dana. sebenarnya tinggal barangnya”. barang hasil pelaksanaan kegiatan tp merupakan barang milik negara (bmn), sehingga harus dikelola dan di tata usahakan dengan baik, sebagaimana diatur dalam pp no. 6/ 2006 tentang pengelolaan barang milik negara/daerah sebagaimana telah diubah dengan pp no. 38/2008. barang hasil pelaksanaan kegiatan tugas pembantuan dapat dialihkan/ dihibahkan menjadi barang milik daerah (bmd). proses pengalihan/ penghibahan tersebut mengacu pada peraturan menteri keuangan no. 96/pmk.06/2007 tentang tata cara pelaksanaan penggunaan, pemanfaatan, penghapusan, dan pemindahtanganan barang milik negara. subhan (33 tahun) menambahkan penjelasannya. “harapan kita sebelum bulan desember ini sampai alatnya. nanti kita ada pelatihan, kebetulan ada dana apbd kita untuk mendampingi ini, ada pelatihan penggunaan alat penepung itu, nanti dilatih alat penepung ini, dilatih kemudian kita sebarkan kepada kelompok yang sudah ada namanya, nanti kita catat dikita, inventarisir alat. kemudian kita bina terus, kita dampingi terus karena ada ppl pendampingnya itu. kita pernah mendapatkan laptop, di laporkan terus”. berkaitan dengan biaya operasional pemeliharaan bmn, informan dari tim koordinasi tp di kabupaten bangka, mengemukakan agak sulit kalau biaya tersebut dibebankan kepada masyarakat, salah seorang anggota tim, yaitu; subhan dari bkp mengemukakan alasannya. “dinilai dari peta kita, seluruh desa di kabupaten bangka rawan pangan dilihat dari produksi pangannya, tapi kalau dilihat dari kemampuan daya beli tidak. seperti yang tahun 2010 itu, di desa ridipanjang, pertama kita alasannya di desa itu karena disitu memang ada beberapa lebih dari 100 kk itu miskin, kemudian jarak antar dusunnya jauh, misalkan antara dusun kupa, bukit pula aksesnya itu jauh 9 km, akses ke pasar jauh. dikasih pangan, beras, minyak goreng, jadi kalau dibebani untuk pemeliharaan alat, kelompok merasa koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 24 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berat juga, maksud kita memilih tempat tersebut justeru untuk membantu dan memberdayakan mereka, ya untuk saat ini dari pemerintah kabupaten bangka.” biaya operasional dan pemeliharaan bmn hasil pelaksanaan kegiatan tugas pembantuan yang belum dihibahkan harus didanai dari apbn sebagaimana diatur dalam pasal 7 huruf b pmk 156/2008 tentang pedoman pengelolaan dana dekonsentrasi dan dana tugas pembantuan. ketentuan ini yang dijadikan acuan oleh skpd penerima dana tp di kabupaten bangka. kendala dalam penyusunan dan penyampaian laporan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka, antara lain software yang disediakan oleh provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung sampai dengan triwulan iv belum dapat diaplikasikan untuk menyusun laporan. software yang dimaksudkan oleh bappeda adalah aplikasi yang dapat membantu dan memudahkan penyusunan laporan pemantauan pelaksanaan rencana pembangunan berdasarkan pp no. 39/2006 tentang tatacara pengendalian dan evaluasi pelaksanaan rencana pembangunan, selanjutnya aplikasi teini diberi nama aplikasi pp 39-skpd. sesuai dengan berita acara rekonsiliasi, pada 04 oktober 2011, satker badan ketahanan pangan sebagai kuasa pengguna anggaran (kpa), dengan kantor pelayanan perbendaharaan negara pangkalpinang, dinyatakan dipa, tidak terdapat perbedaan antara data sau dengan data sai; lra, tidak terdapat perbedaan antara data sau dengan data sai; neraca, tidak terdapat perbedaan antara data sau dengan data sai dalam hal aspek pembinaan dan pengawasan di skpd penerima dana tp di kabupaten bangka dari kementerian pemberi dana tugas pembantuan, sangat jarang dilakukan, yang terjadi ada yang disebut rapat koordinasi dan sinkronisasi dari provinsi yang dikoordinasikan oleh biro pemerintahan provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung. sedangkan pembinaan dan pengawasan yang dilakukan oleh skpd sendiri terhadap kelompokkelompok masyarakat yang mendapatkan dana tp, awaluddin (44 tahun) memberikan penjelasan sebagai berikut. “pengawasan dana tp ini biasanya ada dua aparat pengawasan, yang pertama dari irjen dan bpkp, biasanya kalau sudah masuk salah satu, yang lain tidak masuk lagi, kalau sudah dari bpkp, kemarin bpkp yang turun yang irjen koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 25 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tidak masuk lagi … pengawas internal tidak masuk utuk dana tp, karena dari peraturan pusatnya tidak boleh. pengawasan program tp sesuai rencana dilakukan dengan cara kontrol administrasi dan kontrol fisik lapangan, prinsip pendanaan di skpd kami berupa bantuan sosial.” subhan dari badan ketahanan pangan kabupaten bangka menambahkan pembinaan dan pengawasan pelaksanaan tp di lapangan. “jadi pengontrolan di lapangan itu ada namanya ppl pendamping, untuk program p2kp itu ada ppl pendamping, itu sudah ada dan honornya 350 ribu rupiah untuk petugas lapangan, pembinaan dari kami juga ada, kami bagi tim jadi masing-masing dua orang, sehingga bisa tercapai misalnya rombongan satu mobil diturunkan di desa ini, yang satunya lagi di desa ini, itu solusi kami untuk pengontrolan dan pembinaan….kita mengecek pembukuannya, kita kasih tahu sebelumnya penggunaan dana, istilahnya kredit dan saldo kita latih dulu setiap kelompok ada, cuma tidak dilaporkan ke kita, cuma pendampingnya wajib melaporkan ke kita kegiatan-kegiatan itu…dari kelompok tidak, tetapi ppl wajib lapor pada kami, pencairan dana berdasarkan rencana kerja kelompok. koordinasi dengan pll untuk mengetahui kegiatan kelompok. pencairan dana kan harus berdasarkan laporan kegiatan. ppl kita kurang. kalau ppl kebetulan ada rapat, kami konfirmasi dengan ppl, ppl menjadi ujung tombak pengawasan dan pembinaan”. azyzy (2007) menyatakan, pelaksanaan pengendalian sebaiknya dilakukan sejak awal proses kerja sampai akhir kerja. bahkan controlling itu juga harus dilakukan terhadap perencanaan. mungkin saja terjadi bahwa pengorganisasian suatu program atau kegiatan sangat baik sampai selesai, tetapi hasil akhirnya tidak sesuai dengan apa yang sebenarnya dibutuhkan, baik dari segi keuangan maupun dari segi kegunaannya. artinya kalau terjadi seperti itu, ada kesalahan dalam perencanaannya. contoh, kegiatan embung sebenarnya tidak menjadi prioritas untuk masyarakat, tetapi justru pengolahan pohon pisang menjadi berbagai makanan, seperti nasi pisang, sangat perlu untuk dikembangkan. informan yang bernama mulyoto (50 tahun) dari desa kayu besi kecamatan puding besar, mengatakan sebagai berikut: “kalau saya lihat sekarang ini kan kita banyak yang serba instan, apalagi maraknya tv swasta menayangkan iklan-iklan yang menjanjikan suatu produk, koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 26 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lebih baik kita kembali ke olahan alami, juga untuk mengenang masa lalu orang-orang tua menyajikan makanan untuk anaknya, mie instan itu banyak bahan pengawetnya, nah dengan adanya pohon pisang ini, apalagi sekarang kita banyak tahu, pisang bisa jadi nasi, kita olah tidak hanya menjadi pisang goreng saja, dengan demikian pisang sekarang ada harganya. harapan kita nanti kegiatan p2kp ini, minimal jangan hanya satu desa saja di kecamatan, di minta semua desa ada semua cara produ-ksi seperti ini, itu lurah atau kepala desa yang ada disitu bisa mencontohkan atau pun kita salah satunya, kalau bisa itu ditingkatkan lagi, dana ini (tp) harus ditingkatkan lagi, 2011 perkelompok 15 juta, 2010, 2 juta untuk dana operasi. harapan kita pengolahanpengolahan seperti te-pung-tepungan itu harus benar-benar kita adakan supaya mereka tidak mengandalkan tepung terigu, pisang juga bisa kita oleh jadi tepungtepungan. harapan saya, karena mereka sudah menyadari dengan adanya kegiatan p2kp ini mereka-mereka itu sudah tidak ada lagi instan-nya, jadi mereka sudah mengolah bermacam-macam kue, terbuatnya semua dari bahan lokal.” pelaksanaan tp di skpd kabupaten bangka berdasarkan hasil wawancara dan meneliti dokumen yang ada seperti laporan dari 3 (tiga) skpd penerima bantuan dana tp untuk tahun anggaran 2011, belum sepenuhnya memenuhi persyaratan prosedural dan legal formal. program dan kegiatan yang dilaksanakan masih tidak sinkron dengan kebutuhan daerah, dan alokasi anggaran yang besarnya relatif sama di tiap kelompok. dari hasil analisis data dan triangulasi informasi yang ditemukan peneliti berkenaan dengan penilaian informan dalam koordinasi penyelenggaraan tp di kabupaten bangka setelah dilakukan validasi terhadap hasil wawancara adalah: (1) masih ada keengganan dari pemberi dana tp/ kementerian dalam memberikan tp kepada daerah dan desa dikarenakan kementerian merasa kehilangan urusan yang menjadi tanggung jawabnya; (2) kurangpercayanya kementerian sebagai pemberi dana tp terhadap kemampuan daerah (skpd) dan desa dalam melaksanakan tp atau adanya anggapan tidak siapnya daerah (skpd) dan desa dalam menyelenggarakan tp yang diberikan oleh kementerian atau pemerintah provinsi; (3) skpd diberi amanah untuk melaksanakan tp, namun tidak disertai hak dan kewajiban yang seimbang berkenaan dengan pembiayaan, sarana dan prasarana serta sumber daya manusia yang kurang memadai; (4) sumber daya manusia di skpd juga harus mengejar target atau urusan yang koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 27 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menjadi tupoksinya sendiri, kadang-kadang sulit membagi pekerjaan, namun secara umum skpd tidak merasa mendapat beban berat dengan adanya tp; (5) skpd telah membuat usulan untuk mendapatkan dana tp sesuai kebutuhan masyarakat dan juga kepentingan program pemerintah pusat, tetapi kadang-kadang tidak sinkron antara program/ rencana pusat dan program/rencana daerah; (6) kegiatan tp tetap diterima walaupun tidak sesuai dengan kebutuhan daerah, kadang-kadang ada kegiatan yang double funding, sementara terdapat kegiatan yang sebenarnya sangat dibutuhkan tetapi tidak terbiayai; serta (7) sosialisasi program tp oleh skpd dilakukan tetapi karena kurangnya koordinasi dengan provinsi, skpd merasakan uraian tugas yang diberikan belum begitu jelas, mengingat ada program yang tidak diusulkan pemerintah daerah, tibatiba muncul dan harus dilaksanakan dan menjadi tanggung jawab skpd. jadi, ada hal yang kurang dipahami oleh skpd penerima tp; (8) terjadi pergantian kpa dan kpa belum melakukan pemeriksaan uang kas sesuai ketentuan; dan (9) kelemahan administrasi. dari hasil wawancara yang dilakukan dengan narasumber dan informan, koordinasi antara bappeda, skpd, pemerintah pusat/ kementerian dan provinsi dalam beberapa materi usulan tidak sinkron, disamping itu, skpd dalam membuat perencanaan berkenaan dengan tp kadang langsung diusulkan kementerian penyedia dana tp, tidak melalui jalur yang sudah ditentukan. berdasarkan data dari bappeda provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung, realisasi anggaran tp sampai akhir juni 2010 adalah sebesar 27,64%, lebih rendah dibanding realisasi triwulan yang sama tahun sebelumnya 2009 mencapai 67,58%. instansi yang paling tinggi angka realisasinya adalah kementerian pekerjaan umum, sebesar 39,53% (bank indonesia, 2010). hal ini memperkuat hasil penelitian, kelemahan pencapaian realisasi dana tp akibat lemahnya sinkronisasi, koordinasi, dan sosialisasi. kesimpulan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka antara satuan kerja pemerintah daerah (skpd) sebagai pelaksana urusan tugas pembantuan (tp) dan yang melaksanakan koordinasi perencanaan pembangunan (bappeda), dan pemberi dana (provinsi dan pusat) tidak koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 28 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terkoordinasi dengan baik. dalam artian koordinasinya masih lemah, tidak berfungsi sesuai prosedur yang seharusnya. lemahnya koordinasi dapat menyebabkan program dan kegiatan tp kurang sepenuhnya dapat mencapai tujuan, dan sasaran yang jelas, disamping itu kebutuhan biaya, sarana dan prasarana, kebutuhan sumberdaya yang diperlukan untuk menjamin keberhasilan penyelenggaraan tp belum dianalisis dengan baik dan tidak diukur sesuai dengan kemampuan daerah. fungsi tim koordinasi tp dalam proses penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan (tp) di kabupaten bangka, menyangkut perencanaan dan penganggaran, penatausahaan dan pengendalian pelaksanaan, dan pertanggungjawaban, pembinaan dan pengawasan. telah dilakukan, namun belum dilaksanakan secara taat asas sesuai prosedur dan ketentuan yang diberlakukan. rekomendasi tim koordinasi penyelenggaraan tp di kabupaten bangka berkoordinasi dengan pemerintah provinsi untuk melakukan hal berikut: 1. sinkronisasi kebutuhan daerah/desa dengan program kementerian/ lembaga penyedia dana. 2. pemetaan kebutuhan tugas pembantuan termasuk sarana prasarana sesuai dengan kondisi daerah/desa revisi dipa dieliminir. 3. sudah ada penetapan calon petani (cp)/calon lahan (cl). 4. juklak dan juknis sudah tersedia. 5. memperkuat panitia pengadaan di satuan kerja pemerintah daerah (skpd). 6. mengeliminir terjadinya mutasi pengelola keuangan skpd atau tidak boleh ada mutasi selama program berjalan. 7. perlunya kerjasama yang baik dan terus menerus, inspeksi rutin harus dilakukan oleh tim koordinasi kabupaten setiap 10-15 hari untuk memastikan pelaksanaan program dan kegiatan tp berjalan sesuai ketentuan dan taat asas terhadap aturan seperti peraturan menteri keu no. 248/pmk.07/2010. 8. perlu dilakukan penelitian lanjutan tentang tugas pembantuan dengan dimensi yang lebih komprehensif agar pelaksanaan program dan kegiatan baik bagi penerima dana, pemberi dana dan masyarakat yang koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 29 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menjadi objek kegiatan tugas pembantuan. daftar pustaka azyzy, a. qodri. 2007. change management dalam reformasi birokrasi. jakarta. pt gramedia pustaka utama. dwidjowijoto, riant nugroho. 2003. reinventing pembangunan: menata ulang paradigma pembangunan untuk membangun indonesia baru dengan keunggulan global. jakarta. penerbit pt elex media komputindo. fauzan, muhammad. 2006. hukum pemerintahan daerah kajian tentang hubungan keuangan antara pusat dan daerah. yogyakarta. uii press. hoessein, bhenyamin. 2005. hubungan kewenangan pusat dan daerah pasang surut otonomi daerah, sketsa perjalana 100 tahun. jakarta. yayasan tifa. kleintjes, mr. ph. 1929. staatsintallingen van nederlands-indie. amsterdam. twede deel j. h. de bussy. koesoemahatmadja. 1979. pengantar ke arah sistem pemerintahan daerah di indonesia. bandung. bina cipta. mcfarland, dalton e. 1979. management: foundations and prantices. new york. macmillan. manan, bagir. 1994. hubungan antara pusat dan daerah menurut uud 1945. jakarta. pustaka sinar harapan. nasucha, chaizi. 2004. reformasi administrasi publik: teori dan praktik. jakarta. penerbit pt grasindo prasojo, eko dkk. 2007. pemerintahan daerah. jakarta. penerbit universitas terbuka. siagian, sondang p. 1992. fungsi-fungsi manajerial. jakarta. bumi aksara. stoner, james a.f., r. edward freeman. 1992. management (fourth edition). new jersey. prentice-hall, inc, englewood cliffs. stoner, james a.f., r. edward freeman. 1992. manajemen. edisi keempat. terjemahan wilhelmus w. bakowatun dan benyamin molan. jakarta. intermedia. sugandha, dann. 1991. koordinasi alat pemersatu gerak administrasi. jakarta. pt. intermedia. wasistiono, sadu,dkk. 2006. memahami asas tugas pembantuan pandangan legalistik, teoritik dan implementatif. bandung. fokusmedia. winardi (pentj). 1983. asas-asas menejemen. bandung. alumni. koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 30 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ peraturan perundang-undangan undang-undang nomor 27 tahun 2000 tentang pembentukan provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung (lembaran negara republik indonesia tahun 2000 nomor 217, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 4033). undang-undang nomor 25 tahun 2004 tentang sistem perencanaan pembangunan nasional (lembaran negara republik indonesia tahun 2004 nomor 104, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 4421). undang-undang nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah (lembaran negara republik indonesia tahun 2004 nomor 125, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 4437) sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang nomor 8 tahun 2005 tentang penetapan peraturan pemerintah pengganti undangundang nomor 3 tahun 2005 tentang perubahan atas undangundang nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah menjadi undang-undang (lembaran negara republik indonesia republik indonesia tahun 2005 nomor 108, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 4548). undang-undang nomor 33 tahun 2004 tentang perimbangan keuangan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintahan daerah (lembaran negara republik indonesia tahun 2004 nomor 126, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 4438). peraturan pemerintah nomor 39 tahun 2006 tentang tata cara pengendalian dan evaluasi pelaksanaan rencana pembangunan (lembaran negara tahun 2006 nomor 96, tambahan lembaran negara nomor 4663). peraturan pemerintah nomor 7 tahun 2008 tentang dekosentrasi dan tugas pembantuan (lembaran negara tahun 2008 nomor 20, tambahan lembaran negara nomor 4816). peraturan pemerintah nomor 23 tahun 2011 tentang perubahan atas peraturan pemerintah nomor 19 tahun 2010 tentang tata cara pelaksanaan tugas dan wewenang serta kedudukan keuangan gubernur sebagai wakil pemerintah di wilayah provinsi (lembaran koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 31 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ negara republik indonesia tahun 2011 nomor 44, tambahan lembaran negara republik indonesia nomor 5209). peraturan menteri dalam negeri nomor 65 tahun 2008 tentang pedoman pembentukan tim koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan koordinasi penyelengaraan dekosentrasi dan tugas pembantuan provinsi dan pembentukan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan kabupaten/kota. peraturan menteri keuangan nomor 156/pmk.07/2008 tentang pedoman pengelolaan dana dekonsentrasi dan dana tugas pembantuan. peraturan menteri keuangan nomor 248/pmk.07/2010 tentang perubahan atas peraturan menteri keuangan nomor 156/pmk.07/ 2008 tentang pedoman pengelolaan dana dekonsentrasi dan tugas pembantuan. peraturan daerah kabupaten bangka nomor 6 tahun 2008 tentang organisasi dan tata kerja inspektorat, badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah dan lembaga teknis daerah kabupaten bangka (lembaran daerah kabupaten bangka tahun 2008 nomor 6 seri d). kementerian keuangan. (2011). rekomendasi menteri keuangan tentang keseimbangan pendanaan di daerah dalam rangka perencanaan dekonsentrasi dan tugas pembantuan tahun 2011. kementerian keuangan. (2011). pelengkap buku pegangan 2010 sinergi pusat dan daerah dalam pelaksanaan desentralisasi fiskal. jakarta: direktorat jenderal perimbangan keuangan kementerian keuangan april 2010. kementerian dalam negeri. (2011). naskah akademik revisi uu no 32 tahun 2004. pemerintah kabupaten bangka. (2010). bangka dalam angka. sungailiat: bps & bappeda. bank indonesia. (2010). kajian ekonomi regional provinsi kepulauan bangka belitung. triwulan ii. palembang: kantor bank indonesia. lan. (2003). sistem administrasi negara kesatuan republik indonesia (sankri). jakarta: lan koordinasi penyelenggaraan tugas pembantuan di kabupaten bangka / ayi karyana / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0002 layout desember 2008 71 identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 irawati universitas andalas, madang. email: irawati_tandjung@yahoo.cm ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the strength of ethnic identity became public phenomena later gained momentum in west sumatera when nagari introducied be formal goverment. the bukittinggi city indigenous groups power incorporated in kerapatan adat kurai (kak) are not satisfied with the condition that nagari are not applied in the city government. kak claims as a holder of authority over the area of bukittinggi city is a source of strength to impose their demands. however during the reign of the new order, kak losing their existence and influence over local politics. losing their influence on formal governance, make kak indigenous leaders trying to restore the system of nagari government which will give a space for them to power. there are indications that kak demand is an attempt to restore the power of traditional elites. kak movement more motivated by political interests to gain access and representation of their group within local government. the movement dynamics is closely linked with the interests of the actors to find support in a particular political event. the indigenous elite (traditional leaders) as the initiators have not obtained a good representation as politically, culturally and economically in local politics. keywords: kerapatan adat kurai (kak), political movement, nagari government system. abstrak kekuatan identitas etnis menjadi fenomena publik kemudian mendapatkan momentum di sumatera barat ketika nagari introducied menjadi pemerintah formal. kota bukittinggi adat kelompok kekuatan yang tergabung dalam kerapatan adat kanagarian kurai (kak) merasa tidak puas dengan kondisi tidak diterapkannya pemerintahan nagari di kota. 72 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kak klaim sebagai pemegang otoritas atas wilayah kota bukittinggi adalah sumber kekuatan untuk memaksakan tuntutan mereka. namun, pada masa pemerintahan orde baru, kak kehilangan keberadaan dan pengaruh atas politik lokal. kehilangan pengaruh mereka pada pemerintahan formal, membuat kak sebagai pemimpin adat mencoba untuk memulihkan sistem dari pemerintah nagari yang akan memberikan ruang bagi mereka untuk berkuasa. ada indikasi bahwa permintaan kak adalah upaya untuk mengembalikan kekuatan elit tradisional. gerakan kak lebih dimotivasi oleh kepentingan politik untuk mendapatkan akses dan representasi dari kelompok mereka dalam pemerintahan lokal. dinamika gerakan kak terkait erat dengan kepentingan aktor untuk mencari dukungan dalam peristiwa politik tertentu. para elit adat (pemimpin tradisional) sebagai inisiator belum memperoleh representasi yang baik secara politik, budaya dan ekonomi dalam politik lokal. kata kunci: kerapatan adat kurai (kak), gerakan poltik lokal, sistem pemerintahan nagari pendahuluan menguatnya identitas etnik ini menjadi fenomena yang ditemukan di berbagai daerah di indonesia, seperti kembalinya kekuatan keraton surakarta di solo, pengaruh puri di bali dan kemunculan kembali kesultanan ternate, kesultanan kutai kertanegara di kalimantan dan keraton yogyakarta (dwipayana, 2004: 8). pada umumnya, kelompokkelompok masyarakat adat ini mengedepankan politik identitas (eko, 2005: 98) untuk memperjuangkan kebebasan budaya dan menghendaki pengakuan atas eksistensi mereka. uu no. 22/1999 jo uu no. 32/2004 semakin memperkuat posisi entitas politik etnik dengan adanya pengakuan terhadap hak asal-usul. kebijakan ini memberi inspirasi kelompok-kelompok masyarakat adat untuk membangkitkan kembali nilai-nilai lokal menjadi konsep dalam pemerintahan formal yang diakui negara. kewenangan daerah untuk membangun berdasarkan konteks lokal masing-masing ini, dalam perjalanannya membuat elit daerah melakukan revitalisasi nilai-nilai adat budaya dan agama yang merambah ke ranah publik. sumatera barat merupakan salah satu daerah yang sangat cepat merespon peluang untuk memunculkan identitas lokal ini. semangat kebangkitan ini kemudian termanifestasi dengan diterapkannya pemerintahan nagari sebagai bentuk pemerintahan terendah di sumatera barat. namun, konsep ini hanya diterapkan di kabupaten, tidak di kota. tidak adanya kedudukan struktural nagari di dalam pemerintahan kota, anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 73 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ karena terkendala dengan pasal 126 uu no 22/1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah, karena sistem pemerintahan terendah di kota adalah kelurahan (zetra, 2005: 14). kekuatan identitas etnik yang menjadi fenemona umum kemudian mendapat momentum di sumatera barat. kekuatan kelompok adat di kota bukittinggi yang tergabung dalam kerapatan adat kurai (kak) merasa tidak puas dengan kondisi tidak diterapkannya pemerintahan nagari di kota. mereka menuntut diterapkan pemerintahan nagari seperti halnya di wilayah kabupaten lainnya di sumatera barat. kak kemudian memperjuangkan tuntutan mereka untuk melaksanakan pemerintahan nagari di kota, terutama pasca keluarnya uu no. 32/2004. tuntutan kak ini kembali menguat pada 2005, dimana pada tahun yang sama kot a bukittinggi melaksanakan pilk ada langsung. peluang ini dimanfaatkan oleh para tokoh kak untuk memunculkan kembali tuntutan mereka. ada indikasi bahwa isu ini akan menguatkan solidaritas kelompok orang kurai. klaim kak sebagai pemegang kuasa atas wilayah kota bukittinggi menjadi sumber kekuatan untuk memaksakan tuntutan mereka. orang kurai sendiri mengklaim bahwa mereka merupakan penduduk asli kota bukittinggi. rasa kepemilikan kelompok etnis ini yang kemudian memunculkan berbagai tuntutan yang memanfaatkan identitas etnik. tidak jarang juga ini merupakan wadah bagi kelompok elit untuk mengembalikan eksistensi dan kekuasaan mereka (eko, 2005: 92). elit-elit dan organisasi kultural cukup dominan dalam memainkan peran-peran sosial yang berkaitan dengan simbol-simbol etnis sebagai satu gerakan kepentingan politik mereka, dimana identitas etnis dikerahkan sebagai suatu bahan obyek politik. dalam pandangan tersebut, bahwa perspektif konstruktif etnik terbentuk karena ada pihak yang mengkontruksinya. penulis melihat bahwa upaya kak sebenarnya merupakan rekonstruksi gerakan politik kelompok elit untuk menunjukkan eksistensi kepentingan mereka selaku komunitas lokal (kelompok kepentingan). nagari sebagai identitas etnis digunakan sebagai bahan obyek oleh para elit guna memunculkan isu dan mencari wadah untuk menyalurkan kepentingan mereka. berdasarkan gambaran permasalahan di atas, ada dua pertanyaan yang hendak dijawab dalam penelitian ini: apa motivasi gerakan politik kak dalam politik lokal di identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 74 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kota bukittinggi? bagaimana dinamika gerakan politik kak dalam politik lokal di kota bukittinggi? metode penelitian penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode field research (penelitian lapangan). field research secara langsung bersentuhan dengan fenomena sosial yang diteliti (babbie, 1983: 245-247). jenis penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian studi kasus. teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan dokumentasi. pemilihan informan dilakukan dengan teknik purposive sampling. analisis data menggunakan metode emik dan etik serta literatur yang berhubungan dengan masalah penelitian. kerangka teoritik dalam khasanah gerakan sosial yang berkembang di barat, banyak sekali pespektif yang berkembang dalam menganalisa kemunculan gerakan sosial. paling tidak terdapat sedikitnya empat perspektif atau pendekatan dalam memahami terjadinya gerakan-gerakan sosial, yakni perspektif perilaku kolektif (collective behavior), mobilisasi sumber daya (resource mobilization), proses politik (political process) dan gerakan sosial baru (new social movements) (tarrow, 1998; 14-18). sedangkan mcadam (1996; 2) melihat tiga faktor utama dalam menganalisis kemunculan dan perkembangan gerakan sosial, yakni; mobilisasi sumberdaya (resource mobilization), peluang politik (political opportunities) dan proses pembingkaian (framming process). pertama, pendekatan mobilisasi sumber daya. perspektif ini melihat bahwa masalah dan ketegangan sosial sebagai sesuatu yang nyaris melekat dalam masyarakat. karena itu, gerakan sosial sangat tergantung pada kemampuan memobilisasi sumberdaya, akumulasi sumberdaya, dan koordinasi di antara aktor politik untuk merespon masalah tersebut. perspektif mobilisasi sumberdaya mengajukan tesis baru bahwa organisasiorganisasi gerakan memberikan struktur mobilisasi yang sangat krusial bagi aksi kolektif dalam bentuk apapun (porta dan diani, 1999; 3-4). mccharty (1996; 141) mengungkapkan, bahwa mobilisasi sumberdaya adalah sejumlah cara kelompok gerakan melebur dalam aksi kolektif, termasuk di dalamnya taktik gerakan dan bentuk organisasi gerakan. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 75 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ konsep ini berfokus pada jaringan informal, organisasi gerakan dan kelompok-kelompok di tingkatan meso. sukses tidaknya perjuangan orang/kelompok tergantung pada kemampuan mereka untuk memaksimalkan akses menuju sumber-sumber organisasional. semua jenis setting kolektif pada akar rumput bisa menjadi titik tolak untuk mengorganisir suatu gerakan (klinken, 2007; 13). bagi para pendukung teori ini, aksi kolektif merupakan sarana untuk mencapai tujuan, cara yang dipilih di antara berbagai cara yang tersedia. dalam hal inilah organisasi dalam gerakan secara signifikan berfungsi: (1) dalam konstruksi dan rekonstruksi keyakinan-keyakinan kolektif; (2) dalam mentransformasikan ketidakpuasan ke dalam aksi kolektif; dan (3) dalam mempertahankan komitmen terhadap gerakan (klandermans, 2005; 25). singkatnya, pendekatan ini menyatakan bahwa gerakan sosial muncul sebagai konsekuensi dari bersatunya para aktor dalam cara-cara yang rasional, mengikuti kepentingan-kepentingan mereka dan adanya peran sentral organisasi serta para kader dan pemimpin profesional untuk memobilisasi sumberdaya yang ada pada mereka. kekuatan gerakannya tergantung pada tersedianya sumber daya, baik sumber daya material (seperti usaha, uang, keuntungan konkret, jasa) dan sumberdaya nonmaterial (seperti otoritas, pertalian moral, kepercayaan, persahabatan, dan network) di dalam organisasi tersebut, termasuk di dalamnya besarnya partisipan, dana, publikasi media, dukungan opini publik dan elite (porta dan diani, 1999: 8). kedua, pendekatan peluang politik (political opportunities). pendekatan peluang politik ini tidak lagi sekadar terfokus secara sempit pada kehidupan internal organisasi gerakan, tetapi memberikan perhatian yang lebih sistematis pada lingkungan politik dan institusi. gerakan sosial ditentukan oleh peluang dan ancaman di dalam sistem politik tertentu dan lingkungan yang lebih luas, atau apa yang kemudian lebih dikenal secara luas dengan konsep political opportunity structure (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 4). peluang politik menentukan kapan sebuah gerakan sosial memiliki peluang terbaik untuk mendapatkan kemajuan-kemajuan signifikan. tarrow (1998; 20, 76-77) mendefenisikan political opportunity sebagai “consistent – but not necessarily formal or permanent –dimensions of the political environment that provide for collective action by affecting people’s identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 76 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ expectations for success or failure.” tarrow menekankan, bahwa ketegangan politik mengalami peningkatan ketika para aktor gerakan mendapatkan dukungan sumberdaya eksternal untuk mencapai tujuan yang mereka inginkan. sumber daya ini dipergunakan oleh aktor gerakan melalui terbukanya akses kepada kelembagaan politik. beberapa dimensi penting dari struktur peluang politik adalah: (1) tingkat keterbukaan dan ketertutupan di dalam sistem politik terinstitusionalisasi (institutionalized political system); (2) stabilitas dan instabilitas perangkat atau susunan elit (elite alignments) yang luas, yang secara tipikal menyiapkan (undergird) sebuah pemerintahan; (3) ada dan tidak adanya pengelompokan-pengelompokan elit; (4) kapasitas negara dan kecenderungan untuk menindas (mcadam, 1996; 27). secara sederhana, perspektif ini memandang lingkungan eksternal sangat mempengaruhi gerakan sosial. di negara yang menganut sistem demokrasi atau konfigurasi politik demokratis, terbuka kesempatan bagi rakyat untuk melakukan berbagai bentuk partisipasi politik. peluang-peluang politik juga tidak hanya menguntungkan bagi gerakan sosial. namun, ia bisa juga dipergunakan oleh para lawannya untuk melemahkan gerakan. dengan kata lain, peluang tersebut bukanlah monopoli gerakan, tetapi bisa juga dimanfaatkan kekuatan-kekuatan kontra-gerakan, yang kepentingan di antara mereka berbeda secara diametral. bisa jadi, semakin tersedia peluang dan akses pada sistem pengambilan keputusan, membuat gerakan sosial semakin cenderung mengadopsi strategi moderat dan terjerumus ke jalurjalur resmi (gamson and mayer, 1966; 277). ketiga, pendekatan proses pembingkaian (framming process). pendekatan ini lebih memusatkan perhatian pada peranan usaha menguasai ide-ide dan identitas-identitas baru dalam membentuk gerakan-gerakan sosial. pendekatan ini memfokuskan kajiannya pada pertanyaan seperti bagaimana para aktor sosial membingkai klaim-klaim mereka, identitasidentitas mereka, menentukan lawan-lawan mereka? para organisator gerakan melakukan mobilisasi dengan jalan melukiskan isu-isu untuk para calon pendukung dengan memberikan makna bagi mereka. snow dan benford menekan dua komponen penting dalam mem-framing gerakan yaitu diagnosis elemen atau mendefenisikan masalah dan sumbernya dan prediksi elemen sekaligus mengidentifikasi strategi yang tepat untuk anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 77 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memperjuangkan masalah tersebut. proses pembingkaian dilakukan untuk (1) memperkuat kesadaran kolektif, keputusan-keputusan strategis sebagai bagian dari geraka; (2) mempertegas dan memperkuat subjek kontestasi antara aktor gerakan selaku representasi gerakan dengan negara dan para kelompok-kelompok yang berlawanan. aktor-aktor yang berbeda baik di dalam maupun diluar gerakan, dalam konteks beragamnya kelompok sasaran, adalah faktor melebarnya framing. agen-agen gerakan berupaya membawa isu mereka ke dalam kelompok sasaran yang beragam seperti media, partai politik, pejabat parlemen dan pemerintah (gamson and mayer, 1966; 15-16, 292). proses pembingkaian ide-ide dan isu-isu dimunculkan dari awal gerakan akan lebih maksimal, tetapi bisa juga merupakan hasil proses prosedural dari organisasi formal gerakan. dengan melihat interaksi dari ketiga pendekatan ini digunakan untuk menganalisa gerakan sosial yang kemudian diasimilasikan sebagai bentuk politik perseteruan (contentious politics). secara skematis teori gerakan ini menjelaskan perseteruan politik (contentious politics) sebagai berikut: sumber: diadopsi dari mcadam, et. al, 1996 : 17 gambar 1.teori sosial movement tentang politik perseteruan (contentious politics), . identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 78 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ interaksi antara faktor dalam politik perseteruan ini cenderung melakukan pendekatan eklektis dalam memahami gerakan sosial politik, dengan meminjam penjelasan-penjelasan yang relevan dari semua perspektif yang ada. untuk menganalisa politik perseteruan, mcadam, et.all (1996; 12-13, 24) menekankan pada proses dan mekanisme kausal di antara faktor yang mendorong timbulnya gerakan. analisa ini lebih melihat dinamika yang terjadi dalam gerakan. mekanisme didefenisikan sebagai sebuah kejadian yang mengubah hubungan-hubungan di antara elemen-elemen tertentu dan cara-cara serupa. sedangkan proses diartikan sebagai serangkaian mekanisme-mekanisme yang lebih elementer, dimana satu proses bisa menghasilkan banyak akibat yang berlainan. terdapat lima proses kunci dalam politik perseteruan yakni: 1. pembentukan indentitas (identity formation). proses ini mengangkut bagaimana identitas bersama berkembang dalam sebuah kelompok? sebagian dari mekanisme ini bersifat kognitif dan beberapa relasional. pembentukan identitas-identitas politis melibatkan perubahanperubahan kesadaran pada orang-orang yang berada dalam identitas tersebut dan juga melibatkan perubahan hubungan-hubungan di antara orang-orang dan kelompok-kelompok yang dipengaruhi (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 28). 2. eskalasi (scale shift), merupakan proses di mana jumlah dan tingkatan tindakan-tindakan perseteruan yang terkoordinasi meningkat, yang mengakibatkan perseteruan yang melibatkan aktor-aktor yang lebih luas dan yang menjembatani klaim-klaim mereka dengan identitas-identitas mereka (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 331-336). 3. polarisasi (polarization), bagaimana ruang politis antara pihak-pihak yang saling berseteru meluas ketika para peserta itu saling menjauh dan bergerak ke arah titik-titik ekstrem? polarisasi terbentuk ketika kelompok elit melihat adanya peluang atau ancaman. polarisasi merupakan kombinasi jalinan mekanisme-mekanisme peluang atau ancaman, kompetisi dan perantara yang ada di mana-mana (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 322). 4. mobilisasi (mobilization), suatu proses yang merupakan rangkaian sejumlah mekanisme-mekanisme yang saling berinteraksi, mulai dari lingkungan yang lebih luas diberi label “proses-proses perubahan sosial” anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 79 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ melampaui mekanisme-mekanisme seperti atribut peluang dan ancaman, pemberian sosial, penyusunan perselisihan, dan menyususn bentuk yang inovatif untuk aksi kolektif (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 28). 5. pembentukan aktor (actor constitution). pembentukan aktor ini melibatkan sejumlah mekanisme dasar seperti bagaimana orang-orang menciptakan organisasi atau mengambil alih organisasi yang sudah ada untuk mengajukan kepentingan mereka. organisasi kemudian membentuk rangkaian aksi inovatif untuk memiliki efek kuat bagi kelompok mereka maupun kelompok lawan atau diluarnya. proses-proses ini tidak dilihat secara parsial, tetapi merupakan mekanisme yang saling berhubungan di antara elemen-elemen. interaksi di antara aktor juga menjadi perhatian seperti jaringan interpersonal, komunikasi interpersonal dan berbagai bentuk negosiasi, termasuk negosiasi tentang identitas yang akan menggambarkan dinamika dalam politik perseteruan (mcadam, et.all, 1996; 22). hasil dan analisis 1. perubahan situasi sosial politik di bukittinggi kemunculan gerakan politik kak tidak dapat dilepaskan dari perubahan politik yang terjadi pada tingkat nasional dan lokal. perubahan politik nasional pasca gerakan massa 1998 terlihat nyata dari kebijakan hubungan pusat dengan daerah. keputusan pemerintah pusat untuk menerapkan kebijakan desentralisasi sebagai jawaban atas tuntutan berbagai elemen masyarakat mempunyai dampak yang sangat besar bagi perubahan politik nasional maupun daerah. prinsip desentralisasi yang dianut dalam uu no. 22/1999 jo uu 32/2004 yang memberikan kewenangan yang berlebihan kepada kabupaten dan kota. hal yang sama juga terjadi di sumatera barat, dengan otonomi daerah mengembalikan kesadaran etnik akan identitas minangkabau. berbagai diskusi yang kemudian diadakan baik oleh akademisi, para tokoh adat dan pemerintah daerah, semakin menguatkan kesadaran akan identitas etnik ini. pro dan kontra antar intelektual, diskusi sejarah, dan nostalgia tentang nagari menjadi berita yang tidak pernah absen dalam semua koran lokal di padang. para tokoh masyarakat baik dari tokoh adat, tokoh agama identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 80 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maupun tokoh intelektual berlomba-lomba mengklaim nagari sebagai karakteristik etnik minangkabau yang demokratis dan egaliter. kesadaran kolektif yang terbangun kuat ini kemudian menghasilkan pemahaman dan kesepakatan yang sama di sumatera barat untuk mengembalikan pemerintahan nagari sebagai bentuk pemerintahan formal terendah. setelah diskusi yang panjang, provinsi mengundangkan perda no. 9/2000 yang efektif dilaksanakan pada januari 2001. sesuatu yang menarik dilihat dari kebijakan pemerintah provinsi sumatera barat tentang pemerintahan nagari dalam perda no. 9/2000 ini adalah tidak adanya pengaturan tentang pemerintahan nagari di wilayah kota. kebijakan pembentukan pemerintahan nagari sebagai pemerintahan terendah hanya diberlakukan di tingkat kabupaten. sedangkan di kota tidak ada kedudukan struktural nagari, karena uu nomor 22/1999 tidak memberikan kesempatan untuk itu. pasal 126 uu no. 22/1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah menetapkan bahwa sistem pemerintahan terendah di kota adalah kelurahan. padahal bagi masyarakat sumatera barat, nagari tidak hanya dikenal pada tatanan masyarakat di kabupaten saja, tetapi juga di kota. pembatasan oleh uu ini menyebabkan dilema yang cukup rumit bagi pemerintah provinsi dalam membuat kebijakan nagari secara komprehensif di seluruh kawasan sumatera barat. secara historis pun kota-kota di sumatera barat sebenarnya sudah memiliki pengalaman dengan pemerintahan nagari. demikian juga dengan kota bukittinggi sudah memiliki sejarah yang panjang tentang pemerintahan nagari. kota bukittinggi sendiri merupakan wilayah sebuah nagari yang disebut nagari kurai limo jorong. kebijakan pemerintah provinsi yang penuh dilema ini merupakan salah satu faktor yang mendorong munculnya gerakan kak. disisi lain, dinamika politik lokal setelah pemberian otda begitu hangat dengan berbagai isu yang bersifat chauvinisme. selama pergeseran dalam politik lokal dan hubunganhubungan kekuasaan, gagasan-gagasan tentang identitas telah dipolitisir (eindhoven, 2007: 88). pemilihan walikota yang selama orde baru sangat sentralis, dengan uu baru diserahkan pada dprd masing-masing. situsai politik di kota bukittinggi pada 1999-2000 juga menjadi hangat karena pada saat ini bertepatan dengan pemilihan walikota dan wakil walikota. seperti halnya di daerah-daerah lain di indonesia isu “putera asli daerah” anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 81 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ selalu hadir dalam perebutan mengenai kedudukan politis. hanya “putera asli daerah” lah yang boleh mengendalikan pemerintahan lokal karena hanya mereka yang dipercaya mampu mengamankan penanganan dengan hak-hak istimewa atas komunitas-komunitas mereka dalam alokasi-alokasi sumber-sumber ekonomi dan kedudukan-kedudukan pemerintah (aspinal dan fealy, 2003; 6). kota bukittinggi yang pada 2000 harus memilih walikota baru juga tak luput dari isu ini. dua pasangan calon yang maju untuk pemilihan walikota oleh dprd mendapat hembusan isu soal putera daerah. pasalnya salah satu pasangan calon walikota yaitu drs. djufri bukan merupakan orang asli kurai yang diklaim sebagai penduduk asli bukittinggi. namun dalam pemilihan walikota yang dilakukan oleh dprd hasil pemilu 1999 memenangkan pasangan djufri-khairul hamdi sebagai walikota dan wakil walikota periode 2000-2005. kekalahan orang kurai asli ini oleh beberapa orang tokoh menjadi isu yang kemudian dipertahankan dan dihembuskan. pada saat yang bersamaan di kota bukittinggi juga terjadi konflik yang cukup rumit dengan pemerintah kabupaten agam soal perluasan wilayah kota. pada masa pemerintahan transisi yang dipegang oleh bj habibie, menandatangani pp no.84/1999 tentang perluasan wilayah kota bukittinggi yang mengambil sebagian wilayah kabupaten agam. pp ini mengatur tentang perubahan batas wilayah kota bukittinggi dengan kabupaten agam dengan memasukkan sebagian dari wilayah kabupaten agam. tetapi dalam pelaksanaan pp ini mendapat penolakan dari pemerintah kabupaten agam dan beberapa wilayah yang menjadi bagian dari perluasan tersebut. daerah kabupaten agam yang dimasukkan dalam perluasan kota bukitinggi ini pada tahap implemetasi pp sejak 2001 sudah melaksanakan sistem pemerintahan nagari. beberapa nagari yang menolak beralasan bahwa dengan masuk menjadi bagian dari wilayah kota bukittinggi tatanan kehidupan bernagari yang baru diterapkan di kabupaten agam akan pudar dan hilang (ikatan keluarga banuhampu, jakarta, 2002). penolakan ini begitu kuat pada 2000-2002 bahkan seringkali menimbulkan benturan antara pemerintah kota bukittingi dengan pemerintah kabupaten agam. persoalan ini tidak hanya menjadi pro dan identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 82 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kontra antara pemerintah agam dan kota bukittinggi, tetapi juga memunculkan pro dan kontra dari elit di kota bukittinggi sendiri yang kemudian memicu pertentangan dan isu-isu baru. pemerintah kota bukittinggi mengakomodir keresahan masyarakat nagari yang menolak untuk masuk wilayah kota, dengan tetap mengizinkan bentuk pemerintahannya adalah pemerintahan nagari dengan mengeluarkan perda. kebijakan ini kemudian menjadi pemicu kontra dari pihak masyarakat kurai. kelompok kultural di kota bukittinggi yang tergabung dalam kak melakukan penolakan juga terhadap pelaksanaan pp no. 84 tersebut. perubahan situasi politik nasional maupun lokal seperti yang telah dijelaskan di atas, memberikan kesadaran yang kuat bagi komunitaskomunitas lokal yang selama beberapa dekade kehilangan peluang. sebagai catatan penting perubahan politik dan kebijakan-kebijakan baru pasca 1998 ini memberi peluang yang terbuka bagi munculnya isu-isu baru yang menggerakkan dan menjadi kekuatan bagi munculnya kesadaran-kesadaran etnik di daerah. konstelasi politik lokal yang sedang dalam perubahan besar membuka ruang bagi kelompok-kelompok kultural yang selama orde baru tersingkirkan. konsep kesempatan ini yang merupakan kunci utama pendekatan contentious politics dalam menjelaskan dasar terjadinya gerakan politik. dilema kebijakan pemerintah provinsi tentang pemerintahan nagari yang tidak komprehensif dan tidak mampu menampung seluruh keinginan kelompok adat di berbagai wilayah menjadi peluang yang kuat memunculkan konflik dalam arti luas. paling tidak ada dua hal yang perlu dicermati dari konteks perubahan situasi sosial politik yang terjadi di kota bukittinggi. pertama, adanya peluang pada dimensi waktu yang bersamaan akibat kebijakan negara atau pemerintah provinsi. euforia desentralisasi dan kebebasan mendapat ruang dengan legitimasi uu untuk menggali kembali identitas etnik dan hak asal usul. kebijakaan penerapan pemerintahan nagari yang dilematis menjadi peluang bagi munculnya gerakan. kedua, ada ruang perebutan kepentingan dan kekuasaan oleh elit. perebutan kekuasaan dalam politik lokal dengan prinsip desentralisasi merupakan ajang kompetisi berat bagi elit. peluang ini menciptakan kesempatan-kesempatan bagi gerakan-gerakan untuk melakukan mobilisasi komunal. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 83 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. inisiasi dan pelembagaan isu oleh kerapatan adat kurai (kak) mengenai siapa aktor yang mulai memunculkan isu tidak begitu jelas. pemerintah seperti yang diakui oleh khairul hamdi yang pada saat itu menjabat wakil walikota, isu tentang nagari ini dimunculkan oleh para ninik mamak yang ada dalam kak. mereka merasa perlu ada nagari di kota seperti yang sudah dilaksanakan di kabupaten (wawancara dengan bapak khairul hamdi, 31 desember 2009). tetapi para tokoh adat sendiri mengungkapkan bahwa isu nagari ini dilontarkan oleh drs. djufri (walikota) pada akhir 2000. ninik mamak yang pada umumnya telah memiliki kesadaran akan peluang mereka dengan nagari, menyambut dengan semangat lontaran sang walikota. mereka berupaya untuk menghidupkan kembali respek terhadap adat dan para pemimpin adat. realitasnya para ninik mamak ini jelas sudah memiliki kesadaran yang tinggi akan pentingnya nagari bersamaan dengan makin kuatnya diskusi dan wacana nagari semenjak tahun 1998 di sumatera barat. apalagi diskusi-diskusi, seminar intensif pada tahun 1998-2001 oleh para tokoh sumatera barat seringkali diselenggarakan di kota bukittinggi. tawaran isu yang diberikan oleh walikota dimanfaatkan oleh para tokoh elit adat (ninik mamak) untuk mengembalikan identitas nagari. ide yang didapat dari walikota ini dibawa oleh 3 orang ninik mamak yang tergabung dalam kak menjadi diskusi dalam organisasi. secara rutin para ninik mamak yang ada dalam kak mulai mendiskusikan tentang nagari kurai yang mereka kelola dan kuasai. jika dilihat dari situasi politik kota pada tahun 2000-2001 ini ada kemungkinan cukup kuat bahwa isu nagari dimunculkan dari pemerintah kota bukittingi, karena pada saat yang bersamaan konflik tentang perluasan kota sedang berlangsung juga menyangkut isu nagari. perluasan kota bukittinggi yang didasari oleh pp no. 84/1999, mendapat penolakan yang begitu kuat dari wilayah-wilayah agam yang akan masuk kawasan kota. alasan penolakan ini oleh masyarakatnya karena mereka sudah melaksanakan pemerintahan nagari. sedangkan di kota bukittinggi tidak menerapkan. jika masuk wilayah kota akan dapat merusak tatanan nagari yang telah mereka nikmati.1 dengan situasi seperti ini yang paling rasional dilakukan pemerintah kota bukittinggi adalah berusaha untuk melegalkan nagari ada di kota. keinginan ini sangat memungkinkan pemerintah kota identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 84 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bukittinggi berinisiatif memunculkan isu nagari di kota agar mendapat simpatik dari daerah-daerah yang menolak tersebut. pemerintah kota yang sudah sadar betul bahwa pemerintahan nagari di kota tidak dapat direalisir kerena terbentur ketentuan legal formal undang-undang, maka mencoba memanfaatkan para tokoh adat untuk memunculkannya. isu ini seperti sengaja dihembuskan melalui para ninik mamak agar menjadi alat untuk memperjuangkan. tujuannya adalah untuk dapat memaksa provinsi melaksanakan pemerintahan nagari di daerah perluasan ini, sehingga masyarakat daerah ini tidak lagi menolak masuk wilayah kota bukittinggi. dengan membuat isu ini muncul dari bawah sebagai aspirasi masyarakat akan lebih memudahkan pemerintah kota untuk melegitimasinya. peran elit dan organisasi kultural cukup dominan untuk memainkan peransosial yang berkaitan dengan simbol-simbol etnis sebagai satu gerakan kepentingan politik mereka, dimana identitas etnis dikerahkan sebagai suatu bahan obyek politik. dalam kasus ini, keterlibatan pemerintah kota dalam memulai isu menjadi sangat beralasan. dengan memanfaatkan tokoh adat dan organisasi kultural sebagai alat. para ninik mamak (elit adat) menjadi agen sekaligus aktor untuk memunculkan dan mengembangkan isu nagari. sedangkan kak selaku organisasi komunal menjadi wadah yang tepat untuk memobilisasi dan pengembangan isu. kak sebagai organisasi adat tertinggi di kurai menjadi wadah yang dianggap paling tepat bagi kepentingan ini. kak merupakan perkumpulan atau organisasi yang mewadahi para pemuka adat (ninik mamak) seluruh nagari kurai limo jorong yang berada dalam wilayah administrasi kota bukittingi. secara individual, para ninik mamak (penghulu) ini masih memiliki pengaruh dan hubungan personal yang cukup kuat dengan para pejabat pemerintah kota. kedudukan mereka selaku pemimpin informal yang mendapat legitimasi dari masyarakat menjadi alasan yang cukup penting bagi pejabat-pejabat pemerintah untuk menggunakan mereka dalam mengembangkan isu nagari. pemanfaatan kak sebagai organisasi menjadi penting untuk wadah memperkuat isu dan memobilisasi dukungan yang lebih luas. isu gerakan kak ini dari awal justru dibentuk oleh aktor di luar kak itu sendiri. isu nagari yang menjadi hangat pada saat itu dimanfaatkan anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 85 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oleh pemerintah kota bagi mencari dukungan untuk kepentingan mereka. menjadi sangat wajar gerakan ini lebih banyak didasari oleh motivasi lain di luar pembentukan pemerintahan nagari itu sendiri, baik motivasi eksistensi kultural, politik, maupun kepentingan untuk mendapatkan representasi dalam birokrasi lokal. tetapi menjadi sebuah catatan penting para aktor ini bersepakat menggunakan kak sebagai lembaga untuk mengusung dan mewadahi gerakan ini. organisasi kak ternyata memiliki kapasitas untuk melembagakan isu nagari, yang dengan sangat cepat dikaitkan dengan identitas etnik kurai. sudah menjadi sebuah kewajaran ketika para aktor memiliki tujuan tertentu mereka mencari organisasi sebagai alat bagi perjuangan mereka. peranan organisasi akan sangat besar ketika para aktor utama mampu mengendalikan dan memobilisasi sumber daya yang dimiliki organisasi maupun sumberdaya lainnya. 3. dinamika gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai (kak) gerakan politik kak dalam aksinya mengalami pasang surut. gerakan politik ini pada periode tertentu menguat dan mendapat dukungan yang luas dari aktor. tetapi pada periode tertentu tuntutan kak ini seakan hilang sama sekali. pasang-surutnya gerakan tidak lepas juga dari pengaruh reaksi dari lawan (pemerintah kota) dan peran aktor-aktor pendukung lainnya. pemanfaatan peluang politik, pembentukan identitas, perluasan aktor hingga aksi menjadi hal yang menarik untuk dicermati. dinamika pasang surut atau naik turunnya aksi menjadi rangkaian peristiwa gerakan yang dapat dilihat dari peran organisasi sebagai wadah gerakan dan para aktor-aktor selaku penggerak. a. periode awal gerakan isu pemerintahan nagari muncul di kota bukittinggi ketika ruang ini dibuka oleh pemimpin (walikota) pada pertengahan 2001. para ninik mamak yang telah memiliki kesadaran akan peluang mereka dengan sangat cepat mengambil kesempatan ini. meskipun kemudian secara legal formal pembentukan nagari yang menjadi isu tuntutan terhalang oleh uu, isu ini tetap saja dikembangkan oleh para ninik mamak. para kaum adat mulai mengembangkan isu pada tingkatan ninik mamak secara luas di bukittinggi dengan menggerakkan identitas etnik kurai. identitas merupakan semacam solidaritas, ikatan individu dengan kelompok. isu identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 86 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ nagari kemudian disusuli oleh pembentukan identitas orang kurai selaku penduduk asli menjadi semakin kuat. pemunculan identitas menjadi sangat penting ketika para angotanya menyadari posisi mereka yang terpingirkan secara politik, sehingga mereka membutuhkan identitas yang jelas (kilnken, 2007; 106). selama mei-september 2001 diskusi-diskusi yang intens dilakukan oleh para ninik mamak yang dimotori oleh anggota kak untuk membangkitkan rasa kepemilikan atas identitas kurai (wawancara dengan dt. yang basa, 7 januari 2010, dan wawancara dengan dt. sati, 8 desember 2009.2 penelusuran sejarah dan pelembagaan isu oleh kak berusaha menyebarkan identitas ini pada para intelektual kurai, baik yang berada di kota bukittinggi sendiri maupun mereka-mereka yang berada di luar kota (perantau). identitas kelompok dan keinginan untuk mengembalikan kekuasaan kelompok menjadi faktor pendorong yang utama dalam pengembangan isu ini. hal ini akan berakibat pada perluasan jaringan dan aktor dalam dinamika gerakan selanjutnya. tetapi gerakan ini dari awal sudah dapat menentukan organisasi yang digunakan untuk menjadi wadah bagi gerakan. pemanfaatan organisasi kultural kak sebagai wadah sekaligus alat untuk membentuk identitas. b. perluasan aktor dan pematangan gerakan pemanfaatan organisasi kultural yang sudah terbentuk sejak lama menjadi sumber kekuatan bagi ninik mamak untuk memperluas jaringan aktor pendukung gerakan. para ninik mamak ini menyadari akan keterbatasan kekuatan mereka, kemudian menghubungi dan merangkul beberapa tokoh lain di luar organisasi mereka. masih dalam tahap pengembangan isu, para ninik mamak ini sudah melibatkan beberapa tokoh intelektual asal kurai yang berada di padang seperti hawari siddik, akmal, dan beberapa orang lainnya yang memang secara langsung terlibat dalam memformulasi kebijakan kembali ke nagari di tingkat provinsi. terbentuknya forum cadiak pandai kurai pada awal 2002 di kota padang merupakan hasil dari penciptaan identitas. selain beberapa tokoh intelektual, para ninik mamak juga membawa tokoh-tokoh birokrat yang berada di luar kota bukittingi. misalnya pelibatan asril saman yang merupakan mantan walikota padang panjang anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 87 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan juga pernah menjabat sekretaris daerah kabupten solok, sabir sh yang merupakan mantan kejati sumbar dan pada saat itu menjadi anggota dprd kota bukittinggi periode 1999-2004. para ninik mamak di kak mencari aktor-aktor yang dapat membawa mereka untuk bisa mengakses lembaga dprd dengan menjadikan fauzi dt. nagari labiah menjadi ketua tim perumusan kembali ke pemerintahan nagari yang dibentuk kak pada awal 2002. fauzi dt. nagari labiah pada saat itu merupakan anggota dprd dan ketua komisi a bidang pemerintahan. selain anggota dprd, kak juga melibatkan wakil walikota khairul hamdi yang juga merupakan putera asli kurai. pelibatan orang-orang yang sedang menjabat dalam eksekutif maupun legislatif ini merupakan strategi para ninik mamak untuk dapat memperkuat dukungan terhadap tuntutan mereka. strategi pelebaran aktor dan penglibatan mereka dalam merumuskan rancangan pemerintahan nagari di kota bukittinggi merupakan saat yang penting bagi gerakan ini. pelibatan para tokoh intelektual dan elit-elit pemerintahan menjadi kekuatan penting sekaligus alat untuk mempermudah akses dalam menyampaikan tuntutan. pada periode akhir 2001 hingga april 2002 banyak sekali diskusi, pertemuan, rapat intensif antara tokohtokoh kak dengan tokoh intelektual dan elit-elit pemerintahan untuk membicarakan dan merumuskan tuntutan mereka. para aktor intelektual dan aktor-aktor lainnya melihat penting untuk membuat rumusan yang jelas bagi tuntutan kak. pada tahap ini tim beserta dengan pendukung gerakan berhasil menyusun rancangan pemerintahan nagari yang mereka inginkan. perluasan aktor dan perumusan tuntutan oleh tim menjadi landasan yang penting bagi pilihan aksi dan tindakan yang dilakukan oleh kak dalam mencapai tuntutannya. c. pelaksanaan aksi periode pelaksanaan aksi oleh aktor-aktor dalam gerakan kak ini bukan hanya terjadi pada saat ini saja. tetapi mereka sebelumnya sudah melakukan beberapa cara pendekatan personal dengan pihak-pihak yang dianggap bisa membantu memudahkan tuntutan mereka. pelibatan tokohtokoh intelektual kota, orang-orang di eksekutif dan legislatif secara individual merupakan langkah awal yang strategis dalam memperluas aktor sekaligus memperkuat isu tuntutan. para ninik mamak di kak merancang identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 88 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bentuk pemerintahan nagari di kota bukitinggi yang dituangkan dalam dokumen “pokok pikiran kerapatan adat kurai tentang penerapan jiwa dan semangat kembali berpemerintahan nagari kurai v jorong dalam kerangka sistem penyelenggaraan dan struktur kelembagaan pemerintahan otonomi daerah kota bukittinggi berdasarkan pada uu no. 22/ 1999”. dokumen ini merupakan hasil pemikiran dari tim perumus kembali ke pemerintahan nagari bersama dengan para ninik mamak, cadiak pandai dan alim ulama di kurai. pelibatan semua unsur ini menjadi penting untuk melegitimasi tuntutan. terbentuknya tim perumus kembali ke pemerintahan nagari dan dihasilkannya dokumen pokok pikiran kerapatan adat kurai tentang penerapan jiwa dan semangat kembali berpemerintahan nagari kurai v jorong, menjadi awal aksi gerakan ini. pada mei 2002, kak menyerahkan dokumen pokok pikiran tersebut kepada pemerintah kota bukittinggi. penyerahan dokumen secara resmi kepada pemerintah kota bukittingi merupakan tindakan pertama yang muncul secara formal. dokumen pokok pikiran ini juga diserahkan kepada anggota dprd melalui fauzi dt. nagari labiah selaku ketua tim perumus. tetapi setelah penyerahan dokumen ini tidak ada reaksi dari pemerintah kota. tidak adanya tanggapan dari pemerintah kota terhadap tuntutan kak ini didasari oleh kesadaran pemerintah bahwa tuntutan itu tidak akan dapat terlaksana. pemerintah kota yang telah lebih dahulu menyurati pemerintah provinsi tentang usulan ini mendapat balasan bahwa pemerintah nagari di kota tidak dapat dilaksanakan karena bertentangan dengan pasal 126 uu no. 22/1999. tetapi pemerintah kota tetap membiarkan tuntutan kak terus bergulir dan mengusahakan untuk tetap muncul karena memiliki kepentingan lain. pada saat yang bersamaan pemerintah kota bukittingi memiliki persoalan dengan nagari-nagari yang termasuk wilayah perluasan kota bukittingi dalam pp no. 84/1999. nagari-nagari di kabupaten agam ini menolak untuk masuk wilayah kota dengan alasan tidak ada jaminan untuk berpemerintahan nagari. untuk tetap dapat melaksanakan pp ini, pemerintah kota sudah mencoba untuk menjadikan adanya pemerintahan nagari di kota, tetapi ditolak oleh pemerintah provinsi. keinginan pemerintah kota ini terlihat dari adanya pembentukan tim pengkajian anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 89 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kehidupan masyarakat bernagari diperkotaan pada pertengahan tahun 2001 dan pengiriman surat usulan untuk ranperda pemerintahan nagari di kota kepada provinsi pada akhir 2001. respon positif pemerintah kota untuk membentuk tim pengkajian ternyata tidak hanya ditujukan untuk menanggapi isu yang muncul dari kak. tetapi didasari oleh kepentingan pemerintah sendiri untuk tetap menarik perhatian nagari-nagari wilayah perluasan tersebut. untuk kepentingan tersebut pemerintah kota membiarkan isu nagari tetap berkembang di kak. melihat situasi yang diciptakan oleh pemerintah melalui perluasan wilayah kota, menimbulkan kekhawatiran dikalangan ninik mamak kurai. isu akan menjadi minoritas dan terpinggirkan secara politik muncul dalam diskusi-diskusi dikalangan elit adat. isu ini yang kemudian dikembangkan oleh para ninik mamak di kak, sehingga pada akhirnya mereka melakukan penolakan juga terhadap pp no. 84/1999 (padang express, 2002: 7). pernyataan penolakan pp 84/1999 merupakan hasil keputusan dari kak yang di adakan pada 5 dan 19 mei 2002 di balai adat kurai. keputusan ini sangat didukung oleh para intelektual yang ada di padang. kemudian keputusan kak tersebut dipertegas kembali dalam pertemuan ninik mamak bersama atas undangan forum cadiak pandai kurai di padang pada 19 juni 2002. keputusan ini bertujuan untuk tetap menjaga dominasi orang kurai atas wilayah kota bukittinggi. dengan keputusan penolakan pp, artinya kak mengambil langkah yang berseberangan dengan pemerintah kota bukittinggi. akhir 2002 tidak ada tanggapan sama sekali dari pemerintah kota maupun anggota dprd yang telah membawa usulan dari kak. merasa tidak mendapat tanggapan dari pemerintah kota bukittinggi membuat kak mencari cara lain untuk mengajukan tuntutan mereka. kak mengirimkan dokumen tuntutan mereka ke pemerintah provinsi dan dprd propinsi pada akhir 2002. provinsi yang menyadari tuntutan kelompok kultural di kota akan menjadi persoalan bagi mereka, segera mengadakan pertemuan dengan kelompok adat dan termasuk dihadiri oleh para walikota, memberikan ruang untuk dapat bernagari di kota tetapi tidak untuk pemerintahan nagari secara struktural. pemerintah provinsi sumatera barat kemudian menciptakan payung hukum dalam pelestarian adat dan sosial budaya minangkabau dalam masyarakat di identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 90 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ wilayah kota dengan mengeluarkan surat keputusan gubernur no. 36/ 2003 tentang pedoman umum pelaksanaan nagari di kota dalam propinsi sumatera barat yang juga diatur tentang kedudukan, fungsi dan wewenang nagari di kota. merujuk pada surat keputusan gubernur sumatera barat nomor 36 tahun 2003 tentang pedoman umum pelaksanaan nagari di kota maka surat keputusan ini juga mengatur tentang permasalahan keseharian yang mungkin timbul karena pluralisme sosial masyarakat kota. sk gubernur ini menimbulkan peluang baru bagi kak untuk meningkatkan kembali gerakan mereka. desakan secara terus menerus dilakukan pada pihak eksekutif (walikota), tetapi tetap tidak ada reaksi yang jelas. tidak adanya reaksi yang positif dari pihak lawan (pemerintah) membuat aktor (kak) kehilangan semangat untuk mencari strategi lain. apalagi sebagian besar para aktor politik dan intelektual dari padang juga sudah tidak intensif lagi memberikan dukungan. meraka tidak lagi mampu melakukan mobilisasi terhadap aktor-aktor yang sebelumnya sudah dapat dirangkul. meskipun secara personal beberapa ninik mamak masih memiliki kedekatan dengan para aktor politik dan pemerintahan. namun isu yang mereka usung tidak tidak lagi menjadi fokus aksi mereka. d. fase surutnya aksi gerakan penolakan dan tidak adanya reaksi dari pemerintah membuat gerakan ini melemah. para aktor dalam kak sudah merasa kehilangan kesempatan melihat reaksi pemerintah dan hambatan strutural legal formal yang menjadi kendala. meskipun tujuan mereka sebagian adalah untuk mendapatkan eksistensi kultural dan politik, namun peluang yang diciptakan oleh isu sangat sedikit sehingga membuat mereka kehilangan strategi. para aktor intelektual dan politis yang semula mendukung juga tidak terlihat lagi tindakannya. para aktor yang menjadi anggota dprd sendiri juga tidak memperlihatkan ada aksi lanjutan. persoalannya kehadiran mereka dalam gerakan ini lebih mewakili personal dan bukan secara institusional legislatif. para aktor ini juga memiliki keterbatasan gerak dalam kepentingan partai dan eksekutif. pendekatan dan komunikasi yang kurang baik juga tercipta antara ninik mamak dalam kak dengan para anggota dprd yang berasal dari kurai. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 91 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ para ninik mamak menuduh orang-orang kurai yang duduk di dprd tidak peduli dengan kepentingan kurai. jika dilihat dari kuantitas jumlah orang kurai yang berada di dprd pada periode 1999-2004 ini cukup banyak. dari 20 anggota dprd 9 di antaranya berasal dari kurai. namun tidak semua dari mereka memiliki komitmen untuk gerakan. loyalitas terhadap partai memang menjadi lebih penting. tidak adanya reaksi dari pemerintah dan hilangnya aktor pedukung membuat gerakan ini melemah. hingga pertengahan 2004 gerakan kak ini seperti hilang. e. penguatan kembali gerakan kak setelah mengalami pelemahan aksi pada pertengahan 2003 hingga triwulan pertama 2004, aksi ini kembali memunculkan tanda-tanda kehadirannya lagi. pada awal 2004 isu nagari di kota bukittingi kembali terdengar. para ninik mamak kembali membuka ruang diskusi dengan aktor-aktor politik. jika dilihat dari sisi situasi politik saat itu, isu ini muncul berkaitan dengan peluang yang ada. situasi politik lokal menjadi dinamis dan memanas akibat perubahan kebijakan pemilu oleh negara. pemilu legislatif yang diadakan pada pertengahan 2004 dan pemilihan langsung walikota tahun 2005 menjadi ajang perebutan para politisi. para aktor politik kembali mencari celah untuk bisa menarik simpati dari para pendukungnya. pendekataan terhadap tokoh-tokoh adat merupakan satu hal yang dapat dikatakan penting bagi para politisi untuk kehidupan kota kecil seperti bukittinggi. pengaruh para tokoh adat masih menjadi ajang perebutan bagi kepentingan dukungan. aktor-aktor yang akan maju pada pemilu legislatif mendekati para ninik mamak. situasi ini juga dimanfaatkan oleh kak untuk mengembalikan isu tuntutan mereka. beberapa orang politisi yang bertarung dalam pemilu legislatif di antaranya adalah para aktor yang sebelumnya telah terlibat dalam gerakan seperti sabir sh, akmal siddik, dan beberapa orang lainnya. reaksi yang lebih menarik datang dari pemerintah kota yang sedang berkuasa. pada awal 2004 walikota bukittinggi justru bereaksi positif atas munculnya kembali isu bernagari. buktinya pada april 2004 pemerintah kota bukittinggi mendanai penyelenggaraan seminar dan lokakarya tentang bernagari di kota dalam otonomi daerah bekerjasama dengan univesitas andalas. pasca seminar dan lokakarya tersebut identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 92 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dilakukan beberapa kali pertemuan dengan pihak eksekutif membahas kelanjutannya (wawancara dengan dt. pangulu basa, 2 desember 2009). kegiatan-kagiatan tersebut hanya untuk mendekati dan menyenangkan hati para ninik mamak. tetapi perlu dicermati situasi politik pada saat ini sedang persiapan bagi pemilihan kepala daerah langsung yang sedang dirancang oleh pemerintah pusat. ada kepentingan untuk menarik simpati dan dukungan dari para tokoh adat, yang menjadi dasar bagi aktor politik untuk kembali memunculkan isu gerakan. peranan walikota menjadi sangat kuat dalam menjinakkan tuntutan dan mencari dukungan para ninik mamak. kepentingan pejabat incumbent menjadi sangat nyata dalam upaya untuk merangkul kembali ninik mamak. f. apatisme gerakan setelah pilkada dan terpilihnya djufri sebagai walikota untuk kedua kalinya, ternyata reaksi terhadap tuntutan kak tetap tidak ada. pengabaian oleh walikota djufri sangat wajar, karena tidak lagi punya kepentingan. hanya beberapa orang tokoh ninik mamak yang tetap memiliki kedekatan secara personal dengan walikota terutama tokoh ninik mamak yang berada di kan. rekemondasi yang ditawarkan oleh universitas andalas dan usaid tidak pernah ditindaklanjuti oleh pemerintah kota. gerakan nagari di kota ini pada bulan-bulan berikutnya tidak terdengar lagi. para tokoh politik pun tidak lagi berbicara tentang nagari dan kurai. reaksi yang tidak jelas dari pemerintah kota serta dukungan yang tidak penuh dari dprd membuat gerakan ini tidak kuat berkembang. meskipun ada beberapa peluang politik yang dapat digunakan untuk mendukung aksi, namun dalam perjalannya isu dan gerakan lebih banyak digunakan oleh para tokoh politik untuk mencari dukungan. pada akhir tahun 2007 pemerintah provinsi sumatera barat menerbitkan perda no. 2/ 2007 tentang pokok-pokok pemerintahan nagari. perda ini secara jelas mengizinkan dibentuknya pemerintahan nagari di wilayah kota (pasal 4ayat 2). tetapi tidak ada satupun reaksi dari para aktor gerakan baik para ninik mamak di kak maupun aktor di luar itu yang menanggapi peluang ini. para tokoh adat (ninik mamak) yang menyadari tidak adanya lagi dukungan aktor-aktor politik membuat mereka juga kehilangan semangat. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 93 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ apatisme ini menyebabkan hilangnya gerakan. selain itu aktor penggerak isu tidak lagi ada dan mereka juga tidak lagi memiliki kepentingan. para tokoh adat yang menyadari tidak adanya lagi dukungan aktor-aktor politik membuat mereka juga kehilangan semangat. apatisme ini menyebabkan hilangnya gerakan. 4. permasalahan dalam gerakan politik kak gerakan yang menggunakan organisasi kak sebagai wadah gerakan ninik mamak, dapat dikatakan belum mencapai hasil yang menjadi tujuan mereka. apatisme yang terakhir muncul dari kalangan aktor penggagas sangat terkait dengan berbagai faktor kesempatan atau peluang yang tak lepas dari semua dinamika yang telah terjadi. ada beberapa permasalahan yang menyebabkan belum berhasilnya gerakan ini mencapai tujuannya. a. rendahnya kemampuan aktor dalam mem-framing identitas dan isu identitas kurai yang dibentuk oleh para tokoh kak untuk memperjuangkan tuntutan mereka adalah pilihan untuk menegaskan posisi mereka terhadap pemerintah kota. di sinilah peran kemampuan para aktor dalam meng-framing identitas dan isu yang mereka usung, sehingga para anggota kelompok sebagai pendukungnya memiliki keterikatan kognitif dan emosi dengan kelompok. kekuatan identitas ini yang sulit didapat dalam gerakan kak. para aktor pendukung hanya memiliki kesadaran tinggi ketika mereka berada dalam kelompok. keterlibatan para politisi, birokrat, mantan birokrat maupun intelektual yang semuanya berasal dari kurai memang menunjukkan bahwa kesadaran mereka akan identitas ada. namun ketika berhadapan dengan pihak luar (pemerintah) atau lembaga politik, identitas ini seperti hilang. identitas kurai dapat dikalahkan oleh identitas lain individu itu sendiri. kemampuan ninik mamak untuk menguatkan identitas etnik ternyata belum mampu untuk memobilisasi dukungan bagi gerakan mereka. b. gerakan dikendalikan oleh kepentingan aktor-aktor di luar kak perluasaan aktor merupakan suatu strategi yang diambil oleh kak untuk dapat memiliki akses terhadap kekuasaan. tetapi permasalahan kemudian muncul adalah kemampuan aktor penggagas (ninik mamak) dalam mengendalikan aktor-aktor yang dilibatkan. mereka tidak memiliki identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 94 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kendali atas aktor-aktor di luar kak tersebut. para ninik mamak dengan statusnya tidak dapat memobilisasi sumberdaya ini menjadi kekuatan untuk mendesakkan tuntutan mereka pada pemerintah. jika dilihat dari dinamika gerakan, ada pembalikan aksi oleh para aktor dari luar organisasi ini. justru gerakan dan organisasi dimanfaatkan oleh aktor-aktor politik ini untuk kepentingan mereka. aktor-aktor yang terlibat dalam jaringan gerakan kak merupakan jaringan urban dari para mantan birokrat, politisi, dan birokrat yang sebagian memiliki keinginan menjadi pejabat pemerintahan atau keinginan memperoleh akses menuju sumbersumber negara. kepentingan berbagai aktor dengan berbagai posisi ini juga memanfaatkan isu nagari. dalam contentious politics klaim gerakan kolektif sebagian besar dipengaruhi kepentingan obyektif para aktor (aspinal dan fealy, 2003: 12). para aktor ini tidak hanya terbatas pada para elit adat, tetapi meliputi orang-orang yang berada dalam kekuasaan maupun orang-orang yang dekat dengan kekuasaan. keberadaan aktor ini yang kemudian banyak berperan dalam mengatur dinamika gerak aksi (aspinal dan fealy, 2003: 12). bahkan peran pemerintah kota dalam mengendalikan dinamika gerakan terlihat cukup kuat dalam setiap fase gerakan. kepentingan walikota (djufri) dapat mengendalikan penguatan isu, ketika ia punya kepentingan mencari dukungan dalam pilkada. ia mampu mengendalikan aktor-aktor politis dan mantan birokrat yang terlibat dalam gerakan dengan merangkul mereka masuk dalam kekuasaannya. demikian juga dengan para politisi yang memperebutkan kursi legislatif maupun akses terhadap pemerintah, dengan mudah memanfaatkan isu gerakan ini. c. perpecahan dalam internal aktor gerakan perpecahan dalam tubuh aktor gerakan kak terlihat pada kalangan elit adat (ninik mamak). keberadaan organisasi kultural kan yang dibentuk oleh pemerintah menjadi salah satu pendorong pecahnya aktor ninik mamak (elit adat). kan yang notabene mendapat fasilitas dari negara menjadikan adanya persaingan yang tidak sehat juga di kalangan ninik mamak dengan kekuasaan. sebagian ninik mamak justru mendekat kepada pemerintah kota yang tidak merespon tututan kak. kecurigaan antara ninik mamak yang dekat dengan walikota dan mereka yang tidak memiliki anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 95 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ akses terhadap pusat kekuasaan juga menyebabkan pecahnya ninik mamak. perpecahan ini berimpilikasi kepada buruknya interaksi mereka dalam membangun strategi untuk melakukan aksi. perpecahan ternyata tidak hanya terjadi di kalangan aktor ninik mamak (elit adat), aktor lain seperti birokrat pun kemudian pecah dari gerakan. pihak pemerintah (walikota) memiliki peran dalam memecah aktor ini, dengan menarik para aktor mantan birokrat seperti asril saman, sabir sh, dan intelektual seperti akmal siddik menjadi tim ahli walikota untuk kurai, ia berhasil mengendalikan aktor ini. dengan ditariknya beberapa aktor gerakan oleh pihak lawan, membuat gerakan kehilangan aktor pendukung yang strategis. dengan memecah aktor ini, walikota (pemerintah kota) lebih mudah untuk menaklukkan dan mengendalikan gerakan. pecahnya para aktor ini di identifikasi sebagai salah satu penyebab lemahnya gerakan. d. lemahnya organisasi kak sebagai wadah gerakan sukses tidaknya perjuangan orang/kelompok tergantung pada kemampuan mereka untuk memaksimalkan akses menuju sumber-sumber organisasional. kak memang sudah berhasil menarik dukungan dari berbagai aktor di luar organisasi. tetapi kelemahan kak adalah dalam mengendalikan dan memobilisasi aktor pendukung tersebut. organisasi kak tidak begitu kuat untuk dapat menentukan jalannya aksi dan dinamika gerakan. kak sebagai wadah organisasi ternyata tidak kuat, baik secara struktur internal maupun hubungannya dengan pihak luar. dalam tubuh kak sendiri keanggotaan konstan (tetap) yang didasari ketentuan kultural ternyata tidak lagi lengkap. dilihat dari latar belakang para penghulu ini, umumnya mereka tidak memiliki kekuasaan secara politis. posisi organisasi yang tidak diakui secara legal formal oleh pemerintah membuat kak tidak memiliki kekuasaan apa-apa dalam politik dan pemerintahan. secara kultural pun kemudian kak juga tidak kuat, karena adanya lembaga kultural lain yang dibentuk oleh negara yakni kan. secara sosiologis kan lebih banyak berinteraksi dengan masyarakat bawah, karena memiliki kewenangan yang diberikan oleh negara terkait dengan masalah adat yang berhubungan dengan negara itu sendiri. posisi ini yang seringkali membuat kak lemah ketika berhubungan dengan negara identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 96 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (pemerintah kota) dalam memperjuangkan tuntutan mereka. e. hambatan legal formal permasalahan yang sangat krusial mempengaruhi gerakan ini adalah berkaitan dengan ketentuan legal formal (undang-udang). kebijakan pemerintah provinsi sumatera barat tentang pemerintahan nagari dalam perda no. 9/2000 sebagai landasan legal formal pelaksanaan pemerintahan nagari, tidak memberi ruang bagi terbentuknya pemerintahan nagari di wilayah kota. kebijakan pembentukan pemerintahan nagari sebagai pemerintahan terendah hanya diberlakukan di wilayah kabupaten. sedangkan di wilayah kota tidak adanya kedudukan struktural nagari, karena undang-undang no. 22/1999 tidak memberikan kesempatan untuk itu. pasal 126 uu no. 22/1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah menetapkan bahwa sistem pemerintahan terendah di kota adalah kelurahan. alasan bertentangan dengan regulasi pemerintah pusat kemudian menjadi landasan untuk tidak menerapkan pemerintahan nagari sebagai sebuah struktur pemerintahan formal di wilayah kota. benturan legal formal ini membuat gerakan kehilangan isu sentral dan menjadi semakin lemah ketika berhadapan dengan negara (pemerintah kota). kak tidak lagi memiliki alasan yang kuat untuk mendesakkan tuntutan mereka pada pemerintah kota. kesimpulan jika dilihat dari perjalanan dinamika gerakan kak, setiap aksi dan motivasi gerakan ini, ternyata tidak dengan mudah dapat disimpulkan bahwa gerakan ini murni gerakan yang menuntut agar ada pemerintahan nagari di kota bukittinggi. ada beberapa temuan utama dalam penelitian ini. pertama, motivasi politis maupun ekonomi sangat kuat mempengaruhi gerakan ini. dari awal kemunculan isu nagari ini juga sudah menunjukkan gejala motivasi politik. isu ini sengaja dihembuskan oleh penguasa (pemerintah kota) untuk kepentingan dukungan bagi pelaksanaan perluasan kota. di sisi lain, kelompok kultural (kak) yang memiliki harapan sangat besar terhadap peluang, segera menangkapnya secara positif. kak menginginkan untuk dapat memiliki akses istimewa dalam anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 97 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintahan. secara politis, kak menghendaki adanya representasi mereka dan kelompok kurai dalam kebijakan maupun birokrasi. kedua, gerakan kak ini lebih banyak dikendalikan oleh para elit pendukung di luar organisasi. mereka yang dilibatkan oleh para tokoh adat, seperti politisi, birokrat dan mantan birokrat, kemudian muncul sebagai orang-orang yang memiliki peran utama dalam menentukan dinamika gerakan, tetapi sangat termotivasi secara politis. kepentingan untuk dapat memiliki kekuasaan atau jabatan menjadi motivasi kuat bagi para aktor ini untuk memunculkan isu dan aksi. ada pola yang menunjukkan bahwa menguatnya gerakan selalu bersamaan dengan event politik memperebutkan kekuasaan seperti pemilu legislatif dan pilkada. para aktor ini justru orang-orang yang sangat dekat dengan kekuasaan. kepentingan untuk mendapat akses istimewa terhadap kekuasaan, membuat mereka secara sadar memanfaatkan isu dan gerakan. ketiga, kelompok kultural kak sebagai penggagas utama gerakan justru belum memperoleh hasil dari gerakan. tujuan untuk mendapat akses terhadap kebijakan dan birokrasi tidak dapat dicapai oleh para elit adat. akses ekonomi terhadap sumber-sumber negara sama sekali tidak mendapat peluang. posisi mereka yang secara politis lemah terhadap pemerintah kota membuat mereka tidak bisa memaksakan tujuannya. kelemahan ninik mamak ini juga berpengaruh terhadap kemampuan mereka dalam mengendalikan aktor pendukung seperti politisi, birokrat maupun mantan birokrat. kapital simbolik yang mereka miliki tidak disertai dengan kapital politik. sehingga menjadi sangat wajar ketika dengan sangat mudah ninik mamak dimanfaatkan oleh para politisi lokal untuk memobilisasi pendukung bagi kepentingan mereka sendiri. praktek mobilisasi komunal bagi dukungan politik menjadi lahan sangat menjanjikan bagi para politisi lokal dalam suasana politik yang kompetitif. keempat, lemahnya organisasi gerakan merupakan salah satu faktor yang menyebabkan mudahnya gerakan dimanfaatkan oleh aktor-aktor pendukung maupun pihak lawan (pemerintah). secara organisasional, kak memiliki kelemahan internal terutama menyangkut keanggotaan yang tidak lengkap, sehingga secara kultural pun legitimasi mereka dipandang tidak kuat oleh para elit adat yang berada di luar struktur organisasi. apalagi kak sendiri memiliki lembaga saingan yakni kan yang identitas kultural dan gerakan politik kerapatan adat kurai dalam representasi politik lokal / irawati irawati / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0005 98 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dilegitimasi kuat oleh negara. persaingan pengaruh antara kak dengan kan menjadi pemicu pecahnya para elit adat dalam merumuskan tujuan dan aksi gerakan. interaksi yang tidak intensif dan tidak tersusun secara rapi membuat organisasi kak memiliki sedikit sekali informasi. akibatnya kemampuan organisasi untuk mengendalikan aktor-aktor pendukung menjadi sangat lemah, apalagi aktor-aktor pendukung politisi dan birokrat justeru memiliki akses yang lebih besar terhadap informasi. catatan akhir 1 banyak koran-koran lokal memunculkan kasus ini setiap hari. bahkan menteri dalam negeri harus hadir didaerah untuk menfasilitasi penyelesaiaan konflik ini. gerakan penentangan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah agam dan masyarakatnya cukup intensif, tetapi pemerintah kota bukittinggi terkesan tidak melakukan apa-apa. namun ide tentang nagari di kota dapat dijadikan jalan bagi pemerintah kota untuk menarik simpati daerah-daerah yang menolak tersebut. lihat juga “agam dan bukittinggi berebut tapal batas. sinar harapan, kamis 12 april 2002. 2 tidak ada bukti tertulis tentang siapa yang hadir dan apa yang didiskusikan. menurut para penghulu ini mereka lebih sering membicarakan soal model nagari yang akan dibentuk dengan menelusuri sejarah nagari kurai limo jorong. daftar pustaka aspinal, edward dan greg fealy (eds). 2003. local power and politics in indonesia: decentralisation and democratization. singapore. iseas. babbie, earl. 1983. the practice of social research. california, wadsworth publishing company. bungin, burhan. 2003. analisis data penelitian kualitatif, pemahaman filosofis dan metodologis ke arah penguasaan model aplikasi. jakarta. pt. raja grafindo persada. dokumen kerapatan adat kurai. 1991. “sejarah dan adat kurai v jorong”. tim perumus: badan pekerja kerapatan adat kurai, bukittinggi, 29 juni dwipayana, aa gn ari. 2004. bangsawan dan kuasa, kembalinya para anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 99 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ningrat di dua kota. yogyakarta. ire press. eko, sutoro. 2005. mengantang asap? kritik dan refleksi atas gerakan kembali ke nagari. yogyakarta. ire press. etek, azizah dkk. 2004. dinamika pemerintahan lokal kota bukittinggi. kerjasama pemerintah kota bukittinggi dengan lembaga pengembangan masyarakat institut ilmu pemerintahan (lpm-iip) gamson, william a and david s mayer. 1966. “framming political opportunity” dalam doug mcadam, john d. mccarthy and mayer n. zald (eds), comparative perspectives on social movements: political opportunities, mobilizing structure and cultural framing. new york. cambridge university press. hadiz, vedi r. 2005. dinamika kekuasaan ekonomi politik indonesia pasca soeharto. jakarta. lp3es. hadjerat, h. m. 2006. sejarah nagari kurai limo jorong serta pemeintahannya, pasar dan kota bukittinggi. bukittinggi. peduli masyarakat kurai. haryanto. 2005. kekuasaan elit, suatu bahasan pengantar. yogyakarta.s2 plod ugm dan jip ugm hasbi, m. et.al. 1990. nagari, desa dan pembangunan pedesaan di sumatera barat. padang. yayasan genta budaya. kahin, audrey. 2005. dari pemberontakan ke integrasi: sumatera barat dan politik indonesia 1926-1998. jakarta. yayasan obor indonesia. klandermans, bert. 2005. protes dalam kajian psikologi sosial, terj. helly p soetjipto. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. klinken, gerry van. 2007. perang kota kecil, kekerasan komunal, dan demokratisasi di 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moleong, lexy. 1998. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung. remaja rosda karya. niel, robert van. 1984. munculnya elite modern di indonesia. terj. sahara deliar noer. jakarta. pustaka jaya. putra, fadillah (ed). 2006. gerakan sosial: konsep, stategi, aktor, hambatan dan tantangan gerakan sosial di indonesia. malang. kerjasama averroes press dengan ppsd, pokok pikiran, penerapan jiwa dan semangat kembali berpemerintahan nagari kurai v jorong dalam kerangka sistem penyelenggaraan dan struktur kelembagaan pemerintahan otonom daerah kota bukittinggi berdasarkan pada uu n0. 22 tahun 1999. diajukan oleh kerapatan adat kurai kepada walikota bukittinggi, 2002 porta, donatello della dan mario diani. 1999. social movements: an introduction. london. blackwell publisher. siti, r. zuhro (ed). 2009. demokrasi lokal: peran aktor dalam demokratisasi. yogyakarta. ombak. schulte nordholt, henk dan gerry van klinken (ed). 2007. politik lokal di indonesia. jakarta. kitlv. sparingga, daniel. 2001. “peran elit lokal vis a vis globalisasi” dalam renai, jurnal politik lokal dan sosial-humaniora, edisi juli-september. tarrow, sidney. 1998. power in movement: social movements and contentious politics. cambrige university press varma, s.p. 2001. teori politik modern. terj. effendi tohir. jakarta. pt. raja grafindo persada. zetra, aidinil (2005). “mungkinkah pemerintahan nagari di kota?” dalam padang ekspres, 24 juli “agam dan bukittinggi berebut tapal batas” dalam sinar harapan, 12 april 2002 “gamawan fauzi pemerintahan nagari dapat dibentuk di kota” dalam padang ekspres, 22 agustus 2006. “warga kurai tolak perluasan wilayah” dalam padang ekspres, 7 april 2002 anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i2.14736 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan implementation of business process mapping framework for indonesia’s government institutions martinus tukiran1 , nugraheni puspita sari2 , lukas danny tjitrabudi2 , nurul amalia2 abstract government organizations today face unprecedented challenges in carrying out their vital mission in an environment marked by shrinking budgets, strict regulations, and changing workforce status. the business process map is a diagram that shows the working relationship between organizational units that generate added value for all respective stakeholders. while some inde pendent guidance is available on how various tools support different aspects of business process mapping initiatives, organizations still need to determine their speciûc needs and establish how information gathered on tool function ality can be evaluated against these needs. this study explores the practices of implementing business process mapping in 10 government institutions in indonesia using a 3-dimensional framework approach. the research employed a qualitative approach with in-depth interviews, observation, and documents study was performed to collect and analyze data. the framework succeeded in describing a paradigm-shifting to encourage people to move from a silo thinking to a cross-function team. finally, the business process map as a foun dation of the organizational bureaucracy movement shows an improvement in institutional capacity to encourage administrators in operational consistency. keywords: bureaucratic reform, business process framework, business pro cess management, business process mapping, government business pro cess. abstrak organisasi pemerintah saat ini menghadapi tantangan yang semakin kompleks dalam menjalankan misi vitalnya pada lingkungan yang ditandai dengan anggaran yang menyusut, peraturan yang semakin ketat, dan status tenaga kerja yang berubah. peta proses bisnis adalah diagram yang menunjukkan hubungan kerja antar unit organisasi yang menghasilkan nilai tambah bagi semua pemangku kepentingan. meskipun ada beberapa panduan independen yang tersedia tentang bagaimana berbagai alat yang mendukung berbagai aspek inisiatif pemetaan proses bisnis, organ isasi masih perlu menentukan kebutuhan spesifik mereka dan dapat menetapkan bagaimana informasi yang dikumpulkan secara fungsional dapat dievaluasi terhadap kebutuhan ini. kajian ini akan mengeksplorasi praktik penerapan 281 affiliation: 1 department of education management, post graduate school, pakuan university, bogor, indonesia 2 consultant at cognoscenti consulting group, jakarta, indonesia correspondence: martinus.tukiran@unpak.ac.id puspita@ccg.co.id lukas@ccg.co.id nurul@ccg.co.id how to citate: tukiran. m, sari. np, tjitrabudi. ld, amalia. n. (2022). implementation of business process mapping framework for indonesia’s government institutions. jurnal studi pemerintahan. vol 13 no 2 july 2022 page 281 306 article history: received: may 5, 2022 revised: june 10, 2022 accepted: july 12, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:martinus.tukiran@unpak.ac.id mailto:puspita@ccg.co.id mailto:lukas@ccg.co.id mailto:nurul@ccg.co.id https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8238-9109 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1245-5331 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0888-3894 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4235-5112 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 282 peta proses bisnis di 10 instansi pemerintah di indonesia dengan menggunakan pendekatan kerangka kerja 3 dimensi. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan wawancara mendalam, observasi, dan studi dokumen dilakukan untuk mengumpulkan dan menganalisis data. kerangka tersebut berhasil menggambarkan pergeseran paradigma untuk mendorong pelaku organisasi beralih dari pemikiran sektoral kepada kerjasama lintas fungsi. akhirnya, peta proses bisnis sebagai landasan gerakan birokrasi organisasi menunjukkan peningkatan kapasitas kelembagaan untuk mendorong para administrator dalam konsistensi operasional. kata kunci: reformasi birokrasi, kerangka proses bisnis, manajemen proses bisnis, pemetaan proses bisnis, proses bisnis pemerintah. introduction bureaucratic reform is essentially an effort to make reforms and fundamental changes to the system of government adminis tration, especially regarding aspects of the institution (organiza tion), management (business process), and human resources of the apparatus. various problems/obstacles that cause the gov ernment administration system not to work or run properly must be reorganized or renewed. bureaucratic reform is carried out to realize good governance. in other words, bureaucratic reform is a strategic action to build the state apparatus to be more efficient and effective in carrying out the general tasks of government and national development. in addition, the very rapid progress of science, information, and communication technology and changes in the strategic environment require the government bureaucracy to be reformed and adapted to the dynamics of society’s demands. therefore, steps that are fundamental, com prehensive, and systematic in nature must be taken immediately so that the goals and targets that have been set can be achieved effectively and efficiently. bureaucratic reform is one of the indonesia government’s efforts to achieve excellent and clean governance and carry out fundamental reforms and changes to the government adminis tration system, especially concerning eight areas as follows; changes in mindset, institutional management, policy deregula tions, human resources of the public servant, management of the business process, accountability, supervision, and public ser vices (ministry of state apparatus empowerment and bureau jurnal studi pemerintahan cratic reform of the republic of indonesia, 2020). through bureaucratic reform, an effective and efficient government ad ministration system is organized. bureaucratic reform is the back bone of changing the lives of the nation and state. the bureau cracy itself relates mainly to a complex structure that consists of multilayered systems and processes. these policies and proce dures are responsible for maintaining the organization’s unifor mity and control. traditional bureaucracy translates to creating an environment that helps to improve the management and con trolling a country or organization (weber, 2009). nowadays, the definition of bureaucracy is often linked with bureaucratization, which relates to the complicated rules, enormously long processes and procedures, and written work that makes an individual’s life harder. implementing bureaucratic reform is mandated for all gov ernment organizations, from central to local governments. the government has issued business processes since 2018, namely the ministerial of state apparatus empowerment and bureau cratic reform regulation number 19 of 2018 concerning the preparation of business process maps for government agencies which also mandates all ministries and other institutions to com pile business process maps. the preparation of a business pro cess map is one form of improvement from a better government system and a reference for government agencies to describe an effective and efficient working relationship between organizational units to produce performance following the objectives of the organization’s establishment to produce outputs that have added value for stakeholders. the purpose of compiling a business pro cess map for government agencies is not only a form of imple menting bureaucratic reform but also an improvement to the governance, duties, and functions of the state civil apparatus to be more effective and efficient in carrying out value-added work relationships. through the years, bureaucracy has experienced the transi tion from an ideal phenomenon at the beginning to painful real 283 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 284 izations of its shortcomings in today’s world. the following bu reaucracy dysfunctions have been distinguished (manning, nick, & agere, sam , 2002) such as; dehumanization of interpersonal relationships and abuse of power by an official through corrup tion and lack of duty approach, routine and lack of flexibility in the employees’ performance, maintaining a rigid organizational structure, excessive conformism, difficulties in responding to unexpected situations, a problem with implementing innovations and responding to changes. a business process map promotes cross-functional processes synchronization and facilitates an or ganization to focus on what is believed to be valuable from the stakeholder’s perspective in a graphical diagram, simplicity, stan dardization, and provision for execution processes (arevalo, escalona, i., & m., 2016). the president also issued presidential regulation number 68 of 2019 concerning organization of state ministries which obliges every ministry and other government institutions to imple ment business processes that aim to describe effective and effi cient relationships between organizational units within the min istries and institutions and coordinating ministries. with this picture of the relationship, the performance of each ministry and agency is expected to be more optimal in maximizing coor dination between organizational units in providing added value for stakeholders. furthermore, the panrb ministerial regulation number 26 of 2020 concerning guidelines for evaluation of the implemen tation of bureaucratic reform in point (a), namely the fulfill ment aspect, including the business process map that has been translated into standard operational procedures (sop) and the translation of cross-functional maps into sops has been carried out. with the cross-functional map, it is hoped to create a sys tem that encourages collaboration between departments/work units so that sectoral egos and silo thinking can be avoided. fur thermore, the business process map will provide a reference for agencies to build and organize and provide a solid basis for pre jurnal studi pemerintahan paring sops, including service standards that are simpler, more efficient, effective, productive, and accountable. designing the correct business processes allows the organiza tion to recognize stakeholders’ expectations, address their needs appropriately, establish support processes for consistent service, and manage the value-added processes that spark innovation (fleacã, 2016). therefore, this study was conducted to under stand the systematic and systemic framework of business process map development in 10 government institutions in indonesia. the study adopted a 3-dimensional approach to business pro cess mapping, consisting of a process and sub-process map, a relationship map, and a cross-functional map (tukiran m. , 2016). literature review business process management (bpm) has emerged as a com prehensive consolidation of disciplines sharing the belief that a process-centered approach leads to substantial improvements in both performance and compliance of a system. apart from pro ductivity gains, bpm has the power to innovate and continu ously transform value-added creation in the entire cross-organi zational value chains. the paradigm of “process thinking” is by no means an invention of the last two decades but had already been postulated by early economists such as adam smith or en gineers such as frederick taylor (brocke, 2015). the process ap proach involves a systematic definition that uses the management of processes and their interactions to achieve the desired results in accordance with the organization’s policies, objectives, and strategic plans. overall, system and process management can be achieved using the plan-do-check-act (pdca) cycle with an overall focus on risk-based thinking to seize opportunities and prevent undesirable outcomes. according to scientists, to better manage the organization, it is necessary to incorporate a structured view of managing these business processes with the aid of a business process manage ment approach. the association of business process manage 285 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 286 ment professionals (abpmp, 2009) has defined this approach as a discipline that helps practitioners to identify, design, execute, document, measure, monitor, and control business processes to achieve consistent and targeted results aligned with the enter prise2 s strategic goals (abpmp, 2009). understanding and man aging interrelated processes as a system contributes to the effec tiveness and efficiency of the organization in achieving the de sired results. this approach allows organizations to control the interrelationships and dependencies between system processes so that overall organizational performance can be improved. as a standard of design and implementation of business process management founded in 1989, the object management group, inc. (omg) is an open membership, not-for-profit computer in dustry standards consortium that produces and maintains com puter industry specifications for interoperable, portable, and re usable enterprise applications in distributed, heterogeneous en vironments. membership includes information technology ven dors, end-users, government agencies, and academia. the object management group (omg) has developed a stan dard business process model and notation (bpmn). the pri mary goal of bpmn is to provide a notation that is readily under standable by all business users. it ranges from the business ana lysts that create the initial drafts of the processes to the technical developers responsible for implementing the technology that will perform those processes, and finally, to the business people who will manage and monitor those processes. thus, bpmn creates a standardized bridge for the gap between the business process design and process implementation. the main goal of bpmn is to provide a notation that is easy to use and understandable by all people involved in the business. bpmn notation is also de signed for the nature of web service-based systems and can be mapped to an xml-based business execution language such as bpel4ws (business process execution language for web ser vice) and bpml (business process modeling language) (harmon, 2007). jurnal studi pemerintahan this specification represents the process of best practices within the business modelling community to define the nota tion and semantics of collaboration diagrams, process diagrams, and choreography diagrams. bpmn intends to standardize a business process model and notation in the face of many differ ent modelling notations and viewpoints. in doing so, bpmn provides a simple means of communicating process information to other business users, process implementers, customers, and suppliers (the object management group, 2011). by focusing on and designing end-to-end processes mapping that transcends organizational boundaries, an organization can drive out the non value added overhead accumulated at these boundaries. further more, through a business process map, an organization can en sure that its processes deliver on its promise and operate consis tently at the level at which they are capable (hammer, 2015). for the purpose of a business process review initiative, busi ness process modelling is the act of representing both the cur rent “as-is” and future “to-be” processes of an organization, so that the current process may be analyzed and improved. essen tially, it provides a graphical depiction of the process, enabling ease of communication and a shared understanding with differ ent stakeholder groups. furthermore, this “documented knowl edge” provides structured analysis and discussion for improve ment opportunities.. with the right tool, these models can be enriched with information regarding issues, risks, assumptions, opportunities, etc., and linked to information elements from other models, such as data models and organizational charts, to allow deeper analysis and better enterprise-wide reporting (davies, 2015). there is a broad range of other purposes for process mod elling, such as simply providing documentat io n on an organization’s work practices (without a view for improvement) at the one end to designing automated workûow solutions at the other extreme. therefore, it is critical to ensure that the correct tool has been selected to meet the process modelling needs and purpose. 287 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 288 with process orientation being a central paradigm of the or ganizational outcome, a business process map is closely related to capability development (helfat, 2003). a business process map reflects the skills and routines necessary to integrate, build, and reconfigure an organization’s business processes in response to environmental change (forstner, kamprath, & & röglinger, 2014). the performance benefit of improved integration between business map and operations management is extensively stud ied, including a focus on the alignment of planning to achieve maximum production processes (o’leary-kelly, w., & & flores, 2002) (sale, 2017). a business process map is often employed to cross the boundaries of organization functions and improve in tegration (berente, vandenbosch, & & aubert, 2009) (hassen & turki, 2019) (kobayashi & tamakia, 2003). improved inte gration can lead to higher levels of effectiveness and efficiency and a better structure of processes that are the basis for flexibil ity in operations. more recently, a single business process man agement system for business and operations management has been proposed and demonstrated (pauker, 2018). while these studies embrace the ambition of cross-functional process man agement in an organization, they offer practical guidance on modelling executable organization processes. with a business process map, a diagram that shows the work ing relationship between organizational units that generate added value to all stakeholders could be managed and improved con tinuously. a framework for drawing a map of business processes is needed to help organizations, especially government institu tions, to be able to build a map of their business processes cor rectly and to be able to integrate all series of activities within the organization into a representative diagram. business process modelling demonstrates a cross-functional view of the organiza tion and allows the organization to focus on the customer. this focus provides the basis for considering the actions to be applied to the actors’ performance. process-related performance measures need to be defined so that they contribute to meeting the jurnal studi pemerintahan customer’s required value proposition (cadle & debra, 2010). conceptually, the process is defined as a series of activities that change inputs into value-added outputs by utilizing certain resources. in short, we can say that a process is a series of value added activities. the emphasis on value-added creation is the understanding of the word ‘business’ in business processes. so the word business here does not indicate an activity related to commercialization (trade and investment) but rather is a busi ness as an added value creation. from this understanding arises the principle in business process mapping, that what is meant by business process mapping is the mapping of activities and not the mapping of work units within the organization. the output of one process can be the input for the following process. the series of input-process-output, which is forwarded to the next series of input-process-output and so on, is called a business process mapping. the preparation of a business process map re quires strong leadership to decide on a helicopter view image of the organization that unites the entire series of activities to gen erate added value for stakeholders (tukiran m. &., 2020). research method the research approach employed in this study has been based on in-depth qualitative studies with ten government institutions in indonesia. the focus of the research in this paper is to de scribe the differences in the preparation of business process maps using the 3-dimensional method, which is simpler than the bpmn method with the same results. triangulation analysis on docu ment study, focus group discussions, and top management justi fication was employed among activities to ensure data validation. the study employed a qualitative data analysis technique. addi tionally, a qualitative analysis was done based on the documents reviewed, which will be explained and aimed as part of this ob servation. the consistency of using an observation instrument in a qualitative study often refers to the instrument that shows the observer’s individual capacity (schneider, 2013). because of 289 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 290 that, the instrument of the study is the observer himself (human instrument). this is made possible by venturing into the field and performing observations and in-depth interviews with pre viously identified informants. results and discussion business process mapping begins with a review of documents, especially the organization’s strategic plan documents, where stra tegic objectives, program objectives, and activity objectives are measured in performance indicators, and targets are identified as a reference for outputs and outcomes. the achievement of these targets is the organizational performance that has been determined in the organization’s strategic plan. the performance to be achieved is a driver that becomes a reference for all work units within the organization to carry out a series of activities in creating added value and achieving performance. business process map development should be managed with good project management, starting with the preparation and plan ning stages, development stages, implementation stages, and monitoring and evaluation stages. organizing the development of the business process map needs to be appropriately developed and must involve the organization’s leadership as the person in charge and support for the successful development of the organization’s business process map to the preparation of sops and their implementation. the organization’s strategic plan document also lists the gen eral policy directions and strategies chosen by the organization as well as a reference in determining the series of actions that work units must take within the organization to achieve the goals, objectives, mission, and vision of the organization set out in the strategic plan. this general policy direction and strategy describes how the organization chooses to achieve the goals that have been previously set. by understanding all the descriptions of the se lected method and all the measurable targets to be completed, the data contained in this organization’s strategic plan document jurnal studi pemerintahan analyzed becomes a document that needs to be analyzed, categorized, re duced, and presented in a business process map. the duties and functions of each organizational unit also need to be analyzed to determine the roles and responsibilities of each work unit in achieving organizational goals. table 1 shows the document components analyzed as follows; table 1. documents analysis no components criteria documents tobe 1 organization vision statement output and outcome strategic plan 2 organization mission statement process strategic plan 3 organization goals output and outcome strategic plan 291 4 strategic objectives with performance indicators and target 5 program objectives with performance indicators and target 6 activity objectives with performance indicators and target outcome strategic plan output and outcome strategic plan output strategic plan 7 general policy directions and strategies process strategic plan 8 duties and functions of organizational units process organization structure 9 regulatory framework instrument input strategic plan 10 organizational framework instrument input strategic plan once the documents have been analyzed, categorized, reduced, and presented, the next step is to conduct in-depth interviews with informants who are representatives of organizational units who understand their respective duties and functions. then, the following step is to find out the extent of the series of activities that must be carried out, the series of activities that have been carried out, the series of activities that have not been carried out, and the series of activities that are not necessary. in this case, the series of activities described in the business process map are not only a series of “as is” activities, but also include a series of “to be” activities that have not been carried out. as long as the ac tivities are ideal and relevant to be carried out according to the provisions of the legislation and the desired performance vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 process map 292 achieved, those activities should be included within the business process map. the tasks and functions in the organizational struc ture can be used as a reference to ensure that the ideal and rel evant series of activities can be carried out by work units within the organization. table 2. triangulation of 10 government institutions no units of analysis component of business data collection interview document review observation 1 ministry of foreign affairs (mofa) process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map √ √ √ 2 ministry of trade (mot) process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map √ √ √ 3 ministry of education, culture, research, and technology (mecrt) 4 ministry of public works and public housing (mpwph) 5 national agency of drug and food control (na-dfc) 6 national institute of aeronautics and space (nias) 7 meteorology, climatology, and geophysical agency (mcga) 8 directorate general of intellectual property (dg-ip) 9 secretariat general of regional representative council of indonesia (sg rrc) 10 indonesian maritime security agency (imsa) process map, sub-process map, and relationship map process map, sub-process map, and relationship map process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map with risk identification process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and cross function map process map, sub-process map, relationship map, and partial √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ cross-function map observation of the ideal process that needs to be built in the business process map as an effort to achieve organizational per formance determined in the organization’s strategic plan can be carried out by conducting secondary document studies. they include conducting interviews with stakeholder representatives and benchmarking analysis of similar organizations abroad. table jurnal studi pemerintahan 2 shows the results of data analysis through interviews, docu ment studies, and observations (triangulation) conducted on ten government agencies. a business process map is a diagram that shows the working relationship between organizational units to achieve organiza tional performance effectively and efficiently. considering that there are so many series of activities in an organization and so many organizational units involved, the first step in mapping the working relationship is to group these activities into a group of activities called a process. as in a computer, there are many files, and they need to be organized into folders to make them easier to manage. it is the same way of thinking about making groups of organizational ac tivities. the results of all the previously collected data then need to be analyzed by being categorized, coded, and described in a se ries of activities carried out by the organization and grouped in folders of organizational activities. as a result, process maps are established as a part of the busi ness process map. when we use bpmn (business process model and notation), it is known as a level 0 map, which is similar to a process map. the process map or level 0 map is a helicopter view of organizational-wide activities. one of the principles underly ing this process map is that simpler is better, as long as all activi ties within the organization are represented in each of the pro cess boxes described. the business process map using the level is divided into several levels, namely the business process map level 0, level 1, level 2, level 3, and level n map (hereinafter). at all levels in this business process map, the preparation starts from the vision, mission, and goals which are then translated into business functions and processes to achieve them. each identi fied business process map is then further elaborated into the next level (n) business process map, which is a logical series of activities in that one business process. the number of levels of the business process map is highly dependent on the complexity 293 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 294 of each business process. below is an image of a business process map framework using levels (bpmn). the results of the process map, which is a diagram of the relationship between processes as a display of all organizational activities, are shown in figure 1 below; figure 1. a process map as a helicopter view of organizational activities the process map that has been realized is a series of activities within the organization. each process depicted represents a se ries of activities involving several organizational units. it is im portant to underline as a principle that the process boxes dis played in the process map are not the same as the work units in the organizational structure. there is a series of activities within each process box that involve several work units within the orga process map government inst itut ion jadwal persidangan jadwal persidangan bahan persidangan bahan persidangan bahan persidangan kaji an pengawas an d u ku n g a n p e r si d a n g a n keputusan dukungan persidangan hasil pengawas an h a si l p e r si d a n g a n ( r i sa l a h & n o tu l e n ) dukungan persi danga n kegiatan anggota di daerah kebutuhan per sidangan jadwal persidangan dukungan as mas da dpd ri alat keleng kapan dp d-01 management of legi slative functi ons a s m a s d a lapor an kajian penyusunan keputus an evaluasi raperda dp d-02 representation functi on management alat kelengkapan as mas da d u ku n g a n p e r si d a n g a n hasil pengawas an dat a&arsip dp d-03 management of supervi sion functi on not ulen risalah pengambilan keput us an perlengkapan persidanga n kebutuhan per ekaman hasil per ga dp d-04 assembl y management dpd ri kegiatan daer ah si d a n n telaah hukum keputusan d ukungan advoksi dpd legal opi noin telaah hukum p ro d u k h u ku m produk hukum produk hukum core proce ss dukungan persidang an bahan persi dangan hasil pengawasan p e n yu s u n a n k e p u tu sa n te l a a h h u ku m dukungan publi kasi / keprot okolan p e n g a d u a n p u b l i k publi kasi jd ih central governments h a si l l e g i sl a si p e r m i n ta a n ke rj a sa m a penyusunan keput us an telaah hukum d a t a & a r si p d a t a & a r si p l a p o r a n p e n g a d u a n publi kasi jd ih l a p o r a n p e n g a d u a n / h a si l ke p u t u sa n invent aris asi permasalahan dukungan pengaduan publi k publikasi jdih d a t a & a r si p risalah & not ul ensi central governments publikasi risalah / arsip telaah hukum hasil analis a publi kasi medi a di gital hasil kunjunga n publikasi jdih publi kasi keprotokolan dukungan persidangan bant uan hukum dp d-05 legal services produk hukum d a t a & a r si p anggaran / revisi anggaran data rens tra data sakip penyusunan peratur an penyusunan keput usan dp d-06 data management and information system s p u b l i ka si ( j d i h ) inf d) o r m a si d a ta (p p i pendaf tar an dukungan keprotokolan a s e t (b m n ) analisa pengaduan data publikasi adm, perdin arsip dp d-07 information, publication and protocol management p e r m i n t a a n m e d i a hasil voting publikasi ppid publikasi persidangan publikasi persidangan voting dukungan kepr ot okol an supporting pro cess local goverments sdm nomor sk publikasi jdih p u b l i ka si m e d i a d i g i ta l local governments katalog perpust akaan penyusunan keput usan dukungan media pengadaan barj as pengadaan b a rj a s layanan kepeg awai an pelanggar an kode eti k p e r a t u r a n surat ke p u tu s a n arsip a d m . k e p e g a w a i a n pengadua n pengadaan barj as p e n g a d a a n b a rj a s te kn o l o g i p e n g a m a n a n d a t a s d m pe ra tu r a n sur at keput us an dukungan s ar pras / barj as a n g g a r a n / p e rb e n d a h a r a a n s u r a t k e p u tu s a n surat keput usan litigasi pengaduan adm. pimpinan dukungan umum dukungan umum public anggar an d u ku n g a n ke u a n g a n public a n g g a r a n s d m p e r b e n d a h a r a a n dp d-09 program management, budget and performance renstra / anggaran / dp d-10 dp d-11 management of the dp d general secretariat's supervision and control system l a p o r a n p e l a n g g a ra n dp d-08 hr and organizational management pengawas an layanan konsultasi saki p inventaris asi bar ang masuk pener imaan neg ara anggar an data hibah / saki p general service kebutuhan di klat anggar an resources pro cess evaluasi barjas p e n i l a i a n ki n e r j a administrasi bmn p e n g a d a a n b a r ja s / a d m . b m n rekonsili asi data tindaklanj ut laporan p e n g e m b a n g a n ko m p e te n si anggaran anggar an in ve n ta ri s a si te m u a n pent apan s k / p e r a t u ra n jurnal studi pemerintahan nization. if it turns out that an identified process only involves one work unit within the organization, then that process must be combined with other processes. this emphasizes that the defi nition of a process is a series of activities that involve more than one work unit within the organization. next, each process described in the process map needs to be broken down into sub-processes. the number of sub-processes in each process will, of course, vary. first, however, it is neces sary to consider the coherence between processes so that the number of sub-processes in each process should not be too much different. in bpmn, this sub-process map is called a level 1 map. in contrast to bpmn, this 3-dimensional framework approach is limited to sub-processes only. meanwhile, in bpmn, the detail of the process can be unlimited. a diagram of sub-processes in a government institution that has been developed can be seen in figure 2 below; 295 figure 2. a sub-process map dpd-01 man agement of legislative functions data & arsip dpd-02 represent at io n functio n m an ag em ent asma sda asmasda hasil dim data & arsip dpd-06 dat a m anagement and inform ation systems telaah hu kum kep ut usa n dpd keputu san dpd tindak lanjut telaah hukum dpd-01.01 manage me nt of preparation activit ies relate d to prole gnas dpd-01.02 manage me nt of draft law ha sil persida ngan risalah dpd-05 leg al services kebutuhan persidang an telaah huku m duk un g an p ersid an ga n duk un ga n persid a ng an publika si jd ih peny usu na n ke pu tus an dpd-04 assem bly m an ag ement risa du kun gan persid an g an lah penyusu nan keputu san keputu san sidang notulensi publika si jdih kegia ta n a ng go ta di daerah publika si jdih dpd-01.03 manage me nt of the drafting of dpd' s vie ws and considerations dpd-01.04 manage me nt of state budget consideration support dpd-03 m anag em ent o f supervisio n function data & arsip dpd-07 inform ation, publicat io n and proto co l m an ag ement publika si jd ih hasil pengawa san asmasda tela ah h uku m duk un g an persid an g an notulensi risalah data & arsip vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 296 after the process map and sub-process map have been suc cessfully compiled, the next step is to conduct a focus group dis cussion with top management in government agencies to vali date all the data obtained. top management acts as an expert who justifies the design of process maps and sub-process maps that have been built. this is a crucial step because building pro cess maps and sub-process maps is essentially a consensus-build ing activity. thus, the relationship between one process and another has been described in process maps and sub-process maps and vali dated by the organization’s top management, so it is necessary to explain which work units in the organization are involved in each of the processes described. a map that describes the involvement of work units in each process and sub-process is a relationship map. in bpmn, this relationship map is not known, so in com piling a business process map with the existing bpmn, the level 0 map is detailed into a level 1 map, and so on into a level 2 map to an unlimited level n map. with this 3-dimensional frame work approach, the presence of a relationship map makes it easy to identify which organizational units will be involved in each process and sub-process identified previously. the relationship map of a government institution is shown in figure 3 below; figure 3. a relationship map dpd-01 management of legislative functions dukungan pengawasan bureau of assembly i bureau of a sse mbly ii dukungan kegiatan dukungan pengawasan telaah h ukum center for legal policy design and studies dpd-03 management of supervision function chie f secretariat bureau dpd-05 legal services duk un ga n k ebi jaka n center for reg ional and budgetar y studies bureau of information systems and documentation dpd-06 data management and inform ation systems pengelolaan data & informasi / arsip dpd-04 assembly management dukungan persidangan hasil pandangan dpd-07 inform ation, publication and protocol management dpd-02 representati on function management jurnal studi pemerintahan a cross-functional map is a diagram showing the working re lationship between organizational units. the cross-functional map shows “who” as an organizational unit and “will do what” in a series of processes and sub-processes identified previously. so, the cross-functional map is the culmination of the business pro cess map. the number of cross-functional maps will be large enough to reach hundreds of maps, depending on the organization’s size. a cross-functional map is a diagram translated from a sub-pro cess map and a relation map. each sub-process identified will be the title of the cross-functional map. however, it can happen that one sub-process map will generate multiple cross-functional maps. the numbering of process maps, sub-process maps, and cross-functional maps is done systematically so that identifica tion and traceability of each process, sub-process, and cross-func tional will be maintained. in mapping business processes with bpmn, the level of this cross-functional map will vary from one process to another. however, with this 3-dimensional framework approach, cross-functional maps are derived from sub-process maps and relation maps. in this cross-functional map, a more detailed description can be carried out into several cross-func tional horizontally. a cross-functional picture of a government agency can be seen in figure 4. (see figure 4) cross-functional maps were prepared by involving in-depth discussions with representatives of work units. each work unit is following its duties and functions, ensuring that work steps in volving relationships with other organizational units are agreed upon under applicable regulations. thus synergies between work units will occur in jointly achieving organizational performance. this cross-functional map illustrates transparent working rela tionships between organizational units so that the unclear duties and responsibilities of each work unit can be avoided. the cross functional map illustrates the role of each work unit in achieving 297 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 298 figure 4. a cross-functional map organizational performance. the cross-functional map becomes the basis for further preparation of standard operating proce dures (sop) that explain “who”, “does what”, “how”, “terms and conditions”, as well as the “service level” of each stage of activity that has been described. from the cross-functional map, an in depth analysis of the roles and responsibilities of each work unit can also be carried out so that organizational redesign can be conducted objectively. process maps and sub-process maps show the interrelation ships between one process and another. a relationship map is a map that shows the relationship between a particular process and the actors involved in the process. a cross-functional map shows the relationship between the actors involved in a process and what activities each actor’s roles are. this 3-dimensional framework approach shows that new cross-functional maps can jurnal studi pemerintahan be realized if process maps, sub-processes, and relationships have been identified. in conclusion, the development of a business process map for a government agency can be carried out using a framework shown in figure 5 below; figure 5. framework in business process mapping theoretical implication business process management emerged as a management dis cipline to building process-centric thinking. one of the tools considered to be crucial for modelling business processes is the business process model and notation (bpmn) (nešiæ, ljubiæ, m., & & vasoviæ, 2015). this study in 10 government institutions has succeeded in implementing a framework that facilitates the development of business process maps. this framework focuses on describing the substance of existing activities within an organization that involves all work units involved and not on the notational rules that strict and rely on sequential completion of the process map. thus, bureaucratic reform that requires government administra tion to be more effective and efficient in public services can be 299 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 300 designed, controlled, and improved based on the described busi ness process map. the business process map serves to describe a series of activities carried out by a government agency in the public service it provides. business process maps can also be used as a tool to project scenarios that will occur in public services carried out by a government agency. in the end, the business process map can also be made to find solutions as a prescription for the problems faced by a government agency related to the perfor mance of its organization. figure 6. a 3-dimensional framework model of business process mapping figure 6. shows a 3-dimensional framework approach as a framework model for building a business process map for a gov ernment institution. making a business process map begins by compiling process maps, sub-process maps, relationship maps, and cross-functional maps. meaning, that a business process map, according to the 3-dimensional framework approach, consists of a process map, a sub-process map, a relationship map, and a cross functional map constructed in the 3-dimensional relationship. each map has a role in describing the substance of the series of activities and work units involved. although drawing a map of government institution business processes with a 3-dimensional framework approach is similar to jurnal studi pemerintahan bpmn, there are also fundamental differences. the distinctive feature of this 3-dimensional framework approach is the emer gence of a relationship map which is a diagram showing the work units involved in each process and the specified sub-processes. in contrast to how to draw a business process map with bpmn, this relationship map is not known in bpmn. this better shows the systematics and consistency with the 3-dimensional frame work approach because every element described in the business process map becomes clearly visible. in addition, because the business process with a 3-dimensional framework approach em phasizes the construction of the substance of existing activities in a government institution, the notation used is also straightfor ward. this is also what distinguishes bpmn, which emphasizes the notations known by the computer. figure 7. dependency of bpmn bpmn, widely known as a tool for drawing business process maps, is very suitable for single organizations such as business organizations, schools, or hospitals with no complex series of activities. however, if bpmn is applied to large organizations such as government institutions that handle multiple affairs, then bpmn has a weakness in that it requires a significant amount of time and energy to be able to describe a complete and complete 301 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 302 map of business processes. bpmn as a tool has limitations in describing a comprehensive and systemic series of activities for large organizations because the pattern used is dependent, as shown in figure 7. this is because bpmn describes the processes that exist within the organization systematically and sequentially. if the previous processes have not been fully described, the de rived processes cannot be described. the existing business pro cesses in a company consist of several levels (levels). starting from level 0, which describes the company’s value chain. the next level, which is level 1, describes the core and supporting busi ness processes. from every business process at level 1, some pro cesses are carried out, so it is said that these processes are at level 2. at level 3, it is the breakdown of level 2 processes called sub processes. each sub-process contains various activities categorized in the next level and so on. the more detailed each sub-process, the more detailed activities (harmon, 2007). however, unlike the 3-dimensional framework approach, de veloping a business process map for a government agency can be carried out concurrently to save time and effort, especially if it is applied to a large organization. this study of 10 government in stitutions has proven that developing a business process map with a 3-dimensional framework approach is more effective and more efficient in line with the spirit of reform itself. this is reinforced that the regulation on business process mapping guidelines based on bpmn has existed since 2011 in indonesia but has not been successfully implemented. this 3-dimensional framework ap proach method has changed the regulation of business process mapping guidelines for indonesia’s government institutions which have been in effect since 2018. the 3-dimensional framework approach has been widely used in indonesian government agencies, in line with adopting the 3 dimensional framework approach model into regulatory guide lines since 2018. this 3-dimensional framework approach has succeeded in overcoming the weakness of the existing dependence on bpmn. jurnal studi pemerintahan this is very useful for developing business process maps in large government institutions, where a single ministry consists of vari ous directorates general that have different affairs from each other. by using this 3-dimensional framework approach, the director ate general in each ministry can build its business process map without having to wait for the business process map at the min istry level to be perfect. this is because the 3-dimensional frame work approach is built on a systematic and systemic approach that has interdependence in a unified system (figure 8). figure 8. interdependency of 3 dimensional business process mapping frame work dependency relationships on each business process map can be presented with an alignment matrix with a codification that has a strong association. thus, building a business process map for government agen cies with a 3-dimensional framework approach provides a signifi cant, practical, and theoretical impact. however, further research related to the impact of implementing government agency busi ness process maps with a 3-dimensional framework approach needs to be carried out to obtain an evaluation and refinement of the concepts and models that have been introduced. there fore, this article does not aim to generalize but rather to identify and develop preliminary discussions related to the theoretical 303 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 304 elements. this is undoubtedly the main limitation of this ar ticle. future research on business process reengineering, for ex ample, in the public sector, must seize the importance of these underpinning tensions. conclusion bureaucratic reformation involves a significant change in para digm and governance in indonesia. furthermore, bureaucratic reform also means a big stake for the indonesian race to meet head-on the challenges of the future. this bureaucratic reform aims to increase human resources professionalism in all respec tive governments’ institutions. through bureaucratic reform, an effective and efficient government administration system is orga nized. a business process map promotes cross-functional pro cesses synchronization and facilitates organizations to focus on what is believed to be valuable from the stakeholders’ perspec tive in a graphical diagram, simplicity, standardization, and pro vision for execution processes. process design is the most fundamental aspect of a process. it consists of the specification of what tasks are to be performed, by whom, when, in what locations, under what circumstances, to what degree of precision, with what information, and the like. the design is the specification of the process; without a design, there is an only uncoordinated individual activity and organiza tional chaos (hammer, 2015). the 3-dimensional framework approach is a systematic and systemic approach that will provide a framework to develop business process maps more easily but still provide added value for the organization in consistently car rying out its services. the business process map built with a 3 dimensional approach reinforces the substance of a series of ac tivities within the organization so that a series of activities involv ing organizational units effectively and efficiently in achieving their performance can be presented in a simple yet comprehen sive diagram. the framework succeeded in describing a paradigm-shifting to encourage people to move from a silo thinking to a cross jurnal studi pemerintahan function team. in addition, when the paradigm is changed, it is easier to enhance the transformation and move forward to cre ate value-added activities within the organization. finally, the business process map as a foundation of the organizational bu reaucracy movement shows an improvement in institutional ca pacity to encourage administrators in operational consistency. public organizations face several specific tensions, such as, for example, providing good, adjusted services for each client while also maintaining principles of equality of treatment. therefore, these organizations and their individuals have a lot to balance. thus, this study demonstrates that a contextually business pro cess of a public organization is expected to perform better since it provides its individuals with the tools to make these decisions. disclosure statement the author declares that there are no conflicts of interest re lated to the research, authorship, or publication of this article. acknowledgments we would like to thank english repository (www.engrepo sitory.com) for english language editing. references abpmp. 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(2009). the theory of social and economic organization. new york: simon and schuster. http://www.omg.org/ http://www.omg.org/spec/bpmn/2.0/pdf 282 284 286 288 290 292 294 296 298 300 302 304 306 doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i3.15997 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan an exploratory study of the effectiveness of unconditional educational assistance program as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free miguel enrico gutierrez ayson1, esther mary lerma calvo2 abstract this exploratory study deviated from the influential theoretical lens of clientelism in examining voter-politician ties in philippine political studies. drawing on kitschelt and wilkinson’s (2007) conceptualization of programmatic politics as an alternative electoral strategy, we investigated how a programmatic linkage between a local political leader and its electoral constituency is facilitated through the non-contingent and regular distribution of school materials for public school children. this local programmatic policy has gained popularity among various local government units (lgus) in the philippines. we focused on the makati city government’s project free (free relevant and excellent education) due to its reputation for arguably being the most innovative and comprehensive educational assistance program ever implemented at the country’s local scale. we employed a purposive sampling technique to obtain our participants – the project’s parent beneficiaries. through indepth interviews, we investigated the attitudes and perceptions of project free’s parent beneficiaries towards the mayor’s programmatic commitment to them. by using thematic analysis, five themes emerged from the interview data: (1) financial relief, (2) educational security, (3) unique source of local citizen satisfaction, (4) personally dispensed patronage of a benefactor politician, and (5) invaluable benefits and project continuity: influencing vote preference. beyond the particularistic and contingent exchanges prevalent in the philippine local political setting, this study’s findings also offer in-depth explanations for what motivates voters to reciprocate their local political leader with electoral support for its education-based programmatic inducements. keywords: educational assistance, philippines, programmatic politics, makati. abstrak studi eksplorasi ini menyimpang dari lensa teoretis klientelisme yang berpengaruh dalam mengkaji hubungan pemilih-politikus dalam studi politik filipina. menggambar pada konseptualisasi kitschelt dan wilkinson (2007) 383 affiliation: 1department of social sciences, university of the philippines los baños 1department of political sciences, lund university, sweden correspondence: mgayson@up.edu.ph how to citate: ayson, m. e., & calvo, e. m. (2022). an exploratory study of the effectiveness of unconditional educational assistance program as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(3). 383-408 article history: received: july 26, 2022 revised: august 28, 2022 accepted: september 9, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:mgayson@up.edu.ph https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4583-3834 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2056-1326 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 384 tentang politik terprogram sebagai strategi pemilihan alternatif, kami menyelidiki bagaimana hubungan programatik antara pemimpin politik lokal dan konstituen pemilihannya difasilitasi melalui distribusi materi sekolah non-kontingen dan reguler untuk anak-anak sekolah umum. kebijakan program lokal ini telah mendapatkan popularitas di antara berbagai unit pemerintah daerah (lgu) di filipina. kami fokus pada proyek pemerintah kota makati gratis (gratis relevan dan pendidikan luar biasa) karena reputasinya sebagai program bantuan pendidikan paling inovatif dan komprehensif yang pernah dilaksanakan di skala lokal negara itu. kami menggunakan teknik purposive sampling untuk mendapatkan peserta kami – orang tua penerima manfaat proyek. melalui wawancara mendalam, kami menyelidiki sikap dan persepsi orang tua penerima manfaat project free terhadap komitmen program walikota kepada mereka. dengan menggunakan analisis tematik, lima tema muncul dari data wawancara: (1) bantuan keuangan, (2) keamanan pendidikan, (3) sumber kepuasan warga lokal yang unik, (4) dukungan pribadi dari politisi dermawan, dan (5) manfaat tak ternilai dan kelangsungan proyek: mempengaruhi preferensi suara. di luar pertukaran patronase partikularistik dan berbasis kontingensi yang lazim di lingkungan politik lokal filipina, temuan penelitian ini juga menawarkan penjelasan mendalam tentang apa yang memotivasi pemilih untuk membalas pemimpin politik lokal mereka dengan dukungan elektoral untuk bujukan terprogram berbasis pendidikannya. kata kunci: bantuan pendidikan; filipina; politik terprogram; makati introduction clientelism is a phenomenon common across different coun tries that shape voter-politician relationships. its traditional view emerged from the notion of reciprocal exchange of goods and services between actors of unequal power and socioeconomic status (clapham, 1982; scott, 1972). in an attempt to add con ceptual clarity to a concept whose meaning and application vary across academic domains, several scholars of comparative politi cal studies have situated clientelism within the realm of electoral politics (hicken, 2011; kitschelt, 2000; kitschelt & wilkinson, 2007; roniger, 2004; stokes, 2011). for example, kitschelt and wilkinson (2007, p. 2) characterized clientelism as “the direct exchange of a citizen’s vote in return for direct payments or con tinuing access to employment, goods, and services.” on the other hand, stokes (2011, p. 649) offered a relatively straightforward definition of clientelism as “the proffering of material goods in return for electoral support.” in the philippine political context, clientelism is a pervasive practice that most candidates rely on particularistic and contin jurnal studi pemerintahan gency-based exchanges for their electoral success (hicken, aspinall, et al., 2019). during elections, it has become a wide spread practice among candidates to distribute material rewards to their constituents for electoral support (kasuya, 2009; schaffer, 2007). furthermore, because existing election rules in the phil ippines permit incumbents to seek re-election in virtually all po litical positions, access to state resources has become an impor tant mechanism to maintain clientelistic ties, thereby perpetuat ing themselves and their respective clans in power (querubin, 2016; teehankee, 2012). due to the persistence of these prac tices, clientelism has become an influential theoretical frame work in examining the country’s electoral and party dynamics (kimura, 2018). however, one topic in philippine political studies that needs further exploration is the voters’ programmatic linkages to poli ticians. it is a mode of electoral exchange that sharply contrasts with clientelism. while in clientelism, politicians supply benefits to individuals they rely on for electoral support, the distribu tional strategy of programmatic politics does not engage in such a contingent exchange (kitschelt & wilkinson, 2007). instead, politicians rely on the unconditional provision of public policies to gain electoral support. paradoxically, the non-contingent and indirect exchange mechanism of programmatic politics has been widely practiced in the philippines, especially at the local level. a notable example is the several local government units’ (lgus) provision of non transferable privileges to senior citizens and persons with dis abilities (pwds), such as free movie access, maintenance medi cines, grocery items, and annual cash incentives irrespective of their political preferences. moreover, these benefits are distrib uted to intended beneficiaries outside election campaigns. amidst the backdrop of patronage-driven and personality-oriented poli tics, combined with the widespread practice of credit claiming among filipino politicians (kasuya, 2009; weiss, 2019), benefi ciaries are also likely to give particularistic recognition to incum 385 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 386 bents for such material assistance. as a result, a lasting voter politician linkage may develop through a sense of gratitude or indebtedness, without the latter resorting to the clientelistic in struments of targeted distribution and vote monitoring. neither is such a linkage primarily formed around a local political ma chinery “built from a combination of clientelist (including famil ial) ties and short-term instrumentalist arrangements” (hicken, hutchcroft, et al., 2019, p. 10) in this exploratory study, we investigate how a programmatic linkage between a local political leader and its electoral constitu ency is facilitated through the institutionalized distribution of school materials for public school children. this local program matic policy has gained popularity among various lgus in the philippines. our focus is the makati city government’s compre hensive educational assistance program, formally known as project free (free relevant and excellent education). this initiative of the country’s richest lgu established the annual delivery of school materials and benefits to all students enrolled in makati public schools. we provide two interrelated reasons for focusing on a pro grammatic policy related to education and selecting makati city as our research locale. first, one of the most pervasive obstacles to sending children to schools filipino households face is pov erty (david & albert, 2012). although the 1987 constitution mandates the government to establish a system of free public education in the philippines, parents must still spend on the school supplies, uniforms, meals and daily allowances, and trans portation of their children. therefore, politicians’ pledges of educational assistance could indicate the delivery of long-term and high-value goods to the household beneficiaries, as opposed to the low-value payoffs made through clientelistic exchanges during an election cycle. second, while providing school materi als and benefits is a common government program, project free is the philippines’ first and most comprehensive local educational assistance initiative of its kind, making it an intriguing subject jurnal studi pemerintahan for inquiry. moreover, makati city outspends other lgus in basic education spending per student (mendoza & altavas, 2015). the incumbent mayor’s governance agenda also drives this pri ority to invest in the education sector (zurbano, 2019b). this study intends to contribute to the body of literature on programmatic politics in two ways. first, while extant literature in this research area is mainly party-centric (bulut, 2020; calvo & murillo, 2012; gebru, 2014; kitschelt, 2012; lucas, 2015), we focused on the voter-politician programmatic ties. in this devia tion, we considered the candidate-centric nature of philippine elections. since electoral competition in the country is personal ityrather than party-driven (hutchcroft & rocamora, 2003; teehankee, 2012), politicians could also exploit programmatic linkages to succeed or complement their clientelistic linkage strat egies in pursuit of votes. second, while some studies on programmatic politics are also politician-centered, focusing on the candidates’ use of program matic strategies for electoral advantage (harjanto, 2019; mas’udi & kurniawan, 2017), we concentrated on the voters as they en gage in a programmatic exchange with their incumbent. through in-depth interviews, our research objective is to investigate the attitudes and perceptions of project free’s parent beneficiaries towards the incumbent’s programmatic commitment to them. therefore, this study’s findings also provide in-depth explana tions of what stimulates voters to reciprocate the incumbent with electoral support for its education-based programmatic induce ments, transpiring beyond the particularistic and contingency based patronage exchange prevalent in the philippine local po litical setting. this study is structured as follows. the next sec tion contextualizes project free as a local programmatic policy. following a discussion of the study’s methodology, the findings are presented. the last section concludes with a discussion of the findings as well as the study’s limitations. 387 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 388 makati city’s project free as a local program matic policy project free was launched in 1995 as one of jejomar c. binay’s social welfare programs as the long-time mayor of makati city1 (zurbano, 2019a). its goal is to help parents of makati pub lic school students by significantly lowering their annual educa tional expenses. these students are eligible to receive a standard package of school supplies (e.g., notebooks, pens, and writing pads), bags, and uniforms (school and physical education), among others, from the city government regardless of their residence.2 its implementation covers all thirty-eight (38) public elementary and secondary schools in makati city, including enrollees of sped and alternative learning system (als). the distribution of school materials is one of the pioneer ini tiatives of the first binay administration that incumbent mayor abigail “abby” binay-campos vowed to continue and expand when she vied for the city’s mayoralty position in 20163. promis ing to restore what their political clan dubbed as “serbisyong binay” (binay service) to the city that was then governed by their rival4, her campaign focused on making policy pledges to makati vot ers, primarily by evoking her father’s pro-poor programs. this campaign tactic is crucial in programmatic politics, in which politicians emphasize policies and programs, and their track record of pursuing them (molleda et al., 2014, p. 114). in binay campos’ two successive campaigns (2016 and 2019), she pledged to make education a top policy priority of her administration. the incumbent’s commitment to prioritizing education is seen in her administration’s drastic increase in the funds allotted to project free. for example, in the city government’s 2020 bud get, crafted in the same year she won her second term in 2019, a staggering 1.16 billion pesos was allotted only for its implemen tation (santos, 2020). moreover, she expanded the project by including other materials such as black leather shoes, rubber shoes (dubbed by netizens as “air binay” after it trended on social media), raincoats, rain boots, anti-dengue kits, and hygiene kits. jurnal studi pemerintahan the city government distributes these materials in tranches dur ing specified distribution periods within the school year. aside from the expansion of project free, these materials underwent some evident cosmetic changes during binay-cam pos’ term. notably, the city government has begun using a color combination of white and sky blue in almost all materials sup plied to makati public school students, including their p.e. uni forms. such a combination strongly evoked the mayor’s political brand since her “team performance” slate used the same motif during the makati local elections. the incumbent’s caricature is also prominently displayed on the student notebooks and inter mediate pads. it also appears in public relations materials and official city government social media pages during her term. this indicates an active promotion of the incumbent’s image, specifi cally by infusing her political brand with the project delivery. the distribution of school materials under project free is a clear example of a club goods allocation strategy to cultivate pro grammatic ties between the incumbent and her constituents. while club goods may also be supplied through a clientelistic exchange, their programmatic allocation occurs within the “highly specific stipulations for policy implementation which both the administrators of the policies and recipients of the benefits have to abide regardless of their personal political preferences” (kitschelt & wilkinson, 2007, p. 11). as a result, politicians who pursue programmatic linkage strategies can only rely on the dis tributive impact of such policies to secure electoral support. simi larly, as in the case of project free, the incumbent facilitating its implementation is technically barred from sanctioning par ent beneficiaries who did not reciprocate with electoral support. in this trade-off situation, the specific constituency service she delivers may or may not guarantee their votes in her favor. our study’s findings also demonstrated how either outcome could occur. 389 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 390 methods participants this study employed a purposive sampling technique in se lecting the participants. in this technique, participants are typi cally chosen based on prescribed criteria such as socio-demo graphic characteristics, specific experiences, roles, or behaviors (ritchie et al., 2003). considering our research objective, we set the following criteria for selecting our participants: (1) a resident and registered voter of makati city, and (2) has a child enrolled in either of the two most populous elementary schools in the city’s two legislative districts – pio del pilar and pembo elemen tary schools (es). the second criterion was mainly set in consid eration of our research funding and timetable. the total sample size for this study was twenty (20), with ten (10) from each school mentioned above. gall et al. (2003, p. 181) assert that “in qualitative research, determining sample size is entirely a matter of judgement; there are no set rules.” instead, a case-to-case basis is observed depending on the researcher’s goal (fowler, 2014). nevertheless, our sample size exceeds the range of 6 to 12, where saturation may occur, as suggested by guest et al. (2006). in our experience, our semi-structured interview pro cedure and the homogenous composition of our participants based on our criteria enabled us to grasp how parent beneficia ries perceive project free and how it facilitates a programmatic linkage between them and their political leader. such an experi ence is consistent with green and thorogood’s (2004, pp. 103– 104) observation that “the experience of most qualitative researchers is that in interview studies little that is ‘new’ comes out of transcripts after you have interviewed 20 or so people.” we reached this saturation point when we observed that the participants’ answers to our questions were often repetitions, elaborations, or minor alterations of the other responses. to identify the potential participants, we requested an endorse ment from the central office of the department of education (deped) and the office of the schools division superintendent jurnal studi pemerintahan – deped-makati. a summary of our research proposal was also forwarded to these offices for their reference. after securing their formal endorsements, we scheduled separate meetings with pio del pilar es and pembo es principals to orient them about our research goals and data collection procedure. upon their respec tive instructions, the school property custodian of pio del pilar es and the parent-teacher association (pta) president of pembo es assisted us in identifying the parent beneficiaries who would satisfy the criteria mentioned above. table 1 shows the characteristics of our participants. all our participants were female and long-time makati residents between 391 table 1. profile of the participants participant gender year of place of birth employment marital status birth (province or city) status 1 f 1969 makati city self-employed married 2 f -cagayan self-employed married 3 f 1981 bicol region full-time married 4 f 1979 palawan unemployed married 5 f 1992 leyte unemployed married 6 f 1979 northern samar unemployed married 7 f 1970 pasay city part-time married 8 f 1979 samar unemployed married 9 f 1976 iloilo unemployed married 10 f 1992 negros occidental unemployed married 11 f 1979 makati city part-time married 12 f 1980 occidental mindoro unemployed married 13 f 1977 cagayan valley unemployed married 14 f 1979 ifugao unemployed married 15 f 1971 bulacan self-employed married 16 f 1987 makati city unemployed single, but living with a partner 17 f 1992 makati city unemployed married 18 f 1976 pangasinan self-employed single, but living with a partner 19 f 1983 oriental mindoro self-employed separated 20 f 1984 catanduanes self-employed married vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 392 the ages of late twenties to early fifties. most are housewives, while others are fully employed, have part-time jobs, or are self employed. such an overrepresentation of the same gender and occupation among our participants occurred primarily because our interviews were conducted during school hours when the parents who were most available to participate in our study are unemployed and are awaiting class dismissal to fetch their chil dren. it also reflects the constant trend of low labor force partici pation of filipino women (new neda study, 2019). data collection this study adopted in-depth semi-structured interviews as our primary data collection procedure. consistent with our research objectives, we designed an interview guide to gather the follow ing information from our participants: (1) the kinds and quan tity of material benefits received by their children under project free and the procedure of distribution, (2) the benefits brought about by the project to their respective families, (3) their per spectives of the city government’s objectives in offering these benefits, and (4) whether these benefits have become the pri mary consideration of their voting choice for the local chief ex ecutive in makati city, among others. this interview guide struc tured the flow of questions asked to each participant, thereby allowing us to efficiently compare their responses during the coding and theme-identification phase of the thematic analysis. all interviews were accomplished at pio del pilar es and pembo es on different schedules. through the assistance of the various school personnel enumerated above, each participant was pre-informed about the schedule and venue where their respec tive interviews would be conducted. data analysis this study’s data analysis procedure followed the systematic phases of thematic analysis outlined by braun and clarke (2012). at the preliminary stage, immersion and familiarization of the jurnal studi pemerintahan data were achieved through careful listening to interview record ings, transcribing, and repeated readings of the interview tran scripts. initial observations and documentation of important points or patterns from the data were also performed during this stage. after achieving considerable familiarity with the data, we generated preliminary descriptive codes by grouping meaningful and parallel interview extracts. these codes were later refined and assigned under specific themes that were developed using an in ductive approach. this process involves the identification of vivid and illustrative examples of excerpts that capture and represent the essence of each theme (braun & clarke, 2006). after a thor ough review of the data, five (5) themes were identified. ethical considerations this study followed the ethical considerations in conducting social research enumerated by willig (2008): (1) informed con sent, (2) no deception, (3) right to withdrawal, (3) debriefing, and (5) confidentiality. participants were informed that their re sponses would be recorded for documentation and transcribing purposes. copies of their respective interview transcripts were sent through the school property custodian of pio del pilar es and the parent-teacher association (pta) president of pembo es. no participant was compelled to take part in this study. fur thermore, there is no conflict of interest on the part of the re searchers, and all data acquired for this study were analyzed ob jectively. findings by using thematic analysis, five (5) themes emerged from the interview data regarding our participants’ attitudes and percep tions towards project free: (1) financial relief, (2) educational security, (3) unique source of local citizen satisfaction, (4) per sonally dispensed patronage of a benefactor politician, and (5) invaluable benefits and project continuity: influencing vote pref erence. 393 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 394 financial relief one of the main themes that emerged from our interviews is the unparalleled financial relief project free brings to our par ticipants. they all shared how they saved money and allocated a significant portion of their education budget to other family necessities. based on their narratives, we discovered that their respective household incomes barely cover their families’ basic needs. one participant who sells dry and wet goods for a living described the financial hardships parents face nowadays to send their children to school. she added that even a php 500 allow ance (usd 10), almost the same amount as the minimum daily wage in the national capital region (ncr), is no longer suffi cient to meet her family’s basic needs, especially in sustaining the education of her two children. correspondingly, we found that project free not only satis fies their children’s schooling needs but also enables them to ensure that their other family necessities are covered due to the savings they accumulated as project beneficiaries. this is the pri mary reason why, when asked to describe how the project ben efits their respective families, our participants concentrate in stantaneously on the financial relief it provides. p6: it helps a lot because, for example, just providing them with uniforms already lightens our expenses. as parents, we do not have to buy using our budget. given that all 3 of my children attend school, it puts a significant financial burden on me to purchase [school supplies] prior to the opening of classes. since i no longer need to purchase, the money is used for other purposes. p15: it gives us relief because they [school supplies] cost a lot. for example, if they cost around 3,000 pesos, it leaves a sizeable saving for me. p16: it helps not just the poor but also the well-to-do parents. you need not bother about purchasing school shoes and uniforms, as a couple of sets were provided. you don’t have to purchase notebooks. everything is provided. except for school bags, you have no other expenses to worry about. it helps the parents in saving money. jurnal studi pemerintahan since almost all the material needs of students are provided regularly, our participants disclosed that the only costs they in cur for their children’s education are food and transportation allowances. p9: everything is free. our only concern is taking and fetching them from school. p11: it helps because we don’t have to buy uniforms and notebooks. it lessens our expenses for school supplies. instead of buying these materials, we will only use our budget for their daily allowances, transportation expenses, and food. it helps a lot. p13: buying school supplies entails significant costs. consider my situation, as i am currently unemployed. while my husband is em ployed, he saves for our household needs. it [project free] signifi cantly reduces our expenses. we only worry about their food allow ances and transportation costs to and from school. p18: instead of buying school supplies, we only allot money for their food. so, it [project free] helps a lot. we can save money. the entire daily cost of these allowances, however, is not likely to exceed php 100 (usd 2.00) per student. this is mainly be cause their elementary-aged children spend just half a day in school, and they reside in barangays (villages) where pio del pi lar es and pembo es are located. furthermore, the cost might be reduced if their children are enlisted in the school’s feeding program, as some participants already shared enthusiasm towards the city government’s plan to include the distribution of nutri tious meals under project free. educational security a child’s access to formal education mainly depends on their parents’ employment and financial stability. despite the consti tutional mandate that public school education at the primary and secondary levels must be offered free, the parents’ inability to pay for the “hidden costs” of schooling could cause their child to stop attending school (gloria, 1997). these include the ex 395 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 396 penses for school supplies, school uniforms, and daily allowances. however, since project free guarantees the continuous deliv ery of materials needed by makati public school students, it sig nificantly reduces the dependence of their access to formal edu cation on their parents’ financial capabilities. as a result, despite the parents’ unemployment or lack of a steady or sufficient source of income, their children still enjoy a certain level of educational security necessary to sustain their attendance in school. p14: the advantage of these benefits among parents is that we no longer have to say to our children, “you won’t go to school because you don’t have a uniform, you don’t have shoes” ...that’s the usual problem faced by students. now, they don’t have any excuses but to study. p19: my god, life is difficult these days. you know, your php 500 bill is like a coin that will get you nowhere. nothing. today, rice is very expensive. so, it [project free] is really beneficial since it’s difficult even to contemplate buying school supplies under such hard ships. that’s why without these benefits, many students won’t be able to attend school and study. p20: it helps a lot because my husband only earns a daily minimum wage which is just sufficient to pay for our monthly housing rent. the benefits provided to us mean a lot, especially the school supplies, because we no longer have to buy them. in the provinces, you even have to buy pencils. here [in makati], you have no problem. all you must do is study. as shown in table 1, most of our participants are either un employed or have part-time jobs. their spouses mostly have low paying, seasonal, or non-tenure jobs, such as jeepney and sidecar drivers, construction workers, factory workers, and restaurant crews. thus, their overall incomes barely cover their family ne cessities. nevertheless, given that project free covers all makati public school students, it was evident from their accounts that they are relieved of the anxiety of being unable to send their children to school due to their meager incomes and unstable jurnal studi pemerintahan employment. as one participant explained, “since we are resid ing in makati city, we know that we are supported.” unique source of local citizen satisfaction beyond the financial relief and the educational security project free brings, its comprehensive benefits package also evokes a distinct sense of satisfaction among its beneficiaries. most par ticipants were eager to compare their experiences as makati resi dents with those from other parts of the country. one of them revealed that she relocated permanently from tuguegarao city, a 3rd class city in the northern philippines, mainly because of the benefits makati residents are entitled to. p2: everything is provided from head to toe. that’s what is beautiful here in makati, the benefits. in tuguegarao, i must buy everything. that’s why i transferred my vote here in makati. such an experience is not entirely uncommon, as another participant witnessed a similar occurrence among the residents of makati’s neighboring city. she revealed that “even parents from pasay [city] enroll their children in our public schools because they see the perks of being a makati public school student.’’ during interviews, our participants shared their awareness of the unique and premium benefits they enjoy as makati residents. one of them, who frequently visits her relatives in san pedro, laguna, a city just outside ncr, described her fifth-grade daughter’s distinct privilege over her cousins. p3: upon seeing the school bag and shoes my daughter received, one of her cousins asked why she was not receiving the same school items from their city government [san pedro, laguna]. in addition to obtaining sufficient school materials that are not even provided in other lgus, our participants also felt privi leged to have received additional products under project free on a regular basis. p12: with god’s help, benefits are provided annually. during the opening of the school year, uniforms are already there. now, we also 397 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 398 receive socks. it’s complete. unform, skirt, socks, and leather shoes. pe uniforms are also supplied, such as a t-shirt, jogging pants, and rubber shoes. they even provide anti-dengue kits! as previously mentioned, project free also includes the dis tribution of raincoats and boots, emergency kits, and hygiene kits to makati public school students. during the holiday sea son, they also receive grocery items containing oatmeal, cereals, biscuits, and powdered chocolate drinks. these are different from grocery items given to their households by the city government during the said period. despite being financially stable, one par ticipant still expressed gratitude for the items her daughter re ceives through project free. she said, “this is truly convenient for a parent like me because you know how children are: they wish their parents to buy them whatever they want.” further more, for several participants, since the materials were generous in quantity and replenished annually, they could send some ex cesses to their relatives in the provinces. for example, one par ticipant was able to send her children’s outgrown uniforms and shoes to her relatives in northern samar province. for those participants who previously attended public schools in makati city, the sense of satisfaction also arises from witness ing the drastic expansion of project free benefits over the years. to highlight how fortunate and privileged their children are nowa days, they recalled a time when the distribution of school materi als in the city was neither implemented nor abundant in quan tity. for example, one participant attended a makati public school when nemesio i. yabut was mayor (1972 – 1986). she could not keep comparing her experience to that of her children. similarly, two other participants were born and raised in barangay pembo and attended primary public school when jejomar binay was just the newly elected mayor.5 they recalled receiving only notebooks and having to sew their school uni forms from the fabric provided by the city government at the start of each school year. currently, ready-made school uniforms jurnal studi pemerintahan and shoes are distributed based on the student’s size require ments. personally dispensed patronage of a benefac tor politician our participants’ view toward the incumbent constitutes an other theme in this study. most of them perceive the mayor as their benefactor who provides essential goods and services to their families. as a result, project free materials are primarily viewed as the mayor’s personally dispensed patronage, even though these are technically government-supplied benefits. this theme emerged from (1) the participants’ spontaneous utterances implying that project free benefits are provided by the mayor rather than as a product of an institutionalized local government program, and (2) expression of direct gratitude to the mayor for the project’s benefits to their families. p2: the mayor provides everything. you don’t have to buy …it’s very convenient. our only concern is the food. that’s the only one. but according to the mayor, the children will also receive meals…last december, she gave them groceries. then, in march, she would pro vide another [benefits] to motivate the children to graduate, such as a tumbler. p4: free uniform, shoes, school supplies, anti-dengue kit. then rain coats and rain boots. the mayor provides them…what is given by the mayor means a lot. p7: food during christmas, shoes, clothes, raincoats, etc. whatever the mayor gives, we were able to receive it…i’ve never seen my daugh ter so excited upon receiving a bag. i said, “do well in your studies because the mayor even gave you christmas gifts.” p20: i always remind my children that the mayor has provided nearly everything they need. they just have to go attend school and learn. what else can they ask for? in the province, they wear slippers to school [due to poverty]. here, everything is complete…it didn’t come from us. it came from the mayor. 399 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 400 since our participants’ responses warranted further probing, we inquired as to why they felt that the mayor deserved their utmost gratitude for the benefits project free brings to their families. their immediate responses remained consistent with their perception of the mayor as their benefactor. for example, one participant explained that the mayor deserves the sole credit for the project’s implementation: “she is the only one who dis tributes [the school materials].” correspondingly, two others praised the mayor, whom they credited for conceiving and carry ing out the project. however, as previously discussed, project free was launched in 1995 during the binay patriarch’s term and was only sustained by his successors from their clan. in addi tion, several participants perceived the mayor to be the source of the materials their children receive through project free due to the labels and images found on them. one participant further claimed that some materials bear the mayor’s name. the account mentioned above of the materials’ physical ap pearance is partially consistent with our description in the ear lier section of this study. however, contrary to the participant’s account, the mayor’s name does not appear on the materials. nevertheless, the student’s primary school supplies, such as note books and intermediate pads, prominently display her caricature. together with the materials’ color motif, graphic representations associated with the incumbent suggest that the project’s imple mentation is infused with motivations to cultivate a personal reputation and earn credit among constituents to maximize elec toral returns. thus, in explaining her opinion of the motivations of local politicians in the philippines for delivering free school materials such as project free, one participant casually stated, “they want to be remembered by the voters for handing them out.” invaluable benefits and project continuity: influencing vote preference another theme that emerged from our interviews offers rel jurnal studi pemerintahan evant insights into one of our research objectives: to understand what motivates voters to reciprocate their local political leader with electoral support for its education-based programmatic in ducements. most participants disclosed that project free serves as their principal basis for supporting the incumbent’s re-elec tion bid for two interrelated reasons: (1) the project provides invaluable benefits to their households, and (2) they want to ensure that the project is implemented without interruption. thus, it was evident from their accounts that the electoral sup port the incumbent gained from them is attributable to their dependence on the project to meet their children’s schooling needs, thereby relieving them of a heavy financial burden fili pino parents commonly experience. for instance, some participants revealed that the project’s comprehensive benefits package influences their vote preference because it guarantees their respective families considerable finan cial relief. this is consistent with their perception of the project’s benefit, as discussed in the earlier theme. p3: for me? my answer is yes [provision of school materials as a factor for choosing their local leader]. because i would no longer spend using our tight budget, it greatly helps. imagine if i allocated [budget] for these expenses. it would make things difficult for us, right? so, i see no problem with it… i really admire mayor abby for not abandoning us. p5: it lightens our financial burden. the fact that we no longer have to buy school supplies, since everything is provided for free, is a big help for us…from then on, i pledged to vote for her. p10: definitely, it was a factor because it lessens our financial bur den in buying their uniforms. it significantly reduces our expenses, especially now that the prices of basic commodities are very high. for other participants who disclosed that the delivery of school related materials influences their vote preference in makati local elections, we found that their consistent electoral support for 401 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 402 the mayor is primarily motivated by their desire to ensure the project’s continuity. p14: will i vote for her because of these [benefits]? of course, i will, especially if i know this will continue. we’re receiving a lot of ben efits here. even if you deem it as too inconsiderable, at least they’re able to provide… here in pembo, how many students receive free shoes? socks also! we were given free socks. what else can you ask for? each student receives 3 pairs of socks. correspondingly, some participants’ choice to support the incumbent is driven by fear that project free’s implementation may be impeded if she is voted out of office. p2: the first thing i thought of whenever an election comes is when she loses, the free school supplies could be gone as well…if she [mayor] will run again, we will vote for her. for several years, we are receiving these benefits in makati. why bother to replace her? p20: i’m anxious, of course, about the possibility of a newcomer being elected to office who could roll back the accomplishments of the past [administration]. that’s worrying because it means that we might spend again [for school supplies]. during interviews, we also encountered some participants who explained that being project free’s parent beneficiaries do not automatically mean they will reciprocate the mayor with their vote. this was expected since politicians pursue policy programs and electoral constituencies benefit from them in a program matic exchange, regardless of the latter’s political preferences. three participants regarded project free as the mayor’s respon sibility to address the collective needs of her citizens using public funds and not as a form of political leverage in exchange for their vote. another participant said that qualification and the capacity to deliver quality public service should be the most im portant criteria for choosing their mayor, regardless of the quan tity of material goods it delivers. p11: i don’t feel obligated to vote for them since it’s their responsibil jurnal studi pemerintahan ity to provide these benefits to our children. p13: we should not solely select [candidates] based on the material benefits provided. we must vote for those who are truly qualified, regardless of what they provide. p15: the government earns revenues from our taxes. so probably that’s the source of their funding for these kinds of projects. i pay taxes. hence, i expect these benefits as a taxpayer. p17: makati city is the country’s business capital. it collects enor mous revenues. people had a lot of tax contributions here, that’s why they are providing these benefits discussion and conclusion in the context of local policy delivery in the philippines, pri oritizing the educational sector through the institutionalized dis tribution of school-related materials amidst the backdrop of pa tronage-driven and personality-oriented politics appears to be a clever programmatic strategy. consistent with the famous adage, “killing two birds with one stone,” project free combines policy characteristics that are genuinely public-regarding on the one hand and politically rewarding on the other hand. first, education is one of the essential investments local po litical leaders can make to deliver long-term benefits and oppor tunities for their electoral constituencies. education is a basic need, but since the philippine education system is not univer sally accessible, many filipinos are deprived of this opportunity. for example, based on the recent multidimensional poverty in dex of the philippine statistics authority (2018), filipino fami lies are most deprived of education, compared with other neces sities such as health and nutrition, housing, and employment. the report says that roughly around 5 of 10 families were de prived of access to basic education services. this is the main reason why our participants regarded project free as a policy that brings invaluable benefits to their respec tive households, especially given its unparalleled scope. because it addresses the persistent problem of deprivation and inequality 403 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 404 in the philippine education sector, there is little doubt that this type of local programmatic policy is an inefficient and wasteful use of public resources, a staple filipino criticism leveled at gov ernment-funded projects. as one of our participants said, many children would be out of school without these benefits. second, the regular delivery of school materials to all makati public school students also provides the incumbent with a seam less opportunity to cultivate a personal reputation. as previously discussed, project free materials underwent drastic aesthetic transformations consistent with the mayor’s political brand, a strategy intended to maximize electoral gains. this initiative could plausibly be driven by makati city’s shifting political terrain, caused by the presence of a strong mayoralty contender in 2016 to challenge the binay clan’s dominance in the city’s politics, and the intra-family conflict that saw two binay siblings vie for the mayoralty post in 2019. based on some of our participants’ responses, we found that the incumbent’s efforts to personalize and rebrand the project bear substantial political rewards. more over, project free’s invaluable benefits to their respective house holds induce several participants to assure its continued imple mentation by electorally supporting the incumbent. the programmatic linkages between politicians and voters tend to emerge in better-off countries and welfare systems (mas’udi & kurniawan, 2017). clientelistic exchanges may di minish when governments have more resources to spend on the club and public goods. in this regard, it is equally important to highlight makati city’s economic profile as the primary struc tural enabler for the incumbent to make realistic pledges and deliver policy-based inducements to her constituencies. there fore, given the scarcity of financial resources faced by various lgus in the philippines and their fiscal dependence on the na tional government, the unconditional provision of comprehen sive educational assistance is not a local programmatic strategy available to most local political leaders, specifically at the city and municipal levels. jurnal studi pemerintahan the main limitations of this study are as follows. first, while this study brings a promising contribution to the scant literature on the voter-politician programmatic ties in philippine political studies, it concentrated on a single program of the makati city government. due to this limitation, we recognize the difficulty in making straightforward causal claims regarding the extent to which the approval and satisfaction with project free contrib ute to the incumbent’s overall electoral success, given the variety of health and social services programs for which makati city is well-known. another limitation of this study is that our participants do not represent the various socioeconomic classes of makati resi dents. based on our interviews and participants’ occupational profiles, we inferred that most of them belong to the lower middle class and below. thus, future studies should be expanded in the sample size, as beneficiaries from various classes may hold di verse views regarding project free and, more generally, regard ing the politicians’ programmatic appeals and inducements. we also recognize that such diversity may be influenced by factors other than socioeconomic status, such as educational background and age group. despite these limitations, we believe that this exploratory study presented new insights into the voters’ atti tudes and perceptions regarding their local political leader’s pro grammatic commitment, particularly in education that filipino families highly value. acknowledgements this study was funded by the university of the philippines los baños-office of the vice-chancellor for research and ex tension through the basic research program. the authors are also grateful to dr. rita riddle, mr. raynan marcelo, and ms. leni fermin of the department of education-makati city, undersecretary jesus mateo, director roger masapol, and mr. michael manangu of the department of education main of fice, principal allan arcilla and ms. mary grace ferrer of pembo 405 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 406 elementary school, principal jerardo pablo, jr., ph.d., and ms. prescilla genato of hen. pio del pilar elementary school (main), and ms. anna alixia samson for their valuable assistance. endnotes 1 following the people power revolution in 1986, former president corazon aquino appointed jejomar s. binay as makati’s officer-in-charge. he was elected makati mayor in the 1988 local elections, the first held under the 1987 constitution. he served in that capacity until 1998. due to the term limits imposed by the current charter, he made his wife, dr. elenita s. binay, to succeed him. he returned as makati mayor from 2001 to 2010, before entering national politics as vice president from 2010 to 2016. the family patriarch was recognized for pioneering makati city’s no table innovative social programs, some of which became models for other lgus in the country (e.g., comprehensive benefits for senior citizens, medical and hospital ization benefits or the “yellow card” program). 2 these are among the items included when the researchers conducted this study’s data gathering right before the covid-19 pandemic. however, the city government added new items for the students to cope with the demands of remote learning. 3 mar-len abigail “abby” binay-campos entered makati’s local politics when she was elected to the philippine congress as the city’s 2nd district representative. in 2016, she became the fourth member of the binay clan to serve as mayor of makati since 1986. 4 in mid-2015, former makati vice mayor romulo “kid” peña, a political rival of the binay clan, took over as the city’s chief executive after the ombudsman suspended then mayor jejomar erwin “junjun” binay jr. over the alleged irregularities in build ing contracts. peña was makati city’s first non-binay mayor since the family patri arch was elected in 1988. 5 the barangay is the smallest local government unit in the philippines. references braun, v., & clarke, v. 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(2019b, april 5). education top priority, says makati’s binay. manila stan dard. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan 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office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0053.383-410 problems in upper brantas watershed governance: a case study in batu, indonesia tri sulistyaningsih (government studies of universitas muhammadiyah malang) sulardi (universitas muhammadiyah malang sunarto (universitas muhammadiyah malang) abstract the damage to brantas river basin (watershed) has been increasingly critical due to forest encroachment and land use ignoring the rules of soil and water conser vation. this study aims to examine the problems in the management of upper brantas watershed in batu city, indonesia. the method used in this research was descriptive-qualitative and the data were collected using participative observa tion in the field, in-depth interviews with the community of brantas watershed caring farmer group (komunitas petani penyelamat daerah aliran sungai brantas kppdas), discussion with experts, and focus group discussion (fgd). this paper succeeded in extracting information about the fundamental problems causing damage to brantas watershed in batu city. those fundamental problems con sisted of pragmatic behavior and ways of thinking of land use in the upper wa tershed of brantas, government policies that were not aligned to the upstream conservation of brantas watershed, the low public awareness to actively partici pate in the upstream conservation of brantas watershed. therefore, the man agement of upper brantas watershed needs to strengthen the cooperation (part nership) among stakeholders to savejointly the upstream of brantas river basin or watershed. keywords: upper brantas watershed, public policy, participatory. abstrak kerusakan daerah aliran sungai (das) brantas semakin kritis karena perambahan hutan dan penggunaan lahan yang mengabaikan peraturan konservasi tanah dan air. penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji permasalahan pengelolaan das brantas bagian atas di kota batu, malang, indonesia. metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif dan data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan observasi partisipatif di lapangan, wawancara mendalam dengan komunitas kelompok tani peduli daerah aliran sungai brantas (kppdas) brantas, diskusi dengan ahli, dan focus group discussion (fgd). makalah ini berhasil jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 383 received: may 9, 2017 revised: july 12, 2017 accepted: august 30, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0053.383-410 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 384 menggali informasi tentang masalah mendasar yang menyebabkan kerusakan pada das brantas di kota batu. masalah mendasar tersebut terdiri dari perilaku pragmatis dan cara berpikir penggunaan lahan di das atas brantas, kebijakan pemerintah yang tidak sesuai dengan konservasi hulu das brantas, kesadaran masyarakat rendah untuk secara aktif berpartisipasi dalam konservasi hulu das brantas. oleh karena itu, pengelolaan das brantas merupakan salah satu bagian atas perlunya untuk memperkuat kerjasama (kemitraan) antar pemangku kepentingan untuk menyelamatkan hulu daerah aliran sungai brantas dan daerah aliran sungai lainnya. kata kunci: das brantas, kebijakan publik, partisipatif. introduction the economic condition of the community in the upper brantas watershed is highly influential on the sustainability of the das (watershed or river basin). based on the research re sults and previous studies, it is found out that people today of ten consider water sources as a commodity / economic goods that must be exploited. hence, we often encounter violations of watershed management rules that cause damage to upstream conservation areas (nugroho, 2011; harini and suyini, 2012; bakker, 2007; tietenberg and lewis, 2016). brantas watershed has strategic potential and function for most of east java area. the damage in the upstream area can be ascertained to have a widespread impact including depletion of springs, drought in the dry season and floods in the rainy sea son. the indications of damage to brantas watershed include the shrinking of the number of springs in the upstream areas of the five mountains which are the brantas sources namely mount arjuno-welirang, mount kelud, mount kawi, and mount wilis. the sources of springs located in batu city have dried up. ap proximately, 11 (eleven) springs have dried up and the other 46 springs have experienced a decreased water discharge from 10 m3/s to be less than 5m3/s. if there is no significant improve ment in the brantas management for the next 2020, the prov ince of east java will experience water deficits (setyorini, khare, and pingale, 2017; sholikhati, harisuseno, and suhartanto, 2014). the condition of rain catchment area in the upper brantas watershed is getting worse because of forest encroachment and land use that ignore the rules of soil and water conservation. this triggers an increased soil erosion that can eventually lead to sedimentation in the river and river’s infrastructure such as dam and reservoir, decreased base-flow, and drought in the dry sea son and floods in the rainy season like what recently occurs (maulidiyah, anggoro, suherman, 2017; yuwono, 2012). the other problems include decreased water discharge or even the loss of many springs in brantas watershed, riverbed degrada tion and decreased water quality (sulistyaningsih, 2014). based on the environmental agency (blh)of the government of east java province, there are approximately 111 springs flowing to brantas river. the logging and forest conversion activities are the main cause of the drying of 54 springs. now, 57 springs re main flowing. as found in many other watersheds, the logging and forest conversion activities in brantas watershed are done to open an agricultural land and a built area (eg. settlements and offices). consequently, the water absorption function of the land is lost and the run off flooding in the ground is getting bigger. more over, floods, land erosion, and landslides commonly occur. mean while, in the middle areas such as kediri, jombang to mojokerto, many sand mining activities are destructive. therefore, many river dikes haveexperienced landslides. the number of river biota has become extinct and the river bed degradation is getting worse. it is becoming increasingly dif ficult to cope with when the sand mining becomes a source of public income. it enters the downstream when brantas river broke out (in mojokerto) into porong river and surabaya river. in this area, the river water is mixed with various wastes from industrial and settlements growing in the watershed (mawardi, 2011; tan, dai, and gao, 2016). the extent of critical land in the upper brantas river sub-basin can be used as the indicator of the disruption of forest and land functions as production, ecological and social systems. overcoming the problem, the government of east java prov jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 385 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 386 ince has conducted various efforts and policies as follows: (1) in 2011, the management action plan of brantas watershed was prepared, (2) in 2014, academic manuscripts on regional regu lation of watershed management of east java province that combinedintegrated drafting plan of watersheds (rpdast) of solo, brantas, and sampean; and (3) the academic manuscripts would then be used as the starting point for the process of draft ing the regional regulation on watersheds of east java prov ince (sulityaningsig, 2014). however, in the implementation of economic area develop ment in the upper brantas watershed based on the conserva tion of fruit crops, there are still encountered various obstacles including: 1) the role of the parties in the watershed manage ment is not in accordance with the action plan that has been designed; 2) there is no synchronization between the sectors in watershed management activities; 3) the budget of watershed management is still limited to the central fund sources; 4) the understanding of stakeholders in the implementation of inte grated drafting plan of watersheds (rpdast) is still low due to frequent changes of officials in the regions; 5) not all regencies/ cities have established watershed forum, while the established watershed forums have not been functioned optimally; 6) there is a lack of socialization of integrated drafting plan of water sheds (rpdast) (kunihiko, yudi, and eikichi, 2015; judge and nugroho, 2011). in this research, we found that the main problems that cause environmental damage in the upper brantas watershed covered (1) the pragmatic perspective and behavior of the community around the upper brantas watershed on the management and utilization of brantas watershed resources, (2) the government policies that were not in favor of the area conservation of the upper brantas watershed, and (3) the low public awareness in carrying out the area conservation of the upper brantas water shed. literaturereview management problems in upper brantas water shed nugroho (2011) in his study suggested that almost all of the watersheds in java have become critical. watershed damage is also increasing every year. according to him, this can happen because of the conversion of forest and farm lands to settlements that are not followed by soil and water conservation efforts as well as due to the unclear direction and implementation of de velopment in overcoming the problems of natural resources na tionally. the consequence of it all is the increasing damage of natural resources and the environment such as floods, drought, pollution, erosion, sedimentation, eutrophication, and so on. furthermore, kure, tebakari, and miyamoto (2016) explained several causes of the damage to watersheds in indonesia and asia, including: (a) inappropriate land use planning and man agement practices; (b) increased population growth; (c) poverty and economic decline due to resource constraints; (d) less sup portive institutions; (e) protection and regulatory policies that do not restrict land ownership and use; and (f) uncertainty over the de facto use of land rights on forest land. in another study, nawir, gunarso,santoso, and hakim (2016) found that in addition to the physical and socio-economic prob lems of the communities living in watersheds, institutional and legal issues that govern watersheds cause watershed damage. the main difficulty in managing watersheds in indonesia is encoun tered in the process of integrating inter-sectoral activities. in per forming their duties, each institution uses its own approach, method, and terminology depending on its sectoral interests. on the other hand, based on the results of a study by the directorate of forestry and water resources conservation (2011), watershed damage in indonesia is increasing every year, causing very harmful excesses. in every year, there are always floods, land slides, droughts, and other disasters occurring. watershed man agement activities have long been done yet the results achieved jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 387 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 388 are not optimal. one of the failure factors is emphasizing the command and control patterns with a top-down approach at the policy, operational, and implementation levels. harini and suyono (2012) in their study found that there are three fundamental environmental problems, particularly in the area of upper brantas watershed. fisrtly, forest destruction. the condition of the land in bulukerto village is currently at a criti cal approximate stage and most of the land is planted with pine trees. however, most of the pine trees are fallen. secondly, threat of land damage. there is no any proper land management refer ring to the law no.32 of 2009 on management and protection of environment.thirdly,threat of water sources (springs) death. of the 250 existing water sources, 111 water sources have died/ dried. we need to know that 80% of the irrigation and water supply in east java is taken from the water sources (springs) in batu city. in line with the issue, pudjianto (2009) in his study also found that the government has implemented the programs of forest and land rehabilitation through the national movement for forest and land rehabilitation (gnrhl), but the results have not been as expected, even considered failed by various parties. this case is due to the implementation of gnrhl programs was still cen trally (top down) on the government and less involved the com munity, particularly at the time of planning. linear with the failed gnrhl programs, the government is now focusing on the imple mentation of the national water saving partnership movement (gn-kpa). hakim and nugroho (2011) found some issues of the man agement of upper brantas watershed as follows: (1) institutions tend to implement ‘top down’ approach although a participative approach has begun to be used; (2) only a few government agency policies are based on the qualitative data and knowledge docu mentation, and the sustainable land management methods are still weak; (3) sectoral approaches in land management are still prominent and the coordination and integration among stake holders are still weak; (4) project efforts at the community level are still based on a sectoral approach and less consider the im pacts on watershed functions; (5) law enforcement is also weak; (6) there is increased poverty during and after the indonesian economic crisis (1997-present); (7)local awareness about land degradation is relatively low; and (8) there is no effort to dissemi nate information/socialization in a participatory way. upper brantas watershed management model brantas watershed is a part of natural resources that have a direct impact on the development and welfare of the surround ing community. therefore, all stakeholders, especially the gov ernment and community in the upper watershed of brantas river must strive to conserve and maintain the watershed. adi, jänen and jennerjahn (2013) conducted a study asserting that the gov ernment has made efforts to carry out an intensive conservation on the upper brantas watershed through various projects. the main objectives of watershed conservation projects in the up stream area are to increase farmers’ land productivity and in come, and to encourage farmers’ participation in the conserva tion of soil and water resources. the results of their study (2013) suggests that farming system of bench terrace (teras bangku) and contour terrace(teras guludan) conservation can increase the farm ing productivity and farmers’ income, also can reduce the rate of erosion. the management of upper brantas watershed can proceed well if it is supported by a comprehensive and sustainable gov ernment policy, the active role of academics in conducting an in depth study of watershed issues, the active participation of the community around the watershed, and the feasible technology supporting brantas watershed conservation. djauhari and syam (2016) argued that local government supports in the application of conservation technology is highly important because farmers are less able to implement conservation technology indepen dently. in addition to the supports of local government, the role jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 389 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 390 of farmer groups and rural institutions is also very important. in line with the results of djauhari and syam’s (2016) study agus, husnain and yustika (2016) in their study also showed that a successful management of watershed at least concentrates on two main pillars namely an appropriate technology applica tion innovation and a participatory innovation of the related institutions. the state forestry company of indonesia (perhutani) has a key role for both of the above. although it conventionally seems that the technical choice applied only in the land level, the state forestry company will increasingly have an overall role both in the framework of the management of the community’s entire land and at the environmental context. nugroho (2011) in his study also produced a concept or model of watershed management that requires the active role of com munities in the planning and implementation of watershed con servation programs. according to nugroho (2011), the commu nity participation model is very important in the watershed man agement because the problems on watershed are not only based on physical and technical problems. it is necessary to have a bal ance with the management of a participatory watershed. addi tionally, according to nugroho, the participatory development approach begins with the people who know best about the local community’s life system, which is the community itself. therefore, nugroho (2011) explained that the emergence of a paradigm of participatory watershed management development indicates two perspectives. first, the involvement of local com munities in the planning and implementation of watershed management activities would color their lives so as to ensure that local perceptions and knowledge are fully considered. sec ondly, the technology developed in soil and water conservation is indigenous that has long been known by communities with the consideration of social and economic approaches. similarly, local knowledge (indigenous knowledge) as a part of social capi tal is utilized and explored to develop appropriate watershed tech nology and for the benefits of local communities. another result of a study that emphasizes watershed conser vation based on community participation is one conducted by pudjianto (2009). in his study, it is indicated that the success of the government in conducting watershed management is through the implementation of the national water saving partnership move ment (gn-kpa). the program is integrated between departments using participatory approaches involving local communities and social institutions, starting from the planning, implementation to evaluation phase. with a participatory approach, communi ties can actively participate so that the implementation of the conservation programs of forest, land, and water resource can be implemented in accordance with the needs and conditions in the community. in addition to the community participation-based watershed management model as described above, it should be noted that brantas watershed management should consider and integrate agricultural and forestry development. based on the results of the analysis, the directorate of forestry and water conserva tion recommends an integrated watershed management in which there is not only one sector developed (while the other sectors development is ignored). the management of watershed should involve all sectors and activities within the watershed system. if not, then the watershed performance will be worse which will ultimately decrease the production rate of the sectors depending on the watershed performance. therefore, the upper brantas watershed management model should prioritize the active participation of the community in the planning and implementation of watershed conservation, making the technology and knowledge of the local community as an input for the conservation policy of the watershed, and taking into account the cross-sectoral development such as agri cultural development, forestry policy and natural tourism devel opment. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 391 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 figure 1. sustainable governance model of upper brantas watershed 392 tabel 1 summary of paper review on problems and public policy process model in upper brantas watershedgovernance researcher issues of study result of paper problems in upper brantas watershed governance nugroho (2011) almost all of brantas watershed in java have become critical conversion of forest and farm lands to settlements that are not followed by soil and water conservation efforts as well as due to the unclear direction and implementation of develop ment in overcoming the problems of natural resources nationally. kure, tebakari, and miyamoto (2016) flooding, storm surges, and other types of disasters are increasing in recent times, due to an increase in extreme weather and a rise in the sea level, caused by global warm ing heat island, etc. one of the most important statements in the sendai framework is that public and private investment in disas-ter risk prevention and reduction through structural (tan-gible) and non-structural (intangible) measures are cost-effective and useful. they save lives, prevent and reduce losses, and ensure effective recovery and rehabilitation. simply put, pre-disaster investment is far cheaper than post -disaster cost. nawir, gunarso,santoso, and hakim (2016) harini and suyono (2012) the physical and socio economic problems of the communities living in watersheds, institutional and legal issues that govern watersheds cause watershed damage. there are three fundamental environmental problems, particularly in the area of upper brantas watershed. fisrtly, forest destruction. secondly, threat of land damage. thirdly, threat of water sources (springs) death the main difficulty in managing watersheds in indonesia is encountered in the process of integrating inter-sectoral activities. in performing their duties, each institution uses its own approach, method, and terminology depending on its sectoral interests. of the 250 existing water sources, 111 water sources have died/dried. we need to know that 80% of the irrigation and water supply in east java is taken from the water sources (springs) in batu city. hakim and nugroho (2011) some issues of the management of upper brantas watershed are that designed model of official government is not appropriate to be implemented. (1) institutions tend to implement ‘top down’ approach although a participative approach has begun to be used; (2) only a few government agency policies are based on the qualitative data and knowledge documentation, and the sustainable land management methods are still weak; (3) sectoral approaches in land management are still prominent and the coordination and integration among stakeholders are still weak; (4) project efforts at the community level are still based on a sectoral approach and less consider the impacts on watershed functions; (5) law enforcement is also weak; (6) there is increased poverty during and after the indonesian economic crisis (1997-present); (7) local awareness about land degradation is relatively low; and (8) there is no effort to disseminate information/socialization in a participatory way. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 393 upper brantas watershed governance model adi, jänen and jennerjahn (2013) djauhari and syam (2016) husnain and yustika (2016) the government has made efforts to carry out an intensive conservation on the upper brantas watershed through various projects. conservation of upper brantas watershed shloud be based on technology and society participation. two main sectors of upper brantas watershed conservation are technology application innovation and a participatory innovation. the main objectives of watershed conservation projects in the upstream area are to increase farmers' land productivity and income, and to encourage farmers’ participation in the conservation of soil and water resources. local government supports in the application of conservation technology is highly important because farmers are less able to implement conservation technology independently. in addition to the supports of local government, the role of farmer groups and rural institutions is also very important. a successful management of watershed at least concentrates on two main pillars namely an appropriate technology application innovation and a participatory innovation of the related institutions. nugroho (2011) the community participation model is very important in the brantas watershed management because the problems on watershed are not only based on physical and technical problems pudjianto (2009). the success of the government in conducting watershed management is through the implementation of the the participatory development approach of brantas watershed management begins with the people who know best about the local community’s life system, which is the community itself. the national water saving partnership movement (gn kpa) program is integrated between departments using participatory approaches involving local communities and social institutions, starting from the planning, implementation to evaluation phase. research method the purpose of this research was to identify the problem of upstream watershed management. this research used a qualita tive approach by utilizing data collection methods through di rect observation to the research sites and in-depth interviews with the local government and community. by using qualitative method including participative observa tion in the field, in-depth interviews with the members of the watershed-concerned farmers group (kppdas) of brantas, discus vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 394 sion with experts, and focus group discussion (fgd), this research succeeded in extracting information about the underlying prob lems or issues that resulted in the damage to the upper brantas watershed in batu city. primary and secondary data were also used as the basic infor mation, especially for macro data. the research subjects that were successfully encountered were the government of batu city, non governmental organization (ngo) of pusaka, and watershed caring farmers’ group (kppdas). the data analysis was done using qualitative description, which has succeeded in collectingin depth information. prior to the observation, the researcher contacted the key in formants including the chairman of pusaka foundation and the chairman of the brantas watershed-caring farmers’ group. besides, to get the information in more detail, the researcher used a method of focus group discussion (fgd) by involving the stakeholders of the government of batu city, the community including pusaka foundation and brantas watershed-caring farmers’ group, and academics caring environment. thus, the sample was chosen purposively to those who in volved in the development of the upper brantas watershed in cluding the government, farmers’ group, or non-governmental organizations. the secondary data were collected through docu mentation techniques deriving from the government and the results of the searches conducted by the community. the data analysis was done by qualitative-description (miles and huberman, 1984). specifically, this research was conducted in sumber brantas village of batu city. sumberbrantas village, which was formerly administratively belonged to the government of tulungrejo vil lage of bumiaji district in batu city, has officially become a preparation village of sumberbrantas. at the same time, the mayor of batu city, drs. imam kabul, msi. mhum, inaugurated the head of preparation village of sumberbrantas, precisely on december 20, 2005. figure 2. (a) sumberbrantas village area; (b) critical land of upper brantas watershed jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 395 in particular, this research referred to the definition of water shed according to government regulation (pp) no.37 of 2012 article 1 in which it is stated that watershed is a land area united with a river and its tributaries, which serves to accommodate, distort and drain water from rainfall to lakes or seas naturally (where the boundaries on land are topographical and the ocean boundaries up to water areas are still affected by land activity). watershed management is a human activity in utilizing water shed resources to improve the economic welfare of the commu nity while maintaining the sustainability of the watershed (sunaryo, et al., 2002) the data of documentation indicated that brantas river area (ws) is a national strategic river area and becomes the authority of the central government based on government regulation of public works no.11a of 2006. the brantasriver area is 14,103 km2 across total 15 regencies/cities (9 regencies and 6 munici palities) that consists of 4 watersheds that are: (1)brantasriver watershed of 11,988 km2 (25% of east java province area) cover ing 6 sub-basins and 32 basin blocks; (2) the middle water shed of 596 km2 covering ngamporiver, tengah river, and tumpaknongko river; (3) ringinbandulan watershed of 595 km2covering klathakriver, kedungbantengriver, ngrejoriver, and vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 396 sidorejo river; and (4) kondangmerak watershed of 924 km2 cov ering glidikriver and bambangriver. the number of the resi dents in brantas river area in 2005 was 15,884,000 people (43% of east java province area) with an average growth of 0.99% and a density of 1,272 people/km2 (bbws, 2013). one of the areas of the brantas watershed/river basin that suffered severe dam age was the sumberbrantas village (see figure 2. (a) and (b)). results and discussion this research succeeded in answering the key question “what are the fundamental problems causing the environmental damage to the upper brantas watershed in batu city?” the in-depth interviews were conducted with the research subjects consisting of the gov ernment of batu city, the chairman of pusaka foundation, and the chairman of brantas watershed-caring farmers’ group. they all gave transparent and in-depth information. broadly speaking, they had the same opinion that the upper brantas watershed should be taken cared of through conservation. however, in another side, based on the data of interviews, documentation and direct observation, the research suggested that the underlying problems causing environmental damage to the upper brantas watershed were pragmatic interests in the form of instantaneous economic interests, government policies that were not pro to the conservation of brantaswatershed, and low public awareness of the conservation of upper brantas water shed. pragmatic interests of the utilization of up per brantas watershed resources the upstream area of brantas, particularly in bumiaji dis trict, has altitude above 1,500 mdpl, making it suitable for plant ing trees such as guava and coffee. however, there were still many people who were not willing to plant perennials. they preferred vegetable crops due to its faster harvest time. from the environ mental side, planting vegetable crops on land with a high slope is very dangerous because it can cause a landslide. most of the people in the upper brantas watershed had a pragmatic way of thinking. they made forest encroachment without considering the environmental damage that might occur. in line with the findings above, muhaimin and hanani (2014) in their study found that cultivating land in the hills could trig ger a risk that is not small. that is, if there is not accompanied by soil conservation efforts, it will result in land degradation and erosion. furthermore, such a condition can make the land become critical and barren. a high erosion rate is a serious prob lem on the damage or sustainability of land resources in the watershed of upstream and has a negative effect on the water shed of downstream. one of the vegetable farmers, when confirmed by the re searcher about his willingness to grow hard crops/trees (peren nials) such as guava, coffee, and persimmon, claimed to refuse it. according to him, planting hard crops/trees (perennials) took a long time to harvest while they wanted to get income sooner by planting vegetables (interview on april 17, 2015). such a per spective made the brantas watershed more critical. therefore, according to a study conducted by pusparini, bisri, and ernawati (2013), the upper brantas watershed with the total area of 17,343.77 ha is an area that has a problem of land criticality. the critical level of land in the upper brantas watershed was determined by the percentage approach of land cover, slope, ero sion, and land management. the land belonging to the highly critical criteria with the most widespread was open fields and shrubs. this is understandable because vegetable crops can give tre mendous results to farmers. hence, it was very rational if they were reluctant to plant perennials (hard crops/trees). therefore, the reforestation process was hampered by the activities of the communities surrounding the forest who cultivated the barren land with seasonal crops, especially vegetables. linear with this, the results of a study conducted by syam (2003) suggests that the utilization of barren or dry land, especially in the watershed of jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 397 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 398 upstream which is generally by planting seasonal crops (eg. veg etable crops), has a direct impact on the environmental damage in the upper brantaswatershed. syam (2003) stated that dry land, especially in upstream wa tersheds, generally faces severe environmental degradation prob lems that can decrease the land productivity, increase erosion and sedimentation, and trigger widespread flooding in the rainy season. the problem requires serious attention because it can hinder the development of agriculture, particularly the increase in food production. therefore, we argued that, in the context of environmental damage in the upper brantas watershed, the community’s un derstanding needs to be increased, especially the vegetable farm ers’ understanding to participate in considering the forest con servation. nevertheless, based on the results of in-depth inter views with the farmers in the upper brantas watershed, the farm ers were keen to plant annual crops such as red guava, oranges, and coffee. this finding is also in line with the results of syam’s (2003) study showing that farmers are generally less aware of the benefits of the crops so that their motivation to develop annual crops is relatively small. for example, in sumberkembar village and srimulyo village (brantas watershed), the annual crops were less treated resulting in many crops died. the low public awareness for the conservation of brantas watershed through annual crops (standing crops) made the use of protected forestland, production land, and conservation land more unbalanced as showed by the data in the following table. table 2. protected forest, production and conservation land area in batu city area of forestry protected forest production conservation total batu 387.20 728.60 1115.80 bumiaji 1164.4 2338.6 4641.70 8644.20 junrejo 918.20 392.90 1311.10 total 2969.80 3460.10 4641.20 11071.10 source: department of agriculture and forestry of batu city, 2015. the land use that did not concern on the protected forest land (as the table above) would have a direct impact on environ mental degradation resulting in flooding and soil erosion as happened in 2004 on the upper brantas watershed in batu city. the impact of the unrestrained land deforestation and degrada tion in 2004 was the attack of flash floods in the brantas up stream. the residential area (settlement) and yards at an altitude of 1,500 mdpl were hit by flash floods, destructing some villages around brantas river flow in batu city that were previously never flooded. it seems to be a scream of nature to not ignore the conservation in batu city and the surrounding areas. in pujon, belonged to malang regency near batu city, were also hit by floods that claimed many casualties in 2010 and early 2014 (fig ure 3. (a) and (b)). for comparison, the case of floods in batu city as described above is similar to the floods that occurred in the ciliwung area caused by the land use that does not pay attention to protected forest land and watershed conservation. pawitan (2004) in his study revealed that the pattern of land use in the area of ciliwung is still dominated by agricultural fields and plantations, reach ing 61% of the upper ciliwung watershed and 73% of the middle ciliwung watershed. the changes in the land-use pattern give impact on the absorption capacity reduction, particularly seen from the proportion of the settlement area change in the middle jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 399 figure 3. (a) upper watershed flood hitting the settlement; (b) irony: flood in the upper brantas watershed forest vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 400 ciliwung, so it will increase the surface runoff resulting in floods in the upstream area of ciliwung to jakarta. another impact of forest land use that does not pay attention to protected forests and conservation is the diminution of water sources/springs. for example, in bumiaji district of batu city as the upper brantas watershed, there were 111 water sources, of which around 57 water sources remain today with details of 20 water sources in the area of agroforestry and 37 water sources spreading over the lands owned by the residents. furthermore, according to harini and suyono (2012), fundamentally there are some changes in forest functions, including: the decrease of for est area in the location, the diminution of springs, the erosion of fertile soil layers, the occurrence of landslide, the siltation of rivers ultimately bringing an impact of change towards critical land. land criticism in the upper brantassub-basin/watershed mostly occurred in areas with steep slopes ranging from 40-60% to >60% in the mountains of anjasmoro, arjuno, pandermanand a small part of mount wukir. on the other hand, the critical land issues of brantas water shed could not be separated from the rapid increase of popula tion that was not accompanied by the increased education level and the provision of jobs that were sufficient for the communi ties (rahardjanto, 2013). this has triggered the movement of communities in the watershed area to penetrate forests, result ing in the degradation of upper watershed functions as a conser vation area. based on the results of the focus group discussion (fgd) conducted in this study, it was confirmed that over popu lated rural areas caused a land tenure become narrow and re sulted in an intensive land management that often caused dis external economy such as the occurrence of erosion exceeding the permitted level and ultimately led to sedimentation that would disturb river channels and other water structures. besides, the over population growth in rural areas where the level of dependency was mostly on agriculture sector would cause a hunger of land. such a condition, if not accompanied by legal awareness, will result in land grabs, illegal logging and other en vironmental disturbances that may cause natural disasters such as floods, landslides, and droughts (dewi, trigunasih, and kusmawati, 2012;mawardi, 2010). the non-optimal government role in upper brantas watershed conservation the unsustainable forest management, as well as unwell or dered settlement and industrial development, also can result in watershed damage. in addition, the mainstreaming of forest in vestments ignoring the functions of forest areas as the founda tion of people’s welfare, the loss of community’s access and con trol of the environment, and the increased forest industries, is also noted as a major problem related to the withdrawal of wa tershed management performance (pasaribu and suradisastra, 2010). this condition indicates that the government’s partisan ship towards watershed conservation is minimal. based on the results of this research, the government policies tended not to favor the critical upper brantas watershed. the minimal parti sanship of the government policies to the regional crisis in malang (especially in batu city) can be seen from: 1. the determination of tourist areas in the southern part of batu city (batu and junrejo districts) by altering the area of slopes of mount pandermaninto a physical development area as a central tourist destination. 2. the licensing for tourist destinations in the region to use the wells of underground water so as to have a direct impact on the presence of discharge of residents’ water wells located in lower land/area. 3. the implementation of regional autonomy as an effort to bring community participation in the development, which has not been able to realize the improvement of the environmentally sound economy. on the other hand, the formulation of policies and regula tions is largely determined by who are the public officials and jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 401 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 402 political officials (nugroho, 2010). for example, at first, one of the compromises offered by the state forestry company of in donesia (perhutani) in facing the crisis of the upper brantas wa tershed was replacing vegetable crops with annual crops. of vari ous options, there were offered porang and coffee to be planted in addition to staple crops (standing crops). however, the gov ernment bureaucracy (sulistyaningsih, 2013) did not approve the suggestion of the community and the state forestry company. right after the turn of the mayor, this idea became the program of batu city government, to stop planting vegetables as a catch crop/intercrop in the agroforestry land and replace them with coffee plants. even in early 2009, the government of batu city provided various incentives to accelerate the implementation of coffee planting (sulistyaningsih and narto, 2014) the case above reinforces the argument stating that forest management policies are heavily dependent on policy choices made by the ruling political officials at the period. such a condi tion is a direct impact of the regional autonomy system that de mands the turnover of local leaders every five years. in the con text of politics and democracy, the system is recognized as a form of local government system progress. however, in another side, regional autonomy has adversely affected the management of forests in various regions such as forest management in brantas watershed, batu city. in relation to the regional autonomy impact on the manage ment of forests and watersheds, suganda, atmodiwirjo, and yatmo (2011) in their study showed that, at present, there is a tendency that the economic aspect is more emphasized than the social and environmental aspects. this is related to the author ity of each regency/city or province in regulating its own terri tory through regional autonomy and the tendency to raise its own regional revenue (pad). as a result, each region can uti lize the existing natural resources without any environmental preservation. watershed management is also included in this tendency. this is certainly a problem, especially since watersheds generally cross several administrative areas, both regencies/cit ies, and provinces, making regional autonomy-based management threaten the sustainability of the watersheds. on the other hand, the unclear role of inter-governmental agencies/institutions in the management of watershed has had an impact in poor watershed management in which the govern ment ultimately cannot organize the watershed optimally. karyana (2007) in his study indicated that there were nine gov ernment institutions involving directly in the management of ciliwung watershed. of the nine institutions, there were four institutions that had a determining position and role in formu lating and conducting the spatial policy and watershed manage ment program, covering the department of spatial and envi ronment of bogor regency, the state forestry company of in donesia, the department of agriculture and forestry, and the watershed management hall. the analysis results of ism sug gests that the position of the institution that has a large influ ence in the management of ciliwung watershed is not in line with its role in decomposing and carrying out the policy on wa tershed management. moreover, karyana (2007) mapped that the management of ciliwung watershed has not been harmonious yet. the dishar mony is shown by the low interdependence between institutions on the elements of tasks, activities, and resources. from the three elements, the coordination between institutions involved in the watershed management is only at the level of resource utiliza tion. the institutional problem in the ciliwung watershed does not refer to the problem of the institution as an organization, but it tends to relate to inter-institutional relations, that: govern ment agencies/institutions involved in the ciliwung watershed management have not had programs and activities oriented to solving the problems of watershed institutions; policies and roles of the central government have not been effective in addressing the problems occurring in the ciliwung watershed. the formal institutions for the conservation of brantas wa jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 403 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 404 tershed basically consist of: (1) institutions established in the form of watershed forums either at the district, provincial or national levels and also several sub-districts; (2) government agen cies/institutions such as the departments of agriculture, for estry, plantation, environment, irrigation, the state forestry company of indonesia (perhutani), water and energy resources, brantas river basin operator (perum jasa tirta), r.soerjo forest park, bromotenggersemerunational park, community institution, and the extension workers of forestry, plantation and agricul ture and others, along with groups of forest farmers, dry land farmers, and wet land farmers. if the contributions of these institutions to the empowerment of the conservation are re viewed, the roles are relative and dependent on their respective tasks and functions (tupoksi). however, in its practice, the roles and contributions of the formal institutions to brantas water shed conservation have not shown any positive impacts on the watershed sustainability. (halimatusadiah, dharmawan, and mardiana, 2012; brantas hakim and nugroho, 2012; harini and suyono, 2012; hakim and nugroho, 2011). low public awareness for upper brantas wa tershed conservation the efforts to conserve the brantas watershed by various parties experienced various obstacles. based on the results of this study, the constraints of brantas watershed conservation covered: (1)the dominance of economic orientation defeating ecology; (2) the environmental action that had not been a sus tainable agenda (ceremonial-sporadic); (3) the low public aware ness on forest and water conservation; and (4) the non-conserva tion system of land and forest management (non-environmen talist regulation). in line with the findings, suganda, atmodiwirjo, and yatmo (2011) also pointed out that there is a similar case namely situ gintungcase, indicating that the occurrence of disasters around the watershed is related to the uncontrolled spatial execution, and lack of infrastructure maintenance in the upstream area. this case also indicates the importance of environmental man agement in watershed areas at the macro level. in addition, this case also suggests the effect of economic aspects that can trigger communities to exploit the environment in order to gain profit. this is due to the lack of good public policy made by the local government. therefore, imansyah (2012) asserted that water shed damage is caused by the density of population settlements, the river pollution by domestic and industrial waste, and others resulting in disasters such as floods, droughts, and landslides. the matter should be solved jointly between the government and the community. related to the low public awareness of watershed conserva tion, dewi, trigunasih, and kusmawati (2012) illustrated that watershed damage is accelerated by the increased utilization of natural resources as a result of population growth and economic development, the policies that have not aligned to natural re source conservation, also the low public awareness and partici pation in the context of natural resource utilization and conser vation. given the upper brantaswatershed destruction as explained above, the pusaka foundation and the brantas watershed caring farmers’ group have started to conduct conservation with hard crops/trees (perennials). the selected crops are the type of guava, arabica coffee, and persimmon because: 1. these fruit crops have conservation and economic values in accordance with the height/altitude (at 1,500 mdpl) and the soil conditions. 2. guava and coffee crops have easy maintenance, low cost, and relatively short growth period, interspersed with persimmon plants as long-term reinforcement plants. 3. by planting these crops, there can be pioneered a center tour ist village of picking guava and coffee, considering that the tourism potential in batu city is good while guava fruit has not been well developed. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 405 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 406 figure 4. (a) vegetable crops in sumberbrantas; (b) upper brantas watershed conservation, tumpangsari, with guava and vegetable crops. practically, the refusal of the community to plant standing crops/plants was quite great. the chairman of pusaka foundationstated that: “it takes patience and persistent struggle to give understanding to the community to be willing to plant these stand ing crops/trees because the fact is that farmers have got used to planting vegetables and experienced its benefits. thus, it is not easy to change their defenses instantly. for that, we need to embrace the peasant com munities/residents and prove to them that conservation with standing crops/trees can prosper them productively. this is the challenge.” (inter view on june 8, 2015). the farmers in bumiaji district mostly grew vegetable crops. this is very rational considering that veg etable crops provide a promising advantage and do not take a long time to produce. on the other side, this matter threatens the sustainability of the slopes/upper brantas watershed to prone to landslides. however, changing the way people think to replace the plantation of crops other than potatoes and carrots (has be come a dominance) is not easy. the attempt to change the community mindset to move from planting vegetables to standing crops is not an easy matter be cause they think very pragmatically on what kind of plants they can harvest faster. thus, it is seriously difficult to change them into standing crop cultivation. in line with these issues, pranadji (2012) explained that the destruction of the values of the rural community is an important factor causing the powerlessness of communities and the decline in local management of alk. the efforts to improve watershed management need to not only be aligned to community empowerment but also need to be inte grated with socio-cultural transformation and rural economies. models of rural community empowerment in the effective man agement of alk are based on the strengthening local social capi tal. according to nugroho (2012), the problem of community’s reluctance to replace the plantation of vegetables with standing crops (watershed conservation plants) is caused by: the planning of land use forms and inappropriate management practices; the increased population growth; the poverty and economic down turn due to resource constraints; the existing institutions that are less supportive; the protection and regulatory policies that do not restrict the land ownership and use; and the unconfirmed de facto use of land rights on forest land. in the context of conser vation of the watershed damage, imansyah (2012) revealed that the government together with the competent parties are expected to immediately draft educational activities that can educate the public. at the very least, the community will understand and comprehend the basics of nature’s sustainability safeguarding, starting from small things like dumping in its place. furthermore, the conservation of upper brantas watershed needs to be done through a collective movement among stake holders so that all relevant elements or institutions (including the local community) can have the responsibility for jointly pre serving and maintaining the watershed. halimatusadiah, dharmawan, and mardiana (2012) explained that one of the initial steps to overcome the increasingly severe watershed dam age is forming a movement of the community to maintain and caring jointly the watershed ecosystem. to realize the movement of the community, it is needed a container that can accommo jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 407 vol. 8 no. 3 august 2017 408 date aspirations and coordination in managing the watershed. in its principle, the watershed institution is established on the awareness and needs of the communities living around the wa tershed to implement a better watershed management. conclusion finally, this research has mapped and outlined the causes of upper brantas watershed/basin damage, covering: (1) the community’s pragmatic behavior and way of thinking in the management and utilization of land around the upper brantas watershed. most of the community prefer planting seasonal crops (eg. vegetable crops) to planting standing crops (eg. coffee and guava crops) as watershed protection plants; (2) the government policy that is not aligned to the upstream conservation of brantas watershed. the local government in the era of regional autonomy has a broad authority to manage watershed areas. unfortunately, the authority possessed is not utilized for watershed conserva tion area; and (3) the low awareness of the community to con serve the watershed continuously. the management of upper brantas watershed must strengthen the cooperation (partnership) among stakeholders to jointly save the upstream area of the brantas watershed. the government as policy makers should involve other stakeholders to participate in the planning, implementation, and evaluation of the management policy of the upper brantas watershed. through the partnership, the upper brantas watershed can be saved so that the watershed can support the acceleration of re gional, national, and state development. references abdurachman, a., sukmana, s., & syarifuddin karama, a. 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(2016). fish species and hydropower projects in upper yangtze river in china: impacts and rehabilitation. feb-fresenius environmental bulletin , 1846. tietenberg, t. h., & lewis, l. (2016). environmental and natural resource economics. routledge. https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/5368942/ 203306082.pdf?awsaccesskeyid= akiaiwowyygz2y53ul3a&expires= 1506 411768&signature= fbwnjsijza%2blxu1a7fzjzrgteuy%3d&response-contentispo sition= inline%3b%20filename%3denvironmental_and_natural_resource_econo.pdf. http://www.worldagroforestry.org/downloads/publications/pdfs/wp10338.pdf http://ejurnal.litbang.pertanian.go.id/index.php/jpengkajian http://ejurnal.litbang.pertanian.go.id/index.php/jpengkajian https://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/5368942/ layout februari 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0047.166-200 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 166 received: april 4, 2017 revised: april 7, 2017 accepted: april 10, 2017 the battle of discourse of regional autonomy issues in the mass media megandaru widhi kawuryan megandaru@gmail.com. megandaru@ipdn.ac.id institut pemerintahan dalam negeri abstract this research started by knowing how mass media constructs the reality of re gional autonomy issues. studies on regional autonomy issue using communica tion science perspective are still rare, while the role of mass media, according to severin-tankard (2007:15) is actually to form public opinions. observers of con structionism such as shoemaker (1996) think that news broadcasted by mass media can make people have a certain point of view and construct a reality of an issue in the society, including regional autonomy issues. this study used framing text analysis.the model used was robert n. entman’s framing (1993)because in entman’s concept, framing can be used to describe the selection process of an issue and emphasize certain aspects of a reality by the media. in this research, there are 3 media which were studied, i.e. kompas newspaper, jurnal nasional newspaper, kedaulatan rakyat newspaper.the result of this study showed that at micro level there was frame difference in the reporting of kompas, jurnal nasional and kedaulatan rakyat on regional autonomy issues. analysis at meso level showed that ownership and capital factors were still rather strong in influ encing the frames of the studied media,macro levelthe battle of discourse of regional autonomy issues make the government finally changed the policy on regional autonomy. keywords: mass media, framing, reality construction, regional autonomy. abstrak penelitian ini dimulai dengan mengetahui bagaimana media massa mengkons truksi realitas isu otonomi daerah. studi tentang isu otonomi daerah yang menggunakan perspektif sains komunikasi masih jarang terjadi, sedangkan peran media massa, menurut severin-tankard (2007-15) sebenarnya adalah untuk membentuk opini public. pengamat konstruksisme seperti shoemaker (1996) berpikir bahwa berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa dapat membuat orang memiliki sudut pandang tertentu dan membangun realitas sebuah isu di masyarakat, termasuk isu-isu otonomi daerah. penelitian ini menggunakan analisis framing teks. model yang digunakan adalah framing robert n. entman (1993) karena dalam konsep entman, framing dapat digunakan untuk menggambarkan proses seleksi suatu isu dan menekankan aspek-aspek tertentu dari sebuah realitas http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0047.166-200 mailto:megandaru@gmail.com mailto:megandaru@ipdn.ac.id oleh media. dalam penelitian ini, ada 3 media yang diteliti, yaitu surat kabar kompas, surat kabar jurnal nasional, surat kabar kedaulatan rakyat. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa di tingkat mikro ada perbedaan antara pelaporan kompas, jurnal nasional dan kedaulatan rakyat isu otonomi daerah analisis tingkat meso menunjukkan bahwa faktor kepemilikan dan permodalan masih cukup kuat dalam mempengaruhi frame media yang diteliti, tingkat makro pertarungan wacana isu otonomi daerah membuat pemerintah akhirnya mengubah kebijakan otonomi daerah. kata kunci: media massa, framing, realitas konstruksi, otonomi daerah. introduction there is massive coverage of the regional autonomy policy after the new order government collapsed. the mass media seemed to pay special attention to the news about regional au tonomy. regional autonomy is actually not something new ac cording to made suwandi (2004), syarif hidayat (2007), ryaas rasyid et al. (2007), and soetandyo wigyosoebroto (2007: 58 69), for the past 70 years of the independence of this republic, there are a total of eight (8) amendments made to the laws con cerning regional government. in each amendment, a war of ideas through various media always took place dragging it into central ization or decentralization. changes in the media and their con tent in the post-new order era are interesting to examine and numerous scientists, media practitioners, bureaucrats, and jour nalists conducted research and wrote about it, but only a few of them examined the media and issues about regional autonomy. this research investigated roles of media in transforming the structure from the centralized structure to the decentralized one. in 2012 until 2013, there was an agenda to revise the law num ber 34 of 2004 concerning regional government, followed by various issues related to regional autonomy such as regional-head elections, corruption at the regional level, asymmetric centraliza tion, and other issues in the mass media. the content of the news reported in the media in this re search was seen as the result of the process of the battle of ideas about regional autonomy, which was then constructed by the media into the reality of regional autonomy. the social construc tion of reality cannot be separated from the views of berger and luckman written in a book entitled the social construction of jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 167 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 168 reality, a treatise in sociological of knowledge (1966). in this book, berger and luckman argued that actually the so-called reality is neither formed by god nor established scientifically, rather it is formed and constructed, thus it actually has many appearances, plural and is dynamic. in this research, there are two definitions of regional au tonomy, first as a political product because it is generated from the political process, and, second, as a product of the social con struction of reality. the role of the mass media in the social life is unquestionable. despite different opinions, no one denies its significant role in modern society. the content of the mass me dia is intended for public consumption and thus anything re ported in the mass media will affect the subjective reality of those engaged in social interactions (berger, 1979), or using the term proposed by lippmann (1992), the mass media can instill the picture in our heads. this description of the reality “formed” by the mass media will ultimately provide the basis for the responses and attitudes of the audience towards various social objects. news presented in the media does not emerge on its own. rather, it requires a construction process. in this process, the media does not work in a vacuum. there are various structures surrounding the media and will contribute to coloring the fram ing of the media, thus once the news is publicized, various news about regional autonomy will arise which in turn establishes the reality construction of the issues about regional autonomy among society. this research examined texts in three daily newspapers, namely: (i) kompas, (ii) kedaulatan rakyat, and (iii) jurnal nasional. the reason for the selection of daily newspapers as research materials according siggal (1973) is the significance of economic factors in the industry of a business in the media which greatly affect the decision to cover particular news. based on differences in the orientation of the media, three newspapers with different orientations were chosen, namely kompas as the national lead ing daily newspaper with a high circulation, jurnal nasional as the newspaper with historical closeness to the democratic party, and kedaulatan rakyat as the oldest local newspaper which still survives and the leading newspaper in the region where it is pub lished to date. the research was conducted from 2012 to 2013. this time span was chosen because in these years, there was an agenda to revise the law number 32 of 2004 regarding regional govern ment. various issues about regional autonomy covered in the three newspapers were explored in this research, thus the formu lation of the problems in this research is presented below. “how do the daily newspapers kompas daily, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat construct the reality of regional autonomy?; how is the frame to cover news adopted by the three daily news paper above like in relation to the issues about regional au tonomy?; and how is the war of ideas related to the issues about regional autonomy like in the three media under study?” theoretical framework theory of social construction of reality is inseparable from two pioneers of sociology of knowledge, peter l. berger and thomas luckmann. in the intellectual world, berger and luckmann’s thoughts are influenced by some philosophers and sociologists. some of the scientists who influenced berger’s thoughts are alfred schutz, jean paul sartre, george herbert mead, arnold gehlen, marleu ponty, and, of course the great thinkers of social sciences, weber, durkheim, and karl marx. in the introduction of the social construction of reality, berger and luckmann (1966:vii) stated that the book theoretically and systematically discussed the sociology of knowledge. although the book was written by sociologists, the influence of alfred schutz’s philosophy of phenomenology feels quite strong and this is recognized by berger in the introduction. furthermore, berger (1966:5) explains that the term sociology of knowledge was coined by max scheler in 1920s in germany. berger (1966:4) also states that sociology of knowledge must study everything considered as knowledge by the society, whether jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 169 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 170 the knowledge is valid or not valid, and how the knowledge is developed and maintained in such a way to create or form a normal reality for laymen. in other words, the sociology of knowl edge studies analysis of creation of reality by the society (berger, 1966). one of berger’s important concepts in the social construction of reality is the concept of internalization. according to berger, dialectics among humans and in the society happen through the processes of externalization, objectification, and internalization. these processes will be a dialectic cycle in the relations of hu mans and society. humans create society and society creates hu mans. peter berger’s thoughts in the map of sociology have a special position. berger gives strong emphasis on order. according to berger, without order, it’s difficult to create a society because order is the main requirement in social life. human life will at least feel orderly if one’s biological needs are met. on one hand, berger emphasizes the needs for order in the elements of sociological analysis. however, on the other hand, berger also views that human interprets the order subjectively so that in different contexts, the needs for order will be met differ ently. this is where berger puts human freedom. when a group of people faces a problem they can’t explain with their social structure, the structure can be changed or rebuilt by the commu nity. media and construction of reality are two sides of the same coin. according to berger (1966), language is the primary factor in creating reality and language is the primary element in mass media. without language, the media won’t be able to present their reports to the audience. the brilliance of language in creating reality can be traced all the way back to a philosopher, ludwig josef wittgenstein. ac cording to hamersma (1990), the points of wittgenstein’s thoughts can be categorized into wittgenstein i and wittgenstein ii. wittgenstein i is wittgenstein’s thoughts before 1930 which was written in tractatus logico-philosophicus and wittgenstein ii is wittgenstein’s thoughts after 1930 which is described in philo sophical investigation which becomes the starting point of language analysis. furthermore, according to hamersma (1990), wittgenstein i proposes that only statements which are descrip tions have meanings (meaning is picture), while wittgenstein ii proposes that the meaning of a statement depends on the lan guage type in use (meaning is use). the description above shows that language can be used for various purposes, whether political, economic, social or cultural. the media in a country depends on the characteristics of the country in constructing reality. in an authoritarian country, the media will only be the authority’s mouthpiece. their construc tion of reality usually uniformly supports state policies. con versely, in a democratic country, ideally the media has comfort able position to give their opinions. mass media has more space to construct reality on an issue. however, in the life of a demo cratic country, the media isn’t entirely free in constructing the reality of an issue. the editorial politics of the media will always influence various things, including business, political, ideologi cal interests, etc. so it becomes a consideration in covering an issue, including issue of regional autonomy, whether the issue will be emphasized or not, or even not covered at all. the idea of framing was first proposed by beteson in 1955 and then introduced by goffman (1972) in cultural sociological study. the idea of framing becomes the main idea in participa tory observational studies on news (tuchman 1978, fisman 1980, gamson 1984, gamson and modigliani 1989). in today’s com munication study, framing is used to dissect the ideology of me dia when constructing facts. using this analysis, strategy, selec tion, emphasis, and linked facts on a news will become visible, so the news will be more meaningful, interesting, memorable, so that it will guide the interpretation of the audience of the news. essentially, framing is the media’s effort to emphasize their in terpretation on an event. because the emphasized event or real jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 171 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 172 ity has greater possibility of gaining the public’s attention, to emphasize the interpretation, journalist usually uses several strat egies, such as ignoring certain aspects of the issue, placing an issue prominently, using certain table to describe the event, or complement the presentation with pictures. furthermore, scheufele (in bryant, 2009: 22) classified study of framing into two groups. first, study in frame building category. the ques tions in this category are related with how a certain frame can be adopted and become a discourse which emerges in the minds of journalists and the society. second, study in frame setting cat egory, which is how media frame impacts the public (priest, 2010: 310). fig.1. frame building and frame setting source: priest (2010) the study of frame building concerns the kind of media frames which appears and the process by which a frame is built in the media. frame building itself can be classified into two aspects. first, which frame stands out in the media coverage (frame con testation)? a number of experts such as scheufele (2004); scheufele (1999); and d’angelo (2000) classify frames that ap pear in the media coverage into two, namely issue-specific frames and generic frames. frame setting has something to do with the way the media’s frame affects the audience. at the most basic level, frames help people to get information about an issue and provide insights into the issue, frames also help one make particular information rational. thus, the effects of framing vary between individuals. news frames do not always create one’s single understanding when frame setting frame building framing in the newsroom: (a) internal factor (editorial policies, news, values) (b) external factors frames in the news (a) issue specific frames (b) generic frames framing effects (a) information processing effects (b) attitudinal effects (c) behavioral effects understanding a problem. the effects of frames of the media emerge only in the event the media’s frame resonates with the existing schema within individuals. each individual has a unique process in constructing the knowledge that exists in his/her memory (priest, 2010: 310). this research employed the framing model developed by rob ert n. entman (1993). entman’s framing model was chosen be cause its concept can be used to describe the selection process of an issue as well as some specific aspects of the reality highlighted by the media. the media, by putting greater emphasis on a par ticular text deemed more important and meaningful on the media coverage, is assumed to help their audience more easily under stand and remember a piece of news. furthermore, entman in troduced 4 (four) important elements of framing. the four ele ments are listed as follows. table 1. entman’s framing model 1. define problems how is an issue viewed? and as what or as what problem is that issue viewed? 2. diagnose causes what causes an issue to occur? and who is considered to cause that issue? 3. make moral judgment what are moral values used to legitimize or delegitimize an action? 4. treatment recommendation what is the kind of settlement offered to deal with an issue? what methods should be used to deal with a problem/issue? in general, the four elements of entman’s framing model can be explained as follows. the first element is define problems, which is the main element. this element is the master frame. it shows how an issue or event is understood by journalists. how ever, the similar issue might be interpreted differently by differ ent journalists so that the media coverage of the reality will be different as well. the second one is diagnose causes. this second element put emphasis on the main actor(s) in an event. causes referred to in this second element can be understood as the “who” causes the said event to occur and what the source of the prob lem is. the third one is make moral judgment, i.e. the element jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 173 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 174 used to provide justification by giving various arguments in the element of “define problems” made. lastly, the fourth element is treatment recommendation, i.e. the element used to determine what journalists really want and ways chosen to solve a problem. this research investigated the frame adopted by three mass media (kompas, kedaulatan rakyat, and jurnal nasional) in rela tion to regional autonomy coverage. using entman’s framing model, ways by which the media frame news about regional au tonomy were mapped. news under study was examined one by one and analyzed based on the 4 elements of entman’s framing model. research methodology generally, according to neuman (2006), in social research tradition, there are three paradigms or perspectives: first, posi tivistic perspective, second interpretive perspective, and third critical perspective. this study used interpretive perspective. this per spective was selected because according to neuman (2006:88,) theory of social construction is a field in interpretive perspec tive. furthermore, according to neuman (2006,) interpretive re search is usually performed by field research and participatory observation. this technique requires researcher to personally meet information and takes a rather long time. interpretive per spective is defined by neuman (2006:88) as a systematic social analysis through detailed direct observation on society to under stand how the society create and maintain their social life. consistent with interpretive perspective above, the present study analyzed media text using framing approach. framing analy sis can reveal and uncover hidden meaning in the studied texts which were texts on regional autonomy in kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat. results and discussion there is a connection between the issue-specific frame and the master frame (generic frame). the first will always be consis tent with the later. why? because media journalists’ views will be used to view and cover specific issues related to regional au tonomy. a journalist who tends to agree to regional autonomy will cover all specific issues related to regional autonomy in posi tive tones. the emergence of the case of political dynasties, for example, will not be seen as a result of the implementation of regional autonomy. this is different for journalists or media who are criti cal or skeptical of regional autonomy. the existence of political dynasties will tend to be seen as a result of regional autonomy. autonomy leads to the emergence of minor kings at the regional level as well as economic and political concentration on some local political forces. this illustration describes the way the ge neric frame will determine the way those specific issues are viewed by the media. journalists and the media will use a general per spective (core frame) to see the issues that arise every day. the problem is the public does not know the generic frame of each of the media. the media rarely expresses their general view of regional autonomy publicly. thus, how can the public know the generic frame if the media do not uncover or say it openly? the answer is by investigating the issue-specific frame. to this end, research into the media’s perspective while covering specific issues related to regional autonomy can be conducted, and based on the perspective on those specific issues, conclu sions can be drawn with regard to the generic frame adopted by the media in terms of regional autonomy. this strategy was used to identify the frames of the media. the process of discovering the master frame (generic frame) is explained as follows. at first, the researcher identified specific issues relating to regional autonomy that occurred in 2012 and 2013. all news relating to the relationship between the central government and the regions was collected. then, the news about autonomy was categorized into specific issues. once specific is sues were revealed, the frame of each specific issue was identi fied. based on the identification of the frame of specific issues, jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 175 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 176 the generic frame of the media coverage of the issue about re gional autonomy could be described. the researcher gathered news from kompas, kedaulatan rakyat, and jurnal nasional published in 2012 and 2013. all news re lated to regional autonomy was collected. there were a total of 412 pieces of news about regional autonomy gathered from the three newspapers. from news about regional autonomy, the main topic or issue of the media coverage was identified. the result is presented in the table below. table 2. main topics reported in three media ( kompas, kr, jurnas) issue/topic kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat based on the table above, it is obvious that there are differ ences between the newspapers based in jakarta (i.e. kompas and jurnal nasional) with the local newspaper (i.e. kedaulatan rakyat) in the way they raised the issue about regional autonomy. in the first (i.e. kompas and jurnal nasional), the news about regional autonomy was dominated by the news about regional division and gubernatorial elections. more specifically, for kompas, the majority of news (39.6%) about regional autonomy concerned the issues about regional division, followed by yogyakarta’s “spe cial” status (28.9%). other prominent issues in the news spread in kompas were regional-head elections (whether a regional head should be elected directly or by the regional parliament (i.e. dprd)) by 12.8%, corruption among the local elite by 9.6%, and political dynasties by 9.1%. as for jurnal nasional, from a total of 123 pieces of news analyzed, most of them concerned with yogyakarta’s “special” status (31.7%) and regional-head elec frequency percentage frequency percentage frequency percentage regional division 74 39.6% 20 16.3% 4 3.9% gubernatorial elections 24 12.8% 32 26% 8 7.8% political dynasties 17 9.1% 16 13% 3 3% corruption among the local elite 18 9.6% 16 13% 4 3.9% yogyakarta’s “special” 54 28.9% 39 31.7% 83 81.4% status total 187 100% 123 100% 102 100% tions (26%). other prominent issues covered in jurnal nasional were the issues about regional division (16.3%), political dynas ties (13%), and corruption among the local elite (13%). unlike kompas and jurnal nasional which paid much atten tion to the issues about regional division, corruption among the local elite, political dynasties, and the debate about regional-head elections, kedaulatan rakyat did not do the same thing. most of the coverage of regional autonomy in kedaulatan rakyat con cerned yogyakarta’s “special” status (81.4%). the prominent is sues covered in kompas and jurnal nasional (such as regional divi sion, regional-head elections, corruption among the local elite, and political dynasties) did not get extensive coverage in kedaulatan rakyat. this data suggest different emphasis between newspapers published in jakarta (i.e. kompas and jurnal nasional) with the local newspaper (i.e. kedaulatan rakyat). based on the identification of those issues, this research undertook a more in depth analysis of the frames adopted by the three newspapers for specific issues. the issues about regional division one of the most widely publicized issues concerning regional autonomy is regional division or establishment of new autono mous regions. the establishment of autonomous regions which is often called regional division is actually a phenomenon com monly found in many countries. the political interpretation of the concept of decentraliza tion is the transfer of authority to the people and the local gov ernment. this is the basic foundation for the implementation of democratic government which at the same time maintains the integrity of a country. in the case of indonesia, according to riswanda imawan (2006: 13-15), there are at least five reasons for the establishment of new autonomous regions after the 1998 reform, namely inequality, politics of ethnicity, conflict resolu tion, historical claims, and, lastly, considerations of the central government. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 177 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 178 it would be very interesting if the media, both the national media and, especially, the local media address the hustle and bustle of regional division like the two examples of cases above. more importantly, regional division is common especially since the approval of the law no. 22 of 1999 concerning regional government which was later revised into the law no. 32 of 2004. there are pros and cons of regional division. those who agree argue that regional division will help the local government’s per formance to be more focused (yuwono 2016, wijaya 2016). on the other hand, those who disagree used facts suggesting that in other areas undergoing regional division, the prosperity and tran quility of society living in such areas are not better than before those prior to regional division (ibrahim 2015, purnomo 2014). daily newspapers kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat put different emphasis when covering the issues about regional division. kompas is one of the newspapers most often raising the issues about regional division. from 187 pieces of news about regional autonomy analyzed in this research, 74 of them (39.6%) concerned regional division. jurnal nasional paid less attention to the issues about regional division. from a total of 123 pieces of news analyzed, only 20 of them (16.3%) con cerned regional division. as for kedaulatan rakyat, it rarely raised the issues about regional division, where there were only 4 pieces of news (3.9%) about regional division from a total of 102 pieces of news analyzed. fig. 2. frame in local and national news the figure above shows the frames adopted by the three me dia. kompas defined regional division as a result of the interests of the local elite. the majority of news about regional division in the daily kompas was framed as a result of the interests of the local elite. kompas tended to be critical in assessing the issues about regional division. according to the frame adopted by kompas, regional division took place due to the interests of the elite, rather than the needs of the people at the regional level. as for the daily newspaper jurnal nasional, the frame that often ap peared was regulations. regional division took place as a result of the demands of the local community which were accommo dated by the law. while kedaulatan rakyat viewed regional divi sion in positive frame tunes, namely that proper implementa tion of regional division could accelerate development at the regional level. based on the foregoing, it is evident that the three newspa pers adopted different frames to define regional division. kompas tended to be critical of the issues about regional division, on the contrary, kedaulatan rakyat tends to pro regional division, while jurnal nasional straddled the issue, where it viewed regional divi sion more as compliance with the law on regional autonomy. in other words, regional division took place because the law does allow it. the three newspapers are also different in terms of the way they determine the source of the problem (diagnose causes), what or who is considered to cause the emergence of regional divi sion. kompas took a critical stand, seeing that the source of the problem was the local political elite. in kompas’s coverage, re gional division was generally triggered by the desire of the local political elite. they were the party promoting regional division most actively. the local elite were also the party who reaped the most benefit from regional division. meanwhile, a different frame is found in kedaulatan rakyat’s coverage. kedaulatan rakyat did not put the local political elite as the party causing regional divi sion. rather, it wrote that regional division took place because the law gives it a chance. if, in practice, regional division is not optimal, thus the law and rules governing regional division should take the blame and be criticized. jurnal nasional viewed regional jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 179 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 180 division as a negative impact of regional autonomy. regional autonomy gave birth to new rulers at the regional level. jurnal nasional did not critically highlight the issue about the local elite. rather, it simply discussed the positive and negative aspects of regional autonomy. kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat adopted dif ferent frames in viewing the issues about regional division. the following table shows the dominant frames of the three newspa pers. table 3. the issue about the regional division framing tools kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat define problems regional division regional division is if undertaken properly, occurs more because undertaken to meet the regional division can help of the interests of the demands of the local accelerate development at local elite rather than community and laws. the regional level. the needs of the local community. diagnose causes local political elite. regional autonomy and laws. regional division the political elite get the local political elite. takes place because it is benefits from regional autonomy in practice accommodated by laws, division. gives birth to new providing room which rulers at the regional facilitates regional division. level. make moral regional division the central government people’s prosperity and judgement should be done on the should comply with the tranquility should be the basis of community laws and grant the main objective of regional needs and the wish of the community division. the community effectiveness of at the regional level. should be more prosperous development and tranquil after enactment programs. of the said regional division. treatment returning the spirit of people at the regional the decision regarding recommendation regional division to level negotiate together whether or not regional the right track. to decide whether or division is necessary should not regional division is be taken by the community necessary. at the regional level. the issue about regional-head elections/gu bernatorial elections this issue rose to the surface throughout 2012 and 2013, along with proposed amendments to the bill on regional-head elec tions. the proposed amendments indicated the mechanism gu bernatorial elections arose when the government through the ministry of home affairs proposed the bill on regional-head elections. the bill on regional-head elections was part of the revision to the law number 32 of 2004 regarding regional gov ernment governing direct gubernatorial elections. this issue con cerned whether governors should be elected by the regional government as what happened before 2005, or whether they should remain elected by way of elections. experts and politi cians did not share the same view on this issue. those who were pro direct gubernatorial elections (i.e. through regional-head elections) argued that direct regional-head elec tions were a mandate from the constitution. indonesia is a re public, thus its head of state is called the president. on the other hand, those who were against direct gubernato rial elections (i.e. through regional-head elections) also had strong arguments. there were at least two reasons put forward by those who were pro gubernatorial elections through the re gional parliament (see made suwandi, 2013). first, it was in tended to enhance the efficiency of the election budget where the procedures for gubernatorial elections required a consider able amount of money. the budget required for every direct gu bernatorial election ranged from idr70 billion to idr90 bil lion or approximately us$ 7.5 million to us$ 10 million. sec ond, governors only had modest authority. the low intensity of the relationship between a governor and society did not demand considerable accountability from the governor to society. how was this issue about direct gubernatorial elections re ported by kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat? the graph illustrates news about this issue in those three newspa pers. this issue received extensive coverage in kompas and jurnal nasional. there were a total of 24 pieces of news in kompas and 32 pieces of news in jurnal nasional. on the contrary, in kedaulatan rakyat, this issue did not get much attention. there were only 8 pieces of news in total which concerned the issue about direct gubernatorial elections reported in kedaulatan rakyat. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 181 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 182 fig 3. frame regional-head elections/gubernatorial elections what about the news frames adopted by the three newspa pers with regard to the issue about direct gubernatorial elections? the following graph shows how this issue about direct guberna torial elections was defined by the three newspapers (define prob lems). based on this graph, it is revealed that the way the three newspapers defined the issue was different. kompas and kedaulatan rakyat viewed this issue about gubernatorial elections in the context of citizens’ rights. although direct elections cost expensive, such elections must remain at hold to ensure the rights and sovereignty of the people. with direct elections, the people can directly determine the one deemed right to lead their prov ince. the use of a different frame was indicated by the newspa per jurnal nasional. it argued that direct gubernatorial elections were incompatible with the system of presidential government. because governors are representatives of the central government at the regional level, they should be elected by the regional par liament or by the president. the period after direct regional-head elections was often tinged with problems related to the relationship between the regents/ mayors with the governor and governors with the president. coordination between the president, governors, and mayors/ regents in turn did not run well. governors were often unable to coordinate regents/mayors who reported to them because these regional head felt that they had considerable power to rule their respective territory. the same was also found in the relationship between governors and the president. governors often made policies which were incompatible with the policy established by framing table 4. the issue about gubernatorial elections jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) tools kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat define problems direct gubernatorial elections are the embodiment of respect for people’s direct gubernatorial elections are incompatible with the function of the governor direct gubernatorial elections are in line with the democratic system. 183 sovereignty in choosing as the representative of public officials. the central government (i.e. the president) at the regional level. diagnose the political elite. direct elections. direct regulations and rules causes problems surrounding elections often make are not strict. governors (such as governors not subservient once elected as a governors who are not to the president because governor, the subservient to the they do not regard the governor-elect is no president, governors are president as their longer a party involved in corruption, “superior”. rather, they representative but a governors who have no are more subservient to representative of the control over the party naming them as central government. regents/mayors, and so a candidate in on.) emerge from the gubernatorial elections. elite. the blame for the emergence of such problems cannot be put on regional-head elections. make moral people’s sovereignty is a model for indonesian support from the judgement vital. democracy elections which is people must be requires considerable efficient and costaccompanied by the efforts, but it must be effective without reducing awareness of the elite. done to ensure the the rights of the people. the elite must be sovereignty of the responsible. people. treatment system reforms. the governors are elected by awareness of the elite. recommendat weakness of direct the regional parliament problems surrounding ion elections does not (dprd). in addition to gubernatorial elections mean that the direct reducing the budget, this can be overcome by election system has to type of election will raising the awareness be abolishes. reforms reinforce the function of of the political elite. can be made through governors as the improvements in the coordinator of electoral system (such regents/mayors and at the as recruitment of the same time as the candidates), and a more representative of the efficient system can be central government at the developed (such as regional level. simultaneous elections) without removing the essence of direct elections. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 184 the central government. governors also thought that they were chosen directly by society so that rather than to the central gov ernment, they should be responsible to society. how did the three newspapers view the source of these prob lems (diagnose causes)? kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat adopted different frames. jurnal nasional believed that those problems took place as a result of direct gubernatorial elec tions. these problems could be solved if governors were not elected directly, and the fact that governors were representatives of the central government in regions should be highlighted. a different frame was shown by kompas. according to the frame adopted by kompas, the various problems related to the relation ship between the central government and the regional govern ment was not a result from direct elections. rather than elimi nating the system of direct elections itself, improvements should be made to the system. bad relationships can be solved by build ing a system and mechanisms of relationship between the presi dent and governors. the same thing was also shown in the news in kedaulatan rakyat. newspapers kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat adopted a different frame in viewing the issue about direct gu bernatorial elections. the following table shows the dominant frames adopted by the three newspapers. the issue about political dynasties another issue that received much attention from the media coverage is the existence of political dynasties. these practices of dynastic politics might exercise an adverse influence on the vari ous aspects of a country’s development (social, economic, and political) because in the event strategic (social, economic, politi cal,) resources are monopolized or controlled by certain groups with a close relationship by kinship, the access of every citizen to such strategic resources will definitely not be the same, those close to power will easily gain access to position, power, and fi nancial ease, while those who are not will not enjoy these ben efits. the term “political dynasty” refers to the control over public offices (regional heads and legislators) by particular family. this term has begun to rise to fame in indonesia especially since 2009. this is marked by the emergence of regional heads and legisla tors who still have family ties. the wife or children of regional heads become legislators or regional heads elsewhere. as a result of this political dynasty, public positions are dominated by sev eral family members. based on search undertaken by kompas (19 october 2013), there were at least 37 regional heads having fam ily ties with other state officials. there are two reasons as to why many question the issue about political dynasties. first, political dynasties are seen to close the chance of other political actors in potential areas. secondly, they can eliminate criticism and social control. the daily newspapers kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat put the news about this political dynasty differently. kompas and jurnal nasional quite often raised this issue about political dynasties. there were a total of 17 pieces of news in kompas and 16 pieces of news in jurnal nasional. while in kedaulatan rakyat, there were only 3 pieces of news on the issue about these political dynasties. this issue was less interesting to the newspaper kedaulatan rakyat. jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 185 200 150 100 50 0 kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat fig. 4. frame issue on political dinasty in addition to differences in the quantity, the three newspa pers also adopted a different frame to report this issue about political dynasties. the graph above shows how the issue about political dynasties is defined by the three newspapers (define prob political dynasties issue vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 186 lems). kompas more often viewed the issue about political dynas ties as a result of regional autonomy. in its view, regional au tonomy, on one hand, had a positive impact but, on the other hand, it had a negative impact as well. the emergence of political dynasties is the negative effect of regional autonomy. local rulers and the local political elite be came “free riders” of regional autonomy. as a state policy, re gional autonomy provides an opportunity for the local elite to hold a public office (e.g. through the election of regional heads or legislators). regional autonomy also provides widespread op portunities for local officials to make policies. this is often used by the local political elite to seize the opportunity to accumulate their economic and political power. using their popularity, local officials can help other family members to hold public positions through elections. on the other hand, the daily newspaper jurnal nasional viewed the issue about political dynasties differently. it argued that po litical dynasties were the product of feudal and non-transparent political parties. currently, to hold public offices (such as legis lators or regional heads) by way of elections, one has to join with political parties. parties should be able to filter by limiting the emergence of political dynasties but, on the contrary, parties of ten prefer to encourage relatives to compete as a candidate in an election. as for kedaulatan rakyat, it framed the issue about po litical dynasties as the result of poor regulation and law enforce ment. the existing law did not limit political dynasties, making the local political elite take advantage of this gap. the three newspapers (kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat) are also different in the way they viewed who or what was the cause of these political dynasties (diagnose causes). kompas believed that political dynasties emerged as a result of regional autonomy. regional autonomy which was not well prepared led to the emergence of political dynasties, the unexpected condi tion when regional autonomy was implemented. jurnal nasional had a different view from that of kompas. it argued that political dynasties came to the surface due to the recruitment system of political parties. table 5. the issue on the political dynasty framing tools kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 187 define problems a political dynasty is a negative by product of autonomy. a dynasty is a “free rider” of regional autonomy. diagnose causes regional autonomy. autonomy gives birth to new rulers who have more resources. the political dynasty is a reflection of the feudalistic political system and parties that have not performed their function properly. the national political parties and elite. recruitment of parties that do not filter political dynasties. a political dynasty arises due to weak regulations laws and regulations do not limit the political dynasty. make moral judgement treatment recommendation every policy has two sides, the good and bad ones. there are always people or parties who take advantage for their own or group’s benefit. investigation of cases such as corruption and misappropriation to the local level to provide a deterrent effect. a political dynasty is born from a traditional system. parties must adopt a modern, transparent, and open system. transparent party recruitment. parties name candidates for regional heads or the legislative assembly who are not a member of the political dynasty. human desire to continue to increase power. therefore, regulations which limit power should be made. revisions to the law on political parties or the law on local governments that limit the position as a public officer occupied by members of the political dynasties. political parties should take the blame in the event of the emergence of political dynasties. often, they did not limit even they encouraged the network of kinship at the regional level to compete in elections, or, the worse, they often regard being in a political dynasty would give a candidate an big advantage over the other candidates such as having better popularity, networks, and resources. meanwhile, the daily newspaper kedaulatan rakyat viewed the issue about political dynasties as a result of weak regu vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 188 lations. regulations and law enforcement should take the blame in the event of the emergence of political dynasties. newspapers kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat adopted different frames in viewing the issue about political dy nasties. the following table presents the dominant frames adopted by the three newspapers. the issue about corruption among the local elite corruption is one of the main problems in some countries, including indonesia. many cases of corruption which occur in the institutions of indonesia’s government (nurmandi, 2013), one of the most attention-grabbing issues among the media is the case of corruption among the local elite. newspapers often reported the local elite (especially regional heads) involved in various local cases. there is a great number of regional heads involved in corruption cases. in july 2013, the minister of home affairs gamawan fauzi made a surprising statement. according to gamawan, as many as 86.22 percent of regional heads in in donesia were involved in corruption cases (330 of 524 regional heads and deputy regional heads), either as a witness, suspect, defendant, or guilty party. meanwhile, other data were obtained from the director gen eral of regional autonomy of the ministry of home affairs djohermansyah djohan, stating that from 2004 to february 2013, a total of 291 regional heads, either governors, regents, or may ors, were involved in corruption cases, specifically 21 governors, 7 vice-governors, 156 regents, 46 vice-regents, 41 mayors, and 20 vice-mayors. in addition to regional heads, corruption at the re gional level also involved members of the parliament. legisla tors entangled in corruption reached as many as 431 in the re gional parliament at the regency/city level and 2,545 in the re gional parliament at the provincial level, or 6.1 percent of a total of 18,275 members of the regional parliament in indonesia. not all of these cases of corruption among the local elite were analyzed in this research. this research only includes newspaper coverage of corruption among the local elite related to regional autonomy. the details of news about corruption cases related to regional autonomy are provided below. in kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat, there were a total of 18, 16, and 4 pieces of news which concerned this issue, respectively. it should be noted that the analysis was made only on the news about the debate on regional autonomy. thus, not all the news about local corruption was studied and analyzed in this research. fig 5. frame issue about corruption among the local elite interestingly, kedaulatan rakyat was the daily newspaper with the least coverage of the issue about corruption among the local elite. meanwhile, kompas and jurnal nasional were relatively bal anced in terms of the coverage of news about corruption among the local elite. in addition to the frequency of coverage, another thing which was also interesting was the news frames adopted by the three newspapers. kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat adopted different frames to define the issue about cor ruption (define problems). kompas viewed corruption among the local political elite (regional heads, bureaucratic officials, and members of the regional parliament) as a result of a costly elec tions system. kompas defined corruption more as a result of struc tural issues rather than to personal or cultural issues. in kompas’s coverage, corruption involving many of the local elite occurred when they were required to spend a considerable amount of money to occupy their political position. it required millions of rupiahs to be a candidate, thus once elected, the lo jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 189 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 190 cal elite was unable to resist the temptation to commit corrup tion. when they were in office, they were also tempted to com mit corruption to prepare funds for the subsequent election. a different frame was adopted by kedaulatan rakyat. this newspa per viewed corruption as a matter of law, especially with the ab sence of strict sanctions and clean legal apparatus. rather than decreasing, corruption in indonesia indeed continued to increase as a result of the absence of legal sanctions which provided a deterrent effect. local officials were not afraid of committing corruption. moreover, law enforcement officers were also not firm, were unfair, and did not provide the maximum penalty for corruptors. the daily newspaper jurnal nasional adopted a completely dif ferent frame from that of kedaulatan rakyat. jurnal nasional did not mention the issue about corruption as a matter of law en forcement or as a result of the government’s indecision at all. conversely, jurnal nasional often wrote about the government’s assertiveness, such as a great number of inspection permits is sued by the president, the achievements of the corruption eradi cation commission (kpk), and so on. jurnal nasional viewed this issue about corruption as a result of insufficient social and political sanctions. those who had been proven to commit cor ruption were not given moral and social sanctions. even, many officials who were ex-prisoners could run for a political office in the next period. the three newspapers were also different in the ways they viewed the source of the problem (diagnose causes) of a high number of corruption cases at the regional level. kompas saw the high number of corruption cases at the regional level as result ing from the electoral system and political costs which were con siderably expensive. an election should be made cheap, thus the best and cleanest people can hold public positions at the regional level. otherwise, the local political elite will be entangled in the circle of corruption, i.e. they will try to get compensation for the money they have spent to run for the election once they assume office. table 6. the political corruption issue framing tools kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) define problems political corruption is a corruption does not corruption is an issue in negative by-product of only require a legal indonesia and it takes the direct election of approach but also a place both at the center regional heads. great social and cultural level and at the regional 191 power at the regional approach. level. level is also accompanied by the emergence of corruption at the regional level. diagnose causes a costly system and the absence of punishment and the practice of regionalmoral and social deterrent effect which are head elections. the punishment. law less effective for costly political cost is enforcement officers corruptors. many the root of the problem have put a great corruptors do not of the corrupt behavior number of received severe of the local elite. corruptors, however punishment. corrupt behavior does not go down due to lack of moral sanctions. make moral corruption is not just corruption is an evil the temptation of power judgement an issue of culture, but and low deed. is hard to resist. a good also a matter of nowadays, many person can be a corrupt system. a corrupt people are corrupt, one when she/he comes system encourages but they are not into power. people to be corrupt. ashamed of themselves, and behave like nothing happens after they have been released. treatment reforms to the social sanctions there should be rules and recommendation electoral mechanism, (making corruptors maximum punishment to especially the political isolated and poor) provide a deterrent effect. cost. political financing and political should be made cheap, sanctions (e.g.) open, and transparent does not allow to so that candidates can occupy any political resist the temptation to position in the future be corrupt later when and so on) for they take office. corruptors to provide a deterrent effect. besides, with considerable political costs, only the old elites (the same people) will have a chance to run for the election and be elected, and do not give a chance for new candidates who are relatively clean. meanwhile, kedaulatan rakyat believed that the source of the issue about corruption was the absence of strict vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 192 law enforcement. in the event of proper law enforcement, the culprits should get the maximum punishment (even sentenced to death, if necessary), and the law officers will treat them fairly, and this will provide a deterrent effect and make people afraid of committing corruption. corrupt behavior is getting increas ingly common because the light sentence makes people not afraid of committing corruption. on the contrary, jurnal nasional ar gued that the source of the problem of corruption was the ab sence of social and political sanctions for the culprits. law en forcement marked by the high number of officials at the regional level arrested and prosecuted does not reduce the number of corruption cases in the event of the absence of social sanctions. in addition to different problem definitions and different causes of the problem, the three newspapers also had a different stand in terms of coverage of moral decisions and settlement of the problem highlighted. the following table briefly illustrates the dominant frames adopted by the three newspapers in viewing the issue about corruption among the local elite. the issue about asymmetric decentralization: yogyakarta’s “special” status the 1945 constitution (amendment) clearly recognizes the existence of asymmetric decentralization. the regulations gov erning asymmetric decentralization are found in article 18a paragraph (1) as well as article 18b paragraphs (1) and (2). the regulations governing asymmetric decentralization are specified further in the form of laws. so far, there are four special laws, namely the law no. 13 of 2012 concerning the “special” status of the special region of yogyakarta, the law no. 29 of 2007 concerning the provincial government of the special capital region of jakarta as the capital of the unitary state of the re public of indonesia, the law no. 11 of 2006 concerning the government of aceh, and the law no. 21 of 2001 concerning the special autonomy of papua province. despite the recognition of this asymmetric decentralization in the constitution, this topic is still under debate among society (and the media), especially with regards to the conditions and requirements for a region to gain the status of a special region or a special autonomous region. among the most prominent de bates concerned is the issue about yogyakarta’s “special” status. many of the media reported this issue together with the discus sion of the bill on yogyakarta’s “special status” (ruuk diy). the government and the democratic party were tempted to have the governor of the special region of yogyakarta chosen by elections like what other regions in indonesia do, while the par liament and society preferred determination. the discussion of the bill was urgent because the term of office of sultan and paku alam would end by 9 october 2012. this means that the law concerning yogyakarta’s “special” status must have been ap proved before the term of office ended in order to avoid power vacuum. after a long debate, on 30 august 2012, the parliament passed the bill on yogyakarta’s “special” status, namely the law no. 13 of 2012 concerning the “special” status of the special region of yogyakarta. according to this law, the governor of the special region of yogyakarta shall not be elected by way of a regional-head election, rather the governor shall be determined by the regional parliament of the special region of yogyakarta. afterwards, results of the determination shall be submitted to the president through the minister for approval. this research merely included debates about yogyakarta’s “spe cial” status which took place between 2010 and 2012. there were numerous aspects discussed in the debates about yogyakarta’s “special” status and this research only focused on the debate about the election or determination of the governor of the special region of yogyakarta which received extensive media coverage. the issue received extensive coverage in all the three newspa pers. there were a total of 54, 39, and 83 pieces of news about the special” status of the special region of yogyakarta in kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat, respectively. the news on the issue about the debate over the special” status of the spe jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 193 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 194 cial region of yogyakarta received extensive coverage in kedaulatan rakyat, this was not surprising given that kedaulatan rakyat is published in yogyakarta. fig. 6. frame issue asymmetric decentralization: yogyakarta’s “special” status how did the three newspapers frame the issue about yogyakarta’s “special” status, especially related to the idea of di rect regional-head elections? the daily newspaper kompas and kedaulatan rakyat tended to agree if the sultan should be di rectly appointed as the governor, without having to run for the regional-head election. however, these two newspapers proposed different arguments. the daily newspaper kompas put more emphasis on the aspi rations of the people of yogyakarta, while kedaulatan rakyat high lighted the sultan’s unique status for the people of yogyakarta. the sultan, for the people of yogyakarta, is a leader, not just a cultural symbol. therefore, the sultan shall indeed be appointed as the governor or the regional head. this practice has lasted a long time, and so far there is neither problem nor protest against it. a different stance was taken by the newspaper jurnal nasional. it supported the idea of choosing the regional head of yogyakarta by way of elections, either through direct elections or the election through the regional parliament. according to the frame adopted by jurnal nasional, this election process will en sure government accountability and at the same time prevent jealousy of other regions because in other regions, a regional head is directly elected. table 7. the issue on yogyakarta’s “special” status framing tools kompas jurnal nasional kedaulatan rakyat jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) define problems the debate about the election/determination of the governor of yogyakarta arises because the aspirations of the people of yogyakarta who really want their sultan to be automatically designated as the governor are not well accommodated. diagnose causes the central government insists on adopting the uniformity of the autonomy system which is not necessarily compatible with the condition of the people of yogyakarta. the majority of the people of yogyakarta agree with the determination, thus it is not necessary to insist on organizing the gubernatorial election through the regional-head election. the system and practice of selecting a regional head which requires considerable cost. the debate about the “special” status of yogyakarta gives momentum to think of the position of the sultanate of yogyakarta in the local government. not just about the issue about how the governor is selected/ determined. the political elite tend to obscure government proposals. the central government does not mean to disrespect the heritage and history of yogyakarta. rather, it wants to put the sultanate of yogyakarta in an important position, not stuck in practical politics. the debate about the election/determination of the governor of yogyakarta arises due to the absence of appreciation of the culture and uniqueness of yogyakarta. the system in which the sultan should automatically become a governor has lasted since a long time ago, and so far no protest has been made. the central government and the elite forget the history and contribution given by yogyakarta to the republic of indonesia as well as the uniqueness of yogyakarta’s culture. sultan's position for the people of yogyakarta is very unique and central and this is different from other regions. 195 make moral judgement regional autonomy should pay attention to the uniqueness, peculiarity, and problems of each region. there is no need for uniformity, because what fits in one region does not necessarily fit in the important principle of democracy is to give people the opportunity to be elected to hold public position. people can also choose the best candidate. don’t forget history. a great nation is a nation that values its history, including the contribution given by the region (yogyakarta) to the republic. another region. vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 196 treatment recommendation the governor is not elected, but determined as what has been done previously. this system has been suitable with the wishes of the majority of the people of yogyakarta, and does not violate the constitution (the 1945 constitution). regional-head elections involve community participation. a regional head is not elected through determination; rather she/he is chosen through the election process, either through a direct election or appointed by the regional yogyakarta should be given a special status with the sultan appointed directly as the governor. parliament. the same thing can also be found in terms of who is consid ered as the source of the problems (diagnose causes). both kompas and kedaulatan rakyat blamed the central government and the political elite at the central level (especially the democratic party) for the debate about direct regional-head elections. according to the frame adopted by kompas, the central government neglected the aspirations of the people of yogyakarta who preferred the determination of the sultan as the governor because the central government only cared about uniformity, it did not take into account public turmoil and aspirations. meanwhile, the frame adopted by kedaulatan rakyat highlighted the negligence of the central government and the elite of the history. the positions of yogyakarta and the sultanate are unique, which involve a long historical process. the sultanate of yogyakarta contributed sig nificantly to the establishment of the republic of indonesia. thus, the sultan of yogyakarta deserves the position as the re gional head. a different frame was adopted by the newspaper jurnal nasional. according to the frame adopted by jurnal nasional, the root cause of the debate about the election or determination of the governor of the special region of yogyakarta was a misun derstanding. the central government and the elite (democratic party) never intended to disrespect the sultanate of yogyakarta. the truth was that the idea of direct elections was aimed to re turn the sultan to the correct position. the issue about regional head elections would serve as a gate to initiate discussion about other issues relating to the position of the sultanate of yogyakarta within regional government. in addition to different problem definitions and different causes of the problem, the three newspapers also had a different stand in terms of coverage of moral decisions and settlement of the problem highlighted. the following table briefly illustrates the dominant frames adopted by the three newspapers in view ing the issue about yogyakarta’s “special” region. conclusions based on the analyses of the dynamics of three media in con structing the reality of regional autonomy and the frame adopted by the dailies kompas, jurnal nasional, and kedaulatan rakyat with regard to the issue about regional autonomy, the following con clusions can be drawn. the news text analysis at the micro level discovered five sa lient issues related to regional autonomy throughout 2012 and 2013. these five issues are regional division, yogyakarta’s “spe cial” status, political dynasties, corruption among the local elite, and direct regional-head elections (gubernatorial election), while the analysis at the meso level (at the media level) by comparing the perspectives of the media on the issue about regional au tonomy found out different perspective. broadly speaking, the frame adopted by the daily kompas seemed critical on the issue about regional autonomy, the frame adopted by the daily jurnal nasional looked consistent with the government policy of presi dent sby with regard to the issue about regional autonomy, while the frame adopted by the daily kedaulatan rakyat as a local news paper more often viewed the issue about regional autonomy from the local perspective. the analysis at the media (meso) level also found that the factors of ownership and capital remained exercising a fairly jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 197 vol. 8 no. 2 may 2017 198 strong influence on the frame adopted by the media under study. the daily jurnal nasional, due to its close relationship with presi dent sby, the frame related to the issues about regional autonomy seemed to support the policy of sby’s government. similarly, the frame adopted by the daily kedaulatan rakyat when it comes to matters related to the media owner such as the issues about the political dynasty and corruption among the political elite, it did not adopt a critical frame, thereby the issue about yogyakarta’s “special” status received the most extensive coverage in the daily kedaulatan rakyat. the frame adopted by kompas looked critical in reporting varied news about regional autonomy and the fac tor of capital ownership did not seem to intervene in the news reported by kompas in relation to the issue about regional au tonomy. however, on the other hand, kompas seemed trying to maintain, even increase the number of its readers at the regional level by making the issue about regional autonomy a headline several times. the analysis at the macro level showed how the issues pack aged by the mass media which were then broadcasted to the pub lic were finally able to force the central government to change its policy on regional autonomy, especially the issue about re gional-head elections, where the central government wanted elections through the regional parliament, but it was then changed into direct elections conducted by society. likewise, in the issue about yogyakarta’s “special” status, at the beginning the central government wanted that the position as the gover nor is not occupied by the sultan of yogyakarta, but later on the policy was changed where the governor of yogyakarta special region shall automatically be held by the sultan of yogyakarta. references berger, peter l and thomas luckmann. 1966. the sosial 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http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1999.tb02784.x/abstract https://experts.illinois.edu/en/publications/framing-agenda-setting-and-priming-the-evolution-of-three-media-e https://experts.illinois.edu/en/publications/framing-agenda-setting-and-priming-the-evolution-of-three-media-e http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/ http://www.prismajurnal.com/kritikkomentar.php?id=%7bdd73dfc8-b76c-d9b8-e580-83d7c93fbfd7%7d http://dx.doi.org/ http://dx.doi.org/ http://dx.doi.org/ http://dx.doi.org/ http://www.mdlf.org/ http://www.kompas.com/ http://www.m.jurnas.com/ http://www.krjogja.com/ http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.8153 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 122 received 3o august 2016 revised 10 novembre 2016 accepted 03 february 2017 resources exchange model in implementation network of fishermen community policy in makassar city gita susanti 1 , alwi 2 , la tamba 3 department of public administration, universitas hasanudin, makassar, indonesia alwiazis_63@yahoo.com abstract public policy implementation network is a study that tried to accumulate all the stakeholders as potential resources to determine and implement a public policy. fishermen community empowerment policy is the policy, which is complex be cause it includes varied stakeholders. the main objective of this study is to de velop a model of resources exchange in the implementation network of fisher mencommunity empowerment policyin makassar city, whichincludestheavail ability of resources and the rule of the game of resources exchange. this study uses qualitative design and case study strategy. based on the pairing patterns technique, the availability of the resources needed by the fishermen group has not been sufficient to run his business. this is caused by a major source of fund ing in this policy from the central government. then, the fishermen community empowerment policy is still dominated by rule of the game of public bureau cracyasthepolicy implementerintheresourcesexchange. therefore, localgov ernments need to develop the synergy with all stakeholders and establish a rule of the game based onthe network-based organization. keywords: resources exchange, implementation policynetwork,and fishermen community empowerment policy abstrak hubunganpelaksanaankebijakanpublik merupakan studi yang mencoba untuk mengumpulkan semua stakeholder sebagai sumber daya potensial untuk menentukan dan melaksanakan kebijakan publik. kebijakan pemberdayaan masyarakat petaniadalah kebijakan yangmenjadikomplek yangmenyebabkan stakeholder bervariasi. tujuan utama dari penelitian adalah bagaimana mengembangkan model pertukaran sumber daya di hubungan pelaksanaan kebijakannelayan laki-lakidikota makassar, yangmeliputiketerseidaan sumber daya dan aturan permainan pertukaran sumber daya. penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan strategi studi kasus. berdasarkan teknik pola pasangan, ketersediaan sumber daya yang dibutuhkan kelompok nelayan belum cukup menjalankanbisnisnya. halinidisebabkanolehsumberutamapendanaanyang mailto:alwiazis_63@yahoo.com dalamkebijakaninidaripemerintahpusat.kemudian,kebijakanpemberdayaanmasyarakat nelayan masih didominasi oleh aturan permainan birokrasi publik sebagai pelaksana kebijakan dalam pertukaran sumber daya. oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerah perlu mengembangkan sinergi dengan semua stakeholder dan membangun atruan main berdasarkan organisasi berbasis jaringan. kata kunci: resources exchange, implementasi hubungan kebijakan, dan kebijakan pemberdayaan masyarakat nelayan introduction policy implementation network is a concept recently developed to realize policy goals in complex environment. this is important to bear in mind because a public policy often faces complex problems and varying interests among stakeholders involved. another issue like poverty is considered as a complex problem which could not be overcome by individual organization (robert, 2000). in this context, those who implement public policy are pub lic organizations. generally, organizations seek the way to reduce organizational uncertainties they face (levine and white, 1961). this condition leads an organization to do resource exchange with other organizations where this process provides resource availability an organization needs in order to deal with resource scarcity. in policy implementation network, resource exchange is a social process that can create more effective way of implementa tion process because of resource scarcity, and most organizations work with their specialization so that they have to do exchange with others for gaining needed resource. exchange among orga nizations in implementation process is more likely to encourage better cooperation when dealing with a problem which needs two or more organizations rather than singleorganization. this study focused on the empowerment of the fishermen in makassar. these people are a group of societies that need extra attention from government due to the fact that indonesia is well known as an archipelagic country and most of its area have coast line. this will bring maximum impact to all, especially the fish ermen, if the government can empower them. to make that hap jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 123 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 124 pen, government has the ability to produce social intervention through public policy. however, generally speaking, one policy usually has to deal with many even greater challenges and prob lems in the implementation process. poverty faced by the people who live around coastline is very complex and needs empowering solution. this can be seen as coastal area and sea in indonesia extend more or less 81.000 km coastline and there are about 17.508 islands in which around 8.5 million km2 of its area are inside indonesia economy exclu sive zone. this areas haverich biological diversities and resources. furthermore, based on bps data in 2011, south sulawesi prov ince had 835.5 thousand people (10,27%) under poverty line where many of them live in coastal area and about 53% of the total of fishermen in indonesia were considered poor (satria, 2001). fishermen in makassar city still encounter with the same problem known as poverty. this condition is caused mainly by the lack of public policy implementation in makassar city where resource exchange is unbalanced, and rules of the game used is mostly driven by rule oriented and bureaucratic thinking. based on that phenomenon, this studyfocused mainly on how resources were exchanged in the implementation of fishermen empower ment policy in makassar city. theoretical framework previous researches there are several works related to the study of policy imple mentation network as follows: 1). susanti, gita (2012). demo cratic-public service network (case study: coordination system in the determination of network base education service strategy in makassar regency). the results show the failure of education council (dkpm) in makassar to determine network base educa tion service strategy due to the lack of coordination system and authority held by dpkm. 2). poverty reduction policy model based on fishermen empowerment in takalar regency. this research indicates that assistance program from the government suited the people’s need, but the resources which were required to empower them were not sufficient to produce maximum outcomes. as a result, the fishermen in takalar re gency were less empowered. 3). parewangi, anwar (2011). imple mentation of national program of people empowerment: study of social-economic infrastructural development in south sulawesi. the results shows that program recorded in mpk were not fully realized, because first commodity, organizational capac ity and among organizations which were responsible for the pro gram did not show commitment and coordination with related institutions. 4). taufik (2013). public policy network (case study: implementation policy of syari’at islam in bireuen regency). this study shows that implementation of syari’at islam from cogni tive aspect was effective, whereas regulative and normative as pect were not. based on the previous study mentioned above, this research focuses on resource exchange model in fishermen empowerment policy implementation in makassar regency. the implementa tion of this policy becomes more complex due to resource scar city among actors involved. this condition then leads resource exchange to take place in order to optimize implementation pro cess. the term “network” is usually used to describe and explain the clusters of different actors which are then connected to one another in political, social, and economic context. this condi tion explains the situation in which actors in the government have always faced. the government by nature has limited re sources which then turn the actors within that organization to see the network as a strategy to connect various different actors and overcome resource scarcity at the sametime. attention has increasingly been paid on the network as a form of managing government, mainly in public policy. this explains that modern society, economy and culture are a product, result ing from many different actors that are interdependent to one another. this form of governance is different with the two previ jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 125 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 126 ous forms known as hierarchical-weberian or pure market form of government. policy network becomes a certain fenomenon, which keeps developing, in the political process, policy formula tion, as well as implementation. public policy implementation network implementation phase is often confronted with problems caused by limited resources. this scarcity of resources then fi nally makes one policy failed to meet policy goals. as one of the components in policy discourse, implementation process plays a key role in determining whether or not a policy will succeed to overcome social problems and meet public’s demand (jones, 1984). implementation study gained much attention from schol ars and rapid developments of this study can be seen as a raising awareness in order to have succeeded realization of public policy. with respect to that matter, relation between/among organi zations as a policy implementation approach is crucial for over coming resource scarcity. menzel (1987) argues “one important relational property is resource dependency”. this clearly states that relational aspect between/among organizations is driven by resource dependency so that policy implementation network is a unit of analysis which can be used to comprehend realization of a certain policy. beside having the same interests, exchange is also a reason for organizations to seek and maintain cooperation with other organizations (o’toole, 2005). this cooperation then can be noticed as a networking system which facilitates exchange in implementation level. public policy implementation network is a study focusing on utilization of resource among stakeholders involved. with the use of resources together, implementation of a certain policy will indicate the efficiency and effectiveness of policy performance. theories of networks in policy implementation in the study of network policy implementation, there are sev eral theories which explain policy implementation phenomena, and they are resource exchange, resource dependency, and insti tutional theories. resource dependency theory resource dependency theory is a theory which argues that the aim of an organization is to reduce its uncertainties on other organizations and try to seek strategy in which this organization can manage those resources. this theory seeks to deal with envi ronmental challenges by using provocative strategies to access resources available in its environment (jones, 2004; jaffee, 2001; powers, 2001; beccerra, 1999; gulai&gargiulo, 1998). the basis of this theory is to reduce dependency on resources that has to do with the ability to control the resources. in other words, by controlling the resources, an organization can have more power to compete in the context of facing environmental uncertainties. resource dependency on other organizations need to be man aged well, and in doing this, firstly, an organization has to influ ence other organizations in order to gain resources needed. sec ondly, an organization has to respond the needs and demands of other organizations in its environment. next, the degree of organization’s dependency on certain resources is a function of two factors; the first, how important is the resources in the sustainability of the organization. the second, to what extent that the organization is known by other organizations (jones, 2004). jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 127 institutional theory this theory is different with resource dependency theory mentioned above. while resource dependency theory states the importance to determine network strategy in order to gain re sources, institutional theory explains that values and norms in an organization are crucial in determining access to the resources. in order to have this access, an organization has to have accept vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 128 ability and legitimacy derived from its environment. according to institutional and contingency theory, an orga nization intervenes its internal component in a form of adjust ing its structural organization and strategy and strengthening its organizational values and norms. these two theories have simi lar view of strategy known as internal looking for an organiza tion in dealing with highly competitive environment. basically organization is similar with institution, but they are different in the context of economy and bureaucracy. each of these has distinct, certain instruments in achieving its aims. organization as institution has the so-called sociological compo nents, containing values, norms, and cultures that directly affect people’s behavior in the organization. on the other hand, ac cording to jaffe (2001), on bureaucracy model, viewing organiza tion as an institution is less rational and formal because people in the organization are controlled by emotion and tradition, not by formal-rational instruments in attaining its goal. institutional theory is a theory which studies how organiza tion can improve its capacity to grow and survive in a highly competitive environment by being trusted in the eyes of its stake holders (jones, 2004). certainly, normative values of organiza tion namely, efficiency, effectiveness, and economic as a founda tion in reaching organizational goals require attention so that the organization can successfully survive in this globalization era. furthermore, this theory focuses its attention on networks among organizations as a strategy in gaining resources held by other organizations. then this study seeks to reveal the relations among actors within an existing network, and the theory, which fits to explain this situation, is a resourceexchange theory (coock, 1977). resource exchange organization is a place and instrument used to reach a cer tain purpose. in this more and more complex era, an organiza tion has to deal with many uncertainties which can hamperthe achievement of its vision. in accordance with that condition, some organizational theorists began to conceptualize organiza tion as an open system rather than a close once. thus, an organi zation ideally has to be able to adapt with changes and seek the best strategy in order to survive and achieve its goals. one of the strategies which recently gained a lot attentions by organizational theorists is the effort that organization made to build relations with other organizations to overcome resource scarcity. this view gives us a fundamental description that an organization will de velop its capacity and adapt with some organizational uncertain ties, using organizational network. organizational relationship can be understood as a conse quence of inability of one organization to fulfil their all needs alone. needed resource by one organization may belong to oth ers so that the organization will try to link itself to those who have resources they need. hugh compston (2009) says that re source dependency is likely tohappen when one actor (individual or an organization) wants or needs resources which are controlled by other actors. furthermore, resource exchange presupposes that only relevant resources can be transferred. on this basis, we can define that resource in the context of implementation network is (1) controlled by political actors, (2) wanted by other actors, and (3) can be exchanged with something which is relevant. interactions among organizations can be seen as a network, which channels exchange, and other forms of inter-organizational activities. exchange happens as a consequence of resource scar city and there is no organization that can avoid it. this situation forces or significantly encourages an organization form relations with others as a strategy in fulfilling their limited resource. in other words, resource scarcity creates organizational interdepen dency (aldrich, 1974). theoretical exchange approach is a dominant perspective used to explain inter-organizational relations (levine and white, 1969). aldrich (1974) also mentioned one similar perspective called re source-dependency theory. organizational relations occurs as a jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 129 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 130 result of their resource dependency, so that exchange is becom ing an interesting and primary unit of analysis to understand relations between two or more organizations. resource exchange thus is based on symbiosis mutualism which can also be funda mentally understood as a transactional process. exchange relations between/among organizations are gener ally generated by two interrelated things namely specialization and scarcity. most organizations perform the function of special ization and should do resource exchanges with other organiza tions to obtain other resources and sell their products. accord ing to levine and white (1961), resource scarcity forces an orga nization to limit their activities over specific functionality. this limited functionality then requires access to certain elements where an organization seeks to get needed resource through ex change with other organizations. the finding by levine and white (1961) reveals that the level of interaction between organization and the type of element that is exchanged depends on the function of organization so that some organizations need more exchange than others. thomp son (1967) then explains this further by saying that organization will seek to reduce uncertainties and try to enter into exchange relations in order to have more predictable environment. the next step which is a prerequisite toward resource exchange is concerned with resource availability and rules of the game. resource availability resource exchange can be undertaken when actors (individual or collective) have resources. resource availability also determines actor’s position and influence within a certain public policy net work. dahan (2005) then classifies resources into several catego ries. firstly, primary resource is resources which have strong im pacts over public policy formation such as expertise, funds, and pressure from other stakeholders in the form of demonstration, petition, and media. secondly, supporting resource is resource which relates to relational and recreational skill, and it can en able a firm to have access to government and journalist. third is complementary resource which strengthens the impact of pri mary resource such as public image, political reputation, finan cial resource, expertise, and stakeholders’ support. the categories of resources mentioned above explicate that resource level of the actors will determine their influence over public policy formulation and implementation. there are vari ous types of actors in policy network where they interact one another to shape policy process. the types of actor can be broadly grouped into public and private actor. these two types of actors have different resource although there are some resource which overlap. hugh compston (2009) then tried to identify various kinds of resources he found in literatures, and classified the main resources based on the types of actors who own them. the main resources are categorized into three groups: 1). resources con trolled only by public actors such as policy amendment and ac cess to policy formulation. 2) resources whcih may be exchanged even by public and private actors such as veto power, informa tion, cooperation with implementation, resources to the court, political support, and patronage. 3) resources owned only by private actors such as foreign investment and fluid funds. rules of the game according to policy network theory, public policy is the re sult of interactions among actors involved. policy network can be well described as the complexity of various organizations con nected one another on the basis of resource dependency. indi viduals or organizations establish relations in order to tackle re source scarcity they have. this interaction shapes values or norms which are agreed by actors within a network. in other words, policymaking is a process where exchange takes place among ac tors involved by using their political strategies in an accepted rules of the game (rhodes, 1985). the rules are designed to facilitate continuous interaction in the public policy network. policy network can also be illustrated jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 131 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 132 as a “game”, so rules are then required in order play the game. without rules, a game will not exist. this can influence actors’ behavior within the public policy network and function to con trol the process of resource exchange. research method this research was conducted in makassar city as many resi dents live around coastal areas. research design is qualitative approach and case study is chosen as a research strategy. this strategy and research design aim to obtain deep information re garding to the resource exchange model in the fishermen em powerment policy implementation network in makassarcity. informants were selected by purposive sampling technique where we had the names as follows: a) head of marine field in marine and fisheries department of makassar city. and b) busi ness group of guided fishing communities. observation, deep interview, and documentation were used as instruments of data collection of this research. all informants were interviewed and various documents such as regulations and reports relating to implementation program were collected to support data accu racy. analysis of this study used data reduction, data display, and verification (miles and huberman, 1992). finding and discussions resources availability in policy implementation network of fishermen empowerment in makassar this section explains about the resources availability in em powerment policy implementation network of fishermen com munity in makassar. scarcity of organizational resources forcing organizations to restrict their activities on a limited specific func tions (levine & white, 1961). hence, this condition make orga nizations needs to exchange resource in order to meet the organization’s resource scarcity. in doing the exchange of re sources, it is requirement for organization to have decent re sources. availability of the existing resources will affect the position and influence of actors as well as involvement in the policy pro cess on a particular policy network. the exchange of resources among actors consists of three type resources, namely primary resource, supporting resource and the complementary resource (dahan, 2005). jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 133 tabel 1 no indicator 1 resource availability informants fishing group recipient: ✓ sailing skill ✓ limitedsailing equipment provider: ✓ equipment fund processing group recipient: ✓ sailing skill ✓ limitedsailing equipment provider: ✓ equipment fund marketing group recipient: ✓ sailing skill ✓ limited sailing equipment provider: ✓ equipment fund ✓ capacity building ✓ capacity building ✓ capacity building 2 resources with training program recipient: with training program recipient : with training program recipient : adequacy ✓ equipment fund is ✓ equipment fund is ✓ equipment fund is limited limited limited ✓ capacity building ✓ capacity building ✓ capacity building program is not good enoughto cover all fishermen. provider : ✓ limited training program budget ✓ limited training program and assisting equipment program is not good enough to cover allfishermen. provider: ✓ limited budget to implement training program and equipment program. ✓ limited training program and assisting equipment program is not good enough to cover allfishermen. provider: ✓ equipment fundis limited ✓ capacity building program is not good enough to cover allfishermen. source : data reduction 2016 in this research, the resources exchange in the policy imple mentation network of fishermen community empowerment in makasar in terms of availability of resources covers two aspects. vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 134 they are the availability of resources and the adequacy of re sources. this study analyzes availability of resources in the policy implementation network of fishermen community empowerment in makassar is categorized in the three cluster assisting groups. they are: the fishing group, processing group and marketing group in which all of these groups basically have the same re source availability. in the first aspect, the resources availability in this study re lates to the availability of resources controlled by giver and re ceiver as the actors involved in the exchange resource. the pro vider refers to the government and funding agency. citizens act as the recipients who are required to develop a group so it would be easily to be organized and effectively facilitated in terms of the implementationofempowermentprograms. according to above table, availability of resources is controlled by the resources provider which consists of equipment resources and capacity building resource through training programs. the table also shows that availability of resources in the three clus ters of target groups consist of skill and equipment despite in limited amount. availability of both resources from resource providers are offered to fishing, processing and marketing groups as the target group of fishermen community empowerment pro gram in makassar. all target groups have skill based on their experiences. all members of a fishing group have a reliable capability in sailing and navigation, processing group has the ability to manage raw materials from the sea and marketing group experienced in dis tributing marine products to traditional markets. although they have equipment resources to support their daily activities, how ever their equipment has limited capacities. the second aspect is resources adequacy. in this study re sources adequacy analyzed based on three target groups. all tar get groups which divided into three clusters obtain the same re sources, but these resources have not been sufficient. all target groups received resource equipment but it does not meet needs informant table 2 jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) no indicator fishinggroup processing group marketinggroup 1 rule availability internal recipient: internal recipient: internal recipient: 135 ✓ thereis informal ✓ there is ✓ there is informal rule rule provider and informal rule provider and provider and recipient : ✓ managed by regulation recipient : recipient : of the ministry of ✓ managed by ✓ managed by finance, number 168, regulation of the regulation of 2015 ministry of the ministry of finance, finance, number 168, number 168, 2015 2015 2 regulation internal recipient : internal recipient : internal recipient : implementation ✓ in ✓ in ✓ in implementation implementation implementation process, regulation is process, process, not applied regulation is not regulation is consistently. applied not applied provider and recipient: consistently. consistently. ✓ theregulationis provider and provider and applied consistently recipient: recipient: ✓ theregulationis ✓ the regulation applied is applied consistently consistently 3 punishment internal recipient: internal recipient: internal recipient: ✓ there is no ✓ there is no ✓ there is no punishment punishment punishment which which were which were were agreed agreed recipient and agreed recipient and recipient and provider: ✓ thereisapunishment provider: provider: ✓ there is a ✓ there a is punishment punishment source: reduction data 2016 of all target groups. in addition, capacity building program for members of the target group through training programs have not been carried out intensively. based on the above explanation, this study indicates that the vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 136 availability of resources which be exchanged between the pro vider and recipient are limited resources. inadequacy of resources between the two parties led to the ineffectiveness of the exchange of resources. rule of the game of exchange resource in policy implemen tation network in makassar fisherman community empower ment program this section explains the rule of the game that managed the exchange resource in resources policy network to empower fish ing communities in the coastal area of makassar. there are two types of rule of the game namely formal and informal rules. these rules control the behavior and interaction between actors in re sources exchange process. there is no activities that exists with out the rule which have been agreedpreviously. the process of developing rules in a networking is determined by interaction between actors to be agreed about value and norms. these value and norms manage interaction process of actors in networking. according to rhodes (1985), rule of the game be came arena of all actors in utilizing their political strategy that may affect rule in resource exchangeprocess according to the above table, policy implementation networks of fishing community empowerment, in terms of rule of the game, involves three aspects of analysis. they are availability of regula tion, implementation of regulation and punishment as cause of failed implementation. availability of regulation in policy imple mentation network is basically the same in whichall target groups fishing, processing and marketing groups – received financial assistance and equipment support. rule of the game were agreed by all members of internal group. rules refer to distribution of jobs in the group and distribution of funds to all members of fishermen group to buy equipment. furthermore, rule of the game were agreed in processing group refers to the developing savings groups account where all members of the group make a payment each month to the group’s bank account. then the rules regarding payment of fees were also charged to all members of the group whom have borrowed capital from the group’s sav ing. furthermore, the marketing groupmembers were also agreed to have group’s saving in bank. then the rule of the game between the provider (government) and the recipient (fisherman community) regulates fund and equipment assistances distributed gradually. this rule were made and agreed based on regulation of the ministry of finance num ber 168 year 2015. furthermore, the government also offers re wards to any group that is considered achieved best performance will has opportunity to visit another community in indonesia where it is considered as outstanding group as benchmarking process. the government will cover all accommodation and trans portation costs of this benchmarking travel for all members of best performance group. implementation of the rules by all of target groups was not applied smoothly. for instance, in the fishing group, group mem bers cannot consistently deposit their fees to group’s savings be cause they do not have stabile income due to unpredicted weather factors. in contrast, the processing group, the group members successfully manage their saving because the product marketing process went well. in addition, the processing group also has successfully gained amount of money from 1% interest from the loan of each group members as they agreed upon. during the program implementation process, the agency does not withdraw or suspend aid programs from all target groups since most of them have implemented programs quite well. in terms of financial fund, the agency has transferred the amount of money gradually in accordance with the regulation of the ministry of finance number 168, 2015 to all target groups. fur thermore, a target group which has achieved the best performance already did benchmarking study with visiting a successful group in bali. in terms of punishment in internal fisherman community, the fishing group does not have any agreement regarding sanc tion system. conversely, the processing group agreed to have jurnal studi pemerintahan (journal of government & politics) 137 vol. 8 no. 1 february 2017 138 punishment system which is applied penalties fee for a member whom could not make a payment as scheduled. furthermore, the head of group gave verbal reprimand to the group member who violates the agreement. regarding cooperation between the agency (provider) and the fisherman community (recipient), both groups have agreed punishment which applies to groups that violating the agreement. the agency will suspend the aid and withdraw the financial and equipment when the target group has been proven misused or not used financial and equipment as stated in agreement. in all, this study indicates that the implementation of rule of the game in this policy does not apply optimally. most of regula tions that have been agreed were violated. for example, the with draw regulation for unsuccessful target group. in addition, this study also indicates that the rule of game in resource exchange is not implemented effectively due to lack of commitment of agency in imposing sanctions. this shows that therule of the game is still dominated bybureaucratic rule (alwi&kasmad, r, 2014). conclusion exchange resources model in policy implementation network in case of fisherman community empowerment the makassar is not applied effectively. this study shows that there is limited resource which has been managed by the agency makassar city government – that acted both as provider and as policy implementer. in addition, this study also found that rule of the game in implementing the policy. this regulation also applied in fisher man community as target group. however, the regulation was not imposed effectively. therefore, this study suggests the gov ernment as the main provider of exchange resources should en courage other organizations to act as providers of resources through resource sharing system. references alwi&kasmad, r. 2014.bureaucratic system vs. people empowerment policy: empirical evidence from cocoa farmer empowerment policyin south sulawesi province, indo nesia. humanities and sosial sciences review. volume 03. number 04. pp. 313 – 311. aldrich, howard 1974a “an inter-organizational dependency perspective on relations between the employment service and its organization-set.” ithaca, n.y.:cornelluni versity (mimeo). anwar p. 2011.the implementation of community empowerment national program; a case study of social economic infrastructure development in bone district (unpub lisheddissertation). makassar. hasanuddin university postgraduate program. becerra,raquell.1999.interorganizationalservicedeliverysystems:studyingadiffer ent 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            in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. layout desember 2008 300 elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 darwis fakultas ilmu sosial dan ilmu politik universitas tadulako, palu. email: darwis@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract conflict in the district capital of morowali placement lasted about five years since its establishment as the new regional autonomy in indonesia based on law no. 51/1999. this regulation provides that the central region was the capital of the definitive bungku morowali district. kolonodale areas that are designated as temporary capital of less than five years over the functioning of the capital while in kolonodale, more accelerated development in the region, while the middle bungku not accelerating de-velopment. this is a factor of conflict. in fact, the split at the level of local political elites in both local government agencies as well as implications for the local parliament morowali community in two groups of different ethnic communities of religious, ethnic bungku the muslim majority and ethnic mori generally christian. conflicts of capital and then rolled into the realm of the existence of a se-cond bout of ethnic communities is the result of mass mobilization which is anarchy. conflict with the discourse in society is important for the transfer of capital into the local political elite to exploit the momentum of mass localization facing the 2004 election and the election of regent morowali (local election) 2007. keyword: local political elites, conflict abstrak konflik penempatan ibukota di kabupaten morowali berlangsung kurang lebih lima tahun sejak ber-diri sebagai daerah otonomi daerah baru di indonesia berdasarkan undangundang no. 51/1999. re-gulasi ini mengatur bahwa wilayah bungku tengah merupakan ibukota definitif kabupaten moro-wali. wilayah kolonodale yang ditetapkan sebagai ibukota sementara selama kurang lebih lima tahun berfungsinya ibukota sementara di kolonodale, pembangunan lebih terpacu di wilayah tersebut, se-mentara itu bungku elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 301 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tengah tidak mengalami percepatan pembangunan. hal ini yang menjadi faktor penyebab terjadinya konflik. bahkan, perpecahan pada level elit politik lokal baik pada lembaga peme-rintahan daerah maupun di dprd kabupaten morowali berimplikasi terjadinya pembelahan masya-rakat dalam dua kelompok komunitas etnis yang berbeda agama, yaitu etnis bungku mayoritas bera-gama islam dan etnis mori pada umumnya bergama kristen. konflik ibukota kemudian bergulir ma-suk ke ranah pertarungan eksistensi kedua komunitas etnis tersebut yang mengakibatkan terjadinya mobilisasi massa yang bersifat anarkis. konflik dimasyarakat dengan wacana pemindahan ibukota menjadi penting bagi elit politik lokal memanfaatkan momentum tersebut melakukan lokalisasi massa menghadapi pemilu 2004 dan pemilihan bupati morowali (pilkada) 2007. kata kunci: elit politik lokal, konflik pendahuluan pelaksanaan otonomi daerah pasca rezim pemerintahan orde baru telah memasuki dasawarsa kedua dengan harapan terjadinya perbaikan penataan manajemen pemerintahan dan proses demokratisasi yang lebih baik pada aras politik lokal. penataan manajemen pemerintahan dan politik lokal mengalami dinamisasi yang cukup intens sehingga dalam perjalanan rezim kebijakan desentralisasi dihadang dengan beragam problematika. dinamika pelaksanaan otonomi daerah diwarnai dengan munculnya eforia masyarakat lokal untuk melakukan pemekaran daerah. pemekaran daerah telah menjadi sarana berhimpunnya berbagai kekuatan masyarakat lokal yang bernuansa etnis, agama dan budaya untuk bersama-sama berjuang dalam mewujudkan daerah baru. salah satu aktor yang memiliki peran penting dalam perhimpunan kekuatan tersebut adalah elit lokal. elit poitik lokal memiliki berbagai kelebihan dan keunggulan terutama dengan mudah mendapatkan akses terhadap kekuasaan dan memiliki dana (finance) yang memadai. oleh karena itu, elit politik lokal sulit menafikan kehadirannya dalam konstruksi proses pemekaran daerah dewasa ini, meskipun mereka terlibat dengan dominasi kepentingan politik. dengan dasar kepentingan politik elit politik lokal inilah yang menjadi salah satu problem dalam mewujudkan berjalannya otonomi daerah yang lebih baik dan dapat meningkatkan kesejahteraan warganya. bahkan, tidak jarang daerah yang telah dimekarkan didera konflik yang berkepanjangan. masalah-masalah yang dialami daerah pemekaran pada umumnya berupa konflik perbatasan, konflik ibukota, masalah utang-piutang dan serah terima asset-asset daerah (tri ratnawati, 2010). presiden susilo bambang yudhoyono menegaskan sikapnya bahwa moratorium pemekaran daerah elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 302 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tetap dilanjutkan, karena 80% dari 205 daerah pemekaran baru selama 10 tahun terakhir dinilai kurang berhasil. daerah otonom baru ini justru menimbulkan banyak masalah (kompas, 15 juli 2010). kabupaten morowali sejak berdiri sebagai daerah otonomi baru pada 5 oktober 1999 berdasarkan undang-undang no. 51/1999 bersamaan dengan kabupaten buol dan kabupaten banggai kepulauan di wilayah administratif provinsi sulawesi tengah mengalami konflik ibukota yang berkepanjangan. undang-undang no. 51/1999 merekomendasikan bahwa ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali adalah kecamatan bungku tengah dan wilayah kolonodale sebagai ibukota sementara dalam batas waktu maksimal lima tahun. kolonodale ditetapkan sebagai ibukota sementara sehubungan untuk mempersiapkan infrastruktur, sarana perkantoran dan pelayanan publik lainnya di wilayah bungku tengah. oleh karena itu, elit politik lokal yang berada pada wilayah otoritas kekuasaan baik di eksekutif maupun legislatif lokal sebagai pemangku pengambil kebijakan publik hendaknya mengindahkan undang-undang tersebut. namun kenyataannya, justru kabupaten morowali telah dua kali pergantian bupati pembangunan lebih banyak terkonsentrasi di kolonodale. malah para anggota dprd kabupaten morowali yang berjumlah 25 orang mengalami perpecahan internal menjadi dua kubu sehingga tidak mampu mengontrol fungsi pemerintah daerah. perpecahan di level elit politik lokal kemudian berimplikasi terjadinya pembelahan masyarakat secara kultural menjadi dua komunitas besar, yaitu komunitas etnis bungku yang mayoritas islam dan komunitas etnis mori yang pada umumnya kristen. konflik ibu kota di kabupaten morowali yang berlangsung kurang lebih lima tahun dari kurun waktu 2001 hingga 2006 yang mengakibatkan masyarakat terbentuk dalam dua kubu, yaitu kubu bungku dan kubu kolonodale dengan kepentingan yang berbeda. kubu bungku berjuang untuk memindahkan ibukota dengan argumen bahwa selama interval lima tahun ibukota sementara berada di kolonodale kebijakan pembangunan lebih banyak terkonsentrasi di kolonodale dan sekitarnya. sementara itu, kubu kolonodale untuk tetap mempertahankan ibukota definitif tetap berada di kolonodale sambil menunggu peraturan pemerintah (pp) sebagai petunjuk teknis. elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 303 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ perpecahan pada level masyarakat yang kemudian dimanfaatkan oleh elit politik lokal hadir sebagai sosok figur memperjuangkan kepentingan masyarakat yang berbasis etnis dan agama. elit politik lokal sebagai aktor penting yang memiliki peran besar dan menentukan dalam pengambilan kebijakan publik membangun konf lik yang bernuansa kultural. perpecahan masyarakat secara kultural merupakan setting elit politik lokal dalam membangun kekuatan politik identitas untuk menghadapi pemilihan umum legislatif 2004 dan pemilihan bupati morowali 2007. kerangka teoritik secara terminologi, konflik merupakan gambaran situasi atau keadaan di mana terdapat dua atau lebih orang (aktor) yang terlibat dalam pertentangan, perselisihan dan perbedaan tujuan atau kepentingan (wolff, 2006). dan konf lik menurut jeong (2008) kerap berkaitan dengan dimensi politik, etika dan psikologis. sejalan dengan pendapat wolff, bartos dan wehr (2002), serta jeong menggambarkan bahwa konflik merupakan situasi dimana terjadinya suatu pertentangan dan permusuhan diantara para aktor dalam mencapai suatu tujuan tertentu, yaitu kepentingan. bartos dan wehr (2002), kemudian menunjukkan kriteria situasi konflik, jika kejadian itu terdapat adanya, pertentangan (incompatibility), permusuhan (hostility), dan perilaku konf lik (conflict behavior). sejalan dengan bartos dan wehr, rauf (2001) mengemukakan bahwa istilah konf lik dapat diartikan pula sebagai setiap pertentangan atau perbedaan pendapat antara paling tidak dua orang atau kelompok dan pertentangan itu didasarkan pada adanya perbedaan kepentingan. pruitt dan rubin (2004), secara gamblang mendefinisikan konflik sebagai sebuah persepsi mengenai perbedaan kepentingan (perceived divergence of interest). untuk lebih jelasnya tentang konflik kepentingan, pruitt dan rubin (2004) menjelaskan istilah kepentingan (interest) dalam konteks ini adalah sebuah pertentangan atau perbedaan keinginan atau tujuan yang sesungguhnya diinginkan. kepentingan dapat berwujud keinginan akan rasa aman dari ancaman (threat), keinginan mendapatkan kekuasaan (power) dan hidup yang lebih baik (survive). konf lik kepentingan beragam dimensi dan manifestasinya, bisa berwujud dalam bentuk pertarungan nilai-nilai, kekuasaan dan sumber-sumber langka. levis coser (1956) mengatakan elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 304 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ bahwa “conflict is a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power and resources in which the aims of the opponents are neutralized, injure or eliminate their rivals”. dengan demikian, pada dasarnya konflik kepentingan dapat melibatkan tiga hal, yaitu status, kekuasaan (politik), dan sumber daya yang langka (hae, zain, nur, 2000). perbedaan kepentingan setidaknya menunjukkan adanya motif individu atau kelompok yang mengalami konflik. selanjutnya, konflik didasarkan pada motif kepentingan (kriesberg, 1982; rubin, 1995). kriesberg (1982) mengatakan bahwa: “conflict exists when two or more persons or groups manifest the belief that have incompatible objectives”. konf lik kepentingan yang menekankan pada motif pertarungan kekuasaan (struggle of power) dan perebutan dominasi sumber-sumber daya yang langka (resources and position scarcity) lebih berdimensi pada penghampiran konf lik politik (political conf lict approach). dalam pandangan rauf (2001), konflik politik mempunyai keterkaitan dengan negara/pemerintah, para pejabat politik/pemerintahan, politisi, dan yang berhubungan dengan pengambilan kebijakan/keputusan. konflik politik menekankan pada pertentangan antar kolompok (kubu) dengan mempergunakan isu-isu publik yang menyangkut kepentingan banyak orang yang lebih mengarah kepada adanya relasi kekuasaan atau proses pengambilan keputusan. dalam konflik politik yang menjadi aktor utama adalah elit politik karena merekalah yang memiliki relasi pada pusaran kekuasaan. ini sejalan dengan asumsi dasar gaetano mosca (1939) yang mengatakan bahwa dalam suatu komunitas masyarakat terdiri dari sejumlah kecil elit politik yang memiliki kekuasaan politik (the ruling class) dan sejumlah besar masyarakat yang secara umum berada dalam posisi diperintah (the ruled class). untuk lebih mudah mengidentifikasi konflik dalam masyarakat, gurr (1980), berpendapat bahwa setidaknya ada empat persyaratan agar dapat dikategorikan konflik dalam masyarakat, yaitu: pertama, terdapat dua atau lebih pihak (individu atau kelompok) yang terlibat. kedua, mereka terlibat dalam tindakan-tindakan yang saling memusuhi. ketiga, mereka menggunakan perlakuan-perlakuan kekerasan yang bertujuan untuk menghancurkan, melukai, dan menghalang-halangi lawannya. keempat, reaksi pertentangan ini bersifat terbuka sehingga dapat dideteksi dengan elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 305 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mudah oleh orang lain (observer). selanjutnya dahrendoef (1986), menunjukkan ciri-ciri penyebab terjadinya konflik, yaitu: pertama, karena tidak tercapainya kepentingan dari individu maupun kelompok (party). kedua, keinginan memperbaharui kepentingan. ketiga, adanya rasa cemburu, ketidak kesenangan kesuksesan atau kelompok komunitas tertentu. dengan demikian, konflik politik dapat dipahami dari berbagai dimensi dalam melihat faktor penyebab, motif dan kepentingan-kepentingan politiknya. pertama, dari segi pengertiannya, konflik diartikan sebagai pertentangan yang terbuka antar kekuatan-kekuatan politik (kubu) yang memperebutkan kekuasaan sehingga dapat dilihat oleh orang luar. pengertian konflik di sini merujuk kepada hubungan antar kekuatan politik (kelompok/kubu dan individu yang memiliki jaringan dalam struktur kekuasaan) yang merasa memiliki sasaran-sasaran yang tidak sejalan. kedua, sasaran-sasaran yang tidak sejalan sesungguhnya menunjukkan adanya perbedaan kepentingan. oleh karena itu, kepentingan dapat digunakan sebagai cara untuk melihat perbedaan motif di antara kelompok yang saling bertentangan, baik dalam sebuah kelompok skala besar, maupun kecil. perbedaan kepentingan setidaknya akan menunjukkan motif mereka berkonflik. motivasi seseorang atau kelompok untuk merebut kekuasaan selain dia ingin berkuasa, mereka juga ingin menguasai sumber daya ekonomi. dalam masyarakat yang sedang mengalami konflik pada umumnya terdapat dua kelompok besar yang terlibat serta memiliki perspektif yang berbeda dalam meraih kepentingannya. paul collier (2003) dalam penelitiannya yang disponsori oleh bank dunia di negara-negara yang sedang dilanda konf lik yang terus-menerus berlangsung t anpa penyelesaian, seperti beberapa negara di afrika dan asia tenggara, termasuk indonesia menyimpulkan bahwa konflik yang berlangsung terus–menerus, dan tidak menemukan solusinya yang tepat, melahirkan dua perspektif yaitu greed dan grievance. menurutnya, konflik bisa diartikan dari dua pandangan perspektif tersebut. dalam perspektif greed, konflik adalah sesuatu event yang menguntungkan karena adanya peluang melakukan eksploitasi masyarakat melalui propaganda politik. dalam situasi konflik itu segala cara yang dapat dilakukan untuk mendatangkan elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 306 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keuntungan, seperti halnya melakukan mobilisasi massa dan manipulasi fakta dalam mediskreditkan lawan-lawan politiknya. untuk itu, jika ingin survive, maka konf lik harus diciptakan dan berupaya agar situasi masyarakat berlangsung terus-menerus dalam keadaan disharmonisasi. sementara dalam perspektif grievance konf lik dipandang sebagai ketidakadilan karena dapat merugikan, terdzalimi serta dapat mengancam eksistensinya. mereka yang mengalami ketidakadilan dan rasa kekecewaan yang mendalam, akan melakukan tindakan emergency untuk menyelamatkan diri dari berbagai ancaman, yaitu mau tidak mau harus melakukan perlawanan dengan segala strategi dan resiko. bahkan menurut klandermans dan roggerband (2007), grievance merupakan salah satu sumber potensi terjadinya akumulasi kekecewaan dan rasa frustasi yang dapat berwujud dalam bentuk tindakan aksi kolektif yang irrasional. bahkan dapat menjadi sebuah formulasi gerakan sosial untuk melakukan perlawanan. oleh karena itu, konflik, di samping tidak menguntungkan (disadvantaged), akan menggiring ke arah marjinalisasi dan diskriminatif dalam lingkungan politiknya (gurr, 1998). hal ini bisa terjadi karena menyangkut ancaman eksistensi masa depan, sehingga mereka berupaya melakukan perlawanan dan mencari tindakan alternatif lain untuk merebut dan memeroleh kepentingan politiknya untuk hidup yang lebih layak. setiap kelompok masyarakat kerapkali mengklaim bahwa mereka berjuang untuk rakyat, sehingga isu-isu yang mereka tebarkan adalah isu publik (kebijakan publik). menurut collier (2003), salah satu penyebab terjadinya konflik adalah adanya persaingan dalam memperebutkan resources yang langka atau sangat terbatas, seperti jabatan politik. pendapat yang sama juga dikemukakan oleh oberg dan strom (2008), bahwa resources bisa menjadi sumber konflik, jika terjadi ketimpangan dalam pendistribusiannya. selanjutnya, oberg dan strom (2008) mengatakan bahwa disputes over the control over resources, or the distribution of resources, are potensial reasons for civil conflict. sekalipun collier (2003) dan hoeffler (2001), mempunyai perbedaan perspektif tentang konflik, mereka sepakat bahwa konflik terjadi untuk memperebutkan sumber-sumber politik dan ekonomi dengan tujuan agar kelompok dapat mempertahankan eksistensinya. untuk itu, setiap kelompok harus dengan sungguh-sungguh elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 307 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berjuang dengan cara apapun. sejalan dengan pandangan ini, barry buzan (1998) berpendapat jika aktor-aktor atau kelompok ingin eksis dan survive, maka mereka yang berkonflik harus melakukan sekuritisasi isu-isu yang berkaitan dengan grievance. dalam pandangan buzan, strategi sekuritisasi adalah sangat penting untuk meraih tujuan atau kepentingan aktor yang bersifat greedy. alfian dalam pengantarnya pada buku t b. bottomore (2006), elit dan masyarakat, mengatakan bahwa studi elit senantiasa terkait dengan konsep kepentingan. kajian-kajian tentang dinamika elit politik, pastilah merupakan kajian-kajian tentang persinggungan dan persaingan kepentingan. menurut keller, sebagaimana dikutip oleh maurice duverger (2006), bahwa studi tentang elit memusatkan perhatian pada empat hal. pertama, anatomi elit berkenaan dengan siapa, berapa banyak dan bagaimana para elit itu muncul. kedua, fungsi elit berkenaan dengan apa tanggungjawab sosial elit. ketiga, pembinaan elit menyangkut tentang siapa yang mendapatkan kesempatan menjadi elit, imbalan apa yang mereka terima, dan kewajiban-kewajiban apa yang menunggu mereka. keempat, keberlangsungan (bertahannya) elit berkenaan dengan bagaimana dan kenapa para elit itu dapat bertahan, serta bagaimana dan kenapa diantara mereka hancur atau tidak dapat bertahan. istilah elit berasal dari kata latin eligere yang berarti “memilih” (keller, 1995). dalam an english-indonesia dictionary (echols dan shadily, 2003), kata elite mempunyai makna golongan atas, kaum atasan, dan orang-orang terkemuka. dalam konteks sosial, kata “elit” digunakan pada abad ke-17 untuk menggambarkan barang-barang dengan kualitas yang sempurna. penggunaan kata itu kemudian diperluas untuk merujuk kepada kelompok-kelompok sosial yang unggul, misalnya unit-unit militer kelas satu atau tingkatan bangsawan yang tinggi (bottomore, 2006). sebagaimana disarikan oleh bottomore, pareto menggambarkan “elit” dengan menjelaskan bahwa setiap cabang kegiatan manusia dari setiap individu diberikan suatu indeks sebagai ukuran seseorang dalam meraih tempat tertinggi. sebaliknya, seseorang dalam bidangnya tidak berprestasi diberi nilai terendah. selanjutnya, pareto memerinci klasifikasi elit dalam dua ketegori: pertama, elit yang memerintah (governing elite), yang terdiri dari individu-individu yang secara langsung atau tidak langsung memainkan elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 308 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ peranan yang besar dalam pemerintahan, dan elit yang tidak memerintah (non-governing elite), yang mencakup sebagian lainnya dari elit tersebut (bottomore, 2006). secara konfiguratif, diakui dogan (2003), bahwa kategorisasi elit beragam tergantung pada posisi jabatan dan ruang lingkup batas otoritas kekuasaan yang dipegangnya. menurutnya elit yang monohirarki (mono-hierarchical) dapat dikatakan elitis yang sangat fokus pada puncak kekuasaan. sedangkan, poliarki (polyarchical) kekuasaan menyebar di berbagai institusi dengan beragam perbedaan kewenangan. perbedaan sesunggunya, menurut dogan (2003), tergantung sistem politik yang dianut oleh negara itu sendiri. namun, dogan (2003), menegaskan bahwa pada prinsipnya, elit merupakan populasi yang kecil dan pemegang kekuasaan untuk membedakan dengan populasi yang tidak memiliki kekuasaan relatif jumlah besar. sejalan dengan pareto dan dogan, gaetano mosca, seorang teoritisi elit lainnya, mengatakan bahwa tiap masyarakat – entah suatu bangsa baru atau sudah lama merdeka, besar atau kecil – selalu membentuk dua kelas utama: yang memimpin (a class that rules) dan yang dipimpin (a class that is ruled). mosca (1939), menjelaskan sebagai berikut: “the first class, always the less numerous, performs all political functions, monopolizes power and enjoys the advantages that power brings, whereas the second, the more numerous class, is directed and controlled by the first.” selanjutnya, mosca menjelaskan hubungan dinamis antara elit dan massa. dalam pandangannya, para elit berusaha bukan hanya mengangkat dirinya di atas anggota masyarakat lain, tetapi juga mempertahankan statusnya terhadap massa di bawahnya, melalui para “sub-elit” yang terdiri dari kelompok besar dari “seluruh kelompok menengah yang baru, aparatur pemerintahan, manager, administrator, ilmuwan lainnya (widjaya,1988). setiap masyarakat di manapun berada akan selalu dipimpin oleh sekelompok kecil individu yang berkuasa atas sejumlah besar anggota masyarakat lainnya, yang disebut massa, untuk tunduk dan mematuhi perintah-perintahnya. massa bersedia untuk tunduk dan mentaati perintah-perintah tersebut karena pada diri elit terlekati kekuasaan yang jumlahnya lebih besar ketimbang yang dimilikinya. hal tersebut menunjukkan bahwa kekuasaan yang ada dalam masyarakat tidak elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 309 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terdistribusikan secara merata.terdapat sekelompok kecil individu dengan jumlah kekuasaan yang lebih besar dibandingkan sejumlah besar individu dengan kekuasaan yang sedikit atau bahkan tidak memiliki sama sekali (haryanto, 2005). sementara itu, laswell (dalam haryanto, 1991), menegaskan bahwa ada kaitan antara elit dan kekuasaan. menurutnya, suatu kelas terdiri dari mereka yang berhasil mencapai kedudukan dominasi dalam masyarakat, dalam arti bahwa nilai-nilai (values) yang mereka bentuk (ciptakan, hasilkan) mendapat penilaian tinggi dalam masyarakat yang bersangkutan”. nilainilai atau values tersebut, kata laswell, mungkin dapat ber wujud kekuasaan, kekayaan, kehormatan, pengetahuan. laswell menjelaskan bahwa mereka yang berhasil memeroleh dan menguasai nilai-nilai tersebut dalam jumlah yang banyak, pada gilirannya akan menduduki lapisan atas dari stratifikasi yang ada dalam masyarakat yang bersangkutan. sebaliknya mereka yang kurang atau tidak berhasil sama sekali memeroleh dan menguasai nilai-nilai tersebut akan berada pada lapisan bawah dari stratifikasi. elit, menurut laswell, adalah individu-individu yang berhasil memiliki sebagian terbanyak dari nilai-nilai, karena kecakapan-kecakapan serta sifat-sifat kepribadian mereka. laswell kemudian menegaskan pula bahwa dengan keunggulan yang melekat pada elit, maka elit dengan mudah terlibat aktif dalam proses pengambilan keputusan-keputusan. dengan demikian secara dialektis elit di dalam masyarakat juga beragam jenisnya dan keinginan untuk memiliki nilai-nilai (values) tersebut tergantung dari keragaman kepentingan yang dikehendakinya. sehubungan hal ini, keller (dalam haryanto, 1991), mengatakan bahwa dalam masyarakat yang semakin kompleks (masyarakat dengan solidaritas organik menurut versi durkheim) muncul kelompok yang dikenal dengan sebutan “elit strategis”. elit dari berbagai ragam jenisnya tersebut dan dengan keunggulan yang melekat pada dirinya dapat ikut serta terlibat dalam proses pengambilan dan pelaksanaan keputusan-keputusan yang berlaku di masyarakat. sejalan dengan pandangan laswell dan keller diatas, putnam menyatakan bahwa di kalangan kelompok yang berkuasa (elit) sebenarnya hanya terdapat beberapa individu di antara mereka saja yang secara langsung dapat memutuskan kebijakan. putnam secara tidak langsung elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 310 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mengklasifikasi elit dalam dua kategori. pertama, elit yang secara langsung terlibat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan atau kebijakan dan ikut dalam menentukan kebijakan final. kedua, elit yang mempunyai pengaruh tidak langsung dalam proses kebijakan karena elit tersebut memanfaatkan elit lainnya sebagai pihak perantara dalam merumuskan, memutuskan proses pembuatan kebijaksanaan (haryanto, 1991). berkaitan dengan elit yang memiliki atau tidak memiliki kekuasaan, putnam menawarkan setidaknya ada tiga strategi untuk mengidentifikasi elit politik (elit dan kekuasaan). tiga strategi itu adalah analisa posisi, analisa reputasi dan analisa keputusan. pertama, analisa posisi mempunyai suatu anggapan bahwa lembaga atau struktur pemerintah formal mempunyai suatu peta hubungan kekuasaan yang bisa dipakai untuk menganalisa siapa yang berkuasa di antara para elit, dan bahwa pejabat-pejabat yang menduduki posisi-posisi puncak dalam lembaga-lembaga tersebut cenderung secara politis berkuasa. kedua, analisa reputasi mendasarkan pada reputasi kekuasaan secara informal yang dimiliki para elit. dalam hal ini elit dapat dilihat sejauh mana partisipasinya dalam sistem politik untuk mengetahui keterlibatannya dalam proses pembuatan kebijakan. ketiga, analisa keputusan merupakan cara untuk mengetahui siapakah di antara para elit yang berkuasa dengan mempelajari proses pembuatan keputusankeputusan tertentu. dalam konteks ini, sesungguhnya yang mendapat perhatian penting adalah dari pihak siapakah sebetulnya yang berhasil mengajukan inisiatif pembuatan keputusan, dan pihak siapakah yang menentang keputusan tersebut (haryanto, 1991). penggabungan beberapa teori elit dan kaitannya dengan kekuasaan atau nilai-nilai (values) diatas, menurut hemat peneliti adalah sangat relevan untuk menjelaskan karakteristik elit politik lokal yang berada di kabupaten morowali. pada umumnya elit politik lokal yang terlibat dalam konflik ibukota memiliki pengaruh kekuasaan dan terlibat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan, baik secara langsung, maupun tidak langsung. metode penelitian penelitian ini merupakan jenis penelitian kualitatif yang mencoba mengeksplorasi persoalan konflik elit politik lokal dalam memperebutkan kedudukan ibukota di kabupaten morowali. teknik pengumpulan data elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 311 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam peneilitian ini menggunakan teknik telaah pustaka, yaitu; mengakaji sumber-sumber pustaka yang banyak membahas terkait dengan masalah konlfik elit. serta diperkuat juga dari sumber lain dari berita media massa yang banyak memuat dinamika konflik elit lokal yang terjadi di kabupaten morowali, terutama dari media lokal, yaitu; radar sulteng dan sulawesi pos. sumber-sumber data sekunder tersebut, kemudian dianalisis dan dikaji untuk menarik sebuah kesimpulan. sehingga teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analisis. hasil dan analisis 1. konflik ibukota kabupaten morowali sejak melepaskan diri dengan kabupaten poso menjadi daerah otonomi baru di indonesia mengalami konflik ibukota, dalam konteks ini disebutnya sebagai “kasus pemindahan ibukota”. kasus pemindahan ibukota terjadi tarik menarik dua kubu kekuatan komunitas masyarakat yang berbeda etnis dan agama. kedua kekuatan komunitas etnis tersebut adalah etnis bungku yang mayoritas islam berjuang memindahkan ibukota ke wilayahnya. sedangkan, kekuatan komunitas etnis mori pada umumnya kristen tetap mempertahankan ibukota berada di wilayah kolonodale. perebutan ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali oleh kedua kubu tersebut diwarnai dengan mobilisasi massa secara masif dan anarkis. masing-masing kubu memiliki elemen kekuatan aktor, yaitu elit politik lokal berasal dari birokrat, anggota dprd, anggota partai politik, elit sosial (lsm, tokoh masyarakat, camat dan kades), dan massa (komunitas etnis bungku dan etnis mori). fragmentasi konflik kedua kubu kemudian semakin mengalami intensitas yang tinggi ketika para elit politik lokal melakukan politisasi isu pemindahan ibukota menjadi konstruksi konflik yang bernuansa etnis dan agama yang menyebabkan terjadinya mobilisasi massa kedua belah pihak yang didasarkan ikatan solidaritas kultural bersifat anarkis (radar sulteng, 4 desember 2003). kondisi intensitas konflik yang tinggi kerap terjadi pada saat menjelang pemilu dan pemilukada. mantan ketua komisi anggaran dprd kabupaten morowali, a said husen merasa prihatin melihat konf lik antarmasyarakat pada saat menjelang pemilihan umum legislatif 2004. ia menyatakan bahwa: elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 312 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “kasus (konflik) di kabupaten morowali hendaknya tidak digeneralisasi menjadi isu sara (suku, agama, dan ras) dalam arti pertentangan antar etnis, apalagi menjelang pemilu 2004 dan pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah). aksi pembakaran secara beruntun yang dilakukan oleh warga bungku, memang terkait masalah politik...,” (radar sulteng, 11 desember 2003). politisasi isu etnis dan agama merupakan skenario yang di bangun oleh elit politik lokal dalam merebut simpati dan dukungan masyarakat. dikotomi dan pertentangan etnis dan agama merupakan faktor yang rentan dan rapuh dalam membangun konflik masyarakat di kabupaten yang memiliki karakteristik perbedaan kultural dan keyakinan yang mencolok. bahkan, isu hegemoni kejayaan kerajaan kedua etnis tersebut menjadi salah satu memori sosial (social memory) yang menempatkan suatu etnis tertentu dapat eksis dalam lingkungan sosial dan politik. politik identitas (political identity) tersebut kemudian dimanfaatkan elit politik lokal dalam melakukan lokalisasi pendukung yang kemudian dikonversi menjadi konstituen dalam pemilu dan pilkada. oleh karena itu, konflik ibukota hanya merupakan sarana bagi elit politik lokal dalam membangun politik massa untuk dijadikan kekuatan massa pendukung yang berbasis kultural yang lebih fanatik dalam memenangkan pertarungan politik formal (pemilu dan pilkada). meskipun elit politik lokal kerap mengkonstruksi framing pemindahan ibukota sebagai ancaman eksistensi bagi komunitas mereka. namun yang menjadi penting adalah bagaimana elit politik lokal dalam membangun konflik pada level masyarakat grass root. dengan situasi konflik masyarakat, maka mau tak mau masyarakat membutuhkan elit politik lokal menjadi patronnya berjuang merebut ibukota. demiikian pula, elit politik lokal membutuhkan massa sebagai clients dalam meraih kepentingan politiknya pada event politik formal. konstruksi opini politisasi kasus pemindahan ibukota yang dilakukan oleh elit politik lokal merupakan strategi untuk mendapatkan simpati dan dukungan massa yang berbasis kultural. elit politik lokal seolah-olah tidak ingin menjadi “pemain tunggal” dalam konflik ibukota. disharmonisasi hubungan bupati dan ketua dprd yang kemudian berdampak terjadinya perpecahan internal anggota dprd berdasarkan basis kultural (kosntituen) daerah pemilihan. konflik antara bupati dan ketua dprd elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 313 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kabupaten morowali dipicu keluarnya surat keputusan dprd morowali no. 03/dprd/2003 tentang pengfungsian ibu kota definitif kabupaten morowali berada di bungku. surat keputusan tersebut ditandatangani oleh ketua dprd kabupaten morowali yang ditetapkan di kolonodale pada 17 oktober 2003 sebagai hasil rapat paripurna khusus. namun, di kalangan anggota dprd dari kubu kolonodale menilai surat keputusan tersebut bukan merupakan keputusan hasil rapat paripuna khusus. ahmad yani arisandi anggota dprd kabupaten morowali dari daerah pemilihan (dapil) kolonodale, mengatakan bahwa surat keputusan dprd tersebut adalah surat pribadi dan bukan mengatasnamakan lembaga dprd morowali (radar sulteng, 30 juli 2005). tentu saja, surat keputusan tersebut dapat merugikan perjuangan kubu kolonodale untuk mempertahankan ibukota tetap berada di wilayah kolonodale. malah, kubu bungku mendapatkan peluang yuridis dalam perjuangannya. konflik elit politik lokal yang berlangsung cukup lama itu, berimplikasi pada pembangunan dan manajemen pemerintahan mengalami “stagnasi”. hal ini terjadi pada pembahasan apbd tahun anggaran 2003 mengalami “deadlock”, karena setiap pelaksanaan sidang anggota dprd kerap tidak mencukupi “quorum”. ketua lembaga peradilan rakyat, rifai labaso menyatakan bahwa konflik elit politik lokal di kabupaten morowali sebetulnya berawal dari lahirnya uu no. 51/1999 dengan tidak adanya kepastian hukum yang jelas, makanya menimbulkan beragam penafsiran yang dapat menebar konflik. ia menyatakan bahwa: “klausul yang mengatakan bahwa ibukota sementara berada di kolonodale adalah sumber malapetaka. kalimat tersebut adalah bahasa yang sarat dan jauh dari nuansa hukum yang dibutuhkan adalah ketegasan, jika di bungku, maka tidak perlu ada tetek bengek yang mengikuti kalimat itu. jika pemerintah pusat menilai kolonodale lebih memiliki kesiapan untuk menjadi ibukota sehingga di tempatkanlah ibukota sementara di sana sambil menunggu kesiapan bungku, maka kenapa tidak ditetapkan saja ibukota definitif di kolonodale” (sulawesi pos, minggu iv, mei 2006). suasana semakin berlarut-larutnya konflik ibukota yang melibatkan berbagai elemen kekuatan masyarakat membuat elit politik lokal semakin memanfaatkan situasi tersebut untuk mengais keuntungan ekonomi dengan biaya “lobi” ke pemerintah pusat untuk membangun politik elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 314 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ transaksional dengan pemangku kepentingan dalam mempersiapkan menghadapi pemilu dan pilkada (pemilihan bupati morowali). oleh karena itu, kehadiran elit politik pusat (dpr dan mendagri) lebih menambah fragmentasi konflik masyarakat. hal ini setidaknya disebabkan, adanya konstruksi politik transaksional antara elit politik lokal dan elit politik pusat dalam memenangkan pertarungan politik formal. kepentingan politik fragmatisme elit politik lebih pada adanya kohesifitas sistem rezim pemilihan langsung pejabat publik. keterkaitan antara elit politik lokal dan massa merupakan wajah politik yang “vakum” dengan rasa idealisme politik untuk membangun konsolidasi demokrasi pada aras lokal. konf lik ibukota kabupaten morowali merupakan sarana “pertarungan” kepentingan politik elit politik lokal dalam membangun kekuatan politik massa yang berbasis kultural. kekuatan massa menjadi penting dalam kerangka pemilihan langsung pejabat publik (pemilihan umum legislatif, pemilihan kepala daerah dan pemilihan presiden). konstruksi perebutan ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali yang berkepanjangan merupakan bagian dari skenario politik elit politik dalam konstruksi politik transaksional terhadap berbagai pihak pemangku kepentingan politik dan ekonomi. 2. pergerakan massa dua kubu elit politik lokal dan massa telah terbentuk hubungan emosional secara kultural yang demikian kuat. mereka saling membangun kekuatan baik bersifat individual maupun kelompok (kubu). bahkan, mereka saling menopang dalam perjuangan merebut ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali. meskipun mereka tidak mengindahkan perintah undangundang no 51 tahun 1999, surat menteri dalam negeri dan surat gubernur provinsi sulawesi tengah terkait pemindahan ibukota dari kolonodale ke bungku. bagi mereka, kekuatan kubu dapat mencerminkan adanya kekuatan mobilisasi massa yang kerap melakukan penekanan politik terhadap lawannya. perjuangan kedua kubu dalam merebut ibukota kerap diwarnai dengan pergerakan massa besar-besaran, terkadang bersifat anarkis. benturan kedua kubu yang melibatkan massa secara kolosal dapat dikategorikan elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 315 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebagai indikasi konflik sosial yang bernuansa sara, karena mereka memiliki perbedaan etnis dan agama. sementara dipihak elit politik lokal, nampaknya kekuatan massa merupakan simbol prestise politik dalam rangka memenangkan setiap pemilihan pejabat publik secara langsung. kondisi demikian merupakan konsekwensi dari rezim pemilihan langsung setiap pejabat publik yang kerap melibatkan rakyat sebagai simbol demokrasi. kemenangan figur politik dalam memenangkan suatu pertarungan politik merupakan simbol kesuksesan bagi kelompoknya. sistem pemilihan langsung pejabat publik seperti sebetulnya yang mereduksi makna demokrasi secara subtansial, karena perjuangan mereka lebih pada kepentingan golongan dan kelompoknya, namun menafikan kepentingan dan kedaulatan rakyat. pergerakan massa dalam perjuangan merebut ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali didasarkan oleh kepentingan kelompok dan golongan (kubu). perjuangan merebut ibukota dipandang sebagai pertarungan eksistensi kelompok, golongan dan etnis. oleh karena itu, pertarungan politik yang disertai dengan pergerakan massa dalam merebut ibukota merupakan “harga diri” yang harus dijaga eksistensinya apapun resikonya. pergerakan massa dari pihak kubu bungku dalam merebut ibukota berlangsung pada akhir september 2001, karena tidak mendapat respon dari pihak bupati (kubu kolonodale), maka warga bungku melakukan rapat akbar yang berlangsung di bungku pada 14 september 2003. pergerakan massa kubu bungku melalui beberapa wadah perhimpunan kekuatan sosial dan kultural, seperti; kerukunan keluarga bungku dan ikatan persaudaraan masyarakat bungku. ada empat poin penting yang menjadi kesepakatan bersama dalam rapat akbat tersebut, sebagai berikut: a. mendesak pemerintah daerah kabupaten morowali (legislatif dan eksekutif) untuk segera mengfungsikan ibukota kabupaten morowali definitif di bungku, paling lambat 15 oktober 2003 dengan alasan prasarana dan sarana sudah siap; b. mendesak dprd kabupaten morowali untuk merevisi kembali apbd kabupaten morowali 2003 agar pembangunan sarana kepamongprajaan dan kantor dprd diarahkan ke bungku sebagai ibu kota kabupaten morowali definitif; c. mendukung sepenuhnya upaya-upaya pemerintah dalam merealisaelit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 316 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sikan pengfungsian ibu kota definitif kabupaten morowali; d. apabila pemerintah daerah kabupaten morowali tidak mengindahkan poin 1 diatas, maka masyarakat bungku di enam wilayah kecamatan sepakat mendeklarasikan kabupaten morowali di bungku pada 20 oktober 2003.1 argumentasi kubu bungku yang menekankan bahwa legalitas pengfungsian bungku sebagai ibukota definitif tidak hanya ditekankan pada undang-undang no 51/1999, tetapi dijelaskanjuga pada surat menteri dalam negeri nomor 135/115/otda, 12 februari 2002, yang ditujukan kepada gubernur provinsi sulawesi tengah dan bupati morowali. dalam surat keputusan tersebut, menekankan bahwa menteri dalam negeri meminta agar bupati morowali untuk segera menginformasikan langkah-langkah persiapan dan/atau progress pelaksanaan pemindahan ibu kota morowali dari kolonodale ke bungku di kecamatan bungku tengah. pergerakan massa yang dilakukan pihak kubu bungku mendapat tantangan dari kubu kolonodale dengan melakukan pergerakan massa mempertahankan ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali tetap berada di kolonodale. kubu kolonodale melakukan mobilisasi massa dari sembilan kecamatan yang diklaimnya secara “defacto” sebagai basis massa berkomitmen berjuang mempertahankan kolonodale sebagai ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali. pergerakan massa mempertahankan ibukota tersebut dimotori kekuatan elit sosial (social elites) melalui sarana lembaga sosial, kultural serta lsm. sembilan kecamatan tersebut, terdiri atas; kecamatan petasia, soyol jaya, lembo, mori atas, bungku utara, menuai kepulauan, bungku selatan, bungku barat, dan bahodopi.2 pergerakan massa kubu kolonodale melalui sarana forum pembela ibukota kolonodale dan masyarakat mempertahankan ibukota. mereka melakukan aksi damai pada 22 dan 24 oktober 2003, menekan pemerintah daerah dan bupati untuk tidak memindahkan ibukota ke bungku dan mengusulkan kepada pemerintah pusat melakukan pemekaran kabupaten morowali menjadi dua kabupaten, yaitu kabupaten morowali ibukotanya kolonodale dan kabupaten labua ibukotanya bungku. pada 14 28 nopember 2004 kubu kolonodale elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 317 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kembali melakukan unjukrasa di jakarta dengan mengirim delegasi kurang lebih 200 orang dengan tujuan serupa.3 pergerakan massa kedua kubu tersebut yang mengarah terjadinya konflik sosial, pemerintah pusat melakukan tindakan tegas terhadap pihak yang tidak menghidahkan regulasi yang telah pijakan konstitusional terbentuknya daerah otonomi baru kabupaten morowali. konf lik ibukota yang berimplikasi terjadinya perpecahan masyarakat secara kultural disebabkan perbedaan penafsiran kedua kubu tersebut. polemik ibukota yang berlangsung lama itu kemudian dipolitisasi elit politik lokal dalam membangun kekuatan massa dalam meraih kepentingan politiknya. namun, justru elit politik pusat pun turut menjadi pemain utama dalam membangun fragmentasi konflik di masyarakat, seolah-olah konflik disana mengalami “pemeliharaan”, karena situasi konflik dapat menguntungkan pihak-pihak elit politik lokal, dan elit politik pusat untuk membangun politik transaksional. politik transaksional semata lebih pada konteks hubungan kepentingan kultural antar elit politik dengan masyarakat yang menjadi konstituennya (the clients). dan hubungan kepentingan politik antar sesama elit politik lokal dan elit politik pusat dalam memenangkan pertarungan politik pada pemilu legislatif 2004 dan pilkada morowali 2007. dan kenyataannya, beberapa elit politik lokal berhasil terpilih pada pemilu legislatif 2004. bahkan, beberapa aktor elit sosial sebagai aktor penting dalam pergerakan massa terpilih menjadi anggota dprd kabupaten morowali pada pemilu 2009. demikian pula, pada pemilihan bupati morowali 2007 para elit politik lokal berhasil membangun kekuatan massa menjadi pendukung fanatik mereka. kesimpulan konflik ibukota kabupaten morowali yang berlangsung kurang lebih lima tahun dipicu munculnya perbedaan penafsiran terhadap undangundang no 51/1999 yang mengatur berdirinya kabupaten morowali menjadi daerah otonomi baru, terutama terkait penetapan penempatan ibukota definitif. regulasi tersebut menyebutkan bahwa ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali berkedudukan di kecamatan bungku tengah (bungku) dan kolonodale sebagai ibukota sementara dalam rangka mempersiapkan prasarana infrastruktur dan sarana perkatoran pemerintah elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 318 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ daerah selama lima tahun. pada tahun pertama hingga 2003, pembangunan lebih terkonsentrasi di wilayah kolonodale (kecamatan petasia). sementara daerah bungku tidak ada perubahan dan kemajuan yang signifikan. bahkan, pembangunan reklamasi pantai, pembangunan gedung baru dprd dan kantor bupati yang menelan biayan miliaran berada di wilayah kolonodale. sebaliknya, wilayah bungku yang telah ditetapkan menjadi ibu kota definitif itu, malah mengalami keterbelakangan pembangunan. artinya, selama hampir lima tahun itu, kebijakan pemerintah daerah (bupati) lebih berpihak pada kepentingan kubu kolonodale. kesenjangan pembangunan inilah yang kemudian menjadi salah satu faktor konflik di kabupaten morowali. konflik ibu kota ini merambah masuk kewilayah pemerintah daerah dan dprd masing-masing melakukan pembelaan terhadap masyarakat, baik pada komunitas etnis bungku maupun etnis mori. konflik ibukota kemudian berevolusi menjadi konflik kultural yang bernuansa sara. dan elit politik lokal memanfaatkan momen kondisi sosial dan kultural sebagai bagian dari strategi merebut dan mendapatkan kekuasaan politik. elit politik lokal mewacanakan konf lik ibu kota sebagai ancaman eksitensial komunitas etnis baik etnis bungku maupun etnis mori. hal ini dilakukan dalam rangka membangun konflik pada level masyarakat grass root. dalam situasi konflik masyarakat, elit politik lokal dengan mudah melokalisir massa yang berbasis kultural untuk dijadikan sebagai massa pendukung yang fanatik dan radikal. dalam kondisi sosial masyarakat ini kemudian menjadi alat elit politik lokal untuk meraih tujuan politik dalam menghadapi pertarungan politik pada pemilu legislatif dan pemilihan bupati kabupaten morowali. elit politik pusat (pemerintah pusat, anggota dpr ri dan anggota dpd ri asal provinsi sulawesi tengah) lebih perihatin terhadap kondisi konflik ibu kota yang berimplikasi terjadinya perpecahan masyarakat secara kultural menjadi dua kelompok kekuatan komunitas besar, yaitu komunitas etnis bungku yang pada umumnya beragama islam dan komunitas etnis mori yang mayoritas kristen (baca kubu bungku dan kubu kolonodale). namun, justru elit politik pusat menjadi bagian dari aktor pemain utama dalam “memelihara” konflik dimasyarakat. hal ini elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 319 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ menunjukkan bahwa elit politik pusat tidak melakukan tidakan tegas terhadap elit politik lokal yang tidak mengindahkan amanah uu no. 51/1999 sebagai solusi konstitusional yang telah menjadi kesepakatan bersama yang diprakarsai negara. kurang lebih tiga surat mendagri dan kurang lebih 11 surat gubernur sulawesi tengah yang ditujukan kepada pemerintah daerah dan dprd kabupaten morowali untuk segera mematuhi amanah uu no. 51/1999 tentang perintah “pengfungsian” atau pemindahan ibukota definitif dari kolonodale ke bungku. akibat ketidaktegasan pemerintah pusat, hal ini berdampak pada pembangunan yang mengalami “stagnasi” dan melemahnya kinerja pemerintah daerah kabupaten morowali. footnotes) 1 lihat dokumen kerukunan keluarga bungku (kkb) palu dan radar sulteng, 20 september 2003. dalam dokumen tersebut, tercantum kurang lebih 600 masyarakat yang menandatangani sebagai dukungan moral perjuangan merebut ibukota definitif kabupaten morowali. 2 lihat dokumen surat dukungan dan pernyataan sikap masyarakat dalam rangka percepatan proses pemekaran kabupaten morowali, diusulkan forum peduli masyarakat morowali (fprm), oktober 2004. 3 lihat dokumen kajian daerah terhadap aspek teknis pemekaran kabupaten morowali provinsi sulawesi tengah, panitia pemekaran kabupaten morowali, agustus 2006. daftar pustaka bartos j otomar dan paul wehr. 2002. using conflict theory. cambridge university press. bert klandermans and conny roggeband. (ed). 2007. handbook of social movements across disciplines. new york. springer sciences + business media, llc.. bottomore tb. 2006. elite dan masyarakat. jakarta. akbar tandjung institute buzan barry, ole waever and jaap de wilde. 1998. security: a framework for analysis, the united state of america. lynne rienner. elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 320 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ collier paul. 2003. breaking the conflict trap: civil war and development policy. washinton, dc. the world bank,. coser a lewis. 1956. the functions of social conflict. the united states of america. the free press,. dahrendoerf, r. 1986. konflik dan konflik dalam masyarakat industri: sebuah analisa kritik, jakarta. cv.rajawali durverger, maurice. 1996. sosiologi politik, jakarta. cv.rajawali press. echols, john m dan shadily,hasan. 2003. an english-indonesia dictionary. jakarta. pt gramedia. gurr robert ted (ed). 1980. hand book of political conflict: theory and research. new york. the free press, a division of macmillan publishing co.,inc. gurr robert ted (ed). 1998. minorities at risk:a global view of ethnopolitical conflicts, washinton dc. united state institute of peace press. hae,zain, nur dkk. 2000. konflik multikultural: panduan meliput bagi jurnalis, jakarta. lembaga studi pers dan pembangunan (lspp). haryanto. 1991. elit, massa, dan konflik suatu bahasan awal. yogyakarta. pusat antar universitas (pau)-studi sosial ugm. haryanto. 2005. kekuasaan elit: suatu pembahasan pengantar. yogyakarta. program pascasarjana (s2) politik lokal dan otonomi daerah ugm. jeong, ho-won. 2008. understanding conflict and conflict analysis. los angeles. sage. hoeffler, angke. 2001. “greed and grievance in civil war”. www.worldbank.org/research/papers/greedandgrievance.htm. keller, suzanne. 1995. penguasa dan kelompok elit:peranan elit-penentu dalam masyarakat modern, jakarta. pt raja grafindo. kriesberg, louis. 1982. constructive conflicts from escalation to resolution, englewood cliff. prentice-hall, inc. mattei dogan (ed). 2003. elite configuration at the apex of power. leiden. boston, brill. mosca, gaetano. 1939. the ruling class (element di scienza politica). new york and london. mc. graw-hill book company, inc. oberg magnus and strom kaare,(ed). 2008. resources, governance and civil conflict. london. routledge. and new york. taylor & francis elit politik lokal dalam konflik ibukota di kabupaten morowali / darwis darwis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0016 321 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ group (ecpr). pruitt g. dean dan rubin z. jeffrey. 2004. teori konflik sosial. yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar rauf, maswadi. 2001. konsensus dan konflik politik: sebuah penjajakan 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election ahmad hasan ubaid1,h.b.habibisubandi 2 1universitas brawijaya, malang, indonesia 2universitas brawijaya, malang, indonesia email: hasanubaid82@ub.ac.id; habibisubandi@ub.ac.id abstract according to a research conducted by anis baswedan, saiful mujani and r. william liddle, political islam in indonesia during the post reformation had a moderate and pluralistic character. but this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among voters in the elections. in this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election provide strong evidence that supports the idea of ideological polarization. we apply the root cause model presented by veldhuis and staun to understand how islamic radicalization occurs in the jakarta election. in line with the argument of mainwaring and torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. rather it was the product of a successful campaign and political spin by alliances of islamic organizations and politicians that exploited the issue of islamic identity to outperform other contestants with different religious identity. we found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. it has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that indonesian democracy is pro gressing towards illiberal democracy. keywords: polarization, religious identity, islamic radicalization, intolerance, po litical marketing strategy abstrak menurut sebuah penelitian yang dilakukan oleh anis baswedan, saiful mujani jurnal studi pem erintahan (journal of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 411 received: september 22nd, 2017 revised: october 10th, 2017 accepted: november 6th, 2017 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0054.411-441 mailto:habibisubandi@ub.ac.id vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 412 dan r. william liddle, politik islam di indonesia selama masa reformasi memiliki karakter moderat dan pluralistik. namun, studi kasus kualitatif ini menemukan bahwa fenomena polarisasi baru berdasarkan identitas keagamaan muncul di antara para pemilih dalam pemilihan. dalam artikel ini kami berpendapat bahwa hasil putaran kedua pemilu gubernur dki jakarta 2017 memberikan bukti kuat yang mendukung gagasan polarisasi ideologis. kami menerapkan model akar permasalahan yang diajukan oleh veldhuis dan staun untuk memahami bagaimana radikalisasi islam terjadi dalam pemilihan di dki jakarta. sejalan dengan argumen mainwaring dan torcal, kami juga berpendapat bahwa karena pelembagaan yang lemah, partai politik tidak memainkan peran dominan dalam membentuk kesenjangan ideologis yang tajam di antara para pemilih. melainkan merupakan produk dari kampanye dan spin politik yang sukses oleh aliansi organisasi dan politisi islam yang mengeksploitasi isu identitas islam untuk mengungguli kontestan lain dengan identitas agama yang berbeda. kami menemukan bahwa polarisasi identitas berdasarkan religiusitas terjadi karena dinamika sosial yang dihasilkan oleh strategi kampanye staf, politisi, dan pemuka agama. strategi pemasaran politik dalam hal pemilihan umum, pada kenyataannya, dengan terang-terangan mengeksploitasi isu agama sebagai senjata politik dalam pemilihan. hal ini menyebabkan bangkitnya identitas religius dalam memasuki perdebatan politik. oleh karena itu, meningkatnya intoleransi dan konflik berdasarkan identitas keagamaan selama pemilihan mungkin telah memberikan bukti awal untuk mendukung gagasan bahwa demokrasi indonesia berkembang menuju demokrasi yang tidak liberal. kata kunci: polarisasi, identitas agama, radikalisasi islam, intoleransi, strategi pemasaran politik introduction this study is inspired by the landslide victory of election chal lenging duo anies baswedan and sandiaga uno over the incumbent governor of jakarta, basuki tjahaja purnama,along with djarot saiful hidayat, in the second round of the 2017th gubernatorial election. the official results released by the jakarta election commission (kpu dki) during the second round of the election showed that anies baswedan and sandiaga uno won the election with a total of 3,240,987 votes, equal to 57.96%, while anies baswedan and sandiaga uno secured 2,350,366 votes, equal to 42.04%. an intense campaign strategy among candidates of the jakarta gubernatorial election that lasted for two rounds of voting attracted the public not only within the capital area of jakarta but also nationwide. it provided numerous topics of political debate among social scientists, political analysts, and tv commentators, especially when we looked at the programs and strategies of every candidate, which were very intensive, creative, and even provocative. every candidate managed to apply the strategy of blusukan (impromptu visits) to portray aspirations from the public, by in cluding them in the program that had been planned to convince the voters of jakarta. unquestionably this model of campaign has an essential rationale underpinning it, especially when we compare it to the theory of political marketing that states that each campaign program should be constructed based on market surveys (marshment, 2011). the decision to apply the “im promptu-visits” campaign model came about as a result of a market survey that stated that the majority of the public wanted a populist leader who would be able to grasp the aspirations of the lowand middle-class society. however, the use of campaign strategies that were nearly identical to each other created a condition in which the creativity of all campaign advisors and staff in applying their strategy would undoubtedly determine the outcome of the election. this paper is based on some anomalies that emerged in the jakarta gubernatorial election that contradicted the elections in other regions. one of them was that the jakarta gubernatorial election marked an increase in voter turnout, with the second round turnout being 77.8% compared to the first round of only 75 percent. this has rarely happened in other regional and local elections in indonesia because the second round elections have usually resulted in a decrease in voter turnout. in this research, we will focus on two fundamental anomalies that we considered to be vital in the case of the jakarta guberna torial election. first, according to many political analysts the fea ture of political islam during the post-reformation era has been characterized as plural and moderate. for example, when we parallel it to the writing of anies baswedan and sandiaga uno, one of the main candidates in the election, his studies (2004) concluded that the characteristics of political islam in indonesia, after the reformation era, reflect the diversity and pragmatism of muslim aspirations. political islam was not only represented by political parties that placed islam as their formal ideo jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 413 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 414 logical platform but it was also taken over by political parties that were hospitable towards muslim aspirations, including po litical parties with nationalist ideologies. politics in the name of islam has been actuated by almost all political parties ranging from the islamist parties to islamic-friendly parties and secular inclusive parties (baswedan, 2004). what has been prevalent in the post-reformation era of indo nesia is the rise of catch-all parties, a species of parties with ten dencies to be pivotal centerist parties (mietzner, 2008). mietzner is in line with green-pedersen, who has learned from the con text of centripetal parties in europe to argue that the existence of pivotal center parties has pulled other parties with extreme ideologies into the center of the political spectrum. to prove his argument, mietzner provides data from muslim parties in indo nesia. he argues that most muslim parties in indonesia have been moderate and pragmatic, with an orientation towards gain ing seats in the cabinet, which made them move into the center of the political spectrum. another example of a moderate and pragmatic party exists today in the period after the 2014 general election, manifested in the form of the democratic party under the direction of former president susilo bambang yudhoyono. after their bad performance in the 2014 general election, with the decline of their percentage of the vote, the democratic party maintained their policy of not joining the cabinet of president jokowi while also not becoming include in the major opposi tion coalition. however, in the midst of the current trend of moderate and pragmatic political parties during the post-reformation era, this article presents contrasting facts that arose from the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election. we argue that the second round of the jakarta election brought about a surprise that actually supports sartori’s argument regarding ideological polarization (sartori, 1976). campaign strategies and staff exploited religious issues in their political marketing strategies as they attempted to win the election. this gave birth to religious intolerance and conflicts among the people of jakarta. polarization in society has been perceived since the protests of aksi bela islam held on 4th novem ber and 2nd december 2016, using the easily recognizable taglines of #411 and #212. these movements successfully gathered thou sands of muslims to protest against the government and demand punishment for ahok, who derogatorily cited verses from the qur’an in his speech in the kepulauan seribu. to understand how this religious intolerance has been re kindled in the present political dynamics, we need to take a deeper look at the thesis of the civilizational clash that was brought into scholarly discussion by samuel huntington in the aftermath of the cold war. according to huntington, the end of the cold war was marked by the death of ideologies as political doctrines that were born in western civilization, including the ideologies of socialismcommunism and liberal capitalism. the demise of those ideologies marked a new era in which many political actors, political parties and the government altered the pattern of political mobilization to gain support from the masses through religious and cultural identity (huntington, 1993). issues of religious intolerance, identity politics, and sectarianism have been raised during the 21st century. in the context of the latest election in jakarta, sectarian is sues were used by campaign advisors and staff of each candidate to mobilize support from the majority of muslim voters. this changed the election of the governor in the capital city of indo nesia from a contest based on a political program, as happened during the 2012 jakarta gubernatorial election, to a contestant based on religious identities. therefore, we highlight the fact that the chance of the incumbent candidate winning the elec tion by running a campaign based on programmatic issues was destroyed by their unwillingness to address religious issues. in other words, it was the mistake of ahok/djarot themselves as the incumbent candidates that spoiled their chance of influenc ing rational voters. consequently, both competing candidates jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 415 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 416 challenging the incumbent in the elections exploited the issue of blasphemy to gain electoral support from the majority of muslim voters. second, the 2017jakarta election seemed to break the myth of voter behavior in developing countries that has been character ized as highly volatile. a study conducted by scott mainwaring and mariano torcal (2005) became the reference for this case because they argue that in developing countries the political par ties tend to have weak political institutions. political parties in developing countries have not been able to strengthen their in stitutional relationship with the voters. on the contrary, the study of mainwaring and torcal failed to give explanations for the elec tion results in the second round of the jakarta elections, which demonstrateda low level of voter volatility. the outcome of the elections demonstrated the capability of two election challeng ing duos (both agus/silvy and anies baswedan and sandiaga uno) to consolidate their votes to overthrow the incumbent from office. this article focuses on two main questions that will be ana lyzed with a view to solving the new puzzle in indonesian poli tics. first, to what extent was the ideology of voters polarized in the second round of the jakarta gubernatorial election? second, what was the extent of voters’ volatility during the two rounds of the jakarta gubernatorial elections? these two questions will be answered by revealing data from the national survey research group, which conducts surveys and polls intensely in the event of elections. research method this paper addresses two main problems as stated above: first, the political polarization that formed in the second round of the jakarta elections as indicated by the data from several national survey groups; second, the extent of voters’ volatility during the two rounds of the elections, which lasted from the registration of candidates in september until the second round of elections in april. the data will be analyzed using a study case method. the data obtained in this study were collected by conducting post observation of the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial elections and secondary data collection was in the form of journals, books, and data surveys by credible national survey groups. the triangulation method has been applied in this paper, which refers to the use of several research methods to test the accuracy of data (babbie, 2010). we checked the validity of data presented by several national survey groups by comparing them to the data from journals and other peer-reviewed materials. ideological identity andreligious identity one of the most controversial concepts in the history of po litical science is that of ideology. scholars have also studied the concept of ideology in the domain of philosophy of science. however, the concept of ideology should be at the center of the conceptual framework in political science and must be separated from philosophy of science. while in other works, for example that of sartori, ideology is generally classified into two domains, i.e., ideology in the domain of science and ideology in the politi cal domain (giddens, 1983; sartori, 1979),this article limits the notion of ideology to the political domain and we specifically address it as the concept of ideological mentality in which indi viduals navigate and orient themselves in the sea of politics. ideology has always been linked in the broader sense to an individual’s belief system. the belief system that an individual possesses may include, among others, religious, philosophical, scientific, political, psychological, and social spheres. thus, specifically in the political realm, ideologism refers to a set of beliefs in which individuals direct and orient their attitudes and behavior toward the political landscape (sartori, 1979). in his scheme of analysis, sartori classifies the ideology of an individual into emotive and cognitive aspects (see table 1). (a) the first element is called fixed ideologism, which is characterized by a closed cognitive status and strong emotional state. in this jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 417 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 418 first element of ideologism, an individual’s behavior is highly rigid, dogmatic, and closed to, or impenetrable by, other argu ments. (b) the second element is called inelastic ideologism, which is characterized by a closed cognitive status but a weak emotional state. the second element is cognitively still enclosed by arguments and evidence but still shows weak emotional dynamics and has a tendency to be open to new views without traumatic consequences. (c) the third element is the characteristic of firm ideologism, which has a tendency to be open to arguments and evidence, but is characterized by a strong emotive state. and (d) the fourth element is called flexible ideologism. this element is characterized by both a weak cognitive status and weak emotive status. this fourth element is characterized by pragmatism, and openness to arguments and evidence, and is easily transformed when confronted by other comfort situations. table 1. sartori’s framework of ideology source: sartori (2005). more specifically, the sartori’s concept of ideology can be clas sified into two major categories:ideologism and pragmatism (see table 2). sartori describes it in a bipolar dispute scheme, be tween ideologism on the one hand and pragmatism on the other. pragmatism also belongs to the classification of the belief system or part of the ideology itself, although it may also mean that an individual has no ideological preference in his behavior. thus the attempt to contrast ideologism and pragmatism represents an ideological distance between the strength and weakness of an individual’s orientation toward politics. table 2. ideologism and pragmatism as polar opposites jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 419 source: sartori (1979). politics, ideology, and belief system. revue européenne des sciences socials. in this work, we use this framework to see the voters’ behav ior during the two rounds of the jakarta gubernatorial election. more attention can be specifically given to the outcome of the second round of the elections, which took place on 19th april. but this work does not mean to state that the two candidates contesting the elections represented a competition between ideologism on the one hand and pragmatism on the other. we shall see clearly that the competition between the two candidates rep resents two ideological identity differences, between conserva tive versus liberal and islamic fundamentalist versus pluralist, or even the identity of islam versus non-islamic voters. this paper seeks to find a proper ideological explanation to show the con trast in ideological doctrines between the two groups of voters. sartori’s scheme is one of the old and fundamental analyses in political science. it is mainly used as a tool for identifying the ideology of a political party, political institutions, and even indi vidual behavior in a political system. a more recent study to explain ideological identity is provided by tinka veldhuis and jørgen staun, in which they attempt to find answers to the rise of vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 420 home-grown terrorism and radicalization in western europe. in their research they provide models to show why individuals de cided to take part in islamic radicalization or ignite certain kinds of activism to guard their religious identity. they argue that sev eral macro-level factors that constitute a social context whereby an individual interacts in society may ignite ideological transfor mation when it is supported by micro-level factors such as disor ders, pressures, and personal beliefs (veldhuis&staun, 2009). the argument of veldhuis and staun can be explicated in the following charts: figure 1. root cause model of islamic radicalization (veldhuis & staun, 2009). in this article, we use the framework of veldhuis and staun to analyze the root of radicalization and religious intolerance that prevail during the process of a campaign. in the context of the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election, two major events of mass protest to defend islam (aksi bela islam #411 and #212) require some explanation as tohow such movements could pre vail. both protests occurred as a reaction to the case of ahok’s blasphemy in kepulauan seribu and went viral after being uploaded to social media by buni yani. we attempt to analyze how the public responded to the issues and how the public transformed their ideological position towards the incumbent candidate in the elec tion. previously, especially during the first decade after the refor mation era, scholars denoted indonesian democracy as secular democracy with the majority of the muslim community showing tolerance, pragmatism, and commitment to secular nationalism (baswedan, 2004; mujani, 2009). but current developments have contributed to an antipathy towards scholarly analysis of indo nesian democracy. the events of the jakarta election may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that indonesian democracy is progressing towards illiberal democracy. challenge tothe study of mainwaringand torcal the study by scott mainwaring and mariano torcal repre sented a strong critique of sartori’s analysis of polarization in the context of political parties. for mainwaring and torcal, sartori’s study only explains the context of party systems and elections in western countries. their major findings consist of three basic assumptions. first, the majority of developing coun tries that adopt democratic and semi-democratic systems have a higher volatility and more unstable voter character than cases in developed countries of the west. secondly, they further highlight the weak institutionalization of party systems in developing coun tries where by political parties are unable to build strong ideo logical roots in the society. political parties in developing coun tries have not been able to build an ideologically strong relation ship with voters through the offering of programs that are able to tie the voters institutionally to the party. third, the relationship between voters and candidates from political parties in developing countries has a more personality based character. voters in developing countries do not vote for their candidates based on the ideology and programs their party offers. there are many factors underlying the personal relation ship between voters and these candidates, for instance the can didates’ relationships with voters based on their public images rather than based on voters’ adherence to the party program. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 421 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 422 the jakarta gubernatorial election is a regional landscape in indonesia where mainwaring and torcal’s studies on voter vola tility face serious challenges. jakarta is an electoral district where there is a substantial portion of rational voters. a research by puskapol fisip ui during the 2012electionin jakarta shows that the majority of respondents have a comprehensive knowl edge and understanding of the problems that occurred in jakarta as well as the solutions to them. competition between candi dates based on programs has a big influence on the choice of citizens in jakarta (ardiansa, 2014). in other words, the presence of a large number of rational voters in jakarta seems to contra dict mainwaring and torcal’s studies about the characteristic of voters in developing countries. this assumption is also the basis for several major parties (the golkar party and the indonesian democratic party of struggle) and other middle parties (the national democrat party) nomi nating the incumbent duo, basuki tjahaja purnama and djarot saiful hidayat (ahok/djarot), as one of the contestants in the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election. the political reasoning behind this nomination comes from the results of polls from various national survey groups that indicate that the level of public satisfaction with the incumbent’s performance is quite high. meanwhile, other parties also have a tendency to nominate other candidates who have at least as good an intellectual record in order to convince rational voters. the names of candidates appearing in election enrollment are based on the criteria of educational level, experience in governmental office, having a clean image in the case of kkn (corruption, collusion, nepo tism), and leadership capabilities. as a result, two other candi date duos appeared, agus harimukti yudhoyono and silvy (agus/ silvy) and anies baswedan and sandiaga uno(anis/sandi), to challenge the incumbent. therefore, these candidates were nominated based on their capacities, capabilities, and popularities in order to grasp the rational voters. explainingthe defeat of the incumbent candidate scholars of political science are surprisingly shocked by the incumbent’s performance in the recent jakarta gubernatorial election, especially with the result showing a wide margin of de feat. scholarly explanations with regard to the factors behind the defeat of ahok are rarely found. saifulmujani and william liddle offered a theoretical framework that is frequently cited to explain the election and voters’ behavior in indonesian politics. they explain that leadership and party id were the two most important factors of the vote in the legislative elections and presi dential elections held in 1999 and 2004 (mujani&liddle, 2007). the 2017 election in the capital city of jakarta provided con trasting facts. it showed that religion and ethnic identities be came the dominant factors behind the incumbent’s defeat in the ballots, while leadership character and party id were comple mentary factors. accordingly we argue that the landslide victory of the elec tion challengers, anis/sandi, can be explained by the blunders made by the incumbent candidate in applying their political marketing strategies. first, the leadership factor, which can be classified into a number of characteristics such as public trust worthiness, leadership capability, impartiality, assertiveness and charisma, intelligence and smartness, hospitality and modesty, and personal appeal (smrc, 2016). in october 2016, saifulmujani research and consulting released surveys on the popularity and electability of every candidate contesting the ballot. they show important findings with regard to leadership characteristics in which ahok scored low on his hospitality and modesty (42%), while agus harimukti yudhoyono (72%) and anis baswedan (80%) scored higher in this variable. in contrast, ahok showed his dominance in five other variables compared to other candidates, except the variable of personal appeal, which showed fairly commensurable scores. in other words, ahok gained more advantages in appealing to rational voters with his remarkable achievements in office. nonetheless, ahok broke the fundamen jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 423 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 424 tal rule in running for gubernatorial elections for a second term. he failed to display a good image of his character through harsh and vulgar political communications. this argument was supported by the verdict of an exit poll released by the indikator politik, which showed how the voters for agus/silvy in the first round converted their votes to anies baswedan and sandiaga unoin the second round (see table 3). this shows that the voters for agus/silvy had a high degree of volatility with 81% of them switching their support to anis/ sandy. political commentators have suggested that the reasons behind the switching of voters were religious and ethnicity fac tors. table 3. the switching of political preference based on political id voters for ahok/djarotin in the second round of the election voters for anies/sandy in the second roundof the election voters’ affiliation to political parties (party id) coalition parties of agus/silvy in 1st round of election 19.0 81.0 pkb 38.0 62.0 demokrat 15.0 85.0 pan 18.0 82.0 ppp 11.0 89.0 coalition parties of ahok/djarotin in 1stround of election 83.0 17.0 nasdem 68.0 32.0 pdip 90.0 10.0 golkar 51.0 49.0 hanura 48.0 52.0 coalition parties of anies/ sandy in 1st round of election 6.0 94.0 pks 3.0 97.0 gerindra 9.0 91.0 nonpartisan voters 39.0 61.0 source: data exit poll fromindikatorpolitik april 19th, 2017 second, a further explanation that clarifies ahok’s defeat is religious identity. this identity constitutes a long-established social cleavage in indonesian politics. in the old order era, the contestation between santri (devout muslims)andabangan (nominal muslims) dominated indonesian politics. in a previous study based on the data from the 2014 national election, scholars as sumed that the battle between santri and abangan became a “freez ing” variable in indonesian politics and could easily re-emerge in the context of local politics (trihartono & patriadi, 2016). nevertheless, the use of santri identityis not entirely appropriate as the exact definition of this term is a religious student ata pesantren or islamic boarding school. moreover, there was an ap peal from nahdlatul ulama (nu) forbidding their members to participate in the movements of #411 and #211 (tempo online, 2016). in this article, we use the dichotomy between santri and abangan to address the polarization of identity in the jakarta elec tion. in our view, from the perspective of political marketing, the case of blasphemy is a mistake that should have been avoided by ahok. his inability to construct a good personal image gave birth to the sentiment of aba (asal bukan ahok, which literally means “as long as it isn’t ahok”) among the people of jakarta. voters who emotionally determined their political choice simply by the religious factor suddenly decided to cast their votes to figure be side ahok. further, this opportunity was exploited by groups of islamic fundamentalists – referring to social institutions that use islam as a conservative ideology – by constructing protests to defend islam (aksi bela islam #411 and #212), and through po litical spin strategies. basically, the case of religious defamation strengthens the ar gument of jeremy menchik, who summarizes the data regarding indonesian religious characteristics. for menchik, muslim soci ety in indonesia is a tolerant society but does not place the credo of tolerance among liberal perspectives. tolerance or respect for different religious communities is maintained through the au tonomy of each community in matters of aqidah (theology) and ubudiyah (liturgy), while tolerance can arise within the context of muamalat (social relations). muslim society in indonesia does not have a unified legal system, hence they put tolerance in so cial relations based on their legal or religious doctrines (menchik, 2011). in this context, all religious leaders from various islamic jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 425 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 426 organizations in indonesia also agreed that ahok could not be tolerated for his defamations in the area of aqidah (theology). ahok’s statement, which directly quoted and interpreted the verses of the qur’an according to his belief,was beyond the lim its of tolerance. third, a further aspect is ethnic identity. ethnicity is one of the social cleavage structures that has become another determi nant factor in explaining the local political context in the post reformation era (mujani&liddle, 2007). this ethnic-based so cial cleavage cannot be ignored in the context of local elections, including in jakarta, and was one of the key determinants of public preference in previous elections. in the 2008 and 2013 elections, candidates used the issue of “native betawi” to drive voters’ behavior, but unfortunately this issue was defeated by the programmatic campaigns. during the first round of the elections, silvyana used this issue by pointing out that she was the only “native betawi” in the hope of convincing voters in the ballot. ahok and anis came from nonnative indonesian origins, but during the election this issue wasused for negatively attacking the incumbent candidate. ahok’s position as a chinese ethnic minority became detri mental to his political image. voters with a large support base such as betawi and sundanese were more familiar with the anies baswedan and sandiaga uno couple. other ethnic groups such as chinese and batak had a strong preference for choosing ahok/djarot. this analysis is strengthened by the data on voters’ distribution based on ethnic identities (see table 4). the data on voters’ distribution based on ethnic identity show that the society is politically polarized on two aspects of ethnicity. one aspect is where the ethnic it of the majority is muslim and has close associations with anies baswedan and sandiaga uno. as seen in the above surveys, the ethnic betawi, sundanese, and minang predominantly preferred anies baswedan and sandiaga uno to ahok-djarot. we can say that ahok/djarot has only been successful in attracting chinese and batak voters. table 4. voters’ distribution based on ethnic identities source: data exit poll from indikatorpolitik held on april 19th, 2017 the results of the jakarta gubernatorial election also serve as a theoretical reflection of the thesis of mujani and liddle, where in the regional and local elections the political landscape changed to a more localized and personalized contestation. this distin guishes the research of mujani and liddle, who took samples of national election results in both legislative and presidential elec tions. in this local political context, each candidate’s campaign strategy is also getting closer to voters, either in terms of select ing issues or overall political communication strategies. in this situation the issues of religion and ethnicity, which reflect the personal identity of the majority of voters in indonesia, are the most effective campaign material to drive voter decisions in the ballot box. the anomaly of an electoral winningstrategy in general, political consultants formulate their strategy for winning an election by targeting three different aspects: the popu larity, acceptability, and electability of their candidate. further, these three aspects were elaborated into four main steps in the campaigning process. we can elaborate these four steps simply as knowing, being familiar, being acceptable, and casting a vote. in the initial step, the campaign manager and staff will try to jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 427 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 428 introduce the candidate to the public. this strategy is applied through the installation of campaign advertising so the public know the candidates running for election. thereafter, campaign managers try to make candidates familiar to the public. this strategy can be carried out through a canvassing strategy. in the recent election for jakarta gubernatorial office, every candidate usedan impromptu-visits strategy to make them familiar to the public as well as rendering their visions, programs, and election promises. the third stage is to make candidates acceptable to the public. this strategy can be applied by designing programs and election promisesthat are favored by the public. before the election day, campaign managers and staff must try to ensure that voters are willing to cast their vote for their candidate. this crucial stage is hard to measure because voters prefer to keep this private and their views will only emerge through the ballot box. table 5. public perception of government performance source:surveys of smrc held 1st – 9th october 2016. in the case of the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election, most of the surveys released by polling institutions showed that the incumbent candidate had a high score on acceptability. public perception of the incumbent’s performance in gubernatorial of fice was high. the data show that 61% of voters in jakarta were satisfied with the performance of ahok/djarot (see table 5). this proved that ahok/djarot had been successful in tackling the city’s problems, although some issues, such as traffic and floods, remain unresolved. the data are in contrast to the opinion surveys held in the 2012 jakarta gubernatorial election. opinion surveys released by puskapol fisip ui show that the public perception of government performance is at an average level (ardiansa, 2012). this raises the assumption that once the incumbent has per formed well in office, he has preparedthegroundfor re-election for a second term. it also shows linearity with the political mar keting strategy in general that public acceptance oftheincumbent candidate could lead to a high possibility of voters casting their vote forahok/djarot in the ballot box. unfortunately, the election result was contrary to the opin ion survey on the popularity and acceptability rates of ahok/ djarot. our explanations forthis failure have been explained in the previous section of this article, andare comprised of leader ship characteristics, religious identity, and ethnic identity. the failure of political party institutionalization we have seen the data from opinion surveys above that the second round of the jakarta gubernatorial election caused deep friction among the public in jakarta. that impact also spreadto many provinces outside jakarta. this also strengthens the view that jakarta is one of the important benchmarksin indonesian politics. on the one hand, after the election, the president sud denly dissolved the hizbuttahrir indonesia (hti), a decision that in our opinion was made due to the growing polarization be tween the citizens. on the other hand, the jakarta high court sentenced ahokto two years for blasphemy against islam. the government’s verdict post election seemed to underline the ef fort to curb deep polarizations among the society. chris chaplin, one of kitlv’s researchers, performed an interesting analysis of the dynamics of the jakarta election. he pointed out that the emergence of islamic conservatism is a prod uct of the temporary alliance between islamic intellectuals and politicians. furthermore, he wrote that the alliance was only able to win the election because of the political situation that emerged jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 429 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 430 during thee. it did not represent an alliance of ideologiesthatis deep-rooted in society (asia and the pacific policy society online, 2017). unfortunately, chaplin’s analysis is not supported by strong data analysis. in our view, chaplin seems to argue that the dynamics that occurred during the jakarta election was not ideological polar ization, which resulted from the competition between political parties. in this case, chaplin has the same viewas mainwaring and torcal (2005), who stated that political parties in the devel oping countries were still unable to establish strong institutional relations with the voters. therefore, the switching electoral sup port from agus/silvy in the first round of the election to aniesbaswedan and sandiaga uno in the second round was not the result of their supporting political party strategy. to support this argument, we can refer to opinion surveys data from the indikatorpolitikon the relation between voters and their party’s preference, commonly known as party id (see table 5). table 6. opinion surveys on party id in jakarta source: opinion surveys of indikatorpolitik held 12th– 20th january 2017 these findings indicate the weakness of political parties in constructing their ideological roots with voters, especially in jakarta, which is well-known for its rational voters. this is indi cated by the low survey result, whichshows that only 7.8% of the public revealed their party preference. the topfivein surveys were pdip, pks, demokrat, gerindra, and ppp. the high percentage of people who say that they do not have any particular prefer ence for any political party (80.4%) strengthens mainwaring and torcal’s view that political parties in developing countries are incapable of building an ideological relationship with their vot ers. however, we still argue that the jakarta election showed a certain degree of ideological polarization. in the midst of the situation where the political parties were unable to establish an ideological relation with the people, their role was replaced by an ideological movement established by various islamic organi zations, such as nahdlatululama (nu), muhammadiyah, front pembela islam (fpi), gerakan national pembela fatwa majelisulama indonesia (gnpf mui), hizbuttahrir indonesia (hti), majelisintelektual muda indonesia (miumi) etc. these muslim based organizations took over the political parties’ roles in con solidating the people’s political preferences. polarization also occurredamong these organizations, with some of the organiza tions promoting islamic moderation and others promoting is lamic conservatism. ideology behindvoters’political preferences the explanation above has shown that the political process in jakarta affects polarization within the society both at the local and nationwide level. it is also mentioned above that this paper aims to analyze the ideological distance that emerged during the contestation in the jakarta election. therefore, we shall identify ideologies that existed during the contestation. this can be traced from a series of events during the election, starting from the announcement of candidates, to the first round of the election, and then to the second round of the election. it can be analyzed by tracking campaign materials, political marketing strategies, and all political maneuvers by the winning staff and party jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 431 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 432 volunteers to party elites, as well as community leaders who were actively involved in the jakarta election. everything seemed positive for ahok before a video contain ing his speech was posted on facebook by buniyani on 6th octo ber 2016. thereupon, a blasphemy issue spread rapidly on social media around a statement made by ahok who blatantly cited from al qur’an, surah al maidah, verse 51, in kepulauan seribu on 27th september 2016. this brought a serious challenge to the incumbent candidate because it coincided with the candidates’ verification period. ahok’s speech in kepulauan seribu was suicidal in terms of his image and was soon being exploited as an effective weapon by his political opponents. this issue was also exploited by his political opponents in building a mass movement that united indonesian muslims over the issue of imprisonment for ahok. in the midst of the blasphemy issue, ahok’s staff released a pocket book entitled 7 dalil umat isam dki dalam memilih gubernur in an attempt to justify why the public should vote for ahok (see picture 6). instead of gaining support, the book was misused by the islamic fundamentalist groups who released a counter book entitled haram memilih pemimpin non-muslim (see picture 6). figure 2. the bookcovers released by the ahok’s campaign staff and the front santri nasional. the al maidah case paved the way for the emergence of anti ahok movements and black campaign issues attackingahok’s personal image. the spread of these two campaign books to the people of jakarta strengthened the voters’ ideological position. we can see from the perspective of political marketing that the biggest mistake made by ahokwas bringing the religious issue to the fore, while at the same time not successfully bringing out their main strengths and opportunities in the programmatic cam paign. figure 3. pamphlets containing religious issues. the publication of two contrasting campaign books in the jakarta election correlates to the study of colm fox and jeremy menchik (2011), which explains why campaigning through vari ous religious posters can effectively alter the political preference of voters (see pictures 6 and 7). according to their research, a largenumber of religious symbols were used during the campaign in jakarta. from the total amount of campaign materials col lected from jakarta, 32% of the tools are religious symbols and put jakarta in third place after aceh (36%) and south borneo (43%). fox and menchik provide three important answers to why religious campaign materials are very intense in jakarta. first, jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 433 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 434 it wasdue to the existence of a university, which has becomea fertile camp for the emergence of islamic fundamentalism in indonesia over the past two decades. second, the majority of indonesia’s younger generations are more religious than the older generations and the urban areas have more young populations. third, most urban communities are not bound by regional iden tity, so they become more affiliated with religious identity (fox &menchik, 2011). interestingly, we can settle an argument by saying that there was a similar strategy among all the candidates participating in the election, and that they all brought the religious issue to the forefront. nevertheless, there were substantial differences in how they framed the religious issue to the public. on the one hand, ahok/djarot’s campaign staff tried to dismiss the non-muslim issues by presenting arguments such as tolerance, pluralism, de mocracy, and justice. in fact, they presented toleration as their ideological content in the campaign, which in our opinion can be categorized as islamic moderation. on the other hand, both agus/sylvi and anis-sandi had a common strategy, which was trying to dismiss the notion that indigenous muslim people could vote for non-muslim and nonindigenous leaders. in this regard, they presented a political marketing strategy that shaded conser vative ideology. coinciding with the ideological consolidation of moderate islamic organizations that representedahok/djarot issues, mas sive mass movements emerged to beat the negligence of ahok’s political marketing strategy. it gave birth to the indigenous indo nesian muslim movements both in the form of populismand conser vatism, initiated by aksibela islam #411, which demandedthat the government punishedahok for blasphemy. this movement was followed by thousands of people from jakarta and other cities. after the protestof december 12th, a massive movement returned with a larger number of participants, both from inner and outer jakarta, in the name of aksibela islam #212. both movements, aksibela islam #411 and #212, were promoted by islamic intellectual figures who were members of several mass organizations such as fpi, gnpf-mui, hti, muhammadiyah, nu, and other organizations affiliated with them. the blasphemy case led to the emergence of religiously de fended acts both in the form of mass movements and also hate campaigns on social media. their participation in aksibela is lam#411 and #212was essentially in line with one of the islamic principles, i.e.,hirastuaddinwasiyasatuaddunya, which means guard ing the religion and managing worldly things (menchik, 2014). applyingthe root cause model the most recent theoretical framework in understanding is lamic radicalization came upon the analysis of an “embedded individual” and left a stage model of analysis behind. in their analysis, veldhuis and staun postulate a notion that radicalization occurs due to an individual process that can be understood in connection with the individual’s social environment. they avoided a stage model in understanding islamic radicalization, a model that is commonly used by government in a deradicalization program and counter-terrorism strategy (veldhuis&staun, 2009). the religiously defended acts of #212 and #411 can certainly be categorized as islamic radicalization, although these movements did not lead to violence. violence is the climax of the radicalization process. individuals may decide to take part in violence, protests, and other unlawful behavior when mitigated by the issue that threatens their identity. both movements undoubtedly emerged due to intense political dynamics in the election. the root cause model is based on the context of home-grown terrorism and islamic radicalization in europe. to apply this theory to the context of the jakarta election, we need to exam ine the social dynamics in the election, which in the root cause model is referred to as macro-level analysis. in this paper, we find that the events of the jakarta election produced extremely vigorous social and political dynamics that were manufactured for the purpose of winning the elections by campaign staff, poli jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 435 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 436 ticians, religious leaders, academics, social activists, etc. we can classify the social issues that occurred in the jakarta election by applying the root cause model. it can be categorized into macro level units of analysis as follows: table 7. macro-level factors occurring in the jakarta election macro-level analysis several facts occur during election social and economic discrimination  issues of economic gap between indigenous people versus nonindigenous (chinese)  government policy to relocate inhabitants of riverbanks of jakarta.  reclamation policy of jakarta bay poor integration  social segregation  ethnic identity issues perceived war against “islam”  ahok’s blasphemous statement influences of media, peers, imams, family members  campaign materials containing religious symbol  hate speech from religious leaders and politicians in mosques  hate spin via social media source: the author’s documentation based on veldhuis and staun’s model: table 8. public perception of ahok’s blasphemous statement base voters for agus/silvy voters for ahok/djarot voters for anies/ sandy no ideaor no response insulting religion or not ahok’s statement insulting religion 57.3 27.1 16.2 51.4 5.2 ahok’s statement not insulting religion 27.4 6.4 83.2 9.8 0.6 no idea or no 15.2 19.5 40.9 27.0 12.6 response source: opinion surveys of indikatorpolitik held 2nd – 8th february 2017 among the many issues mentioned above, ahok’s blasphe mous statement became the center of attention and we consid ered it to be the fundamental factor behind his poor performance in the second round of the election. the public perception of ahok was very negative and contributed to the diminishing of his popularity (see table 6). we consider blasphemy issues to be the triggering factors that give birth to the revival of religious identity in elections. statistical data show that ahok’s statement in kepulauan seribu received a negative response from voters. the data were collected from surveys held a few weeks before the first round of the election. they indicated that 57.3% of the public expressed their views that ahok despised qur’anic verses. meanwhile, the data illustrated that only 27.4% of the public disagreed with the allegations of blasphemy and another 15.2% refused to give answers to such a question. these facts are in line with the outcome of the first round of the election in which ahok failed to realize his positive achievements in going from incumbent to decisive victory in the first round of the election. in brief, we can clarify that the ideological identity behind the mass movements of #411 and #211 was the identity of mus lims who confronted the threat to their religion to achieve a desired social state. veldhuis and staun mentioned in their analysis several factors that became the micro level of analysis of individuals. those factors included psychological disorder and strained personal experiences, persona beliefs, favoritism for the in group community, and humiliation in public life. accordingly, we argue that the religious identity of the majority of muslim voters in jakarta is the strongest evidence for the micro-level analysis presented in this article. religious identity is part of the “embedded” identity of the voters. this identity constitutes “ anendogenous” identity and has been able to convince voters to transform their ideological stance toward the incumbent candidate. we took as an example the behavior of supporters of agus/silvy, where in the first round of the elections this candidate collected 17% of the votes. in the second round, they switched their votes to anies baswedan and sandiaga uno. moreover, there are other micro-level factors such as ethnic identities, economic deprivation, relocation, and reclamation policy that affected deeply the inhabitants of the riverbanks and bays of jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 437 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 438 jakarta. but we could not provide convincing data to settle the argument. one important finding has emerged from this re search: that religious identity could seriously challenge the de velopment of indonesian democracy. conclusion the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election is over, but it still leaves many questions as to whether the political construction in the capital territory of indonesia can affect the contestation of elections in other provinces and regencies outside jakarta. some scholars in political science have appreciated, sarcastically satirized, or even rejected the victory of anies baswedan and sandiaga uno in the jakarta gubernatorial election. but the fact of the matter is that it shows how religious identity may still exist as one of the most important cleavage structures in indonesian politics. it has been considered a “freezing” cleavage and returns to the stage in contestations between santri and abangan. we can underline that polarization of voters both politically and ideologically became keys to anies baswedan and sandiaga uno’s victory. the evidence of political polarization can be clearly seen in the behavior of rational voters who did not favor the public image of ahok. it came from the supporters of agus/ silvy in the first round of the election who thus switched their support to anies baswedan and sandiaga uno in the second round. they clearly did not see the figure of ahok as politically representing them. meanwhile, the evidence of ideologically polarized voters was imminent on those who were compelled not to vote for ahok due to his blasphemy against islam. ahok’s statement (al-maidah 51) became a stimulant for these voters to further strengthen their ideological standing so as not to vote for candidates who had violated religious faith in the election. this was evidenced from aksi bela islam#411, #212, and other political mobilizations during the election. the movement also showed signs that the disruption of the established ideological order may lead to massive repudiation. one could argue that the blasphemy incident was politically hijacked by political parties, interest groups, political elites, or even religious leaders. actually, if we look at the people’s reac tion in the aksi bela islam of #212 and #411, we can infer that those who participated in the religious movement, most of their reasons were always ideological. it was simply because they could not tolerate any political figures who insulted their faith or ide ology. polarization of voters occurred due to the presence of reli gious blasphemy issues raised by ahok and his campaign staff andwas maintained from the registration of candidates until the second round of the elections. some alleged that the main fac tor behind ahok’s defeat was his own inability to portray a good image in political communication. on the other hand, the cam paign advisor and staff of two other candidates were accused of excessively exploiting religious issues in the election. implications for future research the impacts of the jakarta election were not only at the pro vincial level but could bring serious conflict and the spread of intolerance to other areas outside jakarta. they could lead to nationwide issues for the central government, which is facing the agenda of “pilkada serentak” in 2018 and “pemilu serentak” in 2019. however, the question of whether the jakarta election will be a model for elections in other provinces and regencies requires further research, bearing in mind the fact that every region in indonesia has unique characteristics with a certain level of differences in the nature of political systems, social systems, and cultural systems. further researches are also needed to address the question of whether indonesian politics have advanced towards illiberal democracy. many scholars have begun such projects and have come to the conclusion that indonesian democracy is under threat of growing intolerance, massive corruption by government officials at the national and local level, weak institutionalism of political parties, and social conflicts based jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 439 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 440 on religion and ethnic identity, etc. acknowledgement we would like to thank the national survey groups, espe cially indikator politik and saiful mujani research and consulting (smrc), who openly provided data from opinion surveys and polls of the 2017 jakarta gubernatorial election. we also express our gratitude to our colleagues, especially mr. adhi cahya fahadayna, who provided discussion and academic materials to support this article. in addition, we would like to thank mr. suwarno and mr. alex from the editorial of koran sindo, as well as mr. dimas okky from akar rumput strategic consulting, for their support during field observation. references alattas, m.h. 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(2009). islamist radicalisation: a root cause model. clingendaele: netherlands institute of international relations. http://www.indikatorpolitik.id/ http://www.indikatorpolitik.id/ https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=en&lr=&id=qro5mlpzpdwc&oi=fnd&pg=pa204&dq=mainwaring,+s.,%26+torcal,+m.+(2005).+party+system+institutionalization+and+party+system+theory+after+the+third+wave+of+democratization+.the+helen+kellogg+institute+for+inter-+national+studies.&ots=uxzjsh1yit&sig=cdklvcosjvbkj97aiu-shtzvgze&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=en&lr=&id=qro5mlpzpdwc&oi=fnd&pg=pa204&dq=mainwaring,+s.,%26+torcal,+m.+(2005).+party+system+institutionalization+and+party+system+theory+after+the+third+wave+of+democratization+.the+helen+kellogg+institute+for+inter-+national+studies.&ots=uxzjsh1yit&sig=cdklvcosjvbkj97aiu-shtzvgze&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false http://as.ucpress.edu/content/49/4/575 http://www.smrc.co/ http://www.smrc.co/ http://www.smrc.co/ http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2057891115620699 http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/2057891115620699 poverty, entitlement approach, and the program of health insurance for the poor in indonesia sutiyo institut pemerintahan dalam negeri sutiyobanyumasan@yahoo.com ondo riyani institut pemerintahan dalam negeri ondoriyani@yahoo.com meltarini institut pemerintahan dalam negeri meltariyani@yahoo.com abstract this study analyzes the implementation of the health insurance for the poor (hip) pro gramin indonesia, focusingat theadvantages andconstraints facedby thebeneficiaries in accessing healthcare. a case study is conducted in purbalingga district, central java province. a total of 648 households were randomly selected to be the respondents, and data are collected through questionnaires, interviews and observations. both qualitative and quantitative technique of data analysis are employed in this study. by applying the approach of entitlement within the framework of healthcare access, it is found that the program brings positive impacts in increasing financial abilities of the beneficiaries and creating good treatment from the medical workers. however, problems on the distribu tion inaccuracy and low supply side readiness of health infrastructure and service system dilute the overall benefits of the program in poverty alleviation. the government of indonesia is recommended to involve communities and local officers in the enumeration of the beneficiaries, to increase the participation of private healthcare providers in the program, and to establish clear reward and punishment system for the health workers. keywords: entitlement approach; social protection program; access to healthcare; pov erty alleviation. abstrak studi ini menganalisis pelaksanaan program jaminan kesehatan bagi masyarakat miskin di indonesia, dengan fokus pada keuntungan dan kendala yang dihadapi oleh penerima manfaat, melalui studi kasus di kabupaten purbalingga. dengan menerapkan pendekat an hak dalam kerangka akses layanan kesehatan, ditemukan bahwa program tersebut membawa dampak positif dalam meningkatkan kemampuan finansial para penerima manfaat, dan menciptakan perawatan yang baik dari para pekerja medis. namun, ke siapan sisi pasokan yang rendah dari infrastruktur kesehatan dan sistem layanan men jurnal studi pemerintahan 332 received : october 9, 2017 revised : november 1, 2017 accepted : february 3, 2018 to cite this article please refer to : sutiyo, riyani, o., & meltarini. (2018). poverty, entitlement approach, and the program of health insurance for the poor in indonesia. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 9(1). 332-353 mailto:sutiyobanyumasan@yahoo.com mailto:ondoriyani@yahoo.com mailto:meltariyani@yahoo.com vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 333 gurangi manfaat program dalam pengentasan kemiskinan. pemerintah indonesia di rekomendasikan untuk melibatkan masyarakat dan petugas lokal dalam penghitungan penerima manfaat, untuk meningkatkan partisipasi penyedia layanan kesehatan swasta dalam program, dan untuk menetapkan imbalan yang jelas dan sistem hukuman bagi para pekerja kesehatan. kata kunci: pendekatan kepemilikan; program perlindungan sosial; akses ke kesehatan; pengentasan kemiskinan. introduction poverty is generally understood as the inability to obtain proper living standard. it is a multidimensional concept encom passing both economic dimension like income and non-eco nomic dimension like health, education,and access to public services (henry, sharma, lapenu, & zeller, 2001). sen (1981), in her works to analyze the causes of poverty in several coun tries, found that famine might happen even when the country experienced surplus in food production. famine occurred not due to the problems of food supply, but because the poor did not have access to the foods, or that they were not entitled to access the foods. causes and processes of famine could there fore be understood through an approach of “entitlement.” entitlement is “a set of alternative commodity bundles that a person can command in a society using the totality of rights and opportunities that he or she faces (sen, 1984, p. 497).” a set of entitlement may consist of goods and services that can be ac quired if a person converts his endowment, asset and resources. entitlement comes from self-production, trading, own-labour, inheritance or transfer (devereux, 2001; nussbaum, 2003; sen, 1984). while the approach of entitlement was initially used to analyze famines, it is now extensively used to analyze the other dimensions of poverty. based on the entitlement approach, it can be understood that poverty alleviation will not be successful only through the increase in production of goods and services. there must be effort to ensure that the poor had access to the goods and ser vices to maintain their standard of living, which was effort to transfer a set of entitlement to the poor. in this regard, social protection programs are implemented as a way to transfer the entitlement to the poor. social protection is generally defined as transfer of cash and kinds to the poor in order to maintain sufficient standard of living. the programs become very popu lar in the last decade, and are implemented by many coun tries to reach the poor and the vulnerable groups not benefitted from conventional development programs(brooks, 2015; haan, 2014). the roles of the programs have been expanded to include protective, preventive, promotive and transformative measures by providingaid, preventing poverty, empowering the poor and creating equal opportunities to transform the society (sabates wheeler & stephen, 2007). from the perspective of social jus tice, the programs aim to guarantee the rights of the citizen to a minimum standard of living through free or subsidized distribu tion of basic goods and services. in indonesia, social protection programs reached their mo mentum just after the 1998 asian monetary crisis. to help the poor cope with adverse impact of the crisis, the government of indonesia implemented social safety nets. although the crisis had been resolved and the economy was recovered thereafter, social safety nets were continued and modified into social pro tection programs. the programs become one of the main strate gies to reduce poverty and vulnerability in the country(poverty reduction committee of indonesia, 2003). the health insur ance for the poor (hip) program is one of the largest social pro tection programs, which aims to entitle the poor a free medi cation in designated healthcare providers.the program is seen very important in national development agenda. high political commitment of the government makes the hip be the main pri ority despite frequent changes in ministerial cabinet. by 2013, the program was claimed to cover nearly 86 million people cat egorized as 40% of the population with lowest income (aspi nall, 2014; mboi, 2015). the coverage was a high achievement, as it was nearly zero in 1990s, and only 14% in 2006 (rokx, schieber, harimurti, tandon, & somanathan, 2009). jurnal studi pemerintahan 334 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 335 despite high investment and various efforts to succeed the hip, some targets present that the program is not completely successful. rates of malnutrition remains high, in which 35.6% of children under age five are underweight, while rates of infant and child mortality within the poor are double than the rich (harimurti, pambudi, pigazzini, & tandon, 2013). maternal mortality rates are decreased in the recent years, but remaining far below the target of milenium development goal (ministry of health of republic indonesia, 2013). in the broader context, national povertyrate decreased byaveragely 0.58% per year after 2001, relatively lower than the decrease in the previous decades, 1.4% per year on average (sutiyo & maharjan, 2017). numbers of studies find that the main causes were problems of distribu tion, in which substantial numbers of the poor were not listed in the program (christiani, byles, tavener, & dugdale, 2017; sutiyo & maharjan, 2011). the other problems include dispari ties of health care facilities throughout the country (vidyatta ma, miranti, & resosudarmo, 2014), organizational problems from the implementing agency (mboi, 2015), weak coordina tion among the implementing institutions (hardini, 2015), and high potentiality of fund misuse in the hip (aspinall, 2014). it can be assumed that the entitlement given by the govern ment through the hip does not always function well. a deeper understanding of the advantages and constraints faced by the poor in utilizing the hip is needed to formulate recommenda tion to improve the program. this paper aims to analyze the process in which the poor utilize the hip to access healthcare in order to understand functionalities of entitlement approach in indonesian heath sector. the remainder of this paper is or ganized as follows: section 2 reviews program description and research framework; section 3 elaborates the used method; sec tion 4 presents results, which include socio-economic condi tion of study sites and respondents, the distribution of the hip, access to healthcare, and the utilization of the hip; section 5 develops discussion; section 6 draws conclusion. literature reviews program description the hip is a program to help the poor to access health services. it distributes a card for free health service in desig nated institutions, which include all government facilities and some selected private providers. the hip began in 1998, with the name of sosial safety netof health sector (jaring pengaman sosial bidang kesehatan). in 2001, the program was renamed into askeskin, which was financed from the reallocation of the fund from withdrawal of fuel subsidy. in 2008, askeskin was changed into jamkesmas, which was equipped with better institution and funding scheme. in 2013, jamkesmas and multiple health insur ance scheme managed bythe government, like those for civil ser vants and industrial workers, were integrated. an agency named social security management agency (badan penyelenggara jami nan sosial) was established in 2014 to manage the program. the integration aimed at promoting cross-subsidization and reduc ing administrative costs as well as inequalities to health care (lagomarsino, garabrant, adyas, muga, & otoo, 2012). two main regulations were issued to be the legal basis of the pro gram, namely law 40/2004 on national social security system and law 24/2011 on the social security management agency. the beneficiaries of the hip consist of the households that meet several criteria of dwelling condition, access to electricity, access to clean water and type of cooking fuel. periodical enu meration was conducted in 2005, 2008, 2011 and 2015, respec tively. the package of insurance includes inpatient, outpatient, preventive and maternal cares. it excludes cosmetic surgery, annual physical check-ups, alternative medicine, dental prosthe sis and fertility treatment (minister of health of republic indo nesia, 2014). conceptual framework the basic idea of entitlement approach is that poverty occurs not due to unavailability of goods and services in the jurnal studi pemerintahan 336 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 337 society, but due to inability of a person to access them. sen (1984) concluded that to alleviate poverty, the government could not rely only on market mechanism. the government should transfer legal and economic rights for the poor to access the basic goods and services they needed. in this regards, social protection programs philosophically aim at entitling the poor an access to the goods and services for proper living. the pro grams play roles as a legal transfer of entitlement from the state. entitlement approach has an implicit assumption that once the poor are given the program, they will be able to access those goods and services. while poverty and social protection programs are concep tually connected by entitlement approach, many studies pres ent that the implementation of the programs are influenced very much by local social and political environments. devereux (2001) argued that it was wrong to consider entitlement ap proach as only an individual process. various socio-political de terminants will influence the utilization of the programs. this is why, as founded by brooks (2015) and haan (2014), poverty remained difficult to be alleviated despite the extensive imple mentation of social protection programs in developing coun tries. psychological factors also matter, especiallyin health relat ed programs. study by ergler, sakdapolrak, bohle, and kearns (2011) in india found that many poor people preferred to use private healthcare providers due to good treatment, despite the costs involved and that free government facilities existed. their study highlighted that social protection program in health sector needed to consider not only effective access to healthcare, but also affective treatment. peters et al. (2008) identified four dimensions of access that might either enable or constrain entitlement in healthcare, as follows: 1. geographic accessibility, means the physical distance or travel time between healthcare providers and households; 2. availability, means having the right type of care as demand ed, such as hours of operation, waiting times, equipment and materials; ccessibility, means the relationship between cost of services and thewillingness as well as ability of users to pay the services; acceptability, means the match between the quality of services and the expectations of users. these dimensions are very useful to use in analyzing the linkage between health insurance programs and access to health services in developing countries (domapielle, 2014). omapi elle (2014) argued that irrespective of the model of insurance applied by a country, these four dimensions will govern the de cision of the beneficiaries to access healthcare. it is argued here that each of dimensions has supply and demand elements that will influence the hip beneficiaries in utilizing their entitle ment (fig 1) figure. 1 research framework research methods the study was conducted in purbalingga district of central java province, which is astronomically located at longitude of 7010’ 7029’ south and latitude of 101011’ 109035’ east. it is about 360 km east of jakarta, the capital city of indonesia. the district was purposively selected due to its high poverty rates, which ranked second in the province. within the district, eigh teen villages were purposively selected based on geographical condition (fig. 2). jurnal studi pemerintahan 338 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 339 figure. 2 map of purbalingga district presenting study villages (without scale) the population of this study consisted of 100,281poor households registered in the unified targeting system of 2011 social protection program (basis data terpadu) in local plan ning agency. a total of 648 households in the district, or 36 households per village, were randomly selected to be the respon dents. fieldworks were conducted in july to august 2015 by the authors and eighteen trained enumerators. the other key informants of this study included village officers, local health officers and prominent community members. questionnaires, interviews, focused group discussions and observations were applied as per need. this study employed mixed methods of qualitative and quantitative data analysis techniques. the quan titative analysis was applied mainly through statistic descriptive method. results socioeconomic conditionof study sites and respondents purbalingga district has an area of 777 km2, and is divided into 18 sub-districts and 230 villages. the area was inhabited by 950,000 people(bps purbalingga, 2015). the study sites were predominantly hilly areas located just in the foot of slamet mountain. the settlements (dusun) of the study sites typically consisted of about 100 to 300 households grouped in the flat areas. each settlement was separated by cropland areas, hills, rice fields and other natural boundaries. about 5 to 10 settle ments were grouped into a village, and about 10 to 15 villages were grouped into one sub-district. on average, each village has area of 2 to 5 km2. the villages were connected by asphalted road passable for cars. public transportation was available only to connect the sub-district and district capital. people from vil lage mainly used foot, bike and motorcycle to go to the other villages and sub-district capital. the district was still dealing with problems of low level of health condition of the population. in 2013, it was reported 187 cases of malaria, 389 cases of pneumonia, 13 cases of lep rosy, 572 cases of dengue, and 37,301 cases of diarrhea. child mortality rate was 11 per 1,000 births (district health agency of purbalingga, 2014). the high incidence of diseases indicated the need of the government to improve healthcare system for the population. statistically, most of the households were headed by male (89%) with elementary level of education (52%) and working in agriculture (30%).the average member per households wasfour people. about 5% of the households had members with physi cal defect. about 16% of the households had members suffer ing from chronic illness, which mainly included diabetes and problems related to heart and respiratory organs.there were 3% of the households having pregnant members, and 25% of the households have child under age five. these present the need to access health services, which implies additional health spend ing. ownership of the hip is essential to reduce the health spending (table 1). jurnal studi pemerintahan 340 vol. 9 no. 3 table 1 socio-economic condition of the respondents august 2018 341 note: hh: household source: field survey, 2015 distribution accuracy of the hip on the paper, all of the respondents deserved the hip pro gram because they were listed as the poor and vulnerable in the government database. however, only605 respondents (93%) ac tually became the beneficiaries of the hip, which was proven by their ownership of the hip card. another 43 respondents (7%) were excluded from the hip. the inaccuracy of distribution was the consequences of various troubles in enumeration process. village officers said that they were not involved or given tasks to enumerate the people. hired enumerators were directly coordinated by the sta tistical agency to perform the tasks. it was reported that many enumerators did not visit the households to observe and in terview. the questionnaires were simply fulfilled on the desk just based on estimation with limited references. most of the enumerators were not the residents of the study villages, thus having low understanding about the real condition of the poor. consequently, when the list of beneficiaries was issued by the socio economic condition number percentage gender of hh heads male 577 89% female 71 11% education of hhheads having no formal education 274 42% elementary school 335 52% junior high school 35 5% senior high school 4 1% occupation of hh heads agriculture 250 39% labour 203 31% business 52 8% service 24 4% other 95 15% number of hhs with chronic illnesses 102 16% number of hhs with pregnant members 18 3% number of hhs with child under five 164 25% number of hhs with physical disabilities 31 5% statistical agency, many poor households were not listed. the government could not issue additional cards for the unlisted households. these became the main cause of inaccuracies in the program distribution. access to public healthcare facilities geographic accessibility the healthcare providers available in the settlements are entailed in the health post (posyandu), which is opened once a month to monitor the health status of the pregnant and child under age five. a village clinic (polindes), with only one midwife, was available in most villages, with the task to install contracep tion and to provide primary healthcare for the pregnant and child under age five. in the sub-district, there is a community health center (puskesmas, herewith abbreviated asthe chcs), completed with nurse and medical doctor. more advanced hos pitals were available in the district capital, which had specialist doctors, laboratory installation and inpatient units. the govern ment of purbalingga district had 1 hospital, 22 chcs, 199 vil lage clinics, and 1,194 health posts. on average, each chc had one doctor, seven nurses and four midwives. in addition, there are four hospitals and 25 private clinics in the district, but only less than one third of them accepted the utilization of the hip (district health agency of purbalingga, 2014). the other pri mary cares are privately provided by the doctors in their houses before and after the working hours in the chcs. the chc is still the main provider of primary healthcare in rural areas. its working area ranges from 8 km2 in the dis trict capital to 62 km2 in the remotes sub-districts. based on the number of residents, one chc should serve 18,221 to 58,769 people (district health agency of purbalingga, 2014). if sec ondary treatment is needed, the respondents should go to the district hospital by using referral from the chc. the distance from the most remote village to the hospital is 45 km, which could be reached within about two hours of travel with motor jurnal studi pemerintahan 342 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 343 cycle or car. the main roads to connect most settlements with the chcs and district hospital are asphalted and passable by car. yet, the dispersed characteristic of rural settlements and the nature of hilly areas of the study villages presented challenges to access thechcs and the district hospital. about 59 respondents (10%) complained about the geo graphical distance of the public healthcare facilities from their houses. this became the reason why they did not always utilize the hip when sick. on the other hand, the interviewed district officers told that the government was aware about the prob lems of limited number of public healthcare facilities. however, problems of limited budget to build and operate new facilities as well as limited number of doctors to be sent hindered the creation of new health facilities. the government efforts were limited only to increase the number of the chcs capable for inpatient treatment. by 2015, about half of the chcs were able to provide inpatient cares. availability in terms of the hip utilization, many respondents asserted that the geographical distance of public healthcare facilities was not the main issue, rather its operating hours. the work ing hours of the chcs and other public facilities in the study sites were officially from 08:00 am to 12:00 am, every mon days to saturdays. this operating hour is similar with working hours of most residents as well as the schooling hours. some respondents, especially industrial workers and students, could not visit the public health facilities during working hours and when visits are made beyond the working hours, the hip could not be used. the low number of public health facilities impies that longer time will be spent when getting treatments. as an illus tration, in 2013, it was reported that 763,655 visits to the chcs throughout the district (district health agency of purbalingga, 2014) or an average of 116 visits per day per chc. with only one doctor available in the chc, patients had to wait a long time to have the treatment. in addition, many respondents shared that the operating hours were often delayed because the doctors prioritized their private service in the houses before the chc operating hours. their private operating hours were mostly con ducted from 06.00 am to 07.00 am and 05.00 pm to 07.00 pm. most respondents suggested that it would be better if the operating hours of the chcs were extended to 05.00 pm, and that the chcs were also open in sunday. limited number of doctors as well as limited budget from the government to extend the operating hours of the chcs are the major concerns. the interviewed district officers told that supervision had been conducted to ensure that the chcs are obedient to the stated schedule and that the doctors came on time to give the services. yet, the results of the supervision were still not optimal due to limited implementation of reward and punishment system. financial accessibility the hip covered the insurance for inpatient, outpatient, preventive and maternal cares. these benefit packages were quite generous as most of the costs of medication were guar anteed by the hip. these meant that in the supply side, the government had performed well in increasing financial acces sibility of the poor. there were no reports of troubles in the reimbursements of the service costs by the healthcare providers, which meant that the government could well manage the fund ing of the hip. yet, despite the costs of medication, the households also need to set aside extra money for travel (transportation) costs as they visit public healthcare facilities. among the respondents, 12% had no travel (transportation) fund as they visit the nearest chcs or district hospital, which meant they could go there on foot or by bicycle. most respondents spent idr 10,000 for travel cost to thefacilities. the highest travel cost spent by the respon dents to visit the chcs was idr 40,000 (table 2). jurnal studi pemerintahan 344 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 345 table 2 travel cost to the nearest chc travel cost from houses to the nearest chc number percentage without costs 80 12% idr 1 to 10,000 369 57% idr 10,001-20,000 169 26% idr 20,001-30,000 28 4% idr 30,000-40,000 2 0% total 648 100% source: field survey, 2015 to imagine the meaning of those amounts of money, it could be illustrated that idr 30,000 was comparable to the wage of one-day agriculture labor or the price of 3 kg of rice. generally, the respondent’s willingness to pay travel costs was high. most respondents said that when they were sick, they were willing to spend the travel costs to visit the chcs in order to have free treatment. these means that the travel costs did not became a constraint for the beneficiaries to utilize the hip. many respondents stated that the highest cost they should spend is for the person and family accompanying a family member when inpatient treatment is needed. the cost was nec essary to buy the food and other necessities during the treat ment. some of the poorest respondents told that when they were sick and needed inpatient treatment in the hospital, they pretended to choose routine outpatient treatments in the chcs due to financial difficulties. acceptability the hip was financially designed so that the doctors and nurses would be paid appropriately.this may become the en couraging factor for the quality of service given to the poor in utilizing the hip. in general, the respondents perceived that the quality of treatment in public health facilities was good enough. there were statistically no significant differences of quality of health service given to the patients with the hip and those with out the hip (fig. 3). 2.5 1.5 0.5 2.4 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.4 2.3 quality of service in quality of service in chc quality of service in village clinic district hospital beneficiaris of the hip non beneficiaries of the hip jurnal studi pemerintahan 346 figure 3. respondent’s perception toward the quality of public health services note: 1-1.66: bad; 1.67-2.3: medium; 2.3-3: good the respondents expressed various narratives, especially their expectation toward better quality of services of the public healthcare facilities. mostly, theyexpected that the services were conducted faster, with shorter waiting time, better facilities and more convenient room in the chcs. the government will have a difficulty in meeting this expectation due to various challeng es in the management. regulation of standard of minimum services (sms) and standard of operating procedures (sop) have been issued to serve as the guidelines in delivering public service. however, periodic surveyof the consumer’s satisfaction towards public service is not conducted. the government does not have a mechanism yet to monitor whether the sms and sop are delivered well. utilization of the hip most of the beneficiaries of the hip preferred to visit public healthcare facilities for medication, which mostly included the chcs (71%) and the village clinics (26%). there is a substantial portion of the respondents who preferred the private services of doctors (26%), which meant that they did not use the hip. the visitation to private doctors was substantially higher by the non beneficiaries of the hip (fig.4) 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 71% traditional village chc district private private private healer clinic hospital doctor hospital hospital out beneficiaris of the hip within the district non beneficiaries of the hip of the vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 347 44% 26% 26% 16 9% 0% 2% 2% 2% 1% 0% 0% 0% figure. 4 the priority of medication providers visited by the respondent the figures indicated that the beneficiaries of the hip did not always utilize the insurance when accessing medical treat ment. in a year, each household sought for health services at least six times, but they used the hip for four times only. this explains why the beneficiaries of the hip still spends substan tial amount for health services. as a result, although the health spending of the beneficiaries is 9% which is lower than the non beneficiaries, there is statistically no significant differences be tween them (table 3). table 3. health spending of the respondents status in the hip theaverage of annualhealthspending p value beneficiaries idr 295,920 0.816 non beneficiaries idr 324,948 source: field survey, 2015 note: chi square technique was applied, and the p value indicated no significant dif ferences on an average, the beneficiaries of the hip spent idr 295,920 a year for health-related costs. this amount is spent for travel costs, and treatment costs because hip is not always used to access healthcare, and part of the expenditure is for the family members accompanying the patient during the inpatient cares. the amount of money is also related to the decision of the beneficiaries for not always using the hip to access health care. as previously presented in fig. 4, there are 9% of the hip beneficiaries who prefers to go to private doctors to get medi cal treatments. various reasons were identified, which mostly included long distance to the chcs, having no time to go to the chcs during working days, and having been convenient with the drug prescription and treatment of the selected private doctor. discussion and implication a closer examination of socio economic profile of the poor respondents show that their households have substantial number of members with physical disabilities, chronic illnesses, pregnant mothers as well as child under age five. they highly need healthcare treatments, on an average of six times per household in a year. considering these facts, the hip is needed as a way to transfer entitlement of healthcare from the govern ment to the poor. by design, the hip aims at transferring the poor with legal, economic, and social rights to access the health care. over time, the hip is expected to help the poor maintain their health status, decrease their health spending, and improve the overall poverty alleviation programs in the country. in this study, the utilization of the hip is explained within the framework of healthcare access underlining the dimensions of geographical accessibility, availability, financial accessibility and acceptability of the services (peters et al., 2008). it is found here that both advantages and barriers influence the utilization of the hip. the advantages of the hip mainly come from high political commitment of the central government to finance the program. this makes hip a non-contributory program covering almost all inpatient and outpatient medication costs with well managed reimbursement system. these lead to the increasing financial accessibility of the beneficiaries to healthcare. more importantly, these become the encouraging factor for the medi cal workers in delivering better treatment to the beneficiaries jurnal studi pemerintahan 348 vol. 9 no. 3 august 2018 349 and creating acceptability of the services. the financial design of the hip is seen supportive to the unique nature of healthcare service. as ergler et al. (2011) found, healthcare services involve the affective dimension of treatment. if the treatment given by the medical workers in one hip provider is perceived bad, then the patients tend to move to the other providers. however, the high political commitment of the govern ment to finance the hip faces significant technical and mana gerial problems. firstly, the capacity of street level bureaucracy to manage the enumeration of program beneficiaries is low. there is inaccuracy of program distribution, in which 7% of the deserved households were not listed as the beneficiaries of the hip. findings of this study about the distribution inaccuracy of the hip confirms the findings of christiani et al. (2017) and sutiyo and maharjan (2011), which also present the problem of mistargeting in the distribution of the program. the causes of distribution inaccuracy identified here is the centralized system of enumeration and low involvement of village officers and com munity in the issuance of the beneficiaries list. secondly, there is a challenge of on the side of supply readiness. there is an inad equate number of public health facilities based on geographical areas, and their operating hours are still limited. consequently, the hip is under-utilized because the beneficiaries do not always utilize the hip in accessing the healthcare. the long-term objectives of the hip to reduce the health spending of the poor and to accelerate poverty alleviation are undermined by the problem of mistargeting and weak supply of infrastructure and service system. as implication, there is sta tistically no significant differences of health spending between the beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries. in other words, it can be said that entitlement approach through the social protection program in health sector do not optimally works in indonesia. similar cases also happen in india, as presented by the findings of ergler et al. (2011) and akerkar, joshi, and fordham (2016) that social protection programs do not always successful due to the low readiness of the government to provide the infrastruc tures needed. in case of the hip, it is argued here that the trans fer of entitlement is inadequate without the readiness of health infrastructure and service provision. to improve the overall ef fectiveness of the hip, there are number of factors should be prioritized by the government. with regard to the problem of distribution inaccuracy, there is no other option but to improve the mechanism of enumeration through effective monitoring, data updating, and in involving local officers and communities in the issuance of the beneficiary list. number of studies have presented that participatory enumeration system and transpar encyin enlistment of social protection programs will substantial ly decrease the inaccuracies and leakages of the program (frit zen & brassard, 2007; jha, shankar, & gaiha, 2011). it is also important to reconsider the findings of hardini (2015) about the organizational problems of the social security management agency as the implementing agency of the hip. institutional reform within the agency, and establishing clear coordination mechanism between central and local government, are needed to improve the accuracy of program distribution. with regard to the problem of limited public healthcare facilities and their operating hours, there are several options to consider. if financially applicable, the government needs to in crease the number of healthcare facilities, especially the chcs, together with lengthening their operating hours. however, with the constraints of government budget, it is seen that the govern ment will face difficulties to build new facilities as well as to finance their operational costs. the most possible option is to increase the number of private healthcare facilities linked with the hip. the involvement of private healthcare providers in the hip is expected to overcome the problems of geographical dis tance and limited service hours of public healthcare facilities. hand in hand with these efforts, the government needs to es tablish a clear system of rewards and punishments for the health workers so that they will observe and implement the standard jurnal studi pemerintahan 350 vol. 9 no.3 august 2018 351 of minimum service and standard of operating procedures in order to optimize the existing service systems. this study still cannot deeply explain the reasons why many doctors prioritize their private practice, despite the fact that the hip pay them properly in public healthcare facilities. another research should be conducted from perspective of moral econ omy and local political economy to understand this phenom enon. conclusion entitlement approach in poverty alleviation through the implementation of the hip does not function well due to the problems of distribution inaccuracy and low supply-side readi ness. about 7% of deserved households are excluded from the hip due to weak capacity of the central government to enumerate the poor people. in addition, there are substantial problems of geographical accessibility and service availability of public healthcare facilities. the number of public healthcare providers are not enough to serve the population, and there is limited number of doctors, limited working hours and long waiting time to get treatment. as an implication, the poor do not always utilize the hip to access healthcare, and substantial portion of them prefer to go to the private healthcare providers to get the treatment, making their health spending not signifi cantly decreasing. in order for the hip program to create stron ger impact on poverty alleviation, the government of indonesia is recommended to improve the targeting effectiveness through validation and re-enrolment based on participatory enumera tion system. additionally, the government needs to solve the problem of limited public health providers by developing a co operation with private healthcare facilities to be linked to the hip. it is also important for the government to establish clear system of rewards and punishments for the health workers in delivering the services. references akerkar, s., joshi, p. c., & fordham, m. 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(2011). rural poverty alleviation in indonesia: programs and the implementation gap. journal of international development and cooperation, 18(1), 13-22. http://eprints.ipdn.ac.id/182/ sutiyo, & maharjan, k. l. (2017). decentralization and rural development in indonesia. singapore: springer singapore. vidyattama, y., miranti, r., & resosudarmo, b. p. (2014). the role of health insurance membership in health service utilisation in indonesia. bulletin of indonesian eco nomic studies, 50(3), 393-413. doi: 10.1080/00074918.2014.980380 https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0921800907005162 https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1759-5436.2007.tb00368.x https://scholar.google.co.id/scholar?hl=id&as_sdt=0%2c5&q=sutiyo%2c+%26+maharjan%2c+k.+l.+%282011%29.+rural+poverty+alleviation+in+indonesia%3a+programs+and+the+implementation+gap.+journal+of+international+development+and+cooperation%2c+18%281%29%2c+13-22.&btng= http://eprints.ipdn.ac.id/182/ https://www.springer.com/us/book/9789811032073 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0055.442-466 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017 442 received: october 3rd, 2017 revised: october 14th, 2017 accepted: november 1st, 2017 coordination in protected forest management in indonesia: an application of soft systems methodology darmanto universitas terbuka, indonesia email : darmanto@ecampus.ut.ac.id abstract coordination is a very complex problem that has occurred in the management of protected forests in indonesia. the purpose of this study is to elucidate how the soft systems methodology (ssm) is used as a basis for rearranging coordination in the management of protected forest. ssm demonstrates various aspects of coordination to be addressed and concrete steps that decisionmakers in the management of protected forest should make. using the case example of protected forest management in wonosobo regency, central java, indonesia, this study suggests that there are nine steps to be considered in coordinating the management of protected forest. the findings of this study are relevant to decision makers insomuch as the stages in ssm can help decision-makers to address problems in the coordination of protected forest management. keywords: coordination, protected forest management, soft systems methodology (ssm) abstrak koordinasi merupakan masalah yang sangat kompleks terutama terjadi dalam pengelolaan hutan lindung di indonesia. tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana soft systems methodology (ssm) digunakan sebagai dasar untuk mengatur koordinasi dalam pengelolaan hutan lindung.ssm menunjukkan berbagai aspek koordinasi yang harus ditangani dan langkah nyata yang diambil oleh pengambil keputusan dalam pengelolaan. contoh kasus penelitian adalah pengelolaan hutan lindung di kabupaten wonosobo, jawa tengah, indonesia. penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa ada sembilan langkah yang harus dipertimbangkan dalam mengkoordinasikan pengelolaan hutan lindung. temuan penelitian ini relevan bagi pengambil keputusan sedemikian rupa sehingga tahapan dalam ssm dapat membantu pengambil keputusan untuk mengatasi masalah dalam koordinasi pengelolaan hutan lindung. kata kunci: koordinasi, pengelolaan hutan lindung, soft systems methodology (ssm) http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2017.0055.442-466 mailto:darmanto@ecampus.ut.ac.id introduction there is support for community rights and participatory ini tiatives leading to greater incentives for management, better pro tection for forest, and a reduction of deforestation (fao, 2011;hayes & ostrom, 2005; porter-bollandet al., 2012).the protected forest plays a very important rolein human life (arief, 2001; barberet al., n.d.; government of the republic of trinidad and tobago, 2011;sinery & mahmud, 2014; unep-wcmc, 2009).one important aspect in the management of forest that is related to humansis coordination. however, various problems arise in the implementation of coordination in the management of forest or protected forest (bengston et al., 2003; hannah, 2010; phelps et al., 2010;sarvasova et al., 2012). a study that was relevant to the coordination of forest man agement was undertaken by elvida and sylviani (2010). the re sults of the research show that the mechanism of coordination between stakeholders in the management of forest management units (kesatuan pengelolaan hutan/kph) is not yet optimal. kph has not been able to operate independently so it needs to be facilitated by the central and regional governments in terms of funding, work relations mechanism, and infrastructure. ekawati (2010), conducting research on the working relation ship between forestry institutions in the management of pro tected forests in the era of regional autonomy, explained that the coordination between the central, provincial, and local levels is still not going well. ekawati proposed a clear reference to the authority that was decentralized to the district government by the central government and the need for binding instruments in order to function properly. on the other hand, ginoga exposes research results that show the existence of dualism, inconsistency, overlapping, and disharmonization of government policies in the management of protected forests (ginoga, wulan and djaennudin, 2005). various studies have been conducted regarding the coordina tion of the management of protected forest in wonosobo re jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 443 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 444 gency. coordination problems in the management of protected forest are due to, among other things, the following: less integra tion of development programs across sectors (grand design rtpkd, 2007); the coordination between government forest business enterprise (perhutani) and the local government re gency of wonosobo is not optimal (pemkab wonosobo, 2006); less coordinationin programming rehabilitation protected forest (zulaifah, 2007); law enforcement is less consistent, has less syn ergistic cooperation,and is simultaneous among perhutani, lo cal government, and local communities (sulistyowati, 2004); each agency works based on their objective without looking at the role of other organizations (witzel, 2004).this research was con ducted inthe government-owned institutions that manage for ests (perum perhutani), located in wonosobo regency, central java. the determination of the location of this study was based on any problems regarding coordination in the management of protected forest. based on these issues, this research is formu lated with the following research question: what is the optimalization process of coordination using soft systems meth odology (ssm) in the management of protected forest in wonosobo regency, central java? theoretical framework there are various insights conveyed by various experts on what coordination means. according to pulzl (2008), coordination is defined as a jointly harmonized action. these activities involve various actors, administrative units, or organizational units that coordinate their activities in order to achieve the stated goals and to achieve the organization’s overall objectives. laegreid (2013), on the other hand, in his article entitled “coordination in the public sector”, as quoted on a page on his website, said that coordination in the public sector can be interpreted as the alignment of task objectives in order to achieve the goals set.on the other hand, badiru (2008) said that the synergy in a work team requires a high level of coordination. according to badiru, project coordination is a choreography of cooperation between various elements and team members of a project where each team member must show commitment so that the harmony of the project can be guaranteed, while verbij (2008) says that coordi nation for forest policy community members is often interpreted as a way to understand what lies beyond the boundaries of the forestry sector. syafiie (2011) stated that coordination activities that occur in government management include the following elements: a) ar rangements, b) synchronization, c) common interests, and d) common goals. in carrying out the work of an organization the overlapping of work is often encountered, so coordination is needed to solve this, and it is thus considered an aspect that plays an important role in achieving the organization’s goals and common interests. according to pulzl (2008), the purpose of coordination can be broken down into three aspects: (1) the existence of a mutual adjusting point of view from the perspective of each actor or administrative unit related to a policy; (2) the mutual adjustment of different sectoral policies, whose objectives may conflict with one another, to enhance consistency and cohesion among them; and (3) multilevel coordination (national, regional, and local). meanwhile laegreid (2013) says that the goal of coordination in general is to create greater coherence in policymaking and to reduce redundancy, emptiness, and contradictions within and between policies. coordination and specialization make up an interconnected concept indicating that improvement in spe cialization will also increase the need for coordination. in the framework of achieving the objectives of the organiza tion, it is necessary to carry out effective coordination conducted by the authorities in organizing the organization. according to badiru (2008), the effectiveness of organizing an activity project is not only measured by the volume of resources allocated to it. success in a contemporary project is based on effective coordi nation of human resources, work processes, and tools. in this case the implementation of coordination is related to work re jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 445 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 446 lated to others; for example, in order to collect information, co ordination is needed with others who own, protect, or manage that information. according to witzel (2004), coordination is inseparable from the control aspect, because in order for coordination to run ef fectively it is necessary to have control over the coordination that has been done. therefore witzelsays coordination is also known as control, although the term is rarely used or has be come obsolete. according to witzel, coordination is defined as what managers do in order to bring all organizational elements together and ensure they are going in the same direction. fur thermore, witzel says: organizations are poorly coordinated by individuals and working groups because they are conducted without referring to or looking at other organizational elements, doing business in vain, or working on their own. in a well-coordinated organization, everyone needs to be aware of what others are doing and work together harmoniously to ward the same organizational goals (witzel, 2004). from the various explanations above it can be concluded that coordination involves the various elements that exist within an organization and is closely related to the goals of the organiza tion where in achieving organizational goals it is required to con trol for coordination that can run in accordance with the pur pose of each un it in an organization. according to handayaningrat (1990), the causes of the emergence of coordi nation problems are: (1) the number and complexity of func tions and activities specifically carried out by various units or individuals; (2) increasing the specialization of various activities so as to enlarge the organizational structure itself; and (3) the fact that complex organizational structures will lead to increased communication problems that impede good coordination. ashton et al. (2013) argued that the implementation of coor dination concerning activities and objectives in forest manage ment related to forest land owners requires the following condi tions: (1) self-impulse. forest landowners need to be encouraged and persuaded to participate so they realize the benefits achieved through coordination rather than when working alone, without involving others; (2) time. landowners must be confident that the opportunities available to achieve the expected outcomes are limited, or at least reduce the benefits to be achieved. long or long-winded meetings or meetings can reduce the interest and participation of forest landowners; (3) trust. each forest land owner must believe that the activities carried out will not violate their rights, privacy, and goals. real programs, community lead ers, and agency support can help develop their trust.on the other hand, weiland (2010) states that forest governance deals with nonhierarchical governance involving actors and stakeholders from different levels through formal and informal cooperation and interaction processes, from local to global levels. forest gov ernance not only refers to government regulations and law en forcement, it also involves a political, organizational, and cul tural framework in which there are coordinated and controlled diverse interests in natural and cultural resources. badiru (2008) provided an overview of the importance of project management through a project management model called “triple c: communication, cooperation, and coordination.” this model is an effective project control and planning tool so that project management can be improved through the integra tion of communication, cooperation, and coordination func tions. coordination is a really important key to completing a job in a project so that no project system operates in isolation. each project must interact both within and outside the scope of its operation. in addition, interaction with some other organiza tional subsystem is essential so this of course requires coordination, while waldherr (2012) says that mass media is an important factor in modern society and innovation systems, and relevant to a policy that concerns high technology. systems innovation is a complex functional system, because it serves multiple functions within an organization. the mass media jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 447 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 448 contributes several important functions within an organization, one of which is the coordination function. in relation to projects within an organization, according to badiru (2008), the effectiveness of a project is not only measured by the volume of resources allocated to the project. success in a contemporary project is based on the coordination of human resources, work processes, and effective tools. in this case, the coordination aspect concerning work related to other people, for example in collecting information, hence requires good co ordination with others who have protected or managed informa tion. faraj and xiao (2006, pp. 1155–1169) conducted a study on collective performance aspects of coordination as well as the pro cess of coordination. they say that in a fast-response organiza tion coordination practices may arise suddenly and cannot be established beforehand. at the most basic level of organization, the practice of dialogic coordination is done as a reaction to improve organizational performance. the nature of the dialogue is based on the need for cross-organizational boundaries and to ignore the hierarchy. expertise coordination practice is needed to regulate the skills and interdependence of knowledge among the units. successful organizations usually apply various methods to connect between individual business and organizational endeav ors in achieving the desired organizational goals. according to bolman and deal (1991), the organization’s efforts in relation to formal coordination and control are carried out in two ways: first, vertically: coordination activities are conducted through a command mechanism, supervision, policy, rules, planning, and a control system. basically vertical coordination occurs when people at a higher level coordinate and control the work of their subordinates. secondly, laterally: coordination activities are carried out through meetings, task forces, standing committees, special coordinating roles, or matrix structures. lateral coordination in practice is done more informally, where it occurs when they are at the same level or at a level reacting to the other side. which one is better (vertical or lateral) depends on the task and environment of the organization. vertical coordination can be applied when the organizational environment is more stable, and tasks predictable and easy to understand, and uniformity is a very important aspect. lateral coordination can be done in orga nizations whose tasks are more complex, in an uncertain envi ronment, and are changing rapidly. according to pulzl (2008), there are two models of coordina tion, i.e.,a positive coordination model and a negative coordina tion model. positive coordination involves all relevant actors and performs interactively in order to achieve maximum collective advantage. positive coordination provides an opportunity, such as a central authority, to involve other actors in the decision making process on a multilateral basis. negative coordination involves only a few actors on a bilateral basis chosen by a supe rior unit. negative coordination is a form of hierarchical coordi nation that allows a central authority to clarify links with selected actors on a bilateral basis. next will be discussed the positive and negative coordination model as shown in the figure below. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 449 figure 1. positive and negative coordination model (pulzl, 2008). with regard to the importance of coordination within an organization, handayaningrat (1990) states the following: a) good coordination will have an effect on the efficiency of an negative coordination positive coordination vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 450 organization. therefore, coordination needs to contribute (contribution) to the achievement of efficiency with more spe cific efforts, because the activities of the organization are car ried out specifically. if not, there will be waste, including wastage of money, energy, and tools. b) coordination has an effect on organizational morale, espe cially in relation to the role of leadership. if the leadership is not good, then it is coordinated badly. therefore coordina tion determines and influences leadership success. for ex ample: if an organization is not coordinated, a decision will be delayed or inaccurate, or there will be errors in decision making. c) coordination has an effect on the personal development of an organization. this means that there needs to be an ele ment of personal control in coordination. in doing a job, people are not always left free to work, but must be controlled. attention should be paid to an employee’s work so that he will feel happy if he receives an award from the results of his work. conversely if there is a mistake, subordinates should not always be blamed, because leaders are also responsible, including in terms of responsibility in coordinating. jones (1997) explains that the ability of organizations to de velop a strategy for creating value and the ability to act as a supe rior competitor is a function of the core competencies of an or ganization. the core competencies in jones’s opinion are: (1) specialized resources, consisting of functional resources and or ganizational resources. functional resources are capabilities pos sessed by individual organizations functionally. organizational resources are attributes that give the organization a competitive advantage, such as top management team capability or owner ship of scarce and high-value resources; (2)coordination abilities (the ability to coordinate), namely the ability of the organization to coordinate functional resources and organizational resources to generate maximum value. effective resource coordination (achieved through control through organizational structure and culture) results in competitive advantage. as regards the role of a person in coordinating within an or ganization, stewart et al. (1999) state that there is no formal guid ance on the duties of a coordinator, yet a coordinator behaves more in keeping with social conventions than structured rules. the role of a coordinator includes: (1) encouraging a team to overcome its own problems; (2) helping a team solve conflicts encountered within the group; (3) telling people (teams and in dividuals) when they are working well; (4) telling the truth, even if it is unpleasant or painful; (5) encouraging team members to discuss issues openly; (6) asking for the solution to a problem, rather than giving or stating a solution; (7) encouraging teams set a performance goal; (8) providing teams with the informa tion they need; (9) anticipating potential problems (planning); 10) encouraging self-evaluation for teams; (11) training teams in organizational philosophy. in line with the type of expertise that the coordinator needs to possess, stewart et al. (1999) state that while technical exper tise is useful and appropriate (especially for establishing basic credibility), the social skills of a coordinator are more impor tant. in some cases, a coordinator acts as a consultant and com munications facilitator. the type of verbal behavior that a coor dinator often shows is reflective questioning, which eliminates the throwing of the burden of judgment and whether thedecision rests with the team leader or a team member. a coordinator can work as a daily specialist in developing an applied organization while using time to facilitate a team’s ability to manage itself. kellogg et al. (2006, pp. 23–44) describe cross-linked coordina tion within an interactive marketing organization. in a rapidly changing organization and work environment with digital equip ment, an actor’s support is required in a coordination practice based on the use of technology. to accomplish complex, dynamic, and varied work, it is necessary to use technology to coordinate their activities and ideas by crossing the boundaries of their com munities. jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 451 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 452 the results of a study by christensen and laegreid (2008,pp. 97–116) on coordination by staff in government institutions show that government employees prefer vertical coordination rather than horizontal coordination. the underlying reason for this is that administrative and political leaders have more formal and influential control in vertical than in horizontal organizations. but the significance of cultural variables for mutual trust in co ordination suggests that coordination is not merely about struc tural design but also about whether government employees feel they have worked according to the same cultural values and norms. thus the level of mutual trust among employees at the lower level tends to cause problems in coordination. according to osifo (2012), the coordination relationship with the organization is important both internally and externally. they also have a reciprocal relationship. organizations have never existed in a vacuum, so there needs to be coordination to bind the components that exist within the organization so that they can function effectively. internally, due to the role of coordina tion within the organization, there emerges cooperation formed through participation, transparency, motivation and satisfaction. externally, the role of coordination in organizational settings is to set the right vision and focus for the organization. kleinbaum, stuart, & tushman, m. l (2008) reveal that within complex organizations it is virtually impossible to coordi nate among large organizational units without extensive interac tion between middle management and technical personnel. on the other hand, verbij (2008) says that cross-sectoral coordina tion, especially in forestry policy, requires broader involvement of actors and a shift towards coordination mechanisms in the form of networks. coordination of policy can take place in a complex pattern and process of interaction among the various actors available to build consensus through information and strat egy persuasion. according to berger (1994), there is a mutually reinforcing process of change in organizational change management: 1) com mitment (motivation), 2) coordination (behavior), and 3) com petence (skill). these three aspects are illustrated in the figure below: jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 453 figure 2. a mutually reinforcing cycle of change(berger, 1994). the figure shows that when a problem arises within an orga nization, there is a commitment to change, by defining prob lems and constraints of effectiveness, through coordination and teamwork. when a problem has been resolved and there has been a change in the effectiveness of team members, each indi vidual and the group as a whole are motivated to learn new inter personal skills and communication skills. research method this study is an action research based on soft systems meth odology (ssm). an ssm-based action research study is a combi nation of real-world exploration at the level of reality and real world exploration at the level of actuality as stated by hardjosukarto (2012) and uchiyama (2009). this study is in the scope of the interpretivism paradigm, as expressed by flood and jackson after holwell (in hardjosukarto, 2012). the ssm ap proach is appropriatefor research looking at the world (social) as complex, problematic, and mysterious, characterized by a view point debate (checkland & poulter, 2006). primary data were collected through in-depth interview techniques, focus group vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 454 discussion (fgd), and observation. secondary data were collected through documentation or literature studies. the data were ob tain ed and collected from the field through in-depth interviews,which were recorded using a tape recorder.the re corded data are then transcribed to obtain the information ob tained from these records. the coding as well as the categories of data were administered to facilitate the data analysis. figure 3.the seven -stage model of ssm (checkland & scholes, 1990). in understandinga complete picture of the human activity systems (hass) regarding coordination in the management of the protected forest, the researchers conducted the studyin ac cordance with the standard cycle in the process of ssm (checkland &scholes, 1990). these consist of seven stages of activity grouped into two domains, namely the domain of the real worldandsystems thinking about the real worldas shown in figure 3 the seven stages of these activities are: (1) problem considered a problematic situation; (2) problem situation expressed; (3) root definitions of relevant purposeful activity system; (4) conceptual models of the systems named in the root definitions; (5)comparison of models and real world; (6)changes systemati cally desirable, culturally feasible; and (7)action to improve the problem situation. this study is only up to the sixth stage, and this condition is possible in the application of ssm to conduct the study.the stages of ssm can be seen in figure 3. result 1. the process of enquiry by using ssm phase numbers 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7in ssm are activities in the real world, including the stream of cultural inquiry, while stages 3 and 4 are included in the stream of logic-based inquiry (checkland & scholes, 1990).the first stage is the determina tion of the coordination problems in the management of pro tected forest that are considered complex and problematic. the second stage is creating a rich picture that is an overview of the coordination problems. there are some conditions in developing this rich picture: intervention analysis and analysis of social and political. three groups play a major role in the intervention analysis: 1) client, 2) problem solvers, and 3) problem owners (hardjosukarto, 2012). the client is the researcher, the problem solvers are the researchers, andthe problem owners are stakeholders involved in the management of protected forestsuch as the institutions in forestry, wonosobo regency, or the forest village community institution (lembaga masyarakat desa hutan=lmdh). social analysis considers the role, norms, and values that are interconnected regarding the implementation of coordination in the management of protected forest in wonosobo regency. political analysis is related to the authority or power in playing an important role in coordinating the management of protected forest in wonosobo regency. a series of interviews are conducted with the stakeholders associated with the research related to coordination of the man agement of protected forest. in addition, a series of focus group discussions (fgds) is held during the implementation of the ssm cycle to establish the results of data collection in field re jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 455 protected forest, wonosobo vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 456 search. following a series of these activities in ssm,in the sec ond ssm cycle a rich picture is created to illustrate the complex ity of the implementation of coordination in the management of protected forest in wonosobo regency. in the third stage of the ssm (the stream of logic-based in quiry), a “root definition” is created as a description of struc tured human activity systems relevant to the problematic situa tion regarding coordination in the management of protected forestin wonosobo regency. the root definition is: a system that is owned and managed byperhutaniin wonosobo re gency to achieve coordination through inter-agency communication and interaction related to the management of protected forestin or der to ensure the effectiveness of coordination in the management of protected forest. root definitions are created as a platform to create a concep tual model of purposeful activity systems (stages 4 to ssm). the root definition is tested with a tool called the catwoe (c/ customers: perhutani and stakeholders; a/actors: perhutani; t/ transformation: less effective coordination becomes more ef figure 4. protected forest management (author, 2017). fective; w/worldview: communication and interaction in co ordination are very important in the management of protected forest; o/owners: perhutani; e/environmental constraints: budget, bureaucratic barriers, time constraints, and human re sources). after having a discussion with stakeholders, a conceptual model of coordination is created through the implementation of a system of communication and interaction based on the root definitions. the conceptual model in this study is not an imitation of the real condition of an object, but merely an intellectual tool for ssm practitioners to hold a discussion ord ialogue about problematic situations in the coordination of the management optima l co ordination wors t coo rdination figure 5. the conceptual model of coordination implementation (author, 2017). jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 457 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 458 of protected forest. the conceptual model illustrates the imple mentation of communication and interaction in implementing the coordination of protected forest. the conceptual model of the system of communication and interaction in the coordina tion of protected forest is shown in figure 3. the conceptual model above illustrates the implementation of communication and interaction in order to implement the coordination of protected forest. planning is a plan about the coordination activities relating to the implementation of the management of protected forest program, while identification refers to the agency or institution that will be coordinated in order to implement the policies and programs. the activities are also carried out in a relationship with an institution related to the activities of coordination. after identifying and establishing relationships with institutions, the next activity is to deliver and explain the policies and programs that are coordinated to the relevant institutions. further action is to have a discussion and brainstorm. identification is also carried out regarding the du ties and responsibilities of each institution in order to coordi nate policies and programs. next is to arrange scheduled inter-agency coordination activi ties related to the activities and programs in the management of protected forest. monitoring the performance is implemented against anything that has been achieved in each of these activities with reference to the establishment of performance criterion 3e (efficacy, efficiency, and effectiveness), as follows: a). e/efficacy: coordination can take place within the framework of the implementation of protected forest management policies; b). e/efficiency: minimum use of resources (human resources, budget, facilities, and infrastructure) in the coordination of the management of protected forest; and). e/effectiveness: achiev ing an increase of less effective coordination becomes more ef fective coordination. all of these are done in a series of control measures for the performance of the transformation process that goes from activity number 1to activity number 9 (see figure 3). table 1. comparing conceptual model and real world no conceptual model real world alternative existence? how? who? good/bad? jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 1 to plan the coordination activities relating to the implementation of the policy and program of management of protected forest 2 to identify the institutions that will be coordinated in order to implement policies and programs 3 to have relationships with institutions related to the coordination of activities ever internal meeting ever internal meeting ever internal meeting perhutani less effective perhutani less effective perhutani less effective requires analysis of cooperative activities that will be carried out more comprehensively with other institutions related to the management of protected forest requires the role of the institution in coordination so it is easier in managing protected forest require more comprehensive cooperation activities with other institutions related to the management of protected forest 459 4 to convey and explain the policies and programs that are coordinated to theinstitution 5 to discuss and brainstorm 6 to identify the duties and responsibilities of each institution to coordinate the policies and programs ever internal meeting ever internal meeting ever internal meeting forest village institutions (lmdh) local gov. ngo forest village institutions (lmdh) local gov. ngo perhutani forest village institutions (lmdh) local gov. ngo less effective less effective less effective determineappropriate ways and strategies in the delivery of protected forest management policy to another institution needdeeper intensity in the implementation of brainstorming requiremore detail information regarding the duties and responsibilities of each institution. necessary human resources to better understand and master the problems in the management of protected forest 7 to disseminate policies or programs that have been established with ever internal meeting perhutani less effective require more in depthintensity and precision about the socialization policy 8 to schedule inter agency coordination of activities related to the activities and programs in the management of protected forest 9 to evaluate the implementation of the coordination ever internal meeting ever internal meeting forest village institutions (lmdh) local gov. ngo forest village institutions (lmdh) local gov. less effective less effective require agreements and seriousness of institutions related to structured schedule of activities for better coordination requireevaluation of more comprehensive coordination ngo source: compiled by the author (2017). vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 460 2. comparing conceptual model and real world after using the nine activities contained in the conceptual model as previously described (figure 3), we then move to the fifth stage of ssm, which is to do a comparison between the conceptual model and the real world. the definition of the real world is the reality concerning the implementation of coordination in the management of protected forest. the comparison can be seen in table 1. discussion and implications activity in coordination requires information, but sometimes information is not received by the party in need. this condition is encountered by an official in the forest management resort (resor pemangkuan hutan/rph), wonosobo regency, who is involved in the management of protected forest in wonosobo regency, as he says: “i do not know about the regulation concerning the association (paguyuban), but i’ve heard it is at the unit level or unitary for estry unit (kesatuan pemangkuan hutan/kph). this indicates that information about the existence of an activity related to the regulation concerning the association (paguyuban) is not yet fully known byperhutani officials.” perum perhutani, which has authority in the management of protected forest, sometimes in the implementation of its activity does not invite the local government of wonosobo regency, whereas there are people living in the perhutani area, which is the responsibility of local government. the empowerment of protected forest villagers in wonosobo regency has not been synergic between perum perhutani and local government, where each side has its own way. this is in line with the statement by the wonosobo district forestry and plantation officer (dinas kehutanan dan perkebunan): “perhutani has forest villagers as a target, but sometimes in its implementation perhutani often leaves us.” in the relationship between perhutani and the forest village community institution (lembaga desa desa hutan/lmdh), there is still a problem, especially concerning the plots or blocks of land cultivation of perhutani conducted by the lmdh. one of the members of the dieng area recovery working team (tim kerja pemulihan dieng) said: “the existing blocks are sometimes owned by two lmdhs, where the division of the perhutani block does not fit the borderlines of the government administration, so the borderlines are often the problems.” in terms of human resources at the lmdh level, this is still a barrier of its own. this was stated by one of the sub-district heads (camat) in wonosobo regency: “in terms of coordination, in fact it concerns the issue of human resources (hr). to mobilize an institution, adequate human resources are needed. with ordinary human resources, it is difficult to imple ment an organization. to drive an institution requires qualified hu man resources. if we are still mediocre with such human resources,i say yes it is difficult to run an institution.” on the other hand, there is an urban village head (lurah) who expresses his opinion on the coordination problem occur ring in the context of forest management: “in addition to the lack of coordination at the district level, coordina tion in kecamatan is also not through the kecamatan communi cation forum but directly addressed to the chairman of the paguyuban at the kabupaten communication forum. the low level of human resource education, resulting in a notion of forest management and utilization, has not been adequately understood.” the same thing was said by one of the ngo leaders in wonosobo regency. he said that in the existing forest manage ment in the wonosobo district, there is a coordination forum owned by the government of wonosobo regencycalled the wonosobo forest forum (forum hutan wonosobo). however, the forum, whose duties, among others, include the coordination of various parties related to the management of protected forests in wonosobo regency, has not been able to run maximally. this jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 461 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 462 was revealed by one ngo in the wonosobo regency: “okay, the main problem is how the community can get involved in the wonosobo forest forum (fhw). it needs to be realizedhow the forum facilitates and evaluates the activities of community collaborative forest management (pengelolaan hutan bersama masyarakat) in wonosobo in particular, both in cooperation and in joint forest management.” in addition, there is still uncertainty about the settlement of the cooperation agreement (perjanjian kerja sama/pks) between the lmdh and perum perhutani. this was revealed by one of the employees of lmdh kabupaten wonosobo: “perhutani actually has a green forest or forest conservation, but unfortunately in the sharing of cooperation, i am in even less agree ment. it also takes a long time to complete the process of our pro posed cooperation agreement.” the above problems raise the need for an improvement in the framework of coordination by perum perhutani. therefore, the conceptual model for improving coordination consists of a series of activities as follows: (1) planning coordination activities related to the implementation of protected forest management policies and programs; (2) identifying the institutions to be coor dinated in the implementation of policies and programs; (3) delivering and explaining policies and programs coordinated to the institution; (4) conducting brainstorming discussions; (5) identifying the duties and responsibilities of each; (6) preparing a schedule of anti-institutional coordination activities related to phbm activities and programs in the management of protected forests; (7) conducting evaluation of inter-institutional coordi nation implementation. the reflection of the theory related to coordination in the context of protected forest management according to witzel (2004) is that coordination is inseparable from the control as pect, because in order for coordination to run effectively it is necessary to control the coordination that has been done. ac cording to bolman and deal (1991), the organization’s efforts in achieving coordination and control are formally carried out in two ways: first, vertically; coordination activities are conducted through a command mechanism, supervision, policy, rules, plan ning, and a control system; secondly, laterally; coordination ac tivities are carried out through meetings, task forces, standing committees, special coordinating roles, or matrix structures. with regard to the role of a person in coordinating within an organi zation, stewart et al. (1999) state that there is no formal guid ance on the duties of a coordinator, but a coordinator behaves more in keeping with social conventions than structured rules. the main role of public servants is not simply to respond to the demands of society, but to focus on building trust and coopera tion relationships with and among citizens (denhardt & denhardt, 2007). the program will run well if all the individu als involved in the implementation of the program know the basic purpose of implementing the program. therefore, social ization is very important for the members involved in the imple mentation of the program so they know the purpose of program implementation (osborne & gaebler, 1992). changes for systematicallydesirable and cul turally feasible there are seven stages in ssm but this study only implemented up to the six stages of the recommended changes, without hav ing to take action. these conditions are due to time and budget constraints to taking action regarding changes expected by all parties involved in the implementation of coordination in the management of protected forest. from the previous discussion, there are several recommendations that need to be followed so that coordination in the management of protected forest can be more effective, especially regarding communication and interaction systems in the implementation of the coordination. first, there is a need more comprehensive analysis regarding cooperative activities to be carried out among different institutions involved in the coordination of the implementation of protected jurnal studi pem erintahan (jour na l of gov e r nme nt & p olitics ) 463 vol. 8 no. 4 november 2017n 464 forest. second, a deeper intensity is required during brainstorm ing. third, we need more complete and detailed information on the duties and responsibilities of each institution.fourth, we need more suitable human resources who understand the problems in the management of protected forest. fifth, policy on protected forest rights needs to be disseminated to the appropriate targets. sixth, attention needs to be given to the schedule for the imple mentation of coordination among related institutions. conclusion from this study, it can be concluded that the ssm approach can be used to find ways to change to improve a situation that is considered problematic and where it is not intended to find a solid solution to solve the problem. checkland and poulter (2006) argued that the ssm approach should be appropriately used for research that views the social world as complex and problematic as well as for real-world explo ration at the level of reality with real-world exploration at the actuality level (hardjosukarto, 2012). through the stages of ssm a formula for change can be developed by stakeholders so that rearrangement of coordination can be more effectivein the man agement of protected forest in wonosobo regency. references arief, a. 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(2007). rehabilitasi lahan hutan dan pertanian kabupaten wonosobo tahun 2005–2025. majalah kehutanan indonesia. edisi i. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0301479712003088 http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0301479712003088 http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/s0006320709001943 https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-642-12563-8_4 https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-642-12563-8_4 https://www.thecommonsjournal.org/articles/10.18352/ijc.258/print/ https://www.thecommonsjournal.org/articles/10.18352/ijc.258/print/ https://books.google.co.id/books?hl=en&lr=&id=4lakkbqydpcc&oi=fnd&pg=pa1&dq=witzel,+m.+(2004).+management:+the+basics+.+new+york:+routledge.&ots=uangzyoce1&sig=x6t_ppms6mmtsyifqogrsa_jjga&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > vol 13, no 3 (2022) jurnal studi pemerintahan jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   no announcements have been published.   more announcements... vol 13, no 3 (2022): november 2022 table of contents asean regional integration: the philippines' domestic constraints to physical connectivity abstract view : 56 times tobit abao, hazel jovita pdf 307 333 the social construction of family roles in migrant worker income management to build family economy abstract view : 35 times tutik sulistyowati, wahyudi wahyudi, salahudin salahudin, iradhad taqwa sihidi pdf 334-355 e-governance and grassroots public services in local government: a study on the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency abstract view : 168 times lukman nul hakim amran saputra, nur khaerah, abdillah abdillah, nuryanti mustari pdf 356-382 unconditional educational assistance as a programmatic electoral strategy in the philippines: the case of makati city’s project free abstract view : 99 times miguel enrico gutierrez ayson, esther mary lerma calvo pdf 383-408 how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abstract view : 51 times abderrahmane benlahcene, houcine meddour pdf 409-422 narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) abstract view : 35 times dicky izmi syahputra, dyah mutiarin pdf 423-453 jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i3.16254 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines’s tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021) dicky izmi syahputra1 ; dyah mutiarin2 abstract: the primary objectives of the study are to investigate the manner in which the media in the philippines covered the covid-19 outbreak and to investigate the effects that the outbreak had on the public policy of the country with regard to the tourism industry. for the purpose of this study, examples were drawn from various news articles published on cnn philippines, inquirer.net, and pna.gov.ph that covered the years 2020 and 2021. the analysis makes use of the nvivo software to produce a word cloud, which is a list of the terms and keywords that occurred the most frequently over the specified time period. additionally, the percentage of variable analysis, also known as the percent age of media reporting narratives against predetermined variables, was also calculated. the variables that were used in this study were unwto recom mendations that were compiled in relation to the tourism sector as a response to the impacts caused by the covid-19 pandemic. the media has assumed a prominent position during the epidemic as a result of the value and utility it serves in today’s modern society. the role of the media in society is also on display during the pandemic, as evidenced by the media’s constant dissemi nation of pandemic-related information and the creation of hospitable condi tions in the community at large, particularly in the tourism sector, where it plays an active role in disseminating crucial information to the various actors in indonesia’s tourism industry. the media’s role in society is also on display during the pandemic, as evidenced by the media’s constant dissemination of pandemic-related. keywords: tourism, covid-19, media, policy abstrak tujuan utama dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menyelidiki cara media di filipina meliput wabah covid-19 dan untuk menyelidiki efek wabah tersebut terhadap kebijakan publik negara tersebut terkait dengan industri pariwisata. untuk tujuan penelitian ini, contoh diambil dari berbagai artikel berita yang diterbitkan di cnn filipina, inquirer.net, dan pna.gov.ph yang mencakup tahun 2020 dan 2021. analisis menggunakan perangkat lunak nvivo untuk menghasilkan word cloud, yang merupakan daftar istilah dan kata kunci yang paling sering muncul selama jangka waktu tertentu. selain itu, persentase analisis variabel, juga dikenal sebagai persentase narasi pemberitaan media terhadap variabel yang telah ditentukan, juga dihitung. variabel yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah rekomendasi unwto yang disusun terkait dengan sektor pariwisata sebagai respon atas dampak yang ditimbulkan oleh pandemi covid-19. me 423 affiliation: 1departement of government affairs and administration, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia. 2departement of government affairs and administration, research and innovation institute, universitas muhammadiyah correspondence: dicky.izmi2@gmail.com how to citate: syahputra, di. (2022). narrative analysis of media coverage of philippines's tourism policies during the covid-19 pandemic (2020-2021). jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(3) 423-453 article history: received: september 1, 2022 revised: september 29, 2022 accepted: october 15, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:dicky.izmi2@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8918-4536 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3171-8915 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 424 dia telah mengambil posisi menonjol selama epidemi sebagai akibat dari nilai dan utilitas yang dilayaninya dalam masyarakat modern saat ini. peran media dalam masyarakat juga terlihat selama pandemi, terbukti dengan terus-menerus disebarluaskan informasi terkait pandemi dan penciptaan kondisi yang ramah di masyarakat luas, khususnya di sektor pariwisata, di mana ia berperan aktif berperan dalam menyebarluaskan informasi penting kepada berbagai pelaku industri pariwisata indonesia. peran media dalam masyarakat juga terpampang di masa pandemi, terbukti dengan terus gencarnya sosialisasi media terkait pandemi. kata kunci: pariwisata; covid-19; media; kebijakan introduction recently, a worldwide pandemic caused by coronavirus (also known as covid 19) has spread to every country on earth. the sars-cov-2 virus, which causes covid-19, may infect a wide variety of vertebrate and avian hosts (jones & comfort, 2020). the virus has disrupted social, political, and economic activities, making many countries more unstable than they were before the outbreak. some of the methods taken by the authorities to pre vent the spread of the virus include lockdown, social isolation, physical distance, mask use, suspending schools and public spaces, canceling concerts and festivals, and restricting assembly (gössling et al., 2020). since its discovery in october 2020, the covid-19 virus has spread to nearly every country around the world, with the delta and omicron versions becoming the most frequent form of the disease among new cases. there has been indepen dent confirmation of this mutation, and it is being treated as potentially more hazardous than any previously identified covid 19 variant mutations (wang & han, 2022). the hotel industry has also been severely impacted by the pandemic. because of measures taken to prevent the spread of disease, a significant drop in tourism-related earnings has occurred (uður & akbýyýk, 2020). as a result of the epidemic, interna tional travel has dropped by 78%, costing the economy $1.2 tril lion and causing the loss of 120 million jobs around the world (sigala, 2020). the archipelagic country of the philippines has been severely impacted by the spread of the covid-19 virus be cause of its reliance on tourism. the tourism sector in the phil ippines is highly lucrative because of the country’s exceptional jurnal studi pemerintahan beaches. 8.26 million tourists brought in $9 billion in revenue for the philippines in 2019, said the country’s tourism bureau (opiniano et al., 2021). furthermore, the jobless rate in the phil ippines is expected to reach 10% in july 2020, up from 5.4 per cent in the same month a year ago (andulana et al., 2021). figure 1. data on foreign tourist visits to the philippines (source: http://www.tourism.gov.ph/) since the ban on the entry of migrants from abroad was en forced, the number of international visitors has continued to fall. on january 30, 2020, the first case of covid-19 was discov ered in the philippines. by march 7, 2020, the disease had spread locally and was beginning to affect other areas (era & rosario, 2020). since then, the government has taken measures to halt the spread of the covid-19 virus, including the imposition of restrictions on the freedom of the general public, such as the recent ban on leaving one’s residence (ciotti et al., 2020). by contrasting the numbers from march and april, we can see that visitor traffic has dropped dramatically (-312,131 in this case). the stringent stance that banned foreigners from entering the nation in may led to a record low of 357 tourists. from june to december, arrivals increased again, showing that the government has begun to loosen restrictions on foreign tourists, albeit under 425 http://www.tourism.gov.ph/) vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 426 certain conditions and with restrictions on which regions can be visited. the tourism industry in the philippines has also been ham mered hard. to make up for the 279.5 billion pesos the philip pine government lost due to the tourism business in the first quarter, the philippine department of tourism has begun ad vertising to filipinos abroad before the local isolation has been lifted (centeno & marquez, 2020). firefighters who tested posi tive for covid-19 while on a visit to boracay led to the dis missal of the fire chief and raised concerns about the spread of the virus among locals during the early phases of the advertising campaign (bantugan & mahusay, 2021). since president duterte began pushing domestic tourism in february in response to covid-19 fears, this puts him in an uncomfortable place. fur thermore, many tourism-related businesses in the philippines have decided to suspend operations during the pandemic. seventy eight percent of the philippine tourism industry decided to tem figure 2. actions taken by the philippine tourism industry in facing the covid 19 pandemic (source: pwc.com) jurnal studi pemerintahan porarily halt its operations because of the government’s strin gent measures in response to the pandemic, and 61 percent of the industry did the same thing because of the drop in business brought on by the absence of visitors (disimulacion, 2021). for more details, see the graph (figure 2). in response to the emergence and subsequent widespread spread of the covid-19 virus, the philippine government has es tablished a number of regulations. in response to the covid-19 outbreak and in an effort to restore national stability, philippine president rodrigo duterte signed the bayanihan to heal as one act (republic act no. 11469) (de vero et al., 2021). addition ally, the law grants the president of the philippines the right to enact short-term emergency measures to cope with the covid 19 problem, such as providing “covid-19 special risk benefits” to all public health employees and making sure they have access to food and water. by instituting steps to regulate and limit the operation of private or public transport across land, sea, and air, etc., in order to facilitate and/or minimize disruptions to the supply chain. as part of the process of readjusting to the new norm, new health regulations and visitor control laws have been implemented. in order to play, athletes must first pass a covid 19 virus test, keep their distance from one another, refrain from exchanging money, etc. by doing so, it is hoped, the local economy and the tourism industry can be reinvigorated and reopened. there has been a major disruption to our regular schedule because as much as 70% of the world is on lockdown because to the covid-19 pandemic. but we know that quarantine is the only way to stop the spread of the virus in a community. since it is now possible to work and study from anywhere with access to the internet, more and more educational institutions are mak ing their resources available online, for free, to students and edu cators in all corners of the globe (adawiyah & kadir, 2020). there is no way for us to continue living without the media’s presence. during a pandemic, the media is a vital source of information for the general people because it reports on the newest updates 427 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 428 to the situation at the national and state levels, as well as the government’s response. people’s subjective realities in their in teractions with others are shaped by the media they consume, which in turn impacts their worldviews (khatimah, 2018). this demonstrates the media’s active role in disseminating informa tion to the general population. what we now call “mass media” includes both established and up-and-coming channels of print, broadcast, and online news and information distribution. print media includes things like periodicals and books, whereas electronic media includes things like radio and television. on the other hand, “online media” encompasses any and all content delivered via the world wide web. unlike social media platforms, the distribution of media airtime is regulated (rajagukguk & olilia, 2020). from a legal standpoint, it must be a legitimate business or have endorsement from linked parties in order to operate a website. because news, rather than general information, is the primary focus of most media-based websites. the media facilitates dialogue and understanding among dis parate members of a society. people’s ideas and behaviors are influenced by what they see and hear in the media, whether or not they are aware of it. the health problem linked with the growing epidemic resulted in enormous conjecture and news that entered the public arena, and neither the internet nor the press can be blamed for its role in spreading this information (anggraini & saptatia, 2021). since communication messages in the media function are crucial since they can effect behavior and actions, this study aims to examine the role of the mass media in re sponding to the covid-19 pandemic and how the mass media are entrusted with disseminating information related to govern ment policies in this process, particularly in the tourism sector. literature review and research focus during the current covid-19 pandemic, the media plays a crucial role in society by: providing a platform for the public to jurnal studi pemerintahan express their concerns about the spread of the virus and its ef fects on society; informing (to inform) in the sense of “surveil lance” or “monitoring” what is occurring in the community; educating (to educate) about the meaning and benefits of the facts while maintaining their objectivity in analyzing the facts; in addition, the media has the ability to serve as a channel for the benefit of empowering the community by spreading information from the government about how and strategies for the commu nity to avoid this covid-19. this is done in the hopes that the community will continue to feel secure in going about its daily business in accordance with the health protocol recommended by the government through the task force for the acceleration of handling covid-19 (rajagukguk & olilia, 2020). in the opin ion of the study’s author, the media’s role in informing the pub lic about the ongoing epidemic and how to take precautions against contracting it was critical to putting a halt to the disease’s spread (rajagukguk & olilia, 2020). similarly, the researcher hypothesized that the media would move people to alter their attitudes and actions. the media should continue to focus on the dangers posed by the covid-19 epidemic until it is con tained. the next point is to investigate the role of international me dia in the containment of the covid-19 virus. media coverage of the covid-19 pandemic in england and germany was crucial in alerting the public to the impending health crisis, as discussed by rizky anggraini and henny saptita (2021). germany has been heralded as a country that effectively handles pandemics since the emergence of covid-19 in western europe, while britain has been condemned for its tardy response to the outbreak (anggraini & saptatia, 2021). the study’s research object is a comparison of english and german online news sources, which have been chosen because of their contrasting tones. british and german national news outlets present the story from opposing angles. media outlets in germany, meanwhile, have concentrated on how the covid-19 epidemic will effect the country’s economy 429 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 430 and population’s health, despite the prevalence of stories on health laws and medical reports in british media coverage of the pandemic (anggraini & saptatia, 2021). differently framed sto ries in the british and german media can help curb the spread of the covid-19 epidemic in certain nations. during the covid-19 pandemic emergency, the two media outlets informed the public accurately by tailoring their coverage to local priori ties and reacting to residents’ concerns. the united nations world tourism organization (unwto) has issued a number of recommendations that will be utilized as variables in this research to determine how each country is deal ing with the covid-19 outbreak in the travel and tourism busi ness. the purpose of this proposal is to provide a realistic frame work to aid countries in mitigating the effects of the current cri sis on travel and tourism, to stimulate recovery efforts, and to steer the sector toward long-term growth and sustainability. for unwto’s first proposal, titled “managing the crisis and miti gating the impact,” the factors were: incentivize job retention, sustain the self-employed and protect the most vulnerable groups; support companies’ liquidity; review taxes, charges, levies and regulations impacting transport and tourism; ensure consumer protection and confidence; promote skills development, espe cially digital skills; include tourism in national, regional and glo bal economic emergency packages; and create crisis management mechanisms and strategies (unwto, 2020) similar to 2020, the unwto suggestions issued since then will be the deciding element in how the country reacts to pan demic situations. unlike the previous phase, which focused on the tourism industry’s potential resilience in the face of a pan demic, this one is devoted mostly to reinvigorating that sector. in this section, where the focus is on “providing stimulus and accelerating recovery,” factors such: provide financial stimulus for tourism investment and operations; review taxes, charges and regulations impacting travel and tourism; advance travel facilitation; promote new jobs and skills development, particu jurnal studi pemerintahan larly digital ones; mainstream environmental sustainability in stimulus and recovery packages; understand the market and act quickly to restore confidence and stimulate demand; boost mar keting, events and meetings; invest in partnerships; mainstream tourism in national, regional and international recovery programmes and in development assistance (unwto, 2020). this study will describe the extent to which philippines media contributes to providing information relevant to efforts to deal with the covid-19 outbreak, based on some of the variables men tioned above and also how the media informs the government’s role with its policies to deal with the pandemic. research method this study is classified as qualitative research because of the methods used for data gathering and analysis. qualitative research can be understood as a framework for inquiry where the data is actively constructed for the purpose of acquiring insight into its significance. to better understand a phenomenon, qualitative studies are undertaken in carefully chosen settings. we’ll be us ing a “going exploring” approach to our research, which means we’ll be digging deep into the topic at hand and looking at it from every angle possible (muhammad raharjo, 2011). second ary source is what has to be gathered. since the focus of the research is on news stories, the data comes from many news sources. however, the researcher also gathered information from secondary sources like books, journals, and government records. cnn philippines was selected to represent the mainstream me dia and inquirer.net was selected to represent the digital media. given that the topic at hand was tourist policy, the researchers also drew comparisons from news or press releases released by the department of tourism, philippines news agency (https:/ /www.pna.gov.ph/) in the hopes of bolstering the findings of future studies. after data is collected, especially news media data, it will be coded using the nvivo 12 plus software to help researchers dis 431 http://www.pna.gov.ph/) http://www.pna.gov.ph/) vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 432 cover important components of the study they did in 2020 and 2021. to determine the government’s response, the data will be analyzed. how the media, rules, circulars, etc., are used to com municate with those in the tourism business who may have been impacted by the pandemic. the nvivo 12 plus tool will analyze the data and provide a wordcloud and quantitative results based on the amount of coverage given variables receive in the media. here we may observe the year’s most prominent news stories by looking at a word cloud generated from the most frequently used words in 2020 and 2021 media coverage. how frequently vari ables associated with policies implemented in response to the covid-19 pandemic were covered in the news yields the number in question. result and discussion before the epidemic hit the philippines and the rest of the world, 2019 saw the biggest peak in the number of arrivals. as you can see from the graph above, there was a noticeable in crease between 2018 and 2019, with 1,092,446 more foreign visi tors in 2019. in 2019 there were many events that attracted the attention of foreign travelers, some of which were music concert events held throughout 2019 in the philippines. many singers, bands, or even korean girl groups are holding concerts in the philippines. several singers and bands such as maroon 5, shawn mendes, rita ora, a$ap rocky, troye sivan, and others, to ko rean girl groups such as blackpink, twice, gfriend and others. concerts that bring in famous artists who have fans, especially with the korean girl group, which has a very large fan base, will make many fans from other countries come to watch their favor ite singers. the 30th southeast asian games, also known as the 2019 sea games, was hosted in the philippines in 2019 in addition to music festivals. the sea games themselves are a biennial multisport competition with competitors from the existing 11 southeast asian nations. the largest sporting event in south jurnal studi pemerintahan east asia is undoubtedly significant and has the potential to draw many sports fans from across the world, particularly from south east asia, to the philippines to watch and support their home nations in the variety of sports that will be featured at the sea games. in 2019, the philippines department of tourism revamped their branding campaign, repurposing the slogan “it’s more fun in the philippines” to encourage ecotourism. the national launch was held in the national museum of natural history, while the international celebration was held in berlin at the internationale tourismus-borse. also the philippines’ department of tourism has launched a campaign called “save our spots” to support the country’s new approach to sustainable tourism by encouraging all tourists to be conscientious and respectful of locals and visi tors alike. with most nations enforcing travel bans and other forms of lockdown in the first quarter of 2020, international tourist arriv als decreased by 22%, costing the global tourism industry an estimated us$80 billion (lew et al., 2020). at the time, 39 coun tries were actively enforcing border closures, 65 countries had suspended all or some international flights, and 97 countries had restricted travel to foreigners in some capacity. with the ban on out-of-town travel and large-scale public meetings as the policy’s first two targets, people’s freedom of movement has been severely restricted. as a result, many would-be tourists have put off trips to a wide range of countries’ most popular tourist spots. in an effort to contain the spread of the covid-19 virus, the adminis tration of local tourist attractions has issued a blanket ban on all visitors, domestic and foreign alike. the travel and tourism in dustry is a major role in many areas, including the economy, the environment, the local population, and the activities of tourists. the consequences of covid-19 on tourism are shown in the decrease in domestic and international visitor arrivals. the worsening of the transportation, accommodation, and food and beverage service sectors is the first sign of the tourism industry’s 433 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 434 overall decline in working conditions (kim l c & king, 2020). a reduction in income and bankruptcies caused by insufficient corporate income have made it difficult for businesses to fund their services in the tourism industry. the tourism industry and the many subsectors it relies on are especially vulnerable to disas ters like infectious illnesses and pandemics (lew et al., 2020). whereas in the philippines, visitors (non-locals) brought in php132.59 billion in 2020, down from php600.08 billion in 2019, according to the psa’s philippine tourism satellite ac counts (ptsa) for that year (ilarina, 2020). the ptsa analysis found that all industries dependent on inbound tourism declined in 2020, but the industry hit the most, falling by 80.5%. the services of leisure and recreation providers and accommodation establishments came in first and second, respectively, with nega tive 80.6 and 80.4 percent, respectively. the efforts taken to contain the covid-19 virus have im pacted negatively on the philippine travel industry. many coun tries in the region rely heavily on tourism; for example, in the philippines, it accounted for 12.7% of gdp in 2019 and em ployed 14% of the workforce, or 5.7 million people. however, projections for the first three months of 2020 indicate a 35% drop in foreign tourist revenue as a result of the pandemic (andulana et al., 2021). a number of months after quarantine and stay-at-home restrictions were implemented, travel in the philippines is still unpredictable. the industry will come to an end as travel restrictions and limits on human interactions are expected to endure for a long time. the first chinese tourists arrived in the philippines in janu ary of 2020. in january of 2020, the philippines reported what is believed to be the first ever case of covid-19. the group in cluded a cebuano youngster of five years old and his mother, who had just arrived in the philippines on january 12. between january 22nd, when the philippines first began investigating covid-19, and march 1st, when 633 suspected covid-19 cases were confirmed, a 39-year-old woman was the first confirmed jurnal studi pemerintahan case of covid-19 in the philippines, and her 44-year-old male partner became the second incident of the virus there (saphire et al., 2020). in the early 2020s, the proportion of filipinos infected with the covid-19 virus was low enough to be effectively managed. despite the lack of a formal government health policy, the phil ippines’ department of tourism (dot) released a cautionary statement asking locals and tourists to take efforts to minimize the spread of the covid-19 virus in accordance with existing rec ommendations (montemayor, 2020). all chinese tourists have been barred from visiting the philippines ever since the first case of covid-19 was detected, although the effects of covid-19 are serious, the department of tourism (dot) maintains that some foreign visitors may still feel secure visiting the philippines for vacation (rocamora, 2020d). dot assures travelers that they need not worry about visiting any of the country’s top tourist destinations because the government is keeping a close eye on the situation. for this reason, the dot will not change its aim of 9.2 million tourists in 2020, even though chinese citizens are restricted from visiting. as of november, it is expected that 1,626,309 people from china visited manila this year, up 40.2% from the same period last year. the travel prohibition to south korea, hong kong, china, and macau was one of the steps used to stop the disease from spreading throughout the country. the department of health (doh) escalated to “code red sub-level 1” on march 7, 2020, and requested that a “public health emergency” be declared by the president of the philippines so that it may acquire safety equip ment and implement preventative quarantine measures with the resulting funding. with the covid-19 virus spreading rapidly across the country, president rodrigo duterte declared a public health emergency on march 9 and a “code red sub-level 2” on march 12. after 30 days of partial closure, metro manila has reopened. president rodrigo duterte of the philippines pro claimed a national disaster on march 17. the disaster will last for 435 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 436 six months. by april, covid-19 had spread over all 17 regions. since the announcement of the covid-19 disaster emergency, the philippine government has been hard at work to aid the lo cal community, tourism employees, and even visiting tourists. this support has been especially strong from the department of tourism. the tourism and hospitality industries receive funding from a few of them. the department of transportation assures its tourism industry partners that it will continue offering assis tance in order to mitigate the effects of the current crisis. the department of tourism (dot) is in contact with the develop ment bank of the philippines (dbp) and the land bank of the philippines (lbp) to provide rehabilitation financing support to tourism enterprises that have been severely affected by the coronavirus disease 2019 outbreak. the land bank of the phil ippines will also assist tourism stakeholders through its program named rehabilitation support to cushion unfavorably affected enterprises by covid-19 (i-rescue) lending program (covid 19). the dot has also pushed for the postponement of em ployee contributions to the sss, pag-ibig fund, and philhealth in the tourism industry (rocamora, 2020c). the department of tourism (dot) also launched an online training program to help the tourism industry stay informed, deal with the challenges posed by the global pandemic, and aid in the industry’s eventual recovery. the curriculum focuses on the following two areas: 2) the filipino brand of service, which incorporates the seven filipino principles, or “7ms,” that define filipino hospitality, and whose success depends on constant monitoring, measurement, and learning from past and present events to enable stakeholders to better plan for the future (rocamora, 2020b). the board of investments (boi) also granted financial tax incentives for tourism businesses that renovate and upgrade their facilities for health and safety reasons. a three-year income tax vacation is also included in the tax relief, as well as duty-free importation of capital equipment for mice (meetings, incentives, conferences, and exhibits) facilities and other qualify jurnal studi pemerintahan ing tourism firms (rocamora, 2020e). the department of tour ism (dot) is assisting with the needs of tourists who have been forced to remain in the country due to the covid-19 outbreak. the department of transportation (dot) coordinates with other government agencies to ensure the safe return of 35,502 tourists (26,550 international and 8,952 domestic) through land, sea, and air (rocamora, 2020a). 437 figure 3. (a) word cloud cnn philippines news keywords about covid-19 in 2020, (b) word cloud inquirer.net news keywords about covid-19 in 2020, (c) word cloud philippines news agency news keywords about covid-19 in 2020 (processed using nvivo). there are a number of keywords that predominate the report ing from the three media mentioned above—cnn philippines, inquirer.net, and the philippines news agency—according to the coding results. when i examine the three media more closely, we can observe that they are comparable based on the words that frequently appear in the news, such as “government,” “depart ment,” “pandemic,” “coronavirus,” “industry,” etc. there are several dominant words in figure 3 which are taken from the cnn philippines media narrative throughout 2020 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 438 related to tourism: philippines (96 times), government (78 times), department (69 times), pandemic (51 times), quarantine (41 times), etc. no country has taken the required safeguards or imple mented the appropriate regulations in response to this man-made tragedy, and it appears that no country is ready to handle this epidemic on its own. because it is transferred so easily from per son to person, many nations are trying to find a cure. one such step is temporarily cutting off these links. among the most searched terms for the year 2020 is the phrase “quarantine,” which will occur in numerous narratives. since march, the phil ippines has been under an international quarantine known as the enhanced community quarantine (ecq) (bantugan & mahusay, 2021). from the data in table 3 (b), we can see that in 2020, topics like “coronavirus” (mentioned 64 times), “pandemic” (48 times), “tourists” (47 times), “industry” (41% of all searches), “govern ment” (39% of all searches), and “transportation” (27%) were among the most popular search terms on inquirer.net. the gov ernment of the philippines has been helping both locals and tourists who became stuck as a result of the pandemic’s adop tion of regional quarantines around the country. a p275 billion contingency fund has been approved by the government, the primary function of the budget is as a stimulus package for the population, medical services, and hospitals (estadilla, 2020). in recent report, the president details how the country’s budget is being spent, with the vast majority of the money—more than p140 billion—going to the department of social welfare and devel opment (dswd) to be distributed to the poor society, every low income family will be given p8,000 at the outset of the lockdown or enhanced community quarantine program, with the possi bility of further funding if necessary (ecq) (vallejo & ong, 2020). for those international tourists, knowing the current situ ation is vital in figuring out what they can do, whether they can return home or must stay in the philippines, whether they are being offered support, and so on. as a result, the term “tourists” jurnal studi pemerintahan appears frequently in 2020 news reports because media outlets like inquirer.net and the media in general are vital to the infor mation flow for tourists. there are a number of dominating terms in the content of the word cloud derived from the philippine news agency (table 3 (c)), including tourists (78 times), industry (67 times), depart ment (54 times), quarantine (44 times), and government (37 times). the government plays a crucial role in averting the col lapse of the tourism industry, despite the fact that we know that the tourism industry and the tourism sector are ultimately badly affected by this disease. the united nations world tourism organization (unwto) estimates that the global epidemic, as the first of its intensity in a modern age of interconnection, has put the security of 100 million employment in jeopardy. the majority of these positions are available in micro, small, and medium-sized businesses, which have a disproportionately high number of female workers because women make up 54% of the workforce in the tourism industry (sharma et al., 2022). there is a risk of losing between one hundred and one hundred and twenty million jobs that are directly tied to tourism. the united na tions conference on trade and development (unctad) fore casts a drop in global gross domestic product (gdp) of between 1.5 and 2.8 percent as a result of the impact of climate change (davahli et al., 2020). the government has a responsibility to help those impacted by this pandemic through its various poli cies, since the main goal of public policy is a collection of actions meant to attain particular objectives expected by the public as the government’s constituency (anggara, 2014). the philippine government has taken a number of actions in this issue, includ ing regulating the cost of basic goods and commodities, offering interest-free loans, allocating compensation for front-line medi cal workers, etc (saphire et al., 2020). 439 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 440 figure 4. results of variable analysis of news media in philippines in 2020 using nvivo because of the epidemic, a great number of people were forced to leave their employment, the majority of whom were in the tourism industry and related fields. during the period of the quarantine, the only businesses that are permitted to continue operating across the entirety of the country are those that pro vide goods and services that are considered necessary. a decrease in demand has been experienced by the tourism industry as a direct result of regulations and concerns around health and safety. in order to assist those who have been negatively impacted by the epidemic, it is vital for the government to implement pro grams that provide incentives, financial support, and tax relief. during an outbreak, the protocols that are in place for health have a significant influence on the convenience and safety of vacationers. to ensure that guests have a pleasant and worry-free experience while they are staying at your establishment, it is im perative that you adhere strictly to all of the established hygiene and safety procedures. other precautions that have been taken include the distribution of protective masks, the monitoring of food safety, the tracking of the health of staff, and full-scale clean ing (andulana et al., 2021). jurnal studi pemerintahan everybody in the tourism industry needs to be able to adapt and be ready for digitization. since the surge in smartphone ownership and internet access among individuals reflects the increased need of customers in the digital age, the sector under stands the importance of providing smart services to boost the industry’s demand and supply (yeh, 2020). to date, the digital network and state-of-the-art technology have supported the de velopment of contactless systems. though each nation faces unique challenges, they must all take similar measures to deal with the current crisis: develop a comprehensive exit strategy and recovery plan for their tourism sector; and, at the very least, imple ment a number of strategic initiatives as part of their national tourism policy (kreiner & ram, 2020). therefore, it is impor tant to start thinking about proper crisis management processes and techniques as soon as possible. the findings presented in figures 4 are the conclusions drawn from an examination of the narratives presented by the various forms of media in relation to the factors described in the prior paragraphs. it is able to be seen from a number of processed news articles, percentages that describe how the government manages the covid-19 pandemic in their various countries. two of the most important variables that are utilized in the philip pines are “create crisis management systems and tactics” and “ensure customer protection and confidence.” health policies such as health protocols and policies to limit community mobil ity and regional quarantine are carried out in order to reduce the spike in the transmission of covid-19 (rocamora, 2020c). this is in accordance with government policies that focus on maintaining the health and safety of citizens and tourists first. when entire neighborhoods are forced to pick up where they left off, the risks take on a whole new dimension. the working population and the educational community must return to their regular schedules, companies and their workers generate the goods and services that keep an economy running, people can put money toward long-term goals like health and education when 441 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 442 they have a stable income. the reopening of the economy in general and tourism in particular, in particular in the national capital region (ncr) through the easing of ecq restrictions is a very serious matter, as is the risk assessment as covid-19 has affected every aspect of life in the philippines and has essentially brought the economy to a halt, science and policy decisions rely heavily on epidemiological models, this becomes the basis for the government in responding to crises that occur in society (vallejo & ong, 2020). national economic development authority (neda) recom mended a three-phased program of interventions that would help offset the social and economic impact of covid-19, one of the many measures made by the philippine government to assure security and comfort. in phase 1, the government’s health care intervention to the pandemic is prioritized; this response is bro ken down into three sub-phases: (a) the medical response, which is concerned with how the entire healthcare system handles the health situation; (b) the health service reaction, which is con cerned with how the public cooperates with the iatf’s guide lines; and (c) the short-term cybernetic enhancements of healthcare system capacity, which is concerned with how the health care services are readily available to the public (estadilla, 2020). phase 2 focuses on restoring consumer and corporate confidence by demonstrating the effectiveness of the country’s upgraded health services; phase 3 aims to return the economy to its pre-pandemic state of activity. in 2021, the philippines will once again be open to visitors from other countries. the department of tourism has been working together with local governments, other national govern ment agencies, and local tourism players to gradually reopen the sector while emphasizing the strict adherence to health and safety protocols. in spite of the ongoing spread of the covid-19 virus, the philippines is ready to work with its neighbors to create a “international travel bubble” that will encourage tourism and allow for international travel (cruz, 2021). the pandemic is still jurnal studi pemerintahan present, thus new and updated health protocols will continue to be used. as stated in the inter-agency task force on the han dling of emerging infectious diseases (iatf-meid) resolution no. 97 dated january 28, 2021, the ministry of tourism (dot) is putting together a new protocol for incoming travelers in re sponse to the agency’s decision to lift the travel ban on people arriving from nations that have reported cases of the new variant of covid-19 (philippines department of tourism, 2021c). for eign nationals will be permitted to re-enter under specific restric tions as of february 1, 2021, with the lifting of travel restrictions in nations having the new variant of covid-19. in addition to reopening the airport to passengers, the philip pine government is continuing its efforts to help those whose lives have been disrupted as a result of the recent outbreak of the disease. these efforts include assisting workers in the tourism industry as well as tourists who have been detained there. recov ery flights, transportation, meals, and lodging are some of the forms of assistance that the government offers to domestic and international travelers whose flights are disrupted as a result of the implementation of social lockdowns across the country. in addition, the government continues to mount recovery flights, expand the capacity for transportation to international and local gateways, and increase the number of staff members in the air ports so that they can better meet the needs of travelers who are waiting to board their flights (philippines department of tour ism, 2021d). efforts are being made by the government to revive the tour ism industry by lowering domestic and international travel regu lations. among the steps taken is a push to attract more domes tic tourists to well-known landmarks across the country. the con tinued spread of covid-19 in the philippines has discouraged out-of-country visitors, who are instead planning to spend their money on a trip to the philippines. the government’s tourism office is constantly working to streamline domestic travel poli cies and procedures (cruz, 2021). traveling in the new normal 443 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 444 period will be more comfortable thanks to the simplification of entry regulations, which will also assist prevent people who fabri cate documents from entering by using universal verification procedures (philippines department of tourism, 2021a). in ad dition to federal guidelines, states and local governments are free to develop their own passenger screening policies. the depart ment of tourism issued a statement on february 27 in response to the inter-agency task force for the management of emerging infectious diseases’ (iatf-eid clearance) standardized travel safety procedures for all lgus. in it, the dot reminded stake holders and visitors to take the most basic health and safety mea sures, such as using a mask and face shield, keeping a safe dis tance, washing hands often, and only scheduling operations with enterprises that had been approved by the dot (rocamora, 2021b). on march 1, 2021, the philippines began a nationwide vacci nation effort after receiving 600,000 doses of the sinovac vac cine. about 50,000 service men and 250,000 medical profes sionals will make up the first wave (philippines department of tourism, 2021b). despite this, elected government leaders are inoculated in order to bolster public confidence in the vaccina tion. despite the fact that an immunization program is already in place, the department of transportation (dot) has once again announced an effort to reduce the length of time that travelers who have been vaccinated are required to remain in quarantine (rocamora, 2021a). immunization is critical to the eventual res urrection of the sector because safety and health are the major elements affecting travel decisions among tourists once activities have fully resumed. dot also repeatedly stresses the importance of the covid-19 vaccination for people employed in the tourism sector. local government units in the philippines have allocated funds to purchase their own supply of covid-19 vaccines in order to ensure rapid distribution to their communities and in dustrial workers. traveler interest could help speed up the pro cess of reopening well-liked landmarks. jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 5. (a) word cloud cnn philippines news keywords about covid-19 in 2021, (b) word cloud inquirer.net news keywords about covid-19 in 2021, (c) word cloud philippines news agency news keywords about covid-19 in 2021 (pro cessed using nvivo). 445 figure 5 (a), displays the word cloud of cnn philippines’ 2021 coverage keywords. quarantine (used 68 times), travelers (33 times), restriction (31 times), government (30 times), vacci nated (26 times), and so forth are some of the frequently used keywords. the phrase quarantine becomes more prevalent in the news story from cnn philippines in 2021 compared to 2020, and the words vaccinated and restrictions are also on the list of dominant keywords. as news outlets like cnn philippines con tinue to provide updates on the requirements that potential tour ists must meet, the words quarantine, restriction, and vaccinated— which are components of the conditions to be able to return to vacation in the philippines—become dominant. this is related to the news regarding the re-opening of the philippines for tour ists to visit. the covid-19 pandemic has resulted in significant involve ment from the state on the part of virtually all governments, regardless of the political orientation of those countries. many have been left behind by the fast growing economy of globaliza vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 446 tion, and now might be the moment for even more government involvement in many areas, including tourism and issues related to over-tourism. the covid-19 pandemic may prove to be a turn ing point event in history, where governments begin to deal with a greater role in healthcare, education, and job creation (koh, 2020). the word cloud of news terms from inquirer.net in 2021 is shown in figure 5 (b). tourists (used 149 times), vaccinated (113 times), quarantine (87 times), government (69 times), and in formation are some of the frequently used words (60 times). according to the government’s intention to revive the tourism industry, a lot of news from inquirer.net in 2021 was about trav elers, both actual and future visitors who might be taking a trip to the philippines. this relates to helping tourists in the philip pines who are affected by the pandemic and to government poli cies that continue to ease entry requirements as well as assis tance for potential tourists like lodging subsidies, waivers for swab and pcr test fees, and other benefits to draw in both domestic and international tourists. no matter how much technology is improved, however, it can not support the quantity of tourists who visit every day. visitors may skip the lines at popular tourist destinations including the louvre museum in paris, the grand palace in bangkok, and hong kong disneyland by making reservations in advance digitally (zhang et al., 2021). a daily quota in terms of visitorship might be set, which would make the journey much more joyful for all if these locations and attractions could go further and compel all visitors to acquire tickets online and do deal with on-arrival tick eting. expanding holding areas, enhancing tourist travel demand (for a better tourism activities), and cordoning off the site to prevent pollution are all options the local administration could explore in order to better manage crowds (to improve the living environment for residents) (gutierrez, 2021). these may necessi tate more personnel for management on the ground. an option is to establish tourism police units, like those in the philippines, jurnal studi pemerintahan which maintain peace and order in crowded public spaces. both tourists and locals would feel more at ease knowing that they are there, and everyone’s safety wellbeing would improve as a result. figure 5 (c), shows the keywords from the philippine news agency’s coverage from 2021. tourist (53 times), vaccinated (44 times), industry (43 times), department (42 times), government (41 times), and so forth are some of the terms that frequently appear in news stories in 2021. the word “vaccine” is a further new keyword in 2021, similar to the previous media. the vacci nation is significant in 2021 because it portends the resurgence of ailments that were dormant in the previous year. the philip pine government continues to conduct projects to restore the tourism industry and report on the state of the government’s immunization program through the philippine news agency. figure 6. results of variable analysis of news media in philippines in 2021 using nvivo giving monetary aid, providing tax breaks, and developing the skills of workers in the tourism business, particularly in the area of digital literacy, are all things that have something in com mon with one another. but at this point in time, the govern ment needs to do more than just train individuals for jobs in the digital tourism industry; it needs to really create job possibilities. 447 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 448 to attract back tourists, information that is consistent, depend able, and readily available must be provided regarding travel re strictions and the lifting of such restrictions; hence, the flow of information must be managed in order for public policy to be carried out in an effective manner (gössling et al., 2020). through all possible methods of communication, this information should be made available to the market and consumers. incentives, investment strategies, and cash set aside specifi cally for environmental protection all need to incorporate envi ronmental stewardship practices. as a consequence of this, the industry is in a position to improve the environmental sustaina bility of its operations by putting into place measures such as more effective waste management and increased energy perfor mance (including greater energy and water efficiency) (anowar et al., 2020). it’ll also make it easier for the tourism industry to work with overseas funders that care about sustainability and who are willing to help revitalize the sector on a broader scale. domestic tourism is crucial to the recovery of national econo mies, thus i encourage you to go on vacation within your own country. plans should be established for promotional campaigns and prizes that will promote longer stays and ease domestic travel as it is expected that domestic guests will travel again first and rekindle demand (andulana et al., 2021). these can be in the form of lower prices, one-of-a-kind discounts, or even company sponsored vacations, which are especially advantageous for those who live in or near popular tourist sites because of their proxim ity to those locations. in addition, set aside funds specifically for the purpose of fostering the economic revival of less developed areas, organize international conferences, and organize regional activities (lew et al., 2020). the study of the story or media coverage taken from the phil ippines is presented in figures 6. the analysis is based on speci fied variables, and as a result, we are able to calculate, from the graph that is located above, how large of a percentage of how the government is addressing the covid-19 pandemic based on the jurnal studi pemerintahan news that is reported in the media. the phrases “review taxes, levies, and laws impacting travel and tourism” and “boost mar keting, events, and meetings” are going to be the two most im portant variables in 2021. the government is continuing its ef forts to reopen the nation’s tourism industry by establishing nec essary legislation or policies that will promote the acceleration of the sector’s recovery (ocampo & yamagishi, 2020). this can be accomplished in a number of ways, one of which is by planning a variety of events and activities that are geared toward encourag ing tourists to take their vacations in the nation in question. this is evidenced by the fact that the covid-19 vaccine is cur rently on the market. in addition, the government’s dedication to its own regula tions to create a sustainable tourism sector is an important fac tor that must be taken into account as the industry is rebuilt. sustainable tourism is described as tourism that considers the economic, social, and environmental implications of its current and future operations while also meeting the requirements of all parties involved (tourists, the tourism industry, the environment, and the communities that host them) (gutierrez, 2021). in the philippines, the passage of republic act (ra) 9593 formally ac knowledged the importance of the tourism industry as a driver of social economic advancement and social assertion, with the potential to attract foreign investment, increase domestic income, create new jobs, and foster a stronger sense of national pride (zhang et al., 2021). by boosting sustainable tourism embedded principal in the national history, heritage, and natural inherit ances and safeguarding the preservation, and promotion of these resources, the act provides the national roadmap for construct ing an integrated st action plan for the country and establish ing the country as a popular tourism hub in asia and a center of world conventions and conferences (sharma et al., 2022).con clusion the spread of the covid-19 coronavirus around the world has accelerated at an unprecedented rate during the past few 449 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 450 years. authorities are making a concerted effort to stem the spread of the sickness by employing a wide variety of measures, includ ing lockdowns, social isolation, physical distance, mask wearing, suspending schools and public areas, postponing concerts and festivals, and limiting gatherings. the global epidemic has also had a significant impact on the travel and hotel industry. when popular tourist spots were closed, visitors fled out of fear for their health. as a result, the tourism industry experienced a sig nificant income decline. this research uses several unwto recommendations as independent variables to assess how nations are responding to the covid-19 pandemic’s impact on the tour ism industry. ensure consumer safety and confidence; stimulate firm liquidity; examine taxes, levies, levys, and regulations that effect transportation and tourism; safeguard the most vulnerable; and incorporate tourism into national, regional, and global eco nomic emergency packages. a lot rides on the unwto’s post 2020 recommendations, just like in 2020. the present phase is focused on reestablishing the tourism industry, as opposed to the previous one which studied its resilience in the face of a pan demic. in this section, we will go over some of the topics in cluded in the “stimulating and accelerating the tourism recov ery” chapter, such as: providing financial stimulus for tourism investment and operations; reviewing taxes, fees, and regulations that affect travel and tourism; facilitating advanced travel; pro moting new jobs and skill development, particularly in the digi tal sphere; integrating environmental sustainability into stimu lus and recovery packages; knowing the market and acting swiftly to restore confidence and optimism; and so on. the media serves as a conduit for communication between many sectors of society. media content influences audiences whether or not they are consciously aware of this fact. the internet and the press cannot be ignored in their role in disseminating information about covid-19, as the health crisis associated to the growing epidemic has resulted in tremendous speculation and news entering the public arena. finally, the media has the jurnal studi pemerintahan ability as a channel for the public’s benefit during the current covid-19 pandemic by providing a platform for the public to express their concerns about the spread of the virus and its im pact on society. this is because the media has the ability to in form in the sense of “supervision” or “monitoring” what is hap pening in the community; to educate (educating) about the mean ing and benefits of facts while maintaining objectivity in analyz ing facts. the results show that the media plays a crucial role in reporting on the tourism sector during the covid-19 pandemic. this includes reporting on the status of popular tourist loca tions, such as whether they are open or closed, as well as report ing on any changes to standard operating procedures. in the years 2020 and 2021, health, government, protocol, and other related topics will inevitably follow the most prominent phrases in the news story about tourism. it could have an impact on the travel and leisure sector. when the danger of a pandemic has passed, media coverage of the tourism industry’s recovery efforts can reassure tourists and encourage them to resume their journey references adawiyah, d. p. r., & kadir, n. 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(2021). forecasting tourism recovery amid covid 19. annals of tourism research, 87, 103149. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2021.103149 453 http://isip.usni.ac.id/jurnal/solten.pdf layout desember 2008 209 epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 zainal said program studi kebijakan, sekolah pascasarjana ugm. email: diqy.spsugm@gmail.com irwan abdullah universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta. email: iabdullah@ugm.ac.id lasiyo universitas gadjah mada yogyakarta. email: lasiyo@filsafat.ugm.ac.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract legal and political system is a subsystem in the community. each perform a specific function to move the social system as a whole. a rill, a national banking law norms contained in law no. 7/1992 concerning banking as amended by law no. 10/1998 provide less public protection arrangements (social protection) than in community settings (social deregulation). the law. 7/1992 on banking, as amended by law no. 10/1998 which does not restrict the ownership of commercial banks. in a company where there are differences in ownership of company shares a number of very big difference, it will be found the majority shareholder in one hand and minority shareholders, on the other by differences in the number of voting rights is striking. lessons of the past shows that the majority principle causes ¬’s minority shareholders are in a position of powerlessness and disadvantage in enforcing their interests. legal position of minority shareholders who number more weak and unable to deal with actions that harm the directors or commissioners of the company, it is caused by the position of the majority shareholder of which is identical with the company’s second organ, both physically and interests. 210 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ keywords: politics of banking law, indonesia abstrak hukum dan politik merupakan subsistem dalam sistem kemasyarakatan. masing-masing melaksanakan fungsi tertentu untuk menggerakkan sistem kemasyarakatan secara keseluruhan. secara rill, norma hukum perbankan nasional yang terdapat dalam uu no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana telah diubah dengan uu no. 10/1998 kurang memberikan pengaturan proteksi masyarakat (social protection) dari pada pengaturan masyarakat (social deregulation). dalam uu no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana diubah dengan uu no 10/1998 yang tidak membatasi dalam kepemilikan bank umum. dalam suatu perseroan apabila terdapat perbedaan pemilikan saham perseroan yang selisih jumlahnya sangat besar, maka akan dijumpai adanya pemegang saham mayoritas di satu pihak dan pemegang saham minoritas di pihak lain dengan perbedaan jumlah hak suara yang mencolok. pelajaran masa lalu menujukkan bahwa prinsip mayoritas menyebab-kan pemegang saham minoritas berada pada posisi yang tidak berdaya dan kurang menguntungkan dalam menegakkan kepentingannya. kedudukan hukum para pemegang saham minoritas yang jumlah lebih lemah dan tidak mampu menghadapi tindakan direksi atau komisaris yang merugikan perseroan, justru disebabkan oleh kedudukan pemegang saham mayoritas yang identik dengan kedua organ perseroan tersebut, baik secara fisik maupun kepentingan. kata kunci: politik hukum perbankan, indonesia pendahuluan hukum tidak ditempatkan pada posisi sentral protes input output sistem kemasyarakatan secara keseluruhan. dalam perjalanan sejarah bangsa indonesia, kita mengalami hubungan hukum dengan politik yang tidak sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip yang diamanatkan dalam uud 1945. pembukaan uud 1945 dengan jelas mengamanatkan susunan negara ri yang berkedaulatan rakyat. penjelasan umum uud 1945 mengenai sistem pemerintahan negara dengan gamblang menentukan antara lain bahwa negara indonesia berdasar atas hukum (rechtstaat) tidak berdasar atas kekuasaan belaka (machtsstaat) serta pemerintahan berdasar atas sistem konstitusi (hukum dasar) tidak bersifat absolutisme (kekuasaan yang tidak terbatas). hukum dan politik merupakan subsistem dalam sistem kemasyarakatan. masing-masing melaksanakan fungsi tertentu untuk menggerakkan sistem kemasyarakatan secara keseluruhan. secara garis besar hukum berfungsi melakukan social control, dispute settlement dan a tool social engeneering atau inovation. sementara itu, fungsi politik meliputi pemeliharaan sistem dan adaptasi (socialization dan recruitment), konversi epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 211 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ (rule making, rule aplication, rule adjudication, interestarticulation, dan aggregation) dan fungsi kapabilitas (regulatif extractif, distributif. dan responsif). david held (2004: 3) menegaskan bahwa pertentangan nilai muncul, misalnya pada ajaran-ajaran duniawi yang lain, atau pada ajaran-ajaran mengenai tata peringkat alamiah, atau pada klaim-klaim meneganai kepentingan kaum proletariat. pilihan-pilihan politik tampak seakan-akan hanya bisa mulai diorganisasikan, diartukulasikan, dan dinegosiasikan dalam demokrasi, tetapi dalam kenyataannya tidak selalu demikian. sistem hukum, kata held lebih lanjut memikul tanggung jawab utama untuk menjamin dihormatinya hak dan dipenuhinya kewajiban yang timbul karena hak yang bersangkutan. sasaran utama sistem politik ialah memuaskan kepentingan kolektif dan perorangan. meskipun sistem hukum dan sistem politik dapat dibedakan, namun dalan bebagai hal sering tumpang-tindih. dalam proses pembentukan undang-undang oleh badan pembentuk undang-undang misalnya. proses tersebut dapat dimasukkan ke dalam sistem hukum dan juga ke dalam sistem politik, karena undang-undang sebagai output merupakan formulasi yuridis dari kebijaksanaan politik dan proses pembentukannya sendiri digerakkan oleh proses politik. hukum dan politik sebagai subsistem kemasyarakatan adalah bersifat terbuka, karena itu keduanya saling mempengaruhi dan dipengaruhi oleh subsistem lainnya maupun oleh sistem kemasyarakatan secara keseluruhan. walaupun hukum dan politik mempunyai fungsi dan dasar pembenaran yang berbeda, namun keduanya tidak saling bertentangan. tetapi saling melengkapi. masing-masing memberikan kontribusi sesuai dengan fungsinya untuk menggerakkan sistem kemasyarakatan secara keseluruhan. dalam masyarakat yang terbuka dan relatif stabil sistem hukum dan politiknya selalu dijaga keseimbangannya, di samping sistemsistem lainnya yang ada dalam suatu masyarakat. hukum memberikan kompetensi untuk para pemegang kekuasaan politik berupa jabatan-jabatan dan wewenang sah untuk melakukan tindakan-tindakan politik bilamana perlu dengan menggunakan sarana pemaksa. hukum merupakan pedoman yang mapan bagi kekuasan politik untuk mengambil keputusan dan tindakan-tindakan sebagai kerangka untuk rekayasa sosial secara tertib. von savigny, menyatakan politik yang epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 212 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sangat berpengaruh dalam menentukan arah hukum dalam suatu negara, politik -merupakan sebagai alat yang digunakan setiap menentukan kebijakan-kebijakan hukum. dengan kata lain bahwa politik merupakan determinan atas hukum, karena itu maurice duverger (1981:358) menegaskan: “hukum didefinisikan oleh kekuasaan; dia terdiri dari tubuh undang-undang dan prosedur yang dibuat atau diakui oleh kekuasaan politik. hukum memberikan dasar legalitas bagi kekuasaan politik dan kekuasaan politik membuat hukum menjadi efektif dalam kehidupan kemasyarakatan. mahfud md (1999:6-7) juga menghadirkan sistem politik sebagai variabel yang mempengaruhi rumusan dan pelaksanaan hukum. lebih lanjut ditegaskan, suatu proses dan konfigurasi politik rezim tertentu akan sangat signifikan pengarunya terhadap suatu produk hukum yang kemudian dilahirkannya. dalam negara yang konfigurasi politik demokratis, produk hukumnya berkarakter responsif atau populis, sedangkan dinegara yang konfigurasi politiknya otoriter, produk hukumnya berkarakter ortodoks atau konservatif atau elitis. dengan asumsi, ada keterikatan yang erat antara hukum dan politik yang mengarah pada analisa teoretis bahwa ilmu politik hukum merupakan bagaian dari ilmu hukum, bukan ilmu politik. metode penelitian penelitian ini merupakan penelitian desk studi atas produk hukum yang ditajaun dalam perspektif politik. penelitian mendasarkan pada bahan-bahan yang tertulis seperti undang-undang perbankan, perdebatan yan muncul dari kalangan anggota dewan dan para penggagas dalam hal ini pemerintah. untuk mendapatkan data tersebut dilakukan wawancara mendalam, studi literature yang terkait, bahan-bahan cetakan produk undang-undang maupun surat keputusan dan sjenisnya. dari sana dianalisis dalam perspektif politik hukum yang akan mengahasilkan produk undang-undang. kerangka teoritik kehadiran hukum perbankan dalam khazanah sistem hukum indonesia merupakan suatu condotio sinequa nan. hal itu seiring dengan semakin epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 213 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ berkembang dan pesatnya bisnis perbankan dalam sistem perekonomian nasional kita. perkembangan bisnis perbankan tersebut telah diantisipasi dengan lahirnya undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagai pengganti undang-undang no. 14/1967 tentang pokok perbankan, yang kemudian disempurnakan dengan undang-undang no. 10/1998. kini dunia perbankan nasional mempunyai landasan hukum yang memadai dalam rangka mewujudkan sistem perbankan nasional yang stabil. dalam undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang no. 10/1998, terdapat sejumlah norma hukum yang berfungsi sebagai landasan dalam membuat, mengatur dan menetapkan kebijakan dan ketentuan hukum perbankan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah maupun bank indonesia sebagai pemegang otoritas moneter perbankan. dan menjadi kewajiban setiap pelaku bisnis perbankan untuk mentaati norma hukum perbankan yang terdapat dalam undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang no. 10/1998. pelbagai norma hukum perbankan yang ditetapkan dimaksudkan untuk memberikan dasar prevensi bagi bank dalam menjalankan kegiatan usahanya, sehingga kepentingan masyarakat maupun kelangsungan hidup bisnis perbankan nasional dapat terlindungi. disamping itu, untuk mendidik dan sekaligus meningkatkan ketaatan pelaku bisnis perbankan nasional, maka dikembangkan dengan self regulation dan moral suasion. menurut rahmadi usman (2001: 2-3) norma hukum perbankan nasional yang terdapat dalam undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang no. 10/ 1998, cenderung menonjolkan sifat administratif, ketimbang mengatur hubungan keperdataan antar bank dan nasabahnya. oleh karena itu, norma hukum perbankan lebih tepat jika di kualifikasikan sebagai norma hukum fungsional, yang tidak dapat lagi dikualifikasi sebagai norma hukum privat atau norma hukum publik. ciri norma hukum fungsional tersebut, meniadakan differensi antara norma hukum privat dan norma hukum publik. dimana kedua norma hukum ini saling bertaut atau bersinggungan. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa telah terjadi pergeseran hukum privat menjadi hukum publik. secara rill, norma hukum perbankan nasional yang terdapat dalam epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 214 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana telah diubah dengan undang-undang no. 10/1998 kurang memberikan pengaturan proteksi masyarakat (social protection) dari pada pengaturan masyarakat (social deregulation). moment itu oleh pemerintah hukum difungsikan sebagai sarana perubahan masyarakat yang lazim dinamakan sebagai “ law as a tool social engeenering”. hukum dijadikan alat politik untuk melegitimasi kebijakan pemerintah. salah satu akibatnya, pengaturan bisnis perbankan nasional dilakaukan dengan cara memodifikasi kebijakan deregulasi yang telah diambil pemerintah untuk disesuaikan dengan tuntutan pembangunan ekonomi nasional dengan tujuan politik yang dijalankan pemerintah. untuk meluruskan “benang kusut” dalam sektor perbankan perlu penggalangan dan pemanfaatan daya seoptimal mungkin dan segenap komponen dalam sistem moneter dan keuangan serta diikuti dengan penegakan hukum perbankan nasional yang konsisten, transparan dan berkeadilan. selain itu, juga diperlukan pengetahuan dan pemaknaan yang mendalam mengenai pengaturan bisnis perbankan nasional sesuai dengan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. dalam undang-undang no. 7/1992 tentang perbankan sebagaimana diubah dengan undang-undang no. 10/ 1998 yang tidak membatasi dalam kepemilikan bank umum. terkhusus dalam kepemilikan saham yang sampai 99 % terhadap pihak asing dan/ atau badan hukum asing dari jumlah saham yang bersangkutan sesuai pasal 3 peraturan pemerintah no. 29/1999 tentang pembelian saham bank umum. melihat materi ini memungkinkan adanya diskriminasi saham atas pemilik saham myoritas dan pemeilik saham minoritas terkhusus dalam posisi serta menyangkut hal kepentingan dalam pengambilan kebijakan, yang secara horinsontal akan mempengaruhi pembangunan ekonomi sosial serta kesejahteraan rakyat. hasil dan analisis 1. latar belakang lahirnya undang-undang perbankan sebagaimana diketahui undang-undang perbankan 1967 disusun pada situasi dan kondisi perekonomian yang jauh berbeda dengan sistuasi dan kondisi perekonomian saat ini. perkembangan perekonomian nasional maupun nasional maupun internasional yang senangtiasa bergerak cepat epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 215 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ disertai dengan tantangan yang sangat luas dan berat, perlu selalu diikuti secara tanggap oleh perbankan nasional dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tanggungjawabnya. seperti yang tertuang dalam penjelasan umumnya: “sejalan dengan perkembangan tersebut adanya komitmen indonesia dalam berbagai forum internasional seperti world trade organization (wto), asia pasific economic coorporation (apec), da association of south east asian nations (asean)-diperlukan berbagai penyesuaian dalam peraturan perbankan nasional termasuk pembukaan akses pasar dan perlakuan non-diskriminatif terhadap pihak asing. upaya liberalisasi di bidang perbankan dilakukan sedemikian rupa sehingga dapat sekaligus meningkatkan kinerja perbankan nasional. oleh karena itu, pihak asing perlu diberikan kesempatan yang lebih besar untuk berperan serta dalam memiliki bank nasional sehingga tetap terjadi kemitraan dengan pihak nasional” dari sudut sifatnya, struktur kaidah hukum dapat dibedakan atas hukum imperative (istilah konvensional: hukum memaksa atau dwigend recht) dan hukum fakultatif ( hukum mengatur atau hukum pelengkap: regelend recht atau aanvullend recht). perbedaan didasarkan pada kekuatan sanksinya (djumhana, 2000:9). hukum memaksa itu adalah hukum yang dalam keadaan kongkret tidak dapat dikesampingkan (disisihkan) oleh perjanjian (kontrak) yang dibuat oleh kedua belah pihak sendiri. dengan kata lain hukum yang dilakukan dalam keadaan bagaimanapun juga harus ditaati, hukum yang mempunyai paksaan mutlak (absolute). sedangkan hukum mengatur ialah hukum yang dalam keadaan konkret dapat disisihkan oleh perjanjian yang dibuat oleh kedua belah pihak. bila mana kedua belah pihak dapat menyelesaikan soal mereka yang membuat sendiri suatu peraturan, maka peraturan hukum yang tercantum dalam pasal yang bersangkutan tidak perlu dijalankan. hukum mengatur biasanya dijalankan, bilamana kedua belah pihak tidak membuat sendiri peraturan. hukum mengatur disebut juga hukum menambah (purbacaraka dan soekanto, 1980: 21-26; utrecht, 1983: 28-30). sekarang bagaimana dengan sifat hukum perbankan nasional sekarang ini? sifat hukum perbankan kita merupakan hukum memaksa, artinya bank dalam menjalankan usahanya harus tunduk dan patuh terhadap rambu-rambu perbankan yang dilanggar, bank indonesia berwenang menindak bank yang bersangkutan dengan menjatuhkan sanksi adminisepistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 216 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tratif. walau pun demikian dalam rangka pengawasan intern, bank diperkenankan membuat ketentuan internal bank sendiri (self regulation) dengan berpedoman pada kebijakan umum yang ditetapkan bank indonesia. ketentuan bank sendiri ini dimaksudkan sebagai standar atau ukuran yang jelas dan tegas dalam pengawasan internal bank, sehingga bank diharapkan dapat melaksanakan kebijakannya sendiri dengan baik dan penuh tanggung jawab. berdasar uu no. 10/1998 yang merupakan sumber hukum utama dari hukum perbankan, karenanya segala ketentuan perbankan di indonesia. dengan berlakunya undang-undang perbankan yang diubah, selain menyatakan tidak berlaku lagi uu no. 14/1967 tentang pokok-pokok perbankan, juga menyatakan tidak berlakunya lagi peraturan lainnya yakni: a. staatsblaad 1929 no. 357, 14 september 1929 tentang aturan-aturan mengenai badan-badan kredit desa dalam propinsi-propinsi di jawa dan madura diluar wilayah kota praja-kota praja b. uu no. 12/1962 tentang bank pembangunan swasta (lembaran negara 1962 no 58, tambahan lembaga negara nomor 2489). c. peraturan tentang usaha perkreditan yang diselenggarakan oleh kelurahan didaerah kadipaten paku alaman (rijksblaad dari daerah paku alaman tahun 1937 no 9). peraturan perbankan tersebut, dinilai sudah tidak dapat mengikuti perkembangan ekonomi nasional maupun inter-nasional, untuk itu disusun uu baru tentang perbankan yang kemudian mengalami perubahan. sebagaimana diketahui, uu perbankan 1967 disusun pada situasi dan kondisi perekonomian yang jauh berbeda dengan situasi dan kondisi perekonomian saat ini. serta meratifikasi hasil kesepakatan perundingan perdagangan multilateral putaran uruguay diselenggarakan pada 12-15 april 1994 di marrakesh, maroko dengan menyepakati satu paket teks peraturan/hukum yaitu “the results of the uruguay round of mulatilateral trade negotiations-legal texts”. faried wijaya dan soetatwo hadiwegeno (1991:78) menyatakan bahwa perkembangan perekonomian nasional maupun internasional yang senantiasa bergerak cepat disertai dengan tantangan yang semakin luas dan berat, perlu selalu diikuti secara tanggap oleh perbankan nasional epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 217 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tanggungjawabnya. oleh karena itu perlu: 1. ditata dalam struktur kelembagaan yang lebih luas dengan landasan yang lebih luas dan arah geraknya. 2. diberi kesempatan untuk memperluas jangkauan pelayanannya di segala penjuru tanah air. 3. diperkuat dengan landasan hukum yang dibutuhkan bagi terselenggaranya pembinaan dan pengawasan yang mendukung peningkatan kemampuan perban-kan dalam menjalankan fungsinya secara sehat, wajar dan efisien sekaligus memungkinkan perbankan indonesia melalui perkembangan norma-norma per-bankan internasional. dengan dasar tersebut, diadakan penggantian dan penyempurnaan terhadap peraturan perbankan agar lebih sesuai dengan tuntutan pembangunan nasional. substansi dari pengaturan perbankan yang baru ini di harapkan dapat menyempurnakan tata perbankan di indonesia terkhusus menyangkut pengaturan pokok untuk mendirikan suatu bank, sehingga ketentuan pelaksanaan yang berkaitan dengan kegiatan perbankan lebih jelas, terarah dan bertanggung jawab terhadap pembangunan ekonomi sosial. 2. implementasi undang-undang perbankan sebagai subjek hukum pemegang saham mempunyai hak dan kewajiban yang timbul atas saham tersebut. selaku pemegang hak, pemegang saham berhak mempertahankan haknya terhadap setiap orang. hak dan kewajiban pemegang saham baik terhadap perseroan maupun terhadap pemegang saham lainnya berada dalam hubungan perikatan, sebagaimana diatur dalam undang-undang dan anggaran dasar perseroan. dalam pasal 54 ayat (1) uu no. 1/1995 yang telah digantikan dengan undangundang no. 40/2007 tentang perseroan terbatas (pt) juga dinyatakan bahwa saham merupakan benda bergerak dan memberikan hak kepemilikan kepada pemegangnya. dijelaskan bahwa kepemilikan atas saham sebagai benda bergerak memberikan hak untuk kebendaan kepada pemegangnya yang dapat dipertahankan terhadap setiap orang. dalam suatu perseroan apabila terdapat perbedaan pemilikan saham perseroan yang selisih jumlah yang begitu besar (widjaya, 2000:202-203) epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 218 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ maka akan dijumpai adanya pemegang saham mayoritas dipihak yang satu dan pihak yang lain adalah pemegang saham minoritas, juga dengan perbedaan jumlah hak suara yang mencolok. pelajaran masa lalu menujukkan bahwa prinsip mayoritas menyebabkan pemegang saham minoritas berada pada posisi yang tidak berdaya dan kurang menguntungkan dalam menegakkan kepentingannya. kedudukan hukum para pemegang saham minoritas yang jumlah lebih lemah dan tidak mampu menghadapi tindakan direksi atau komisaris yang merugikan perseroan, justru disebabkan oleh kedudukan pemegang saham mayoritas yang identik dengan kedua organ perseroan tersebut, baik secara fisik maupun kepentingan hal ini juga menghambat pemegang saham minoritas untuk mewakili kepentingan perseroan atau perseroan terbatas adalah prinsip “persona standi in judicio” atau capacity satnding in court or judment, yaitu hak untuk mewakili perseroan, baik didalam maupun diluar pengadilan di lakukan oleh organ perseroan. jadi tampak suatu diskriminasi yang jelas antara yang “kuat” dan yang “lemah”. walaupun masing-masing mempunyai hak dan kewajiban namun tanpa adanya suatu instrument bagi pihak yang lemah untuk mempertahankan haknya, apalagi hendak menuntut pelaksanaan haknya sebagaimana mestinya menurut hukum. terlihat secara jelas pada tataran implementasi, dunia perbankan belum berjalan secara signifikan serta masih terlihanya adanya gap antara pemegang otoritas dengan yang terkooptasi dengan otoritas itu sendiri. hal ini dipertegas dengan terjadinya krisis ekonomi dan moneter yang asal muasalnya melanda dunia perbankan kita. sehingga dunia perbankan mengalami bencana besar (catastrophe) yang sangat berdampak luas khususnya menyangkut perekonomian nasional. seperti yang terlihat dalam kasus penyimpangan dana blbi yang melibatkan beberapa mantan presdir atau direktur bank diantaranya bank aspac, bank servita, bank bhs, bank modern, bank surya dan lainnya (abraham amos, 2007:54). diperburuk lagi dengan kasus penyuapan dpr untuk melagalkan ruu bank indonesia yang sekarang ini telah diudangkan menjadi uu no. 23/1999 tentang bank indonesia. rentetan ini juga memperlihatkan berbagai bank melakukan merger, akusisi serta konsilidasi untuk melakukan penyehatan dalam dunia perbankan. epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 219 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ lebih parah lagi bisnis perbankan nasional cenderung dimanfaatkan untuk interes-interes yang bersifat politis dan ekonomis, yang akhirnya merusak organ yang menyengsarakan kehidupan rakyat. krisis ekonomi yang melanda dinegara ini, bermula pada perbankan. secara beruntung pelbagai “tragedi” yang tragis menimpa bisnis perbankan nasional dan pelbagai masalah hukum yang timbul tidak terselesaikan dengan baik. hal ini disebabkan dilanggarnya moral hazard oleh pelaku bisnis perbankan nasional serta tidak konsisten (taat asas) dan konsekuennya kita dalam menerapkan asas-asas dan norma hukum yang berkaitan dengan kegiatan bisnis perbankan nasional. di samping itu diperoleh dengan lemahnya pengawasan bank yang dilakukan bank indonesia serta penegakan hukum yang pihak-pihak yang terkait dengan bisnis perbankan nasional. itulah salah satu penyebab krisis perbankan nasional, sampai saat ini belum ada kejelasan arah. sebagai bahan perbandingan dalam hal law enforcement yang berwibawa, selayaknya kita melihat apa yang ditegaskan max weber (2003:230-231) tetang konsep idealisnya, bahwa kekuasaan dibahasakan sebagai kemampuan seseorang untuk memaksakan kehendaknya terhadap orang lain sekalipun ada perlawanan. dalam hal ini dominasi yang bergantung pada otoritas, sementara otoritas sendiri yang dimaksudkan adalah, ketundukan sukarela minimal tertentu. namun banyak terdapat kasus ambang, baik karena pembedaan itu merupakan pembedaan anilitis, dan karena paksaan atau bentuk-bentuk kontrol lain sering berkembang menjadi otoritas. searah dengan pernyataan weber, philippe nonet dan philip selsnick (2008:106-107) menegasikan bahwa akibat wajar melemahnya kewajiban adalah pembagian otoritas hukum yang lebih luas sumber-sumber kritisnya, ia menedelegasikan lebih banyak diskresi untuk memutuskan hal-hal yang otoritatif. partisipasi hukum memiliki arti baru: partisipasi bukan saja menjadi kurang pasif dan kurang patuh; namun juga diperluas hingga menjangkau pembuatan dan interpretasi kebijakan hukum. dengan kritik komtemporer terhadap rule of law; ber-samaan dengan soal orientasi tujuan memperkenalkan motif pluralis yang kuat. pluralitas tampak dengan sangat jelas ketika peran utama hukum adalah untuk meminjamkan otoritas kepada institusi-nstitusi swasta dalam hal epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 220 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penyelenggaraan peran tetentu oleh pihak swasta, namun ia juga terlibat di dalam kerangka kerja pemerintahan modern. dengan “konvensi konstitusi” yang di gagas a.v. dicey (2007:449), menegaskan nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam adat istiadat, prilaku, asas atau prinsip yang tidak ditegakkan atau diakui oleh pengadilan, yang bukannya membentuk hukum, melainkan etika institusional atau politis; lebih jauh dinyatakan bahwa hukum, bukannya moralitas konstitusi, membentuk subjek yang tepat untuk kajian hukum. lanjut dicey, bahwa konvensi konstitusi (pada dasarnya) merupakan aturan untuk menentukan pelaksanaan hak-hak prerogatif (eksekutif), yang memiliki satu tujuan utama. tujuannya adalah memastikan bahwa parlemen, atau kabinet yang secara tidak langsung ditunjuk oleh parlemen, dalam jangka panjang akan menjalankan kehendak kekuasaan tersebut merupakan kedaulatan politis negara yang sesungguhnya mayoritas pemilih seluruh rakyat. secara esensi, bahwa supremasi hukum adalah kadaulatan parlemen. oleh karena itu, negara dalam hal ini eksekutif dan legislatif mestinya secara sadar melihat bahwa perlunya membuka sumber-sumber pluralitas dalam demografi keindonesian agar pintu otoritas tersebut nampak secara nyata. sehinggga dalam proses memahami apa dan bagaimana proses penyelenggaraan negara yang baik dan korporasi yang bertanggung jawab, penghormatan atas nilai-nilai hak asasi manusia merupakan bagian yang paling integral. nilai-nilai tersebut bisa disebut dengan pilar yang sangat penting bagi pembangunan masyarakat dan warga. mekanisme pengelolaan sumber daya ekonomi dan sosial di dalam pengertian good governance yang substansi dan pelaksanaannya menunjang pembangunan yang stabil dengan syarat yang utama: efisiensi dan pemerataan. kesimpulan salah satu efek dari struktur kepemilikan melalui saham adalah terciptanya struktur pemegang saham mayoritas dan minoritas. pada dasarnya masing-masing mempunyai hak yang sama. terutama terhadap hak suara dengan prinsip one share one vote yaitu 1 saham adalah 1 suara. ketentuan tambahan terhadap hak suara dapat diatur secara tegastegas sehubungan dengan klasifikasi saham. dengan mekanisme pemilikan yang demikian, pemegang saham mayoritas menjadi pihak yang epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 221 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ “diuntungkan” dengan sendirinya dan pemegang saham minoritas yang akan menngalami “kerugian”. semakin banyak saham yang dimilikinya, maka makin dapat berkuasa ia dalam menentukan keputusan mengenai keberadaan dan jalannya suatu perseroan terbatas (perbankan). daftar pustaka amos, abraham. 2007, katastropi hukum dan quo vadis sistem politik peradilan di indonesia. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. dicey, a.v., 1952, introduction to the study of the law of the constitution diterjemahkan oleh nurhadi, m.a. pengantar studi hukum konstitusi. bandung: nusamedia. duverger, maurice. 1972, the study of politics, diterjemahkan oleh daniel dhakidae, sosiologi politik. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. held, david. 1995, democracy and the global order, from the modern state to cosmopolitan governance, diterjemahkan oleh damanhuri demokrasi dan tatanan global. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. jumhana, muhammad. 2000. hukum perbankan di indonesia. bandung: pt. citra aditya bakti. mahfud md, moh, 1999, pergulatan politik dan hukum di indonesia. yogyakarta: gama media. nonet philippe dan selsnick philip, 1978, law and society in transition: toward responsive law, diterjemahkan oleh raisul muttaqien hukum responsif. bandung: nusa media. perundingan perdagangan multilateral putaran uruguay diselenggarakan pada tanggal 12-15 april 1994 di marrakesh, maroko dengan menyepakati satu paket teks peraturan/hukum yaitu “the results of the uruguay round of mulatilateral trade negotiations-legal texts”. purbacaraka purnadi dan soekanto soerjono, 1980. aneka cara pembedaan hukum. bandung: alumni. tim penyusun kamus pusat pembinaan dan pengembangan bahasa. 1998 kamus besar bahasa indonesia. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. usman, rahmadi. 2001. aspek-aspek hukum perbankan di indonesia. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. utrecht e.,1983. pengantar dalam hukum indonesia, terjemahan moh. epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 222 saleh djingdang. jakarta: pt. ichtiar baru dan sinar harapan. widjaya i.g.rai. 2000. hukum perusahaan, berbagai peraturan dan pelaksanaan undang-undang di bidang usaha. jakarta: kesaint blancikapi. wijaya, faried dan hadiwegeno soetatwo. 1991. lembaga-lembaga keuangan dan bank:perkembangan, teori dan kebijakan. yogyakarta: bpfe. wrong, dennis. 2003. max weber sebuah khazanah. yogyakarta: ikon teralitera. undang-undang undang-undang dasar 1945 (terutama pasal 33). undang-undang no. 40 tahun 2007 tentang perseroan terbatas (pt). undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1995 tentang perseroan terbatas. undang-undang nomor 1 tahun 1998 tentang kepailitan. undang-undang nomor 10 tahun 1998 tentang perubahan atas undangundang nomor 7 tahun 1992 tentang perbankan. undang-undang nomor 23 thaun 1999 tentang bank indonesia. undang-undang nomor 24 tahun 1999 tentang lalu lintas devisa dan sistem dan sistem nilai tukar. undang-undang nomor 7 tahgun 1994 tentang pengesahan agreement establishing trade organization. undang-undang nomor 8 tahun 1995 tentang pasar modal. peraturan pemerintah peraturan nomor 27 tahun 1998 tentang penggabungan, peleburan dan pengambilalihan perseroan terbatas. peraturan pemerintah nomor 17 tahun 1999 tentang badan penyehatan perbankan nasional. peraturan pemerintah nomor 28 tahun 1999 tentang merger, konsolidasi dan akuisisi bank. peraturan pemerintah nomor 29 tahun 1999 tentang pembelian saham bank umum. epistimologi politik : studi atas politik hukum undang-undang perbankan no. 10/1998 / zainal said, irwan abdullah, lasiyo lasiyo / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0010 mobilizing resources but still mining for opportunities?: indigenous peoples, their land and the philippine state journal of government & politics 289 prince aian g. villanueva graduate student, the department of political science, de la salle univer-sity, 2401 taft avenue, manila, the philippines. e-mail address: nuevazz@yahoo.com anfernee p. ruanto worldwide fund for nature (wwf)-philippines, the philippines. e-mail ad-dress: anferneeruanto@yahoo.com abstract the kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas (kamp) or the national alliance of indigenous peoples’ organization in the philippines is almost in their 30 years of existence and yet, like in most cases of indigenous peoples’ issues, there is still no significant number of studies about their role in campaigning for the betterment of the indigenous cultural communities. anchored on political opportunity structures theory as a guide, the basic motiva-tion of the paper is to illustrate how the kamp fights and survives through re-source mobilization and how the government – represented by national com-mission on indigenous peoples (ncip) and department of environment and natural resources (denr) accommodate their interests. using archival research, second-ary data analysis, elite interview and participant observation, the paper asserts that kamp’s use of their organizational structure, advocacy campaigns and po-litical assaults as their basic resources to fight for the nueva vizcaya mining issue are relatively insufficient to a centralist and relatively closed government, despite the presence of democratic institutions. the ability of the philippine government to strike the balance between development and indigenous peoples’ rights pro-tection shall remain to be a defining feature if not a challenge to the quality of democracy and governance in our land. keywords: indigenous movements, indigenous peoples, political opportunity, resource mobilizations, state-society relations received 8 december 2015 revised 11 february 2016 accepted 27 february 2016 doi: 10.18196/ jgp.2016.0031 introduction the defense and assertion of indigenous peoples’ rights vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 290 is an endless struggle and is a significant feature of politics in several parts of the world. according to the united nations permanent forum on indigenous peoples’ issues, indigenous peoples in the world over are susceptible to a wide range of threats that affect their human rights, including but not limited to lack of access to education and security of abode, inadequate or no sani-tation and poor access to health services. it is thus essential to shelter the rights of these people particularly their identity, his-tory, customs, traditions, language, education, participation, land and self-governance (bruner, 2006; anno, 2010; cernic, 2013; meyer, 2012). this problem creates impact and opportunities to the indigenous population and sympathizers who build advoca-cies through social movements. according to brysk (2000), while the global indigenous rights movements defy any simple defini-tion, it broadly refers to drives for principled change in indig-enous peoples’ status and condition as a distinct cultural group. mobilizations to protest development projects of the state, such as hydroelectric and geothermal energy generation, mining and logging have increased and intensified, as these state projects en-croached on the most sacred possession of indigenous peoples – the land (casambre, 2006). in the philippines, after the authoritarian regime of marcos, president corazon aquino opened up all social forces that had been repressed by the state, notably left-leaning groups (casambre, 2006). the advocacy of indigenous peoples’ rights in politics has intensified in the last decade, and is counted among the so-called new social movements phenomenon in contemporary politics. pizzorno (1978) contended that social movements are crucial in the formation of collective identity and production of solidarity. moreover, singharoy (2012) posited that they are constrained by identities framed not only by subjectivity, morality, emotion, value and cognition but also of common interest, rational calculations and contentious politics. these indigenous movements are chal-lenged in putting their best efforts to protect their culture and land in relation to the reconciliation and development agenda of the state (singharoy, 2012). although in the case of the philippines, while there are an increasing number of social movements that are still asserting indigenous rights, still, in the words of de vera (2007), indigenous peoples are the poorest and most disadvantaged social group in the country as they remain as the most marginalized sector of the society. furthermore, there are still divisions among the indigenous peoples movement in the philippines. regardless of this and other challenges though, there are very clear manifestations of the growth and progress among indigenous people’s organizations (ipos) in the philippines. anchored on political opportunity structures, the paper looked at the strength of the kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas (kamp) or the national alliance of indigenous peoples’ organization in the philippines as a social movement in relation to the philippine state. specifically, we identified the resources mobilized by the movement on the issue of nueva viscaya mining and determined how open the state (as repre-sented by the national commission on indigenous peoples and department of environment and natural resources) is in accommodating the movement’s interests. as a whole this paper is designed to be culturally and symbolically significant to the issues of indigenous movements and government agencies for the betterment of indigenous cultural communities. the paper intends to create an impact to the policymaking processes affecting the natives’ ancestral domain, specifi-cally those that deal with the protection of their right to land. the discussion is as follows. we first provide a brief review of the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of the paper, fol-lowed by the methodological considerations. the next section presents the results. the last section then concludes that the kamp’s resources (organizational structure, campaign advocacy and political assault) are significant but relatively insufficient compared to the state’s centralist tendencies making the move-ment and the claims of the indigenous peoples in the mining issue in nueva vizcaya peripheral. journal of government & politics 291 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 292 theoretical background this study is anchored on political opportunity structures. these opportunities are exogenous factors, which border or empower combined actors, in this case, the social movements (meyer, 2004). political opportunity structures explain how the political context affects the social movements’ development and influence in a number of respects. they refer to the nature of resources and constraints outside of the challenging group (see tilly 1978; mcadams 1982; kitschelt 1986; tarrow 1998). these factors either enhance or inhibit visions for mobilization, ad-vancement of claims and exercise of strategies to influence and affect politics and policy (gamson, 1996; meyer, 1996). accord-ing to kitschelt (1986) political opportunity structures function as “filters” between how the movement mobilizes and how it chooses strategies to effect change in the sociopolitical environ-ment. the structure of political opportunity has two underlying premises: (1) resource mobilization and (2) political state oppor-tunities. resources are assets considered to be the key ingredient of a successful movement and they are at the core of the birth, development and success of social movements. resources may take a variety of forms including but not limited to knowledge, money, media, labor, solidarity, legitimacy, and internal support from powerful elite. on the other hand, resource mobilization stresses that social movements are formed when people who share grievances are able to mobilize these resources and take action from there. some vital components for movement formation are: organizational strength, similar to the main argument of the resource mobilization theory, emphasizing that the social move-ment must have strong and efficient leadership and sufficient resources (kurzman, 1996). political state opportunities on the other hand question how the state accommodates this particular movement. it asks questions like “does the state open on the forces of social movements? or does the state accommodate the interests of the movements? it thus refers to the vulnerability of governmental institutions in the locus of the social movements. in relation to this, tarrow (1994) identified contingent circum-stances in which political opportunities may arise: (1) the open-ing up of access to the polity to new challengers; (2) elite realign-ments; (3) elite divisions; and (4) changes in the capacity and propensity to use repression against challengers. moreover, tarrow and tilly (2009) provided six properties of political regimes that shape this political opportunity structure: (1) multiplicity of in-dependent centers of power within the regime; (2) relative clo-sure or openness to new actors; (3) instability or stability of cur-rent political alignments; (4) availability of influential allies or supporters; (5) extent to which the regime represses and facili-tates collective claim making; and (6) decisive changes in these properties. this paper uses these structures of political opportunity. first, it basically identifies the resources mobilized by the national alliance of indigenous people movement on their anti-mining campaign in nueva vizcaya (a province in northern philippines) and determines how the movement mobilized these. second, it presents the political state opportunities specifically on how open the state is on the claims and agenda of the said movement. given these, the paper explores on the relationship between the state and the movement in the context of mining. we assume then that the strength of the national alliance of indigenous people’s organization of the philippines is a function of (a) internal fac-tor-the resource mobilization of the movement, using the pro-tests and rallies, network of indigenous peoples’ movements, and strength of organizational structure as their resources for their goal on nueva vizcaya anti-mining campaign, and (b) external factorthe openness of the state in accommodating the interests of the movements. as such, whether they are successful in mobi-lizing their claims is contingent on the dynamic interaction of the mobilizing structures that the social movements have at their disposal and the political opportunity structure in which they are embedded. journal of government & politics 293 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 294 methods this study made use of qualitative descriptive designaimed to describe the political opportunity structures used by the ac-tors in the society to reach the movements’ goals and objectives. the researchers used archival research and secondary data analy-sis of the particular movement’s history, cases, documents of memberships, press releases and social media public postings to analyze past activities pertaining to reaching their end goals and how these activities were implemented. face to face interviews with 16 (sixteen) kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas leaders and founding members purposively selected were utilized to gather insights with regard to their resources in achieving their aimed success pertaining to their anti-mining campaign in nueva viscaya (a province in northern philippines) region ii, and their perceptions and experiences on how the state accommodated their campaigns and complaints. the head and select officials of national commission on indigenous peoples (ncip) and department of environment and natural resources (denr) were also interviewed to know the stand of the state’s openness to the force of the indigenous movement. participant observation was also used specifically during the “indigenous peoples’ week” 2014 celebration spearheaded by the united nations and the kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas. the researchers witnessed, observed, noted and analyzed the week-long celebration and activities of the particular movements such as organizational meeting, united nation’s consultations, committee hearing at the house of representatives, awarding ceremonies, photo exhibits, congress lobbying, and their protests and rallies. results and analysis on the resources of the kamp the kamp is a nationwide confederacy that was established in the 1980s. it is now self-possessed of 15 indigenous peoples’ organizations maintaining local networks in the regional, provincial, municipal and barrio levels. the various ethnolinguistic groups make up the general assembly (ga), the federation’s highest policy-making body that creates the organization’s guide-lines consistent with indigenous and democratic practices of rep-resentation and consultation. the national alliance of indigenous peoples’ organization in the philippines’ main field of actions are such that facilitate the unity of different indigenous peoples’ organizations all over the philippines, equipping the indigenous peoples with neces-sary skills and expertise to enable them to articulate their struggles and aspirations; facilitating linkages and solidarity with other existing organizations and individuals within and outside the country along mutually agreed principles; advancing the issues and demands, aspirations and struggles of indigenous peoples of the philippines and; serving as the center for mobilizing and gathering supporttechnical, financial and moral – from various support groups and individuals (katutubong mamamayan, 2013). organizational structure one of the movement’s strengths is its organizational struc-ture. the kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas (kamp) was created as a national federation of regional, provin-cial, and island-based indigenous people’s organizations repre-senting various indigenous communities in the whole philippines. kamp was formed in 1985 after a cycle of national advice-giving assemblies of tribal leaders that culminated in a “sandugo” (blood pact) in 1987. the formation of a national indigenous peoples’ organization was the minorities’ response to the escalating viola-tion of their individual and collective rights and the impending threat of massive dislocation posed by large-scale industrial de-velopment programs of the government. from then on, kamp strives to work for the attainment of genuine ancestral land rights and self-determination for the indigenous peoples. as a kamp national leader and coordinator claimed: “kamp was formally formed in 1987 but forming the so called journal of government & politics 295 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 296 national unity started in 1985 during the era of unresolved issues about land disputes. this was the time of president marcos. that time when developmental projects however encroached on the indigenous peoples’ most sacred possession—the land.” the very idea of a national alliance was to stitch different issues from various indigenous cultural communities. the main objective was the creation of a common direction because they found out that their issues (land disputes) are the same. kamp thus exists to represent the merciful situation of different tribes representing them politically and economically. their leaders respectively said that: “the primary objective of kamp is to have a focus and shout for one goal even though we’re far from each other. with that, we’re still connected and intact.’’ the data of membership of kamp provides that it is now the biggest alliance of indigenous peoples’ organizations in the phil-ippines. it is a countrywide coalition of island-wide organizations (palawan, mindoro, mindanao, panay), regional organizations (regions of cagayan valley, cordillera, central luzon, south-ern tagalog, central visayas, caraga, northern mindanao, west-ern mindanao, southern mindanao and socsksargen ) and provincial organizations (provinces of rizal, aurora and quezon ). they are also affiliated with a sectoral network of indigenous women’s organizations (baiaurora). these facts make the whole of a countrywide alliance of different tribes and indigenous groups all over the far mountains and islands that comprise the coun-try. kamp’s campaigns and protests come from their local struggles which are emphasized as issues that merit a national attention, as in the case of the nueva vizcaya mining. mining is an issue affecting indigenous peoples’ lands all over the philippines, and as the lead movement, kamp organizes these issues at a national scale, as was witnessed in its lead role in the scrap the mining act of 1995 signature campaign. the kamp also facilitated capacity building by giving trainings and other workshops among nueva vizcayanos, thus consolidat-ing the campaign advocacy of the members and its organization against the mining corporations and the state. in 1994, the phil-ippine government gave climax-arimco mining corporation (camc) a financial and technical assistance agreement (ftaa) to mine 37,000 hectares of mineral lands in nueva vizcaya. ftaas are a type of mineral concession, that allows 100% for-eign ownership and capital investment of mining projects and incentives and auxiliary rights, such as the right to timber and water in their concession areas even before the enactment of the mining act of 1995 (ra 7942.) the protestation of locals through the support of their national organization, kamp, delayed the operations of camc for more than a decade. later on, after a merger, the ftaa was transferred to australian mining com-pany oceana gold (ogc) in 2006. locals together with kamp and the church people established barricades to protect their lands in 2006. undaunted by the violence and determined to save their lands from plunder and destruction, locals in didipio village re-sisted the demolition of houses once again in march 2008. how-ever, despite the people’s long resistance, ogc has succeeded in commencing full commercial productions in early 2013. moreover, when an ftaa was given to fcf minerals corporation to mine spanning 3,093.51 hectares of land in quezon municipality of nueva vizcaya, the people responded with a barricade set up in runruno village in quezon, which was violently dispersed in march 29, 2009. fcf also filed legal cases against residents who refused to sell their lots to the mining company. yet the barricades persisted despite the harassments, threats, and rights violations committed against locals. by december 16, 2012, barricade dispersion again occurred, and this was followed by legal cases filed against members of the movement. by june 2013 fcf personnel and the philippine national police demolished ball mills, houses, and small-scale mines. journal of government & politics 297 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 298 the case of the oxiana philippines incorporated, which was granted an exploration permit in 2000, is also an interesting example. the permit spanned through kasibu and dupax del norte municipalities. like fcf, camc, and later on oceana gold, oxiana was rejected by the locals, preferring traditional livelihoods of small-scale mining, farming, and citrus production over the unsustainable and destructive large-scale mining operations. the mining permit was then sold to another australian mining corporation, royalco phils inc., in 2005. the barricades against royalco commenced in 2006, starting in kakidugen village in kasibu. another barricade was set up in the same year in belance, dupax del norte. shortly thereafter, another roadblock was set up in the pacquet village, also in kasibu. these barri-cades persist today, and few more have been set up since to pre-vent royalco from entering their territories. the attacks being made to these barricades are now central in the struggle of nueva vizcayanos against mining plunder in the province. in response to the reported violations to the rights of indigenous peoples and other residents in several upland villages in nueva vizcaya and the imminent threat of displacement and destruction of livelihood to communities due to the operation and exploration of several mining companies in the province, local organizations and kamp organized a fact-finding and solidarity mission. the national fact-finding and solidarity mis-sion (nfsm), composed of 126 participants from 27 organiza-tions, was sponsored by alyansa ng nagkakaisang novo vizcayano para sa kalikasan (annvik) and the kalipunan ng mga katutubong mamamayan ng pilipinas (kamp). this was, according to their national coordinator, “to show support and solidarity to the indigenous peoples and other peasant communities in nueva vizcaya af-fected by mining operations of three big australian mining corporations namely, royalco phils. inc., oceana gold philippines, and fcf-mtl mining company.” not only are networks from other sectors used to spread insurgent consciousness of land disputes. according to kakay tolentino, one of kamp’s founding members, since the time of forming this alliance up until now, the help of the different sectors was very consistent. while it all started when religious groups organized literacy programs that educated indig-enous cultural communities, volunteers helped the tribes to fight for their land rights. this convergence among actors broadened the scope of the campaigns of the native filipinos. as a kamp national public relations officer noted: “the convergence makes the fight for struggle stronger”. campaign advocacy campaign rallies against large-scale mining and other land disputes have been one of the strategies used by the kamp to drumbeat the issues of the minorities. they aim to affect the public opinion. it is in their perspective that in pushing for the recognition of indigenous rights, they need to double their effort to amplify this to the greater civil society and masses. if their concerns can make a public clamor, it is the only time that it can create pressure to the government to hear and to eventu-ally accommodate their concerns. as per interviews during the rally at the chino roces avenue, manila, the members reiterated: “our target is to make the public be aware of the land disputes and for them to care for us.” “this is to tell them our story of land struggle. that this struggle is not only of local concern but of national as well.” “this mobilization is to protest for our land rights and human rights. it is done to tell them our situation and to share the idea that we need their support.” “this serves as an eye opener for all the commuters seeing us protest-ing here.” the protests during the commemoration of the international day of the world’s indigenous peoples reaffirm these objectives. according to kamp national leader, pya maclling malayao, “we find no reason to celebrate, given the continually worsening conditions journal of government & politics 299 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 300 of the indigenous peoples in the country. while the objective is to voice out the enduring struggle of indigenous peoples to defend their rights to ancestral domains and to self-determination, this protest represents the various problems that beset in the indigenous peoples in the philippines.” the statement and the situation implied the strength of kamp as a lead movement of all the indigenous peoples. they voiced out the entire problem from different areas of the country espe-cially the large-scale mining in nueva vizcaya that led to human rights violation in the latter. this adds to their call of expressing their concerns to wider mass through media coverage about their struggle. this strategy contributed to the fight for local struggles of the bugkalots in region ii. as the bugkalots stated:”they (kamp) helped us and we are more than willing to cooperate with them. the national level does not understand our local struggle that’s why it is very important to widen our campaign to seek support.” political assault surprisingly, apart from campaign advocacy, political assaults from different unnamed stakeholders of big mining corporations were also considered as resources, as great motivations in the kamp’s call for the recognition of the indigenous people’s rights. as provided by the members: “it makes us more angry rather than frightened.” “in my 30 years in kamp, nothing can stop me from fighting.” “it’s a fuel to keep on striving.” according to them, 163 leaders of kamp from different tribes were all under death threats because of strong opposing principles of the government’s development projects such as geothermal energy project, dam constructions, subdivisions, logging corporations and of course large-scale mining industries particularly in the three mining corporations from nueva vizacaya as they noted. their emotional expressions in words can speak for it that this tactic can make them more determined. in some cases, they feel insecure and this hinders them to more engaged in rural areas. as they noted: “we take care because we know it’s (death threats) real.” “we feel insecure. it’s just that we are used to it, it’s our life.” “it’s really happening, it’s possible – but it means that there really is something wrong.” “even those who fight for justice are being persecuted, why is that the case?” for kamp and for the bugkalots of nueva vizcaya, they are in the right principle and as such death threats and trumpedup charges made them feel that injustices in the current system need to be addressed. in the regime of gloria macapagalarroyo, the armed forces of the philippines (afp) press released “knowing thy enemies’’ or enemies of the state, and surprisingly for kamp, their leaders’ names were included. for them, this meant recog-nition but definitely a repressive one. similarly, leaders of kamp are normally and historically accused of being members of the new people’s army (the armed section of the communist party of the philippines). for them, this is an assault, if not, a question to their organization’s composition, claiming that they are ip activists and are legitimate indigenous peoples. they also con-tended: “the threats really exist. if this idea will make us weaker, we will all die.” “death threats? they’re inspiring.” “it’s a call for us to unite to become stronger.” “if we are going to be afraid, then who will fight for the rights of these indigenous peoples?” the idea of threatening them (by different mining corporations) is notably not applicable in the principles of indigenous peoples movement, as they equate their land to their life. it adds up to their inspiration to change the system for the next generation of their tribes. for them, to continue to live meant to continue the struggle. the recognition of the existence of forms of journal of government & politics 301 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 302 political assault continuously empowers them and it becomes a force to move and not to stop defending their land rights. on the political state opportunities the state is significant to the resources mobilized and outcomes of communal action of a social movement. according to rootes (1999), the crucial dimensions of these political opportunity structures are the openness or closedness of states to inputs from non-established actors. these measure the strength or weakness of capacities to deliver the effective implementation of policies once they are decided. in this paper, the national commission on indigenous peoples and the agency focusing on mining issues, the department of environment and natural resources (denr) mines and geosciences bureau, represent the state. how the state accommodated these resources and actions of the kamp against large-scale mining industry in nueva vizcaya is discussed in this section. it was found that the concerns of the indigenous peoples existed against the backdrop of a centralist philippine state pushing the movement at the periphery. the indigenous peoples concerns in a centralist state it is evident that the denr and ncip work hand in hand for the mining cases faced by the tribal minorities given their joint provisions and programs. however, in the pursuit of the interests of the indigenous communities, these agencies have conflicting perspectives of the nature of the problem and the laws created to solve them. this is also exacerbated by the lack of organizational support to address the concerns of the indigenous communities. as an official noted: “the ipra was promulgated in late 1997. the mining act of 1995 was there in 1995. these two laws have opposing principles.” “we, the ncip, are only composed of 1058 staff all over the coun-try.” “the problem is this. when we approved and assured mining corpo-rations to operate – that have complied through process, here comes the protests. this implies that our process is not effective, and then we fail.” notably, in the four years stay of president benigno s. aquino iii, he did not tackle any single matter about the indigenous peoples in his state of the nation addressan unimpressive record. the president however announced the operation of some big mining projects that surprised the indigenous population. during the time of ferdinand marcos, the commission on national integration (cni) followed by presidential assistance on national minority (panamin) was created to attend to the concerns of indigenous communities. corazon aquino for her part created the offices of northern cultural communities, south-ern cultural communities and moro cultural communities. given that these were insufficient, and their implementation ineffective, the national commission on indigenous peoples (ncip) was created through the indigenous peoples rights act of 1997. under the law, it is “mandated to protect and promote the interest and well-being of the indigenous peoples with due regard to their beliefs, customs, traditions and institutions. as such, it shall serve as the primary government agency respon-sible for the formulation and implementation of pertinent and appropriate policies and programs to carry out the policies set forth in the new law.” according to kakay tolentino, founding member of kamp: “the government agencies for indigenous peoples are based on the perspective of the president and not from the indigenous people them-selves.” statements coming from the ips also corroborate this. regardless of the provisions of the laws to address the state of the ips and the institutions created to implement them, the indigenous peoples are yet to be included in mainstream philippine journal of government & politics 303 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 304 problems. as the indigenous peoples expressly stated: “right after the promulgation of ipra, we criticized it for it is not pro-ip, and it is obviously not visible nowadays.” “the government laws and customary laws are different. instead of these agencies guiding us, they serve as the dealer (broker) of our ancestral domains for mining projects.” “we see them as a tool of the government to support its state’s economic priority (mining industry) which falls against the rights of the indigenous peoples.” “we are even blamed for the destruction of mountains. how can we do that if we do not even have tools to do so (as compared to the mining corporations)? the kamp as a peripheral social movement the kamp has emerged and flourished in the recent decade as a societal response to worsening aggression against the environment and the rights of the indigenous peoples. the func-tions and contributions of tribal and indigenous communities in philippine governance and politics are inevitable as seen on the government’s recognition of their issues through consulta-tions with the kamp. despite of the opportunity to participate in policymaking processes through state consultations and dialogues, it is evident through the implementation process that the state does not fully recognize the force from outside political actors, making kamp as one of those in the periphery. as the members of the kamp opined: “yes they recognize us now. as an enemy.” “we don’t engage with them nowadays. they just present the agenda. we participate as an audience but in forming national plans, not anymore.” “the ncip and denr invites us, but that is because of past experiences. like for example in mining, we do not engage with them anymore. they are facilitating free prior informed consent for indigenous peoples but they always favor the mining corporations.” these statements support those of the ncip and the denr. these institutions indeed support the very idea that kamp is a part of their considerations but not essential because of contra-dicting principles. as they respectively stated: “they need to be with the stakeholders’ team of the mining corpora-tions, with that their problems can be solved.” “they should engage to the congressman of their district to have a pressure and count on congress.” “how come that we are opposing them? they are the one who’s deciding on mining operations through free prior informed consent.” the opportunity structure of state and movement partner-ship for solving mining cases remains uncertain, conditional and precarious. the pattern of approaching societal reforms for mining problems has evolved into a more restrained and untrustworthy actions of this social movement to the government. discussion despite concerted efforts exerted by the government, in partnership with various movements like the kamp, still our indigenous peoples remain a marginalized sector of our society. according to molintas (2004), basic services remain wanting in most of these geographically isolated and disadvantaged areas. furthermore, the united nations permanent forum on indigenous peoples reported that serious human rights violations, displacement from ancestral domain and destruction of natural environment and cultural values are still among their long-standing serious concerns. it is for these reasons as well that the kamp continues to fight for policies and programs that would give our ips the recognition and opportunities due them. the paper thus reflects the findings that indigenous social movements play an important role in the process of contesting foremost concerns including the right to land and ancestral domains (wilde, 2010), the protection of the environment and the journal of government & politics 305 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 306 fight for survival of their communities and ways of life (clark, 2002) and the creation of policies that pursue indigenous and peasant rights (miller, 2006). this paper has shown that indigenous social movements not only contribute to the activation of the focused and concentrated campaigns of the sector particularly against large-scale mining of corporations, similar to the case of indigenous environmental movements in the united states (clark, 2002) and the indigenous peoples at the yanacocha mine in peru (laudardale, 2009), but also to highlight the struggle to maintain traditional practices that have served these groups and the rest of nature and their sacred places, as was the case of the indigenous struggles by the mapuche in argentina due to oil contamination, those in brazil due to the plight of their rubber workers, those in india due to the uranium poisoning in the jharkand belt and those in marinduque, philippines due to copper-mining spills, among many others (laudardale, 2009). nonetheless, guided by their opportunity structures, the kamp’s organizational structure, campaign advocacy and political assaults were significant but insufficient resources given the strength and power of the state through the denr and ncip that forced them to the periphery. the concerns of the indigenous peoples, as represented by the kamp, are still yet to enter the mainstream and thus await consideration as a national political concern. the kamp may have been a solid, consistent and legitimate social movement for those they represent, but the enormous hand of the state and its say in the operation of foreign mining corporations amidst protests manifest the lack of concern on issues that pertain to the rights of the ips. specifically, the kamp’s transformation into a mere audience instead as a participant in the formulation of policies that pertain to both mining and protection of the ips’ rights reflects the state’s centralist tendency. this is perhaps where the formal institutional or legal structure of a political system and the more informal structure of power relations, both emphasized in the conceptualization of political opportunity structures in the extant literature, meet. while it is true that the there is a greater chance for social movements in general to gain access to the political system in the philippines in periods after the return to democracy in 1986, the elites’ strategy of repression (exclusion), which is an aspect of the informal structure of power relations, become all the more important in the consideration of the indigenous peoples’ concerns through the kamp. the consideration of the state of several stakeholders in the policy formulation process will definitely structure the future of the indigenous peoples in the philippines. the extent to which they are consulted and involved in framing policies that concern them and their land, their culture and their environment, shall shape the future of these communities. after all, the question of whether the state’s power is eroded when these groups are considered does not matter so much when participative governance and development are at the core of the government’s principles. the ability of the philippine government to strike the balance between development and indigenous peoples’ rights protection shall remain to be a defining feature if not a challenge to the quality of democracy and governance in our land. references alyansa tigil mina. 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(2005). contesting citizenship: indigenous movements, the state and the post-liberal challenge in latin america. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press journal of government & politics 309 jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search 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https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 doi: 10.18196/jgp.v13i1.13541 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 86 citizens’ adoption of an e-health system during the pandemic affiliation: 1university of the visayas (uv) 2mindanao state university – iligan institute of technology (msu-iit) 3 mindanao state university – iligan institute of technology (msu-iit) 4 mindanao state university – iligan institute of technology (msu-iit) correspondence: (fayelorrainemina@gmail.com, enrique.batara@g.msuiit.edu.ph eucil.hussien@g.msuiit.edu.ph rabby.lavilles@g.msuiit.edu.ph) how to citate: mina, f. l., batara, e. b., hussien, e. p., & lavilles, r. q. (2022). citizens’ adoption of an e-health system during the pandemic. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(1). 86-111 article history: received: december 15, 2021 revised: december 25, 2021 accepted: january 25, 2022 faye lorraine p. mina*1 , enrique b. batara2 , eucil p. hussien 3 , and; rabby q. lavilles 4 , abstract this study aimed to determine the factors influencing the behavioral intention of philhealth members to adopt my philhealth portal using an extended unified theory of acceptance and use of technology (utaut). variables from this theory were operationalized through indicators which were then translated into a self-reported online survey questionnaire distributed through email and facebook. purposive-homogeneous sampling was used to determine the sample size from the target population who are cagayan de oro city based philhealth formal economy members employed in either private or public sector. the data from the online survey was tested for reliability using ibm spss statistics (version 20), and the cronbach’s alpha (1951) coefficient was used to assess the validity of variables. to determine the causal relationship of variables on specific constructs, data were processed using licensed ver sions of ibm spss amos (version 26) to perform structural equation model ling, which will further show the account for a specific impact of the constructs and moderating variables to behavioral intention. it is cross-sectional in na ture and conducted within a short period of time. citizens’ perceptions to wards the adoption of my philhealth portal can change over time as new knowledge and experiences will be accumulated. therefore, future studies could employ a longitudinal design to obtain more accurate findings that are relevant to the general public’s adoption of government portals. findings show that citizens’ behavioral intention to adopt my philhealth portal is influenced by their trust on internet, trust on government, effort expectancy, and their perceived competence. however, the selected moderating variables appear to have no significant effect on toi, tog, ee, and pc to bi. keywords: e-health; behavioral intention; utaut; citizen adoption; formal economy member; e-government abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi niat perilaku anggota philhealth untuk mengadopsi my philhealth portal menggunakan memperluas teori penerimaan dan penggunaan teknologi terpadu (utaut). variabel dari teori ini dioperasionalkan melalui indikator yang kemudian diterjemahkan ke dalam kuesioner survei online yang dilaporkan sendiri yang didistribusikan melalui email dan facebook. purposive-homogeneous sampling digunakan untuk menentukan ukuran sampel dari populasi sasaran yang merupakan anggota ekonomi formal philhealth yang berbasis di cagayan de oro city yang bekerja di sektor swasta atau publik. data dari http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:(fayelorrainemina@gmail.com mailto:enrique.batara@g.msuiit.edu.ph mailto:eucil.hussien@g.msuiit.edu.ph https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7128-5723 https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0655-5288 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2631-6594 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9798-543x jurnal studi pemerintahan survei online diuji reliabilitasnya menggunakan ibm spss statistics (versi 20), dan koefisien cronbach’s alpha (1951) digunakan untuk menilai validitas variabel. untuk menentukan hubungan sebab akibat variabel pada konstruksi tertentu, data diproses menggunakan versi berlisensi dari ibm spss amos (versi 26) untuk melakukan struc tural equation modelling, yang selanjutnya akan menunjukkan akun untuk dampak spesifik dari konstruksi dan variabel moderasi terhadap niat perilaku ini bersifat cross sectional dan dilakukan dalam waktu singkat. persepsi warga terhadap adopsi my philhealth portal dapat berubah seiring waktu karena pengetahuan dan pengalaman baru akan terakumulasi. oleh karena itu, studi masa depan dapat menggunakan desain longitudinal untuk mendapatkan temuan yang lebih akurat yang relevan dengan adopsi portal pemerintah oleh masyarakat umum. temuan menunjukkan bahwa niat perilaku warga untuk mengadopsi my philhealth portal dipengaruhi oleh kepercayaan mereka pada internet, kepercayaan pada pemerintah, harapan usaha, dan kompetensi yang mereka rasakan. namun variabel moderasi yang dipilih ternyata tidak berpengaruh signifikan terhadap toi, tog, ee, dan pc to bi. kata kunci: e-health; niat perilaku; utut; adopsi warga negara; anggota ekonomi formal; e-government introduction on march 11, 2020, the world health organization (who, 2020) declared the covid-19 outbreak to be the sixth public health emergency of international concern characterized as a pandemic. to tackle the disease’s long-term effects, a powerful combination of e-governance, creative use of emerging and ad vanced technology, strong community cohesion, long-term e health systems, and citizen engagement has been needed. citizens’ willingness to adopt e-gov services is critical to its effectiveness (shareef et al., 2011), therefore the lack of adoption impedes the successful implementation (zhao et al., 2014; carter & belanger, 2005; gupta & dasgupta, 2008; rana & dwivedi 2015a). furthermore, venkatesh et al. (2008) state that any technology must be used in order to be effective. according to shareef et al. (2011), research on this topic is still in its initial phases, with user perspectives not being fully explored (van deursen et al., 2006). to fill this gap of e-government adoption, it is necessary to look into the adoption of philhealth members by investigating certain factors that influence the members’ behavioral intention to use my philhealth portal in order to measure and assess the success of 87 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 88 e-government services in the philippines. this study is signifi cant because it provides information on the current state of adop tion of an e-health system in the philippines. as a result, philhealth, policymakers, program implementors, and other stakeholders, including the general public, will recognize the sig nificance of implementing e-health systems in this context, as it refers to my philhealth portal, during this time of health crisis. specifically, this research sought to answer the following questions: q1. to what extent do trust on internet (toi), trust on government (tog), effort expectancy (ee), perceived com petence (pc), social influence (si) and facilitating conditions (fcs) affect citizens’ intention to use my philhealth portal in cagayan de oro are city? q2. how does gender, age, internet experience (inex) and voluntariness of use (vou) moderate these associations on the selected constructs? literature review unified theory of acceptance and use of tech nology the utaut model is the result of a thorough investigation of the various models with the goal of achieving a common un derstanding of user acceptance (venkatesh et al., 2003). utaut model is said to be capable of explaining up to 70% of the vari ance in behavioral intention. it has been widely used in a variety of fields, including e-health and mobile health (nug & aubert, 2013; lin & anol (2008). it encapsulates the contribution of eight (8) key theories namely: theory of reasoned action (tra) by fishbein and ajzen (1975), theory of acceptance model (tam) by davis (1989), motivational model (mm) by davis et al. (1992), theory of planned behavior (tpb) by ajzen (1991), combined tam and tpb (c-tam-tpb) by taylor and todd (1995a), model of personal computer utilization (mpcu) by thompson et al. (1991), innovation diffusion theory (idt) by rogers (1995) and, finally, social cognitive theory (sct) by compeau and higgins (1995). jurnal studi pemerintahan e-government adoption 89 today, the government moves beyond traditional means, with the increasing use of information technology and the internet, the government is capable of delivering information and services directly to the public (dadios et al., 2018). in this sense, e-gov ernment is committed to providing people with more open, effi cient, and effective public services (sipior, ward and connolly, 2011; reddick and roy, 2013). citizens’ perception of the ex pected benefit from using e-government systems, according to scott et al. (2016), determines the systems’ long-term viability. many scholars, on the other hand, have studied the technical challenges concerning citizens’ adoption of e-government ser vices (abu-shanab et al., 2014; al-rashidi, 2010), such as trust (gilbert et al., 2004; pieterson et al., 2007), protection and cybersecurity (ebrahim and irani, 2005; schwester, 2009), re sources (angelopoulos et al., 2010; hwang et al., 2004), the lack of ict abilities (norris, 2009; norris and moon, 2005), the ab sence of awareness (aerschota and rodousakis, 2008; shalini, 2009), and the digital divide (faisal and rahman, 2008; wang (2014); liu & zhou, 2010). furthermore, persson et al. (2015) contends that investigating the factors associated with adoption is a way to understand their overarching priorities, and that aligning citizens’ perceptions in adopting e-government services may be a key to success. according to researchers, acceptance of e government services is a substantial contribution to the litera ture. (wang et al., 2010; wang, c., 2014). e-government adoption predictors there are numerous studies exploring the adoption of e-gov ernment services, which exist in the literature today. in particu lar, these studies utilized the unified theory of acceptance and use of technology utaut, one of the most recent developments in the field of the general technology acceptance model (venkatesh et al., 2003). utaut explicates the individual ac ceptance of information technology into a unified theoretical vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 90 model (venkatesh et al., 2003) and the subsequent usage behav ior (maranguniæ and graniæ, 2015). the utaut suggests that four core constructs (effort expectancy, perceived competence, social influence, and facilitating conditions) are direct determi nants of behavioral intention (bi) (venkatesh et al., 2003). the utaut model also takes into account moderators that have an impact on the predictors, such as gender, age, internet experi ence, and voluntariness of use (venkatesh et al. 2003). more than the factors presented in the utaut model, this study focused on several more specific variables that affect the citizens’ adoption of e-government services in the context of this study. a. trust on internet the ability to trust the internet tends to be a potentially important factor in increasing adoption (alsaghier et al., 2009; liu and zhou, 2010; berdykhanova et al., 2010). considering the indefinite and frequently changing nature of the internet, it was hypothesized that trust would be a determi nant of behavioral expectations. due to the extreme risks (alsaghier et al., 2009; liu and zhou, 2010; berdykhanova et al., 2010), online conditions entail the establishment of trust (langton and mcknight, 2006). carter et al. (2016) examined a cross-country study involving the united states and the united kingdom their results revealed that the government should use confidence-building initiatives to promote public trust in e-gov ernment services, as toi has a favorable impact on e-govern ment adoption (carter et al., 2016). based on these, this study hypothesized that: h1: trust on internet (toi) affects the behavioral intention (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal b. trust on government citizens’ trust in the government is another critical aspect of e-government adoption. data pro tection and confidentiality appear to be the most common ante cedents for trust in governments that influence the use of e-gov ernment services. this was illustrated in asgarkhani’s (2005) jurnal studi pemerintahan report on a pilot study of a digital government project in new 91 zealand. confidence in online privacy statements has been found to be very important in predicting trust in e-government for both experienced and inexperienced users (beldad et al. 2012). shareef et al. (2011) discovered that security beliefs contribute to the development of trust in e-government (shareef et al., 2011). according to teo et al. (2008), the impact of trust in e-govern ment websites on satisfaction is partly mediated by system and service quality, with service quality having a significantly stron ger influence than system quality. carter and bélanger (2005) emphasize that citizens must have trust in both the government (tog) and the enabling technologies in order to participate in e-government services. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h2: trust on government (tog) affects the behavioral inten tion (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal. c. effort expectancy many studies have found that effort expectancy is an important predictor of e-service use. a study of tax services in indonesia, for example, discovered that the effort expectancy of the e-filing system has a positive impact on the country’s adaptation of e-filing services (tahar, et al., 2020). arunachalam (2019) found similar results indicates that the more userfriendly an e-learning platform is, the more likely it is that the learning will continue. it is also supported by beldad et al. (2012), he found out that effort expectancy of prior online gov ernment transactions has been a major impact in shaping trust in government among respondents with e-government experi ence. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h3: effort expectancy affects the behavioral intention (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal. d. perceived competence – bhuasiri et al. (2016) examined the factors that influence citizens’ intention to use an electronic tax filing and payment system in thailand. the findings reveal vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 92 that perceived competence can augment extrinsic motivation and has a substantial indirect effect on people’s willingness to use the system. another study conducted by tiika and tang (2019) on the adoption of e-government services in ghana discovered that a lack of competency in ict skills is a significant barrier to adopting e-services. this is consistent with the other findings in this section, as it demonstrates that, in most cases, perceived competence is proportionate to the uptake of e-government ser vices. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h4: perceived competence (pc) affects the behavioral intention (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal. e. in the context of technological adoption, social influence is described as a person’s perception that important others be lieve he or she should use the new system. this variable is com posed of other similar ones, namely subjective norm (tra, tam2, tpb and dtpb), social factors (model of pc utilization) and image (idt) (venkatesh et al. 2003). studies of technology adoption (e.g., chiu et al. 2010; park et al. 2006; pynoo et al. 2007; sumak et al. 2010) have also supported the positive and significant impact of social influence on attitude susanto and aljoza (2015) concluded in their study of the factors associated with the adoption of e-government services in indonesia that social influence, along with trust, is one of the most significant factors influencing the adoption of e-services. these two factors were ranked higher than perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h5: social influence (si) affects the behavioral intention (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal. f. venkatesh et al. (2003) claim that facilitating conditions become irrelevant in predicting behavioral purpose when condi tions such as performance expectancy and effort expectancy are present. in the context of the research, facilitating conditions is similar to research conducted by batara, et al. (2017) in their jurnal studi pemerintahan study of the adoption of e-government services among employ93 ees in two cities in two countries: surabaya, indonesia, and davao city, philippines. according to their findings, facilitating condi tions, such as process redesign, structuring, and behavioral and cultural aspects in city government, have a significant impact on respondents’ intentions to embrace the features required for e government services. alraja (2016) reached similar conclusions in his study on government employees’ adoption of e-govern ment services in oman. similar research was conducted in saudi arabia (alsobhi, kamal, and weerakkody, 2009), which yielded similar results, perhaps because the safety of personal data, low education level, and complexity of online services provided are all factors that impede citizen adoption. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h6: facilitating conditions (fcs) affect the behavioral inten tion (bi) to adopt my philhealth portal. g. moderator – gender in terms of gender, earlier research has revealed that men are more likely than women to find mobile e-services useful (nysveen et al. 2005). there are also differences in security perceptions between men and women; women place a much higher value on privacy and security than men (vega, 2015). puschel et al. (2010), on the other hand, gathered 666 respondents in brazil and dis covered that mobile banking users were mostly men. similarly, joshua and koshy (2011) found that men may use electronic bank ing services more than women after interviewing 553 people in india. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h7a: the influence of ee on behavioral intention will be mod erated by gender. h7b: the influence of pc on behavioral intention will be mod erated by gender. h7c: the influence of si on behavioral intention will be moder ated by gender.r vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 94 h. moderator – age people’s perceptions of e-service quality are influenced by their age (yarimoglu, 2017). several studies have been undertaken to look into the implications of demographics on the adoption of new technology. early adopters of technological innovations, according to rogers (1995), are often younger, have greater in comes, are better educated, and have higher social standing and employment. another research on mobile banking adoption found that typical electronic banking users were young (joshua & koshy, 2011) or that the elderly had more resistance to change and a negative attitude toward using mobile banking services (laukkanen et al. 2007). several studies found that respondents aged 50 and up were the most concerned about using mobile banking services. however, the typical mobile banking users were aged 30 to 49 (laukkanen & pasanen 2008), and that middle-aged or older customers were the primary users of electronic banking (laforet & li, 2005). based on these, this study hypothesized that: h8a: the influence of ee on behavioral intention will be moderated by age. h8b: the influence of pc on behavioral intention will be mod erated by age. h8c: the influence of si on behavioral intention will be moder ated by age. h8d: the influence of fcs on behavioral intention will be mod erated by age. i. moderator – internet experience internet experience (ie) was identified as an underlying mod erator of usage behavior by venkatesh et al. (2003). studies (agarwal and prasad, 1999; jiang et al., 2008) discovered that internet experience influences both perceived utility and ease of use, which in turn influences people’s actual use or intention to use specific services. prior experience with online transactions, according to lee et al. (2005), is a statistically significant predic jurnal studi pemerintahan tor that should not be overlooked. internet experience has a sig95 nificant impact on technology adoption decisions (lippert and forman 2005; alshamaila et al. 2013) because it affects people’s attitudes toward new phenomena, new technology, or new online environments (bandura 1977). su et al. (2017) investigated how users’ internet experience influences their adoption of mobile payment and their findings show that users’ experience with com puters and the internet in financial activities increases users’ perceived usefulness, ease of use, and compatibility which fur ther enhance user’s intention to use mobile payment. based on these, this study hypothesized that: h9a: the influence of ee on behavioral intention will be mod erated by ie. h9b: the influence of si on behavioral intention will be moder ated by ie. h9c: the influence of fcs on behavioral intention will be mod erated by ie. j. moderator voluntariness of use in the utaut model, venkatesh et al. (2003) incorporated the voluntariness of use or compliance impact. even though they were an explicit criterion at the time of tam creation, davis (1989) did not add voluntariness as an explicit element. how ever, it was eventually incorporated as a moderator component in social influence (e.g. venkatesh et al. 2003; venkatesh and davis, 2000; agarwal and prasad, 1997; venkatesh and morris, 2000; barki and hartwick, 1994). based on these, this study hy pothesized that: h10a: the influence of si on behavioral intention will be. this research used a linear regression model (figure 1), wherein the independent variables tog, toi, ee, pc, si and fcs were hypothesized to be associated with the dependent vari able bl. the model was modified to fit the study’s context, and the constructs measured are as shown in figure 1: vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 96 figure 1. research model notes: legend: *p<0.05, ***p<0.001 (statistically significant) source: mina et al., 2022 research method data gathering techniques in order to answer the questions and provide enough data to achieve the objectives of this study (easterby-smith et al., 2002), the researcher utilized an online self-reported survey question naire using google forms. during the collection of data, the re searcher utilized google forms as the online self-reported survey questionnaire. due to the government restrictions and proto cols, the online self-reported survey questionnaire was distrib uted, filled up, and collected online. prior to fielding, the survey questionnaire was pilot tested to ensure proper statement for mat and wording, as well as the reliability and validity of con structs. jurnal studi pemerintahan research participants 97 this research employed a purposive homogeneous sampling in choosing the participant. the participants in this study were 400 cagayan de oro city-based philhealth formal economy members, 200 of which are government employees and 200 of which work in the private sector. treatment and analysis of data the data from the online survey underwent a reliability test using ibm spss statistics (version 20), coefficient of cronbach’s alpha (1951) was used to assess the validity of variables. ander son and gerbing (1988) explain that when computing covari ance estimates between pairs of latent variables, the discriminant validity of variables must be tested. the respondents’ demo graphic profiles were treated using descriptive statistics and fre quencies using ibm spss statistics (version 20). to test the hy potheses and determine the causal relationship of variables, data from each item on specific constructs in section 2 of the online survey were treated by obtaining the mean and then using li censed versions of ibm spss amos (version 26) to perform structural equation modelling. result and discussion demographic profile of respondents in terms of age, the data collected shows that the majority of the participants were between the ages of 20 and 30. with re gards to gender, the majority of the respondents during the con duct of the study are mostly male. the respondents’ job sector was adequately represented, with 50% working in the private sector and 50% working in the government. furthermore, data suggests that huge percentage of respondents have access to mobile data, while only a few have internet access. according to the data, a significant portion of them have more than two years of internet experience, indicating that the respondents are al ready familiar in using the internet. vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 98 reliability analysis the table below reveals the reliability analysis using cronbach’s alpha, which indicates the internal consistency of indicator items such as toi, tog, ee, pc, si, and fcs that measure the same construct. a minimum cronbach’s alpha value of 0.70 indicates construct reliability and validity. all constructs passed the test and demonstrated a high level of reliability. table 1. validity of constructs (n=400) constructs squared multiple correlation cronbach' s alpha cronbach's alpha based on standardized items no of items trust on internet .344 .778 .755 6 trust on government .480 .743 .755 6 effort expectancy .435 .738 .755 6 perceived competence .422 .737 .755 6 social influence .429 .733 .755 6 facilitating conditions .380 .731 .755 6 source: mina et al., 2022 constructs and their relationship to behav ioral intention (bi) data shows that there is a significant association between be havioral intention (bi) and toi (p<0.01), tog and pc (p<0.001), ee (p<0.05), and fcs (p<0.05), indicating that the hypothesis is accepted at the 0.05 alpha level of significance. however, with p value of .098 and .052 respectively, there is no significant rela tionship between the bi and si, and fcs and bi, resulting in the rejection of the hypothesis. toi and ee as shown above has a negative coefficient, the findings suggest that as the independent variables toi and ee increases, the dependent variable bi tends to decrease. the significant relationship of the five constructs accounts for 24% in bi (with an r2 of 0.24). results show that trust in the government and perceived com petence are highly significant to behavioral intention. the re spondents of this study believe that the government has the re jurnal studi pemerintahan sources to deliver dependable and reliable online services, and 99 that it can give all relevant information necessary to fulfill their needs through online transactions, as shown in table 4.2.4. this indicates that the intention to use my philhealth portal is asso ciated to their perceived trust in the government. this is similar to the findings of abu-shanab (2014), who discovered that trust in government is one of the variables that predict jordanian use of e-government services which is also a predictor in the utaut model derived from venkatesh et al. (2003). when it comes to the perceived competence, it shows a high significance on the respondent’s intention to adopt the portal. the majority of respondents have access to mobile data, and only a few have access to the internet from an internet service provider, implying that having a high-speed internet connection would increase their willingness to use the portal. they also indi cated that a suitable device is a factor in their reluctance to use the portal, which, according to the findings, they are using mo bile data, implying that their gadgets are mobile phones. studies (eschenbrenner and nah, 2014; berry, 1997; fuerst & cheney, 1982) show that when users’ competency is high, typical resis tance to change is reduced, and performance improves. accord ing to venkatesh et al. (2003), the most important factor in de ciding whether or not to utilize a new technology is based on the perceived competence whether the use is voluntary or manda tory (venkatesh et al., 2003). third, trust in the internet is an important indicator of their behavioral intention to use the portal. as shown in table 2, re spondents do not trust the internet as a safe place to conduct secure transactions and are unsure whether to provide financial and other personal information in the portal. in terms of effort expectancy, data shows that effort expectancy is highly associ ated with behavioral intention to adopt my philhealth portal. this means that the ease of use of the portal (venkatesh et al., 2003) influences the respondents’ intention to adopt. it is also revealed that the respondents’ intention to use the vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 100 portal has no relationship to facilitating conditions. based on the utaut model (venkatesh et al., 2003), this variable has a direct and significant impact on the actual use of a technology but in this study, it doesn’t have a significant impact on bi. hence, as the organization’s efficiency improves and more resources and support are available for users’ demands, the impact of this vari able increases (venkatesh et al., 2003). finally, the results show that there is no correlation between si and bi. in the utaut model, si is a predictor of bi (venkatesh and davis, 2000), but not in the context of this study. although respondents believe that using the portal will keep them safe from covid-19 and that people who use the portal are safe and healthy, si appears to have no significant impact on bi. in this case, the users do not recognize the significance that others believe he or she should use the new facility or my philhealth portal (venkatesh et al., 2003). this means that as the number of users who are positive about using the portal increases exponentially, so will the num ber of users who are socially influenced in their immediate envi ronment. this implies that the people influencing the respon dents’ behavior have little intention of using the portal. table 2. relationship of independent variables to dependent variable relationship regression weights s.e. c.r. p-value hypothesis toi → bi -.105 .041 -2.554 .011 accepted tog → bi .453 .055 8.287 *** accepted ee → bi -.129 .063 -2.040 .041 accepted pc → bi .227 .051 4.436 *** accepted si → bi .089 .054 1.655 .098 rejected fcs → bi .093 .048 1.942 .052 rejected note: legend: ***p<0.001 (statistically significant) source: mina et al., 2022 moderators’ influence to specific constructs according to the findings, the interaction between age and social influence appears to be the most significant on behavioral jurnal studi pemerintahan intention (bi) with p<0.00 and the interaction of voluntariness of use and social influence has a significant impact on behav ioral intention, with p<0.05. as seen in the data, there is no significant relationship between the interaction of gender to ee, pc and si implying the rejection of the hypothesis. furthermore, the interaction of age to pc and fcs has no effect on bi, hence the interaction of age to si affects bi. also, the data show that the influence of internet experience moderated by ee, si, and fcs has no significant effect to bi. moreover, social influence moderated by vou has a significant effect to bi. table 3. relationship between moderators and selected constructs dependent <-- interaction variable regression weights s.e. c.r. p-value hypothesis bi <--gen_ee -.089 .117 -.763 .445 rejected bi <--gen_pc .171 .090 1.906 .057 rejected bi <--gen_si -.040 .103 -.393 .694 rejected bi <--age_ee .092 .046 1.988 .047 rejected bi <--age_pc -.047 .036 -1.317 .188 rejected bi <--age_si .152 .042 3.603 *** accepted bi <--age_fc -.065 .026 -2.473 .013 rejected bi <--inex_ee -.012 .055 -.213 .832 rejected bi <--inex_si -.090 .048 -1.860 .063 rejected bi <--inex_fc -.025 .045 -.572 .567 rejected bi <--vou_si .169 .073 2.328 * accepted notes: legend: *p<0.05, ***p<0.001 (statistically significant) source: mina et al., 2022 implications to theory in the context of the study and the context of philhealth formal economy members, toi, tog, ee, and pc are pivotal indicators to the adoption of my philhealth portal during the pandemic. in the unified theory of acceptance and use of tech nology, it suggests that four core constructs (performance expect ancy, effort expectancy, social influence, and facilitating condi tions) are direct determinants of behavioral intention and that these constructs are in turn moderated by gender, age, internet 101 vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 102 experience, and voluntariness of use (venkatesh et al., 2003). this study proves the determinants of behavioral intention and the following moderators that impact the constructs in the adop tion of my philhealth portal. despite the fact that trust in the government and trust in the internet is not included in the utaut model, some studies show that these are a significant predictor of resistance to using e-gov ernment services (abu-shanab,2014; mpinganjira, 2015; teo et al.,2008), and it was discovered in this study that tog and toi are pivotal predictors of portal adoption. interestingly, toi has a negative impact on bi, implying that respondents do not trust the internet as a reliable medium for conducting secure transac tions. effort expectancy and perceived competence were discov ered to be significant predictors of portal adoption, which, there fore, lends credence to some claims in the literature (tahar, et al., 2020; arunachalam, 2019; ramli and rahmawati, 2020; hamid et al., 2016) and in the utaut model (venkatesh et. al., 2003). ee has a negative impact on bi, indicating that respon dents believe navigating my philhealth portal is complicated. however, si and fcs do not appear to be predictors of bi, im plying those notions of prominent studies (taylor and todd,1995b; chiu et al. 2010; lee and lin 2008; alraja, 2016; carter et al., 2012), including the utaut model (venkatesh et. al., 2003), appear to be different in the context of this study. gender appears to be non significant as a moderating vari able for ee, pc, and si. these results refute the assertions of studies (nysveen et al. 2005; cruz et al. 2010; joshua and koshy, 2011; vega, 2015). ee, si, and fcs appear to be moderated by age, with fcs being negatively moderated by age, as demonstrated among those in the age bracket of 50 and above. these findings validate the utaut model and the study of yarimoglu (2017) and berraies et al.(2017), which shows how users’ perceptions of the availability of technical assistance to facilitate the usage of a system are influenced by their age. internet experience, as a moderating variable is not relevant to ee, si and fcs, which jurnal studi pemerintahan contradicts the utaut model and some studies (lippert and forman 2005; alshamaila et al., 2013). finally, vou appears to moderate si; this finding lends support to the utaut model (venkatesh et al., 2003) and other studies (agarwal & prasad, 1997; chiu et al., 2017). therefore, this study indicates that the moderators derived from the utaut model in the context of this study don’t influence the selected constructs. this study has shown the roles of predictors (toi, tog, ee, and pc) and moderators (age and vou) of bi in the context of this study, as seen in the validated research model (figure 2), are the factors influencing citizen adoption of my philhealth por tal. the study’s clear contribution to the advancement of e-gov ernment adoption literature is the examination and validation of the selected constructs’ roles in the adoption of new technol ogy or systems. 103 figure 2. validated research model notes: legend: *p<0.05, ***p<0.001 (statistically significant) source: mina et al., 2022 implications to practice among the six constructs on portal adoption, tog and pc stand out as key factors. this means that, in order to increase adoption, members should be made aware of the portal’s secu rity features, as well as the agencies and staff’s ability to perform online transactions faithfully. the negative impact of toi on bi vol. 13 no. 1 february 2022 104 clearly explains that in practice, proper education and under standing about the internet’s safety when disclosing confidential information must be realized by the agency in order to increase the portal’s adoption. since ee has an impact on bi, the portal’s features must be convenient to use, especially since there are us ers aged 50 and above, and it must be available 24/7. this is a critical feature for users during the pandemic because it allows them to transact their needs at any time and from any location. the agency should encourage the voluntary use of the portal in adopting it; mandating it would have an impact on the portal’s adoption because citizens are accustomed to freely use the portal without being obligated to do so. based on the findings of this study, philhealth can establish a national strategy to increase portal adoption, taking into account other philhealth member categories. conclusion in this study, it was discovered that trust on internet, trust on government, effort expectancy, and perceived competence are all directly related to behavioral intention in the context of my philhealth portal adoption. few constructs in the utaut model (ee and pc) emerge as determinants of adoption, as such toi and tog are proven to be highly significant to bi, contributing to the broad study and theory of technology adoption. due to the covid-19 protocols, respondents have found the portal use ful because it can be accessed from anywhere at any time without risk of virus exposure, which is appropriate for their needs in conducting transactions with the agency. because the effect of ee on bi is moderated by age, philhealth should ensure that the portal is simple to use so that older adults, not just young adults, can take advantage of its features. in addition, a lack of access to a high-speed internet connection and appropriate gad gets makes it difficult for them to adopt the portal. si and fcs did not appear to be a factor in the intention to use the portal. as a result, philhealth should strongly encourage the general jurnal studi pemerintahan public to use the my philhealth portal, particularly during a health crisis. finally, it is a challenge for the agency to prioritize proper training on how to navigate the portal for all members, regardless of age, in order to increase adoption. it is concluded that, during this time of the pandemic, an e-health system is pivotal for citizens in order to continue with their daily transac tions with the government. the pandemic may have taken its toll on face-to-face transactions, but these challenges can be man aged with the help of ict and advanced technologies. references abu-shanab e (2014) antecedents of trust in e-government services: an 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(2022). understanding distrust of the public sector leading to covid-19 dissidence in developing nations. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(2). 244-262 article history: received: february 25, 2022 revised: march 25, 2022 accepted: may 17, 2022 understanding distrust of the public sector leading to covid19 dissidence in indonesia zulmasyhur abstract covid-19 has drastic social, economic, and health impacts worldwide. how ever, mixed attitudes and behaviors of individuals towards covid-19 ranging from the most responsible to the least bothering ones, have been evident over the last two years. based on these mixed responses, the current study examines the impact of citizens’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in offi cial statistics on their threat perceptions and resultant covid-19 dissidence. quantitative research methodology with the survey technique was applied to collect data from 537 citizens of jakarta, indonesia. smartpls 3.0 software was used to assess the structural equation modeling and perform the regres sion analysis for examining the hypothesized relationships. the results re vealed a significant impact of citizens’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust on official statistics in creating the covid-19 dissidence. likewise, the results showed the mediatory role of threat perceptions in transmitting the citizens’ attitude and distrust in government in covid-19 dissidence. furthermore, the current study is a valuable addition to the existing body of literature by high lighting the factors that created the rebellious attitudes and behaviors among the citizens of jakarta, indonesia, during the crucial times of covid-19. keywords: attitudes to self-isolation; distrust in the official statistics; covid 19 dissidence; threat perceptions; jakarta abstrak covid-19 memiliki dampak sosial, ekonomi, dan kesehatan yang drastis di seluruh dunia. namun, sikap dan perilaku beragam individu terhadap covid-19 mulai dari yang paling bertanggung jawab hingga yang paling tidak mengganggu, telah terlihat selama dua tahun terakhir. berdasarkan tanggapan yang beragam ini, penelitian saat ini meneliti dampak sikap warga terhadap isolasi diri dan ketidakpercayaan pada statistik resmi pada persepsi ancaman mereka dan pembangkangan covid-19 yang dihasilkan. metodologi penelitian kuantitatif dengan teknik survei digunakan untuk mengumpulkan data dari 537 warga jakarta, indonesia. perangkat lunak smartpls 3.0 digunakan untuk menilai pemodelan persamaan struktural dan melakukan analisis regresi untuk menguji hubungan yang dihipotesiskan. hasilnya mengungkapkan dampak signifikan dari sikap warga terhadap isolasi diri dan ketidakpercayaan pada statistik resmi dalam menciptakan pembangkangan covid-19. demikian pula, hasil penelitian menunjukkan peran mediasi persepsi ancaman dalam menularkan sikap dan ketidakpercayaan warga terhadap pemerintah dalam pembangkangan covid-19. selain itu, penelitian ini menyoroti faktor-faktor yang menciptakan sikap dan perilaku memberontak di antara warga jakarta, indonesia, selama masa kritis covid-19. kata kunci: sikap isolasi diri; ketidakpercayaan pada statistik resmi; dissidence covid-19; persepsi ancaman; jakarta http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:zl_hazia@yahoo.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0885-8963 jurnal studi pemerintahan introduction the covid-19 pandemic put the nations and governments in an unprecedented situation all over the globe (rieger & wang, 2021). trust in government has been considered a crucial factor for the public’s compliance with socio-demographic policies that became the basis of their behavioral responses (pagliaro et al., 2021). hence, the relationship between the preventive behaviors of the citizens during covid-19 and trust in government is crucial to understand (hartanto et al., 2021b). this sudden change resulted in the behavioral shifts of the individuals. moreover, governments have to implement stringent and smart lockdowns in various parts of the world for individuals’ safety and health security. this further led to erratic behaviors among the individuals (acuff et al., 2021). at the same time, the main concern of the current study is the individuals who showed covid-19 dissidence based on their attitudes and distrust level in government statistics. hence the current study aims to examine the extent to which the attitudes of individuals to self-isolation made them show covid-19 dissidence. in addition, the current study aims to examine the impact of citizens’ distrust in official statistics regarding covid-19, which were continuously communicated with the citizens by the gov ernment officials using various digital and traditional media chan nels. those who did not trust such news were rebellious for the government’s measures to control the spread of the virus (jennings et al., 2021). previously research shows that trust is the foundation of a governance system (hartanto & siregar, 2021; mansoor, 2021b). when citizens do not trust government offi cial websites and data, they do not follow the government’s in structions (hutasoit et al., 2021). research also shows that gov ernments that are not transparent and responsive in their deci 245 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 246 sion-making process do not win the citizens’ trust (hartanto et al., 2021b). at the same time, the distrust level during covid 19 cannot only be linked with governments transparency and responsiveness (jennings et al., 2021). however, it can be linked with the lack of communication between government officials and the citizens. several researchers during covid-19 reported an enhanced level of trust among citizens for their governments (pagliaro et al., 2021). however, there are certain exceptions where citizens are denied to follow the standard operating procedures (sops) formulated by the government (siegrist, luchsinger, & bearth, 2021). this issue is more evident among emerging economies where the economic system got disturbed due to stringent and smart lockdowns (hutasoit et al., 2021). in most emerging econo mies, many people live below the poverty line and strive hard for their living expenses. indonesia is among such nations; there fore, mixed responses were seen from the citizens based on their economic needs (sarnoto & hayatina, 2021). thus, many of the citizens did not take covid-19 and the threat associated with covid-19 seriously (arifah & marzuki, 2021). therefore, they showed the covid-19 dissidence behaviors. thus, the current study aims to examine the role of individuals’ attitudes to selfisolation and distrust in official statistics in creating threat perceptions and covid-19 dissidence among them. it also aims to examine the mediatory role of threat perceptions between the association of individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in government officials with their covid-19 dissidence. hence, the current study will answer the following questions. to what extent do individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in official statistics create covid-19 dissidence among them? to what extent do individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in official statistics develop threat perceptions among them? do threat perceptions mediate the association of individuals’ jurnal studi pemerintahan attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in government officials with their covid-19 dissidence? literature review and hypothesis development attitudes to self-isolation, distrust on offi cial statistics, and covid-19 dissidence dissidence press presents an individual’s protest against any official policy or laws and regulations linked with specific phe nomena (viana & da silva, 2021). besides, the covid-19 dissi dence reflects that individuals denied following the sops de vised by the government to control the spread of the virus and provide health security to the public (natalya et al., 2021). as the individuals’ attitudes shape their behaviors, research shows that fear of self-isolation makes individuals take certain decisions that are not in the interest or for the welfare of the majority (blake et al., 2021). the same happened during covid-19. individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation led them to be rebellious towards the measures taken by the government to curb the spread of the virus to minimize the damage caused by covid-19 (natalya et al., 2021). moreover, various scholars have reported tru st as the foundation of any organization or nation (han et al., 2021). be sides, for the smooth functioning of the government entities, the public’s trust has been considered the backbone of the gover nance system (goldfinch, taplin, & gauld, 2021). whereas dur ing covid-19, citizens perceive that most of the statistics shared on government websites and on various digital and traditional media channels are to create a fear among the citizens to keep them locked into their homes (fukasawa et al., 2021). these negative perceptions among the citizens created rebellious be havior of not following the government regulations and instruc tions during covid-19 (williams et al., 2021). hence, based on the above arguments and literature support, it is hypothesized that; h1: citizens’ attitude to self-isolation has a significant impact on their covid-19 dissidence 247 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 248 h2: citizens distrust in official statistics has a significant impact on their covid-19 dissidence attitudes to self-isolation, distrust on offi cial statistics, threat perceptions, and covid-19 dissidence the unconscious or conscious estimations regarding danger ous things are considered threat perceptions (anestis & bryan, 2021). simultaneously threat perceptions during covid-19 can be linked with the fear of being infected with the virus (heiss et al., 2021). several scholars link threat perceptions with individual behaviors in various contexts (chan et al., 2018; makhanova & shepherd, 2020). besides, individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation let them not believe in the actual drastic impacts of covid-19 (jennings et al., 2021). hence, the fear of being isolated over comes the threat perceptions of being infected among the indi viduals (natalya et al., 2021). therefore, it can be asserted that the individuals who had a stubborn attitude to self-isolation and made their minds not to keep social distance perceived no threat of being infected. likewise, the individuals who did not trust official statistics related to the lethal impacts of covid-19 could not anticipate the threats linked with the deadly virus. there fore, they depicted rebellious behaviors by not following the gov ernment orders. hence, based on the literature support and the above arguments, it is postulated that; h3: citizens’ attitude to self-isolation has a significant impact on their threat perceptions h4: citizens’ distrust in official statistics has a significant im pact on their threat perceptions h5: citizens’ threat perceptions have a significant impact on their covid-19 dissidence mediatory role of threat perceptions along with direct associations of citizens’ attitudes to self-iso lation and distrust in official statistics with covid-19 dissidence, jurnal studi pemerintahan the current study also presented the mediatory role of threat perceptions in transmitting the citizens’ attitudes and distrust in government to their rebellious behaviors of not following sops. previously the direct impact of individuals’ attitudes on their behaviors had been studied in the context of health sciences (öztürk et al., 2009), crises (sobeck et al., 2020) as well as covid 19 (garfin et al., 2021). research also linked the citizens’ trust with their behaviors in following governments’ orders and coun try rules and regulations (arshad & khurram, 2020). likewise, threat perceptions are linked with individual behavior, i.e., in the case of higher perceptions of threats linked with certain phe nomena, individuals tend to behave consciously to avoid the criti cal circumstances in their lives vice versa (bradley et al., 2020). whereas, adding to the existing body of literature, the current study proposes the intermediatory role of threat perceptions by asserting that individuals whose fear of being self-isolated over come their perceptions of being infected and show covid-19 dissidence. likewise, the individuals who did not trust the offi cial statistics regarding the disastrous and deadly impacts of the virus on individual lives, could not perceive the threat of being infected with the virus with a higher intensity. as a result they depict the covid-19 dissidence. thus, based on the above ar guments it is postulated that; h1: citizens’ threat perceptions significantly mediate the asso ciation of their attitudes to self-isolation with covid-19 dis sidence h2: citizens threat perceptions significantly mediate the asso ciation of their distrust in official statistics with covid-19 dissidence 249 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 250 theoretical framework of the study figure 1: theoretical framework of the study research methods the current study examines the impact of citizens’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in official statistics on their threat perceptions and resultant covid-19 dissidence. moreover, the current study has been conducted among the citizens of jakarta, one of the biggest cities in indonesia. as per the statistics of 2020 total population of jakarta is about 10.5 million. besides, research shows the mixed response of the citizens towards covid-19 (aldila et al., 2021). many individuals showed a nega tive attitude towards following the sops regarding lockdowns imposed by the government for citizens’ safety and health secu rity (bella et al., 2021). hence the current study aims to examine the covid-19 dissidence level among the citizens of jakarta. a quantitative research technique using survey methodology was employed to collect data from the respondents. the quanti tative research methodology helps to understand and attain a .greater knowledge of the social world (hair et al., 2010). besides observing the influence of the events and situations on individual behaviors, mostly researchers apply quantitative methodology as it produces objective data which can be communicated through statistics and numbers (merriam & tisdell, 2015). moreover, for the collection of the data, the city was divided among lower ad jurnal studi pemerintahan ministrative units. researchers visited the most populated areas or public places of the administrative units. researchers’ communicated with the individuals visiting such places and asked some general questions about their english proficiency and knowledge about the subject matter. they further requested the individuals to participate in the survey and briefed them about the survey. they also ensured the respondents about the anonymity of their responses. those who agreed to participate in the survey and qualified initial screening questions were handed over the questionnaire consisting of demographic characteristics of the respondents and items related to the study constructs. for instance, attitude self-isolation was measured with three items adapted from (natalya et al., 2021). distrust in official sta tistics was measured with five items adapted from (jennings et al., 2021). threat perceptions were measured with two items adapted from (jennings et al., 2021). finally, covid-19 dissi dence was measured with three items adapted from (natalya et al., 2021). the whole data collection procedure started on march 2021, and until november 2021, the authors were able to collect 578 responses. these responses were further scrutinized for miss ing values and unengaged responses. hence, the remaining 537 questionnaires were included in the final analysis. the respon dents’ demographic characteristics revealed that most respondents were male (71.2%) and married (68.4%). the average age of the respondents was 39.5 years. about half of the respondents were graduates (48.9%). simultaneously, 27.6% and 22.5% word un der graduates and post graduates respectively. data analysis and results assessing the measurement model “the structural equation modelling (sem)” analysis has been performed in smartpls 3.0 software. the simulation analysis showed that the participants’ education significantly impacted their covid-19 dissidence. therefore, we control the partici pants’ education in the further analysis. in addition, the mea 251 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 252 sures’ “cronbach’s á” and “composite reliability (cr)” were ex amined (henseler, ringle, & sarstedt, 2015; mansoor & wijaksana, 2021). as shown in table 1, the range of cr and ca was in acceptable criteria mentioned by scholars, i.e., > 0.70 (sarstedt, ringle, & hair, 2017). moreover, the “factor loadings” of all the study items were above 0.70, and the ave “average variance extracted” of latent constructs were above 0.50 (dalle et al., 2020; hair et al., 2010). thus, all the measures’ conver gent validity was also established (mansoor, 2021a; sarstedt et al., 2017). table 1. reliability and validity results variables/ items factor lo adings ave cr cron bach's α covid-19 1 2 3 4 0.614 0.827 0.814 dissidence cd1 0.767 cd2 0.787 cd3 attitude to 0.796 0.646 0.846 0.822 self-isolation asi1 0.802 asi2 0.797 asi3 distrust in 0.813 0.623 0.892 0.834 official statistics dos1 0.826 dos2 0.760 dos3 0.802 dos4 0.769 dos5 0.788 threat perceptions 0.655 0.791 0.797 tp1 0.827 tp2 0.791 “note: cr, composite reliability; ave, average variance extracted.” jurnal studi pemerintahan discriminant validity the “heterotrait-monotrait (htmt) ratio” was used to as sess the discriminant validity of the constructs (henseler et al., 2015; mansoor, fatima, & ahmed, 2020). as presented in table 2, the values of the htmt ratio are more than 0.90, reflecting that all the variables are distinct from each other. table 2. heterotrait-monotrait ratio constructs mean std. 1 2 3 4 covid-19 dissidence 4.05 0.72 0.783 attitude to self-isolation 3.97 0.80 0.546 0.803 distrust in official statistics 3.87 0.93 0.602 0.477 0.789 threat perceptions 3.96 0.83 0.514 0.498 0.564 0.809 “note: the square roots of aves of the constructs are shown in bold in diagonal.” figure 2. full measurement model assessing the structural model direct hypothesis as shown in table 3 results revealed that, citizens attitude to self-isolation (ß = 0.334***, t = 6.954) and distrust in official statistics (ß = 0.238**, t = 4.260) had a positive significant im pact on the covid-19 dissidence. likewise, results showed that citizens attitude to self-isolation (ß = 0.255**, t = 4.886) and dis trust in official statistics (ß = 0.364***, t = 7.104) also had a posi 253 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 254 tive impact on their threat perceptions. simultaneously results also showed the significant impact of threat perceptions on citi zens’ covid-19 dissidence (ß = 0.275***, t = 5.656). hence, hypotheses h 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 are supported by the study results. moreover, figure 2 presents the impact size of the exogenous constructs on endogenous constructs. whereas figure 3 shows the t-statics of the hypothesized links presenting all values above 1.96, reflecting the significant influence of independent variables on mediatory and dependent variables. moderating hypotheses results also revealed the significant positive indirect impact of citizens attitude towards self-isolation (ß = 0.316***, t = 6.705) and distrust on official statistics (ß = 0.288***, t = 5.934) on their covid-19 dissidence via threat perceptions as a mediator. this further reflects that hypotheses h 6 and 7 of the study are also supported by the results, as shown in table 3. table 3. hypothesis testing results hypotheses std. tp supported beta value values h1 asi → cd 0.334 6.954 0.000 yes h2 dos → cd 0.238 4.260 0.003 yes h3 asi → tp 0.255 4.886 0.001 yes h4 dos → tp 0.364 7.104 0.000 yes h5 tp → cd 0.275 5.656 0.000 yes h6 asi → tp → cd 0.316 6.705 0.000 yes h7 dos →tp → cd 0.288 5.934 0.000 yes where: cd= covid-19 dissidence; asi = attitude to self-isolation; dos= distrust in official statistics; tp = threat perceptions. jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 3. full structural model discussion findings the current study aims to examine the impact of individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in official statistics on their covid-19 dissidence. the study also examines the mediatory role of threat perceptions in transmitting citizens’ attitudes and distrust in official statistics in creating dissidence among them during covid-19. the current study is also conducted in jakarta, one of the largest cities in indonesia, where people showed mixed attitudes and behaviors after the advent of covid-19 (aldila et al., 2021). hence it would be a valuable addition to the existing body of literature by exploring the factors that impacted the citi zens to rebel against the government measures and the conse quences associated with their behaviors. results showed that individuals’ attitudes to self-isolation positively impacted their covid-19 dissidence. it further showed that the individuals who feared self-isolation and thought it un necessary to keep themselves at a distance from others depicted rebellious behavior towards covid-19. it further reflects that they did not follow the government measures and sops that were in favor of their security and health safety (rieger & wang, 255 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 256 2021). many nations had to face drastic consequences of this dissidence behavior (bella et al., 2021). likewise, in indonesia, the government controlled the virus spread by involving various religious scholars (hartanto, agussani, & dalle, 2021a). how ever, some citizens showed rigidness in adapting the government measures and following the government sops (wirawan et al., 2021). results also showed the positive impact of citizens’ distrust in official statistics in creating covid-19 dissidence among them. this further resulted in an enhanced number of cases in various regions of the world and indonesia. results also revealed the significance of trust in government and official statements (huber & wicki, 2021). the individuals who believe in their govern ments’ transparency, responsiveness, and accountability trust in them and hence try to follow all the rules and regulations im posed by the government (mansoor, 2021a). in contrast, the dis trust level among the citizens leads them towards a rebellious attitude, which further results in chaos in the country (natalya et al., 2021). the same happened during covid-19 when based on various reasons, citizens were unable to believe the govern ment officials statistics related to the number of infected cases and deaths happening all over the globe and in the country, and as a result, they had to face the drastic consequences moreover, results also showed the positive impact of citizens’ attitudes to self-isolation and distrust in government officials on their level of threat perceptions. this further showed that the individuals who feared being self-isolated and did not trust the government statistics felt less threat of being infected while in close contact with others. this lower level of threat further made them rebellious towards government measures taken to grab the spread of the virus. hence, it can further be stated that threat perceptions act as a bridge between the citizens’ attitudes and trust level in the government, leading to their covid-19 dissi dence. these results can further be related to the previous stud ies, which asserted the significance of threat levels in determin jurnal studi pemerintahan ing the cautious behaviors of individuals in various circumstances (anestis & bryan, 2021; chan et al., 2018; simon, houghton, & aquino, 2000). at the same time, the current study is incre mental in applying the mediatory role of threat perception in the critical scenarios of covid-19. it further uniquely presented that how the citizens fear of being self-isolated overcome their threat of being infected, and they did not care for the precau tionary measures during ccovid-19. implications of the study the current study adds to the existing body of literature by presenting a comprehensive framework while combining the citi zens’ attitudes and their distrust level on the government deci sions and statistics leading them toward the covid-19 dissi dence behavior via an underlying mechanism of threat percep tions. previously citizens’ attitudes and their emotions were linked with the trust level in the government based on the timely re sponse of the government officials during the covid-19 utiliz ing social and traditional media channels (hartanto et al., 2021b; huber & wicki, 2021; mansoor, 2021a). at the same time, con sidering the social identity theory, the current study is unique in focusing on the individuals who did not believe in the govern ment statistics regarding the lethal nature of the covid-19 that took millions of lives all around the globe. also, the current study uniquely presented how the low levels of threat perceptions lead individuals not to follow the govern ment measures which are taken for the safety of the masses. like wise, the current study highlighted that distrust in official statis tics leads the deteriorating behaviors among the citizens. hence it highlighted the significance of the trust level among the citi zens in their government officials to develop an environment of sustainability and harmony. this can further be related to the studies that reflected the significance of trust level for effective governance over time (arshad & khurram, 2020; jennings et al., 2021). 257 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 258 the current study is also valuable for the practitioners, gov ernment bodies, and academicians by highlighting the factors that demotivate individuals to behave decently during covid 19 and follow the government’s instructions. keeping in view the individuals’ sensitivity towards self-isolation government needs to create awareness among the citizens, i.e., via various examples and creating themes on social media highlighting the safety and security of their loved ones to make them more responsible for their behaviors. likewise, along with highlighting the bad conse quences of covid-19 government should focus on highlight ing the brighter side of following the sops in the form of happy and healthy families. finally, keeping the significance of the trust level of citizens on their governments, it is the core responsibility of the govern ment officials to take the citizens into confidence and transpar ently and responsibly presents the reasons for certain measures taken for the best interest of the citizens. in addition, the govern ments should be transparent in decision making and transmit ting the same to the public, where citizens should be aware of all the activities taken at the higher levels. moreover, there should be an interactive environment between citizens and government where government officials should continuously interact with the citizens to know about their feedback regarding various deci sions taken at the government level. this two-way interaction level can further strengthen the relationship between citizens and governments and can bridge the gap of distrust. limitations and the future research direc tions although the current study highlights the distrust and attitu dinal factors that created the dissidence level during the covid 19 among the citizens based on the low perceptions of the threat of being infected among them, the current study has some limi tations that can bring valuable insights if addressed in the fu ture. the current study only highlighted the factors that created jurnal studi pemerintahan low perceptions of threats among the citizen, and as a result, they felt rebellious towards the government majors. in contrast, future studies can highlight the positive factors that help indi viduals mitigate the feelings of being dissident towards govern ment decisions and following the sops. moreover, in the future, researchers can also assess the contingent impact of respondents’ gender and education level in examining the impact of their atti tudes on their behaviors during covid-19. finally, the authors visited various lower administrative units of jakarta to commu nicate with the citizens and get their responses for the data col lection. this limits the sample geographically. in the future, au thors can visit social networking sites and recruit individuals based on their intensity of internet users to report their responses for more generalizable results based on a vast study population. conclusion considering an important issue of the inception of covid 19 and its deadly impact on individuals’ health, social, demo graphic, economic life, he aims to examine the role played by the citizens’ attitude to self-isolation and distrust in official statistics in developing threat perceptions and decadence linked with the covid-19 among the individuals of jakarta indonesia. keep ing the significance of quantitative research survey methodology in assessing the impact of various social and societal variables on individual behaviors, the current study utilized the survey meth odology to collect data from 537 respondents by visiting various local administrative units in jakarta, indonesia. the structural equation modeling analysis was performed in the smart p ls3 software to check the hypothesized relationships. we found that indonesian citizens’ attitudes, self-isolation, and distrust of offi cial statistics created a varied level of covid-19 dissidence. in addition, results revealed that this impact of citizens’ distrust in official statistics and their attitudes of self-isolation and creating covid-19 decedents was mediated by this threat perceptions of being infected with the covid-19. hence, the current study 259 vol. 13 no. 2 july 2022 260 significantly adds to the body of literature by presenting the fac tors that influence the varying behaviors of the individuals in response to the covid-19 and the extent to which they want to deviate from the government rules and regulations and repel to follow the sop’s adopted for their health benefits. the govern ment agencies and policymakers can further utilize these results to address the citizens’ concerns to create a level of trust among them for the sustainability and prosperity of the country. more over, utilizing the study results, the government officials should try to bridge the communication gap with the citizens so that they feel connected with government officials and trust the news available on their websites, particularly during disastrous situa tions. references acuff, s. f., strickland, j. c., tucker, j. a., & murphy, j. g. 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(2020). willingness to self-isolate when facing a pandemic risk: model, empirical test, and policy recommendations. international journal of environmental research and public health, 17(1), 197. jurnal studi pemerintahan focus & scope editorial team author guidelines reviewer acknowledgement publication ethics peer review process r-w-c-r-r policy open access policy plagiarism issue copyright notice indexing & abstracting most cited citedness in scopus online submissions cta and originality form user username password remember me journal content search search scope all authors title abstract index terms full text browse by issue by author by title other journals categories   statistical analysis   <div class="statcounter"><a title="web analytics" href="https://statcounter.com/" target="_blank"><img class="statcounter" src="https://c.statcounter.com/12436184/0/cbc1273d/0/" alt="web analytics"></a></div> view my stats         tweets by jspumy home about login register categories search current archives announcements contact home > all data has been moved to the new website jurnal studi pemerintahan all data has been moved to the new website (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/issue/archive), if you would like to submit your article, please click here (https://jsp.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp/user/register) ("please contact the administrator to +6281227298933 (miss aulia) if you found some difficulties")   jurnal studi pemerintahan (or known internationaly as journal of smart government) print issn:1907-8374 & online issn: 2337-8220 is the journal published three annual issues: february, july, and november under the department of government affairs and administration, faculty of social and political sciences, universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta, indonesia in collaborate with asia pacific society for public affairs (apspa) http://apspa.org and asosiasi dosen ilmu pemerintahan indonesia (adipsi) http://www.adipsi.org/. the journal aims to publish research articles within the field of politics and government affairs, and a range of contemporary political and governing processes. the published article is assigned with a doi number that show in the article.    the journal focus and scope of jurnal studi pemerintahan is to publish a research article within the field of an advanced understanding of how politics and political management intersect in a smart government with policy processes, program development, and resource management in a sustainable way. smart government or smart e-governance as the “use of technology and innovation to facilitate and support enhanced decision-making and planning within governing bodies” (igi global). the paper topics focus on  1) about using technology to facilitate and support better planning and decision making. it is about improving democratic processes and transforming the ways that public services are delivered. it is a new way of governance relying on information and communication technologies and it is citizencentric, data-driven and performance-focused.  2. the use of innovative policies, business models, and technology to address the financial, environmental, and service challenges facing public sector organizations. the concept of smart government relies on consolidated information systems and communication networks   jurnal studi pemerintahan consistently for 3 periodically as ranked 2  high score of reputable journal in indonesia under ministry of higher education sinta and has been accredited by kemenristekdikti since august 2013 (decree no.34/e/kpt/2018) and indexed by asean citation index.   for over 12 years, jurnal studi pemerintahan highly downloaded – highly cited – international authorship – submissions from 15 different countries.          announcements   new website   jurnal studi pemerintahan uses a new website with the url https://jsp.umy.ac.id   posted: 2023-04-13   more announcements... all data has been moved to the new website please visit our new website in https://jsp.umy.ac.id table of contents jurnal studi pemerintahan indexed by:             in cooperation with:     editorial office: postgraduate building jusuf kalla school of government (jksg) universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta jln. lingkar selatan, tamantirto, kasihan, bantul yogyakarta telp: ( 0274) 387656 ext 336 phone: 62274287656 fax: 62274387646 email: jgp@umy.ac.id   jurnal studi pemerintahan is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 4.0 international (cc by-nc 4.0) license. vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 https://doi.org/10.18196/jgp.v13i3.15823 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp 356 affiliation: 1234 muhammadiyah university makassar, department of government science, faculty of social and political sciences correspondence: lukmannul283@gmail.com how to citate: lnha saputra, khaerah. n, abdillah, a., mustari, n. (2022). e governance and grassroots public services in local governments: a study of the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency.. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(3). 356-382 article history: received: august 10, 2022 revised: august 31, 2022 accepted: october 27, 2022 e-governance and public services in local governments: study of the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar city and pinrang regency lukman nul hakim amran saputra1* , nur khaerah2 , abdillah3 , nuryanti mustari4 abstract: this study aims to analyze the implementation of e-government through the taspen smart card program in the service of civil servant pension funds. this study uses a combination of concurrent triangulation design methods (a bal anced mix of quantitative and qualitative). the main instruments used are questionnaires and interviews. there were taspen smart card program par ticipants who were involved as samples and informants in this study. the num ber of samples is 40 and 2 people as informants. samples were taken using probability sampling technique. the data analysis technique used regression analysis techniques. the results of this study indicate that the implementation of e-government through the taspen smart card program in the service of civil servant pension funds in pinrang and makassar regencies is going very well. this is based on the average score obtained is 139.6 or 87.25% which indicates that the implementation of the taspen smart card is in the very good category. furthermore, the research also shows that the implementa tion of the taspen smart card program has a positive and significant effect on the service of civil servant pension funds in pinrang and makassar regencies by 33.3% and the remaining 66.7% due to other programs issued by the gov ernment. keywords: implementation; e-government; smart card taspen; abstrak: penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implementasi e-government melalui program taspen smart card dalam pelayanan dana pensiun aparatur sipil negara (asn). penelitian ini menggunakan metode kombinasi concur rent triangulation design (campuran dari metode kuantitatif dan kualitatif secara seimbang). instrumen utama yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kuesioner dan wawancara. terdapat beberapa peserta dari program taspen smart card yang dilibatkan sebagai sampel dan informan dalam penelitian ini. jumlah sampel yang diambil sebanyak 40 orang dan jumlah informan sebanyak 2 orang. sampel tersebut diambil dengan menggunakan teknik probability sampling. analisis data dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teknik analisis regresi. hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa implementasi http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:lukmannul283@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0094-6379 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3461-4946 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1987-4539 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2413-7402 jurnal studi pemerintahan program taspen smart card terhadap pelayanan dana pensiun aparatur sipil negara (asn) di makassar dan pinrang berjalan dengan sangat baik. hal ini berdasarkan dengan nilai rata-rata yang diperoleh sebesar 139,6 atau 87,25% yang menunjukkan bahwa pelaksanaan program taspen smart card termasuk dalam kategori sangat baik. kemudian penelitian ini juga menunjukkan bahwa implementasi program taspen smart card berpengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap pelayanan dana pensiun aparatur sipil negara (asn) lebih di makasar yaitu sebesar 33,3% dan selebihnya sebesar 66,7% dan hal ini disebabkan oleh adanya program-program lain yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah. keywords: implementation; e-government; taspen smart card; introduction the implementation of e-government in indonesia refers to presidential instruction number 3 of 2003 of 2006 concerning national policies and strategies for the development of e-gov ernment and government regulation of the republic of indo nesia number 82 of 2012, concerning the implementation of electronic transactions and systems, the policy emphasizes that the government must be able to utilize advances in information and communication technology in improving the ability to pro cess, manage, distribute, and distribute information. in accor dance with what was stated by (berlien et al., 2020) that in the current globalization era, demands for the use of information and communication technology are no exception to the public bureaucracy (becker et al., 2015). the increasing demands of the government in improving the quality of public services and their performance in carrying out government order, this has become a driving force in the implementation and application of electronic government (eoverment), namely as an electronic based service system that utilizes information technology. in gov ernment agencies. based on the achievements of 3 types of services provided by public services in south sulawesi, in this case makassar city and pinrang regency received the highest percentage of public ser vice values (akib et al., 2020). this shows that there is reason ableness that deserves to be the main target in realizing e-gover nance, while for the low percentage value obtained in the public 357 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 358 service time element based on public service performance, this value is classified as poor in south sulawesi. in this case makassar city and pinrang regency (arno, ak et al., 2019). as shown in figure 1 below: figure 1: community statification index in public services in the province of south sulawesi source: processed by researchers from various sources, 2022 in the service of asn pension funds, they have to queue for hours and report in advance at the pay partner office. as for the complaints of retirees who often experience difficulties, they must come to introduce themselves to pay partners, namely the bank or taspen office. this usually happens because the marriage is old. on the other hand, if the pension fund service is done manually, there will be difficulties due to the large number of pension funds. in addition, it will also be difficult to reach the number of retirees who are not strong, unable, or unhealthy (lazuardi, 2017; dibsdall, la et al., 2003). the problem of asn pension fund services is still the main concern of the government in improving the ease of service pro cesses (nurkholis, sz, 2020). this shows that service delivery is a problem that has yet to be resolved, and this problem continues to be a concern of the government, both central and local gov ernments (kettl, df 2000). jurnal studi pemerintahan pt. taspen (persero) has a program that can be utilized by prospective retirees, one of which is in collaboration with telkom sigma in launching an innovative system for digitizing pension payment services, namely the taspen smart card program. the taspen smart card program is a leap from manual services to digital services (prasetyo, b., at all, 2019). taspen participants from the pension identity card (karip) have now become the smart card for savings funds and civil servant insurance (taspen smart card). the taspen smart card program is also a form of the taspen program related to digitizing pensioner data after the registration (data collection) process (pratiwi, 2017; bachrudin & kartikawangi, 2020). smart card program is a program that aims to answer the prob lems that exist in south sulawesi, especially in makassar and pinrang and. is one of the regional government agencies in south sulawesi that took action in implementing one of the in novations in the digitization system for pension payment services, namely the smart card for savings funds and civil servant guarantees (taspen smart card) which has been implemented since 2018 (darius et al., 2021). the taspen smart card program is expected to facilitate the service of asn pension funds so that they can improve services that have been problematic. the taspen smart card program has both shortterm and long term functions. the short term helps retirees in paying their pension funds (darius, aj, saerang, dp, & pangerapan, 2021). then in the long term to help facilitate pension fund services so that it can affect the effectiveness of asn pension fund services, including in makassar and pinrang. in accordance with the gen eral guidelines for the taspen smart card program in ( rickwood, c., & white, l. 2009) the taspen smart card program is a product of digitizing pension payment services. the digitization of this service functions as a retirement identity card, atm and debit card, loyalty/discount program at merchants in collaboration with taspen, pay partners in partici 359 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 360 pant authentication, as well as monitoring and reporting on the implementation of pension payments. in this case, there are three indicators to be achieved; 1) improve services, 2) improve au thentication accuracy, 3) improve payment security (carletto, c., et al., 2013). an activity is said to be effective if the activity is successfully completed in accordance with a predetermined time or in other words on time. effectiveness is the completion of work that is not only seen in terms of achieving goals but also in terms of timeli ness in achieving these goals, therefore this research is very rel evant to study because. closely related to the problem of effec tiveness, especially in the taspen smart card (jumarianto, 2013; widajanti, e., & ratnawati, t. 2020). efficiency is the accuracy of expectations, implementation, and the results to be achieved. to measure the effectiveness of a service, there are several measurements that become a reference in a service; 1) service procedures, namely the ease of service stages provided to the community in terms of the simplicity of the service flow. 2) speed of service, namely the target time of service can be completed within the time determined by the ser vice provider unit. 3) the fairness of service costs, namely the affordability of the community to the amount of fees set by the service unit. in law no. 11 of 1992, a pension fund is a legal entity that organizes and administers a program that promises pension ben efits for its participants. pension fund is an institution that orga nizes a pension program aimed at providing welfare to company employees, especially those who have entered retirement (yunita et al., 2018; martín, ars 2010). based on the description of the preliminary background above, the authors are interested in conducting research on “e-gover nance and grassroots public services in local government: study of the taspen smart card program for pension fund services in makassar and pinrang”. the purpose of this research; 1) to de termine the implementation of the taspen smart card program jurnal studi pemerintahan in pinrang and makassar regencies, 2) to determine the effec tiveness of asn pension fund services in pinrang and makassar districts, 3) to determine the effect of implementing the taspen smart card program on the effectiveness of asn pension fund services in pinrang and makassar regencies, it is intended to find out the grassroots of the problem. literature review implementation implementation as a public policy is a process of administra tive activities carried out after a policy has been established or has been approved. this activity lies between policy formulation and implementation, policy evaluation which contains top-down logic, which means lower or alternative in interpreting it. imple mentation includes the process of moving towards policy goals by administrative and political means. thus, the success or fail ure of implementation can be evaluated from the point of view of the real ability to continue or operationalize the previously designed program (subianto, 2020). implementation of services at pt. taspen is a service for paying civil servants’ pensions. the tasks carried out by pt. taspen is managing and investing funds collected from contributions paid by employees or employers. the next task is to pay pension benefits to employees when they retire.17 the procedure for granting pensions is the steps that must be taken by taspen customers to collect their pensions. in this case, there are three ways to collect pension money in taspen, namely: directly coming to pt. taspen (persero), transfer via bank (banks that cooperate with taspen), via postal check. in the pro vision of direct pensions there are conditions that must be met first. from the explanation of the implementation above, the researcher concludes that implementation is the process of imple menting a program, be it in the government, community, orga nization or school environment, the results of which can be seen from the comparison of the achievement of the target with the initial goal, so that in this implementation it is possible to have 361 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 362 many technical things as follows: efforts to achieve this goal. e-g overnment e-government is a relatively new area of research. e-govern ment is still a field of science that continues to be explored so it is still difficult to define it. e-government has become a multidisciplinary research field. apart from computer science, there are several other disciplines in e-government such as pub lic administration, management, politics, socio-culture, etc. al though the theoretical foundation of e-government is still being developed, e-government has qualified as a new science. disci pline. e-government is an information system, which can be described as a socio-technical system because it is a combination of social and technological aspects. even the social aspect causes failure more often than the technological aspect (khan et al., 2017; yildiz, m. 2007; ramlan, p. 2022). pt taspen plays an important role in providing services to retired civil servant (pns) participants in the form of services and conducting pension fund payment transactions. in the services provided by pt taspen they use e-government applications as an action in optimizing the public service process provided by pt taspen. every ser vice process provided cannot be separated from problems, as well as the services provided by pt taspen banda aceh city to retired participants. so many aspects that must be considered make the process of developing an e-government system very complex. these aspects cannot be handled in isolation, but must be managed as a unit where many interactions occur. taspen smart card program is a set of activities or activities that aim to achieve a certain change towards a certain target group. the program is the stage in the completion of a series of activities that contains the steps that will be taken to achieve the goal and is the first element that must exist for the achievement of the implementa jurnal studi pemerintahan tion of the activity. taspen smart card is a program to digitize pension fund payments in the form of membership cards, where this program is utilized by prospective retirees. this taspen mem bership card functions as an identity card and the most interest ing thing is that this card can also function as an atm. the taspen smart card program is a pension fund digitization sys tem program used by prospective retirees to simplify the service system and at the same time function as a taspen participant card. through this program, retirees no longer need to queue at mitra pay or taspen offices where retirees only need to authenti cate. based on the theory that has been put forward by the ex perts above, it can be concluded that the taspen smart card program is a form of action or program created as a form of accountability to the government in managing asn pension funds which aims to facilitate asn. pension in order to fulfill pension fund. research methods this research method uses a mixed method combination of concurrent triangulation designs (a balanced combination of quantitative and qualitative) (sugiyono, 2012). this aims to de termine the implementation of the taspen smart card program, the effectiveness of asn pension fund services, and the effect of the implementation of the taspen smart card program. the theory used is the general guidelines for the taspen smart card program (m. ikbal, 2021), namely the implementation of the taspen smart card program (x) using indicators; improve ser vices, improve authentication accuracy, and improve payment security. the effectiveness of pension fund services (y) uses indicators; service procedures, speed of service, and reasonableness of service costs. sources of data used are primary data and secondary data. this study uses a probability sampling technique with a simple random sampling method (sugiyono, 2012). it is said to be simple because sampling from a population is carried out randomly with 363 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 364 out regard to the strata that exist in the population. the popula tion in this study were retired asn participants of the taspen smart card in three sub-districts, namely 79 people. however, because the population was too difficult to reach as a whole, the researchers only determined the number of samples as many as 40 people by sampling using a numbering system, namely by drawing. meanwhile, informant data is used to strengthen the data obtained through answers from respondents using purpo sive sampling. the informants in this study; service sector pt. taspen and the field of transfer and retirement mutations. results and discussion overview: implementation of e-governance in the taspen smart card program in pinrang regency and makassar city in order to encourage and improve work efficiency and in crease loyalty to the state, civil servants in pinrang regency who show loyalty, serve the state or excel can be rewarded by the local government, one of which is through the taspen smart card ser vice where this service aims to meet the pension payment target. according to the 5t principle, right people, right time, right amount, right place, and right administration. the pinrang regency government has also collaborated with bank sulselbar to present a smart card for retired state civil apparatus (asn). besides functioning as an identity card (karip), a debit card, this smartcard also functions as a discount card at outlets that are partners with pt taspen and bank sulselbar. taspen makassar and pinrang are not much different from taspen in other cities. taspen makassar and pinrang are pt taspen (persero) branch offices located in makassar and pinrang city. the products presented include work accident insurance, old age savings, marian insurance, and pension funds specifically for pns, asn, and other state administrators. in this study, the respondents were 40 taspen smart card participants and the number of informants was 2 people. jurnal studi pemerintahan figure 2: characteristics of respondents source: primary data, research questionnaire, 2022 from the table above, it is known that of the 40 respondents who were dominated by male sex, there were 19 people with a percentage of 48%, and 21 women with a percentage of 53%. the author found that the age of the most dominant respon dents was 59 years as many as 25 people or 63% of all asn pensioners. respondents’ responses to the implementation of the taspen smart card (x) program with a total score of 2,094 or with an average score of 139.6 out of 15 statement items ob tained on the three indicators. the highest score for each state ment item was given a score of 4 and the lowest score for each statement item was given a score of 1. table 1. taspen pinrang & makassar smart card program 365 no county town 1 makassar city taspen pinrang & makassar smart card administration of civil service pension fund services (pns) at pt. taspen (persero) makassar main branch office is fully implemented optimally, this can be seen from the indicators (1) transparency (2) accountability (3) responsibility (4) independence (5) equality and fairness. the inhibiting factor in the service is the lack of participants' awareness of the importance of any information provided by employees of pt. taspen (persero) kcu makassar to them. vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 366 no county taspen pinrang & makassar smart card town 2 pinrang to meet the pension payment target according to the 5t principle, right people, right time, right amount, right place, and right administration, pt taspen (persero) in collaboration with telkomsigma launched the digitization of pension payment services by issuing smart cards. in pinrang regency, this card provides easy information to participants regarding taspen services and participants' personal data. as well as the benefits of the taspen participant card besides being a participant identity, it also functions as information on taspen services, which can be accessed by qr-code, preparing participant information, benefit estimates, program information, hospital information that has collaborated with pt taspen (persero), location head office, main branch and branch of pt taspen (persero). source: processed by researchers from various sources, 2022 on april 17, 1963, the government established the state company for savings and insurance for civil servants (pn taspen) through government regulation no. 15/1963. gov ernment regulation number 10 of 1963 concerning civil ser vant insurance and savings. in accordance with the previous study, it can be concluded that based on the comparison of the application of taspen smart cards in makassar city and pinrang regency, it can be seen that significant differences exist in trans parency, accountability, responsibility, independence, equality and fairness. the researcher interview again with one of the active participants as for the things raised by the informants are: “…it is very good because we participants are satisfied with being served because the service process is fast and it seems that they are working according to their function in serving retired participants” (results of an interview with mrs. “hs” on juni 03, 2022). from the results of the interviews above, the researchers con cluded that the employees of pt. taspen (persero) kcu pinrang is able to work according to their functions so that the partici pants feel satisfied and comfortable in managing pension fund jurnal studi pemerintahan services. the author's interview with plt. head of main branch pt. taspen (persero) kcu makassar with questions about responsibility. what was stated by the informant was: “if this compliance is indeed in the process, we adhere to the prin ciples in what gcg is, such as transparency, accountability, respon sibility and so on, now we always stick to that because we already have the guidelines made by the compliance department so every thing is under control because we already have it means that we have clear guidelines for the implementation of clear gcg standards and also indeed because we already have a clear unit so it has been ar ranged in such a way so basically the control function is already running, so there are guidelines, the unit is called des-compliance” (interview 03 june 2022, with mr. ih). from the results of interviews the authors conclude that the service at pt. taspen (persero) makassar kcu is always based on the guidelines made by the compliance department so that everything is clearly controlled according to compliance standards. dynamics of e-governance implementation in the taspen smart card program in pinrang regency & makassar city pt. the main branch office of taspen (persero) makassar, which has been operating since 1990, is increasingly determined in positioning itself as part of the company managing pension funds and old age savings, this is with the issuance of pp. 70 of 2015 and the updated pp. number 66 of 2017 concerning work accident insurance program (jkk) and death insurance (jkm) for state civil apparatus (asn). based on the results of the research on the implementation of the taspen smart card program in pinrang regency, it was obtained from the total score obtained in the questionnaire data collection as many as 2,094. so that the responses of 40 respon dents to the implementation of the taspen smart card program 367 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 368 in pinrang regency were in the category of strongly agree, namely 87.25%. this shows that the implementation of the taspen smart card program has been going very well in pinrang regency. constraints to the dynamics of the implementation of the taspen smart card program in pinrang and makassar city no taspen smart card program information 1 taspen public services in makassar and pinrang 1. the effectiveness of pt taspen (persero)'s pension service is realized by pt taspen (persero) with information technology-based payments including authentication that can be done on the smartphone of each pension recipient or also known as digital authentication. this digital authentication can be accessed through the "taspen authentication" application. 2. efficiency pt taspen (persero) in collaboration with pt sigma cipta cakra (telkomsigma) which is a telecommunication subsidiary of pt telkom indonesia (persero) in improving payment services and administrative management of retired state civil apparatus (asn). the agreed form of cooperation is to digitize services that have been manual so far so that the process of paying pensioners and other administrative services is easier and more efficient. 3. the response was shown by pt taspen by continuing to improve the system on the pt taspen authentication application by changing the old version to the latest version. previously the version used was version 1.5.2 then updated to version 1.6 for system improvements. in addition, the authentication step is simplified by pt taspen to make it easier for retirees. 2 constraints faced by pt taspen and pension participants in taking pension funds through taspen smart card 1. rudimentary application system (error system) the first obstacle is that there is a system error problem in the pt taspen authentication application. based on the results of the research, there are still some program participants who have difficulty with authentication which often fails so that they have to repeat several times until it is successful. so it can be said that the application still cannot be used optimally. 2. not all people understand digital technology the average elderly pension recipient can be one of the obstacles in the implementation of pt digitalization authentication taspen (persero). sophisticated technology that can increase efficiency does not seem to have been enjoyed by all pension participants at pt taspen because most of the pensioners are elderly people who have difficulty understanding something new, especially regarding sophistication. 3. less than maximum socialization of taspen authentication the launch of the “taspen authentication” application as a new digital-based service innovation is a form of service improvement to provide participant satisfaction and provide convenience in making pension payments. to achieve success, information related to the implementation of this system is not enough just to be disseminated through print media and social media, but needs to be disseminated directly to participants. source: processed by researchers from various sources, 2022 jurnal studi pemerintahan the discussion that has been carried out regarding the digiti zation of state apparatus pension services in taspen (taspen muscularization study at pt taspen (persero) kcu bandar lampung city), the researchers can conclude that the pension services carried out by pt. taspen (persero) kcu bandar lampung city after the existence of digital authentication taspen has not been maximized, the lack of information openly to the public so that there are still many who do not know about the effectiveness, efficiency and responsiveness of service civil ser vants pension payments at pt. taspen (persero). the obstacle faced by pt taspen and retired participants in using the taspen authentication application digitally is that the application sys tem is not perfect (error system), not all people understand digi tal technology and taspen’s authentication socialization is less than optimal. the author conducted an interview with plt. head of main branch pt. taspen (persero) kcu makassar with a question about transparency. what was stated by the informant was: “so we relate it to taspen’s service motto, everything is explained on time, the time can be controlled; exact amount, the amount can be seen; right administration; right people, everything can be seen that transparency, so there’s nothing to cover up everything openly. so, the transparency of information disclosure has also been carried out by taspen, the reward is already there and taspen has been in the first place in information disclosure for 3 years, which means that what has been carried out by taspen is in accordance with govern ment regulations, so there are 5ts that are used, namely on time, right the right amount, the right person, the right place to be the source of the payment as desired, also the right administration, as for the pension principal that the civil servant will get later in accor dance with what has been determined by pp no. 33 of 2015 accord ing to the level of each group and this can be checked directly on the taspen website by looking at the estimated pension rights. there are also many strategies that are carried out through socialization and then there is also an explanation through the website, yes, the strat 369 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 370 egy is also through mass media, it is also important, then also through booklets or brochures, yes that was also conveyed” (interview with mr. ih, 03 june 20 22). the results of the interview above indicate that in the process of governance of pension fund services at pt. taspen (persero) makassar main branch office is good because everything is done openly without anything to be covered up and all that is done by employees at pt. taspen (persero) makassar kcu in the man agement of pension fund services based on applicable govern ment standards, both from the basic provision of pensioners obtained by pensions, will be carried out in accordance with ex isting government regulations. in line with the statement ex pressed by mr. “ih”, it was also stated by one of the informants, the researcher also conducted interviews with members of the head of section. hr of pt. taspen (persero) kcu pinrang, here are the results of an interview with one of the informants: “we are always trying to improve our service standards so that we can ensure that every participant and stakeholder obtains rights and information related to the taspen program and rights, such as the principal receipts of the pensioners obtained, which are given in ac cordance with the employee pension savings contributions previously deposited and the pension principal receipts later obtained. in accor dance with the class level, in providing information we are always transparent to the participants as it is known that taspen won the first rank award in the award for increasing information disclosure in the bumn category. continue to serve the participants and stake holders by providing complete and complete information either di rectly or through the taspen website regarding the rights and pro grams of taspen” (results of an interview with ms. “fm” on 03 june 2022). from the results of the interview above, it shows that in the governance of pension fund services, pt. taspen (persero) makassar kcu always improves service standards in order to jurnal studi pemerintahan ensure that each participant obtains rights and information as this is supported by the achievement of an award for increasing information disclosure in the bumn category. based on the results of research in pinrang regency of 84.38%, it shows that the effectiveness of asn pension fund services is in the category of strongly agree. this shows that the effectiveness of the service has been running well in pinrang regency. the effect of the implementation of the taspen smart card program on the effectiveness of the state civil apparatus pension fund (asn) service in pinrang regency can be seen from the results of the f test below: 371 anova a type number of squares df square f signature. a. dependent variable: service effectiveness b. predictors: (constant), program implementation we can see in the anova table above that the calculated f value = 18.944 with a significant level of 0.000 <0.05, then the imple mentation variable of the taspen smart card program ( x ) af fects the service effectiveness variable (y) so that it can be seen that ha is accepted and ho is rejected . because the value of sig is less than 0.05. to determine the magnitude of the influence of the sx and y variables in this study, it can be seen from the simple regression results below: type coefficient a non-standard coefficient standard coefficient t signature. b std. error beta 1 (constant) 2,362 11.222 ,211 ,834 application ,942 ,216 ,577 4.352 ,000 a. dependent variable: service effectiveness average 1 regression 600,787 1 600,787 18,944 ,000 b remainder 1205,113 38 31,714 total 1805,900 39 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 372 coefficient table above where the value of constant (a) is 2.362, while the value of the implementation of the taspen smartcard program (regression coefficient) is 0.942 so that the formula for the simple regression equation model used is as fol lows: y = a + bx y = 2.362 + 0.942x based on the simple regression equation above, it can be de termined that the regression coefficient (b) is 2.362 which states that the independent variable or the implementation of the taspen smart card program (x) has a positive effect on the depen dent variable or service effectiveness (y). then the regression coefficient value is 0.942, which means that the implementation of the taspen smart card program in pinrang and makassar re gencies will increase by 0.942. based on the calculation results, namely 2.362 or significant (sig) of 0.000, smaller than <0.05, then ha is accepted. this shows that the implementation of the taspen smart card program has a significant effect on the effectiveness of asn pension fund ser vices in pinrang regency. from the results of the hypothesis above, namely the first or ha is accepted, it is explained that the implementation of the taspen smart card program has a strong effect on the effectiveness of asn pension fund services. because with the implementation of this program, retirement services are easy to do. then retirees also don’t have to worry about the security of paying their pen sion funds, because through this program with guaranteed au thentication services, those who used to retire during their ser vice period, now retirement is an easy and fast service. this can be seen from the determinant coefficient test results: jurnal studi pemerintahan model summary type r r square customized r square std. estimated error 1 , 577 ,333 ,315 5,63147 a. predictors: (constant), implementation based on the analysis of the data above, information can be obtained regarding the magnitude of the contribution of the x variable to the y variable, the influence is denoted by r (regres sion). as in the table above explains that the magnitude of the regression value or the effect of there is cooperation between the government, stakeholders, and the community for service effectiveness. vice versa, if there is no good cooperation, this program will not run as expected. there are 66.7% that have no effect, this is due to other pro grams issued by the government to facilitate pension fund ser vices such as the automatic klim service (lko) and 1hour kim service. it is hoped that the government and related stakehold ers can carry out their duties properly so that what is obtained is in accordance with expectations, namely the effectiveness of pen sion fund services in pinrang regency can increase. pt. taspen establishes relationships with business partners in order to ex pand the range of services aimed at facilitating, accelerating, and providing services that exceed expectations to participants or pension recipients at pt. taspen which has entered into coop eration agreements with payment partners throughout indone sia. the following are partners who pay at pt. taspen makassar city & pintrang district branch includes: (1) pt. bri; (2) pt. btn; (3) bank mandiri; pt. indonesian post; (4) pt. bank bni; (5) pt. btpn; (6) pt. bank mandiri pos taspen; (7) pt. mandiri syariah bank; (8) pt. bank sulselbar; (9) pt. bank bukopin; (10) bpr dp taspen. the researcher interviewed again with one of the retired participants with the question of transparency, the things raised by the informant were: “… i really appreciate that all our needs are served well, only because 373 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 374 there are so many that have to be served so that sometimes there are delays but that doesn’t mean it is detrimental to us as participants who are taking care of them and they always provide us with all information regarding pension funds. when i was still a civil ser vant, my rank was class ii/c. the salary i got before was 3.1 million, which i receive now when i retire is more than 2.6 million” (results of an interview with mr. “ar” on 03 june 2022). from the results of the interviews above, the researchers con cluded that the employees of pt. taspen (persero) makassar kcu is able to create good and responsible services in carrying out the tasks that have been given by the government so that in provid ing services they do not discriminate between participants who are taking care and always provide accurate information as well as pension principals obtained in accordance with regulations applicable government. information technology infrastructure as the basic founda tion of information and technology performance capabilities which includes equipment, software, and cabling as well as use ful human expertise to realize a reliable level of service (prasetyo et al., 2019) is important for pt taspen makassar city and pinrang regency. the delighted customer services program is a means for pt taspen to always improve its services to participants. to achieve this goal, pt taspen always places it as an important driving tool and continues to build it infrastructure according to international standards and practices (prasetyo et al., 2019). pt taspen authorizes the information technology division as part of its responsibility to carry out it functions. pt taspen board of directors regulation number pd13/dir/2015 is pt taspen’s it governance policy which is the basis for service improvement and development of new services/products and information technology as a business driver, which includes 1) organizing governance structures, resources, and services; 2) it planning and investment management; 3) governance in it development, acquisition, and implementation; 4) governance jurnal studi pemerintahan in the field of it operations and support management; 5) gov ernance in it monitoring and evaluation; and 6) it policy implementation. control objective for information and related technology (cobit) is an approach to assess the matu rity level of it governance effectiveness. cobit focuses on con trolling the alignment of it strategy with corporate strategy, risk control management, contribution, performance management, and resource management. practically, cobit and plan-do-check act (pdca) are not much different because they use the same rules (virgil et al., 2015). implications of governanant transformation to e-governance in the taspen smart card program in makassar city and pintrang re gency the results of the field research conclude that the e-govern ment transformation process in the public service process orga nized by the makassar city government and pinrang regency dinkominfo will politically lead to e-governance, especially there are efforts to accommodate citizen participation through the for mation of taspen smart cards. the implementation of e-gov ernment at the media center is still at the general stage in the development of e-government, namely the presence, interaction and transaction stages. the e-governance transformation car ried out is classified as an instrumental transformation where the changes made are more centered on operational practices and service management, with the aim of increasing efficiency. the e-government services that have been held so far are ori ented towards empowering citizens, fostering community partici pation and establishing an information society, but they are still inadequate in terms of providing ict infrastructure and are still not optimal in involving the role of local governments. commu nity information community who will greatly assist the transfor mation of governanant to e-governance in the taspen smart card program in pintrang regency and makassar city. this is 375 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 376 supported by the research of widajanti, e., & ratnawati, t. (2020) who said that pt taspen always strives to improve services to participants in the old age savings program, pension program, and participant data management. service programs that ex ceed the expectations of participants and other stakeholders with simplification and simplification by paying attention to the qual ity of service that continues to increase, is more accurate (based on timeliness, data accuracy, and cost accuracy), effective, effi cient, fast, and friendly according to the principles of good cor porate governance (gcg). corporate governance). it infra structure (technology and information) through taspen smart cards in pintrang regency and makassar city is needed to achieve the goal of improving services for participants in the old age savings program and pt tespen pension program. widajanti, e., & ratnawati, t. (2020) it infrastructure plays an important role in creating innovations, such as e-dapem, authentication, web-based salary sim application, smart card, e-sptb, e-spt, and service the point that leads to the achievement of the company’s performance at pt taspen. the benefits of it through the taspen smart card in pinrang regency and makassar city play an important role in maintaining the smooth ness and sustainability of pt taspen in areas including makassar city and pintrang regency, in terms of process automation, the ability to improve connectivity of pt. taspen with partners, stakeholders and clients. improved connectivity is the integra tion of pt taspen’s it system with systems owned by partners and/or stakeholders. the latest service innovation of pt. taspen (persero) through the taspen smart card program aims to improve services to re tirees to make it easier for retirees to verify without having to come to the office of pt. taspen and avoid the elderly queuing for verification periodically (ristianto, 2020). recommendations in this study, make adjustments to legal norms in the manage ment of social security for the state civil apparatus, so that there is no legal confusion in the application of its management, and jurnal studi pemerintahan strengthen the law in the management of the state social secu rity program. the state civil apparatus is in accordance with the concept of a prosperous state in accordance with the consti tution in force in the state of indonesia. this is in line with the findings of prasetyo, b. et al. (2019) which states that pt taspen as a model of civil servant guarantee for asn in regions in indo nesia, needs to ensure to improve social welfare for every retiree who has dedicated himself to the government. so it is necessary to adjust the legal norms in the management of social security for the state civil apparatus, so that there is no legal confusion in the application of its management, as well as legal strengthen ing in the management of the state social security program for the state civil apparatus in accordance with the concept of a prosperous state in accordance with the constitution in force in indonesia. state of indonesia legal strengthening in the man agement of the social security program for state civil appara tus in accordance with the concept of a prosperous state in ac cordance with the constitution in force in the state of indone sia. in the convenience offered by pt taspen through the taspen smart card program in makassar city and pindrang regency. there are obstacles and challenges in disbursing pension funds through the taspen authentication application in the taspen smart card program in makassar city and pintrang regency as stated by the first ristianto (2020), obstacles from the pensioner side, for example: (1) former retirees or elderly who do not know increasingly sophisticated technological developments; (2) smartphone specifications. second, barriers from the system side or taspen application, for example: (1) face recognition; (2) at the time of screen-to-face recognition; (3) speech recognition; (4) lack of lighting. three, barriers from the network side are as follows: network that can affect the failure at the time of authen tication. based on the identification of obstacles in pt taspen’s taspen smart card program in makassar city and pinrang re gency, a solution was formulated in seeking pension funds 377 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 378 through the taspen authentication application, taspen smart cards, namely: (1) elderly signaling does not allow independent authentication to disburse funds at home or when in the branch office in authentication. therefore, pensioners need more assis tance from their children or their families to help them authen ticate the taspen application and remind them to withdraw funds through the taspen authentication application, therefore elderly pensioners find it more difficult to use increasingly sophisticated smartphones and rarely use mobile phones. if the pensioner has entered old age, of course, using a cellphone is only an impor tant requirement; (2) smartphone specifications retirees must have smartphone specifications that must be owned by pension ers to run the taspen authentication application: android with a minimum version of 5.1.1 (android lollipop) or ios with a minimum version of 7.0. and the camera must be at least 8 mp (megapixel); (3) in the “face recognition” step, just do the sys tem commands slowly, retirees don’t need to do it in a hurry because it can affect the recording process causing failure to con tinue at the next stage. if the pensioner uses a veil, make sure the veil does not cover the face, it would be better if the pensioner who uses the veil is removed only at the time of proof and can result in failure to get his pension fund; (4) in the “facing the screen” step, make sure the pensioner is “staring at the phone’s camera” instead of in the center of the phone’s screen. therefore, if what is done is facing the cellphone screen, the results are not perfect and the system cannot record the entire face of the retiree. while staring at the screen, make sure that the face of the retiree conforms to the limits set by the system; (5) in the “voice recognition” re cording step in this step the system is very sensitive in recording voice which only records sound, signaling reads numbers clearly and there is no need to rush in reading out the numbers re quested by the system. for the number ‘0’ reads zero, not empty. therefore, pensioners are expected to be able to minimize sounds other than the target at the time of speech recognition. the sound jurnal studi pemerintahan of vehicles, music, etc. will certainly be very annoying during speech recognition which can cause failure during authentica tion. choose the right time and place (relatively quiet) so that the speech recognition process is not disturbed by relatively loud voices; and (6) other causes that can cause problems in authen tication other than the above are networks. poor network or sig nal can greatly affect failure when retiree authenticates, for ex ample slow apps and apps are difficult to record outages, there fore signal strength should also be stable when retiree authenti cates to late stage. if the network is bad, the system will proceed to the next stage and the recording will be repeated in 1 step. rarely does this solution become a recommendation for retirees to overcome obstacles and challenges in disbursing pension funds through the taspen smart card program in makassar city and pinrang regency. conclusion based on the results of research that has been carried out regarding the implementation of e-government through the taspen smart card program in the service of the state civil apparatus (asn) pension fund in pinrang regency, it can be concluded that; 1) the implementation of the taspen smart card program is 87.25% which indicates that the category is in the category of strongly agree. we can see this based on the imple mentation of the taspen smart card program which has been running well in pinrang regency. 2) the effectiveness of asn pension fund services in pinrang regency is 84.38% which indi cates the category of strongly agree. this shows that the effective ness of the service has been running well, one of the effective ness of the asn pension fund service is the implementation of the taspen smart card program which can help retirees in terms of ease of service. 3) the implementation of the taspen smart card program has a positive effect on the effectiveness of asn pension fund services in pinrang regency with a percentage of 0.333 or 33.3%. then there are 66.7% who are not affected by 379 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 380 other programs issued by the government for the effectiveness of pension fund services. utilization of it through taspen smart cards in pintrang regency and makassar city plays an impor tant role in maintaining the smoothness and sustainability of pt taspen in the regions including makassar city and pintrang regency, in terms of process automation, the ability to improve taspen connectivity with partners, stakeholders, and clients. improved connectivity is the integration of pt taspen’s infor mation and technology system with systems owned by partners and/or stakeholders. the limitations of the study are the lack of supervision of researchers on the two cities/districts, namely makassar and pinrang, so that there are many shortcomings caused by the reach to make observations in the field, it is hoped that further researchers can maximize observations between the two cities. the suggestions from the researchers of this program need to be improved, including increasing authentication because authen tication failures often occur either because of system errors that hinder the connection to the center, for that it is necessary to try again if it fails, and there needs to be increased assistance to retirees. then, the service of asn pension funds needs to be improved both in terms of the time of service provided and the accuracy of service for pensions. at the same time making ad justments to legal norms in the management of social security for the state civil apparatus, so that there is no legal confusion in the application of its management. 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(2018). responsibility of the financial ser vices authority for the management of sharia pension funds at the university of muhammadiyah surakarta. legal matters, 47 (4), 460. https://doi.org/10.14710/ mmh.47.4.2018.460-478 https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/reorientation-of-three%e2%80%90component-borehole-magnetic-virgil-ehmann/f2b9a81096bb90c760d14a99f7c5ea1ae3bb9a78 https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/reorientation-of-three%e2%80%90component-borehole-magnetic-virgil-ehmann/f2b9a81096bb90c760d14a99f7c5ea1ae3bb9a78 https://www.ijbel.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/ijbel22_247.pdf https://www.ijbel.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/ijbel22_247.pdf https://www.researchgate.net/publication/223548229_e-government_research_reviewing_the_literature_limitations_and_ways_forward https://www.researchgate.net/publication/223548229_e-government_research_reviewing_the_literature_limitations_and_ways_forward https://doi.org/10.14710/%20mmh.47.4.2018.460-478 may 2016 vol. 7 no. 2 local good governance sustainability: roles of civil society in surakarta city,266 indonesia teguh yuwono department of government science, diponegoro university, semarang, indo-nesia. email: teguhyuwonos@gmail.com received 11 november 2015 revised 23 january 2016 accepted 8 february 2016 doi:10.18196/jgp.2016.0030 abstract civil society role is often seen as less powerful agent in forming or maintaining good governance than two dominant agents (state and private actors). this research is intended to have knowledge whether civil society can play important roles in forming and maintaining local good governance in surakarta city, indonesia. the main objective of this research is to find what kinds of innovations or roles conducted by civil society of surakarta city to sustainably maintain local good governance. the research method occupies qualitative type which is best suitable to deeply discover processes or contexts behind the phenomena studied. in depth interview, observation and fgd are used to collect data. method of triangulation is also used to guarantee validity and reliability of data collected. research results show that roles of civil society for sustainable local governance strongly take place in surakarta city. the civil society (both formally and informally associations or persons) in surakarta city plays very pivotal roles in six sustainable elements, namely (1) by influencing policy analysis and advocacy; (2) by controlling regulations; (3) by monitoring local government actions and behavior of staff officials; (4) by enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices; (5) by mobilizing vulnerable and marginalized masses to participate more fully in politics and public affairs and finally (6) by establishing participatory development work to improve their own better life. interestingly, there are two new factors found in the research in determining the success of sustainability of local good governance practices in surakarta, namely informal networking or communication and spirit of togetherness. the existence of civil society (especially the informal one) in surakarta city is a strong pillar for sustainable local good governance practices. maintaining this strong civil society role will make it possible to guarantee the future of the good governance in surakarta city, indonesia. keywords: good governance, civil society, informal networking, local participation. 1. introduction there are strong backgrounds why study of civil society and local good governance in surakarta city is significant to be conducted. empirical backgrounds refer to data, facts or phenom-ena showed in the research location. in this context of empirical background, data of local good governance practices in surakarta show that surakarta city government has good capacities in managing their local government issues or affairs. until recently, surakarta city has also received many performance awards from many institutions, either from inside or outside of government agencies. human development index (hdi) of surakarta city since 2005 (namely 75.98) to now (2014: 78.60) has been in the first rank of all local governments in central java province. local government revenues during 2005-2012 increased dramati-cally especially in 2010 to 2011 namely 32.44% and 19.21% from 2011 to 2012 (bappeda surakarta city, 2013:25-27). economic growths of surakarta city from 2005 to 2012 had also indicated good performance and had still provided the best economic climate in central java province until recently. using undp’s indicators of good governance (include participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus orientation, equity, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability and strategic vision), it can be concluded that surakarta city plays good practices in managing and maintaining local governance. public participation has been held from bottom level, which people have actively involved in the processes of policy making, implementing and evaluating. in the context of policy processes, the indicators of good governance are implemented very well in surakarta city. policy planning meeting in very bottom level of government (namely kelurahan or village level society) was sustainably held to guarantee that policy making process was conducted well. rule of law was done well by using persuasive methods such as in the cases of street trader’s relocation and other informal workers in surakarta city. transparency of local government was started by journal of government & politics 267 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 268 providing information technology intended to make sure that every process of government can be watched by all actors involved. responsiveness of government and consensus orientation was also managed well since the jokowi’s local government would always try to sit and discuss together with directly affected people. jokowi’s local government did not strongly enforce any policies without public agreement. equity was also guaranteed under jokowi’s local government where can be seen in public services at the government office. effectiveness and efficiency of jokowi’s local government were established by reforming bureaucracies to make sure that final mandate of government was met, namely improved social justice and welfare. accountability mechanism was set by using information technology and reforming local government agencies. strategic vision was well managed by imple-menting surakarta city’s strategic vision that was well known as solo: the spirit of java. (bappeda surakarta city, 2013:26-27). research objectives by referring to the above empirical backgrounds of the study, this research is going to look for academic answers with regards to the following questions: a. what is the role of civil society in sustaining local good gover-nance practices in surakarta city? b. to what extend this civil society is able to sustain local gover-nance practices in surakarta city? c. what kinds of innovation used to maintain good governance sustainability of surakarta city? the main objectives of this study are the following: a. identify roles of civil society in sustaining local good governance practices in surakarta city b. explain roles of civil society in sustaining local good governance practices in surakarta c. explain how civil society plays roles, position and communication to other actors in surakarta city, especially how they interact and bargain to other actors. d. provide policy recommendation for the local government of surakarta city in sustaining and improving good governance. significance of the study in the context of theoretical basement, it is pivotal to confirm that this study needs to be conducted because of several reasons. firstly, studies of good governance have mainly dominated by the government focus. there are extensive researches focused on the question about how government capacity should be upgraded to achieve standard of good governance practices. as a result, government agencies from national to local then become center of research focus and the non-government actors or agencies had given less attention (roy, 2007:678-679: hyden, court & mease, 2003:3-5). secondly, studies of good governance have also dominated on concerns regarding to a question how to measure good governance practices. this research focuses on the method of how to use such kind of indicators to measure good governance. including in this research category is the contribution of several international aid program institutions such as the world bank, asian development bank (adb), african development bank (afdb), united nation development programme (undp) and many others (kauffman, 2010: 5-7; the world bank, 1997:49). thirdly, there is an unbalanced attention to the researches focused on actors sustaining good governance practices in a country. extensive researches have been put on the improvement of government capacity rather than on other important actors, namely civil society and private sector. the two last actors have received less attention since the common wrong perception is that the main successful key to reach good government rests on the government’s hands alone. as consequences, many programs or international aid assistance to enhance capacity in achieving good governance tend to focus among government actors (cheema 2011:8-9; warren 1999: 1-2). journal of government & politics 269 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 270 benefits of the study that can be taken are as follows: a. obtaining identification about roles of civil society in sustaining local good governance practices in surakarta city b. obtaining comprehensive and deep explanation about roles of civil society in sustaining local good governance practices in surakarta c. obtaining comprehensive and deep explanation about many efforts of civil society in contributing to local good govern-ment practices in surakarta city d. obtaining comprehensive and deep explanation about how civil society plays roles, position and communication to other actors in surakarta city, especially how they interact and bar-gain to other actors. e. obtaining policy recommendation for the local government of surakarta city in sustaining and improving good governance. research setting the main focus of this research is to look at a role of civil society in sustaining good governance in surakarta city. why civil society? why surakarta? a main reason why civil society was chosen as a focus of this research is because of the fact that civil society is seen as pivotal actor in forming and sustaining good governance in a local government. many people argue that the success of local good governance in surakarta is more or less significantly caused by the existence and roles of civil society. why is surakarta city chosen as locus of the research? it is because surakarta is one role model city in the context of local government in indonesia that has been able to implement or practice good governance. by examining surakarta city, it is expected that many best practices can be learned and may be implemented to other local governments in indonesia or abroad. surakarta is one famous city in indonesia since good governance can be practiced well. surakarta is city in which president of indonesia, jokowi, was successful when he was a mayor of this city. politically, surakarta is main supporting basis for pdip party, the biggest political party in indonesia. local parliament is domi-nated by pdip party members (more than 50% members of par-liament is coming from pdip party). surakarta city people are politically very loyal to megawati soekarnoputri (former presi-dent and the daughter of indonesian first president-founding father: soekarno). nationalism is very much profound in this city as ideology. conceptual framework the concept of governance used in this paper refers to the world bank, davis and keating, and chhotray and stocker. the world bank asserts the meaning of ggovernance as “the exercise of political power to manage a nation affairs.” (the world bank, 1991:2). the world bank then provides clearer defini-tion by saying that: “governance is epitomized by predictable, open and enlightened policy making (that is transparent processes); a bureaucracy imbued with a professional ethos; an executive arm of government accountable for its actions; and a strong civil society participating in public affairs and all behaving under the rule of law” (world bank, 1994: vii). moreover, davis and keating confirm the definition of gover-nance as governing processes which is covering not only govern-ment, but also other important actors, such as private sector and civil society actors. scope of governance is broader than govern-ment. governance, according to davis and keating (1993:3-5), is concerned with “the links between the parts of political system as with the institutions themselves”. chhotray and stocker (2009:3) provide robust concept of governance by stating that “governance is about the rules of collec-tive decision making in settings where there are plurality of actors or organizations and where no formal control system can dictate the terms of the relationship between these actors and organizations”. based on chhotray and stocker’s definition, governance meaning refers journal of government & politics 271 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 272 to four elements. the first element is rule. it is about either for-mal or informal rule of the game relating to policy making. the second element is collectiveness. it refers to collective actions in which no one can determine or dictate the process including the government. the third element is policy making. governance refers to policy making by which policy is made, how many actors involved, whether the policy made is accountable or not. the fourth element is equity, namely no one can formally control the relationship between actors involved in policy making. it may cover both formal and informal factors involved such as negotiation, specific political signal, hegemony or communication. in sum, governance is therefore not referring only to policy making, but also related too many kinds of relations among stakeholders (public, private or civil society actors) in which formal or informal interaction may take place. studying governance is there-fore not only focusing on list of successful governance perfor-mance, but also a process by which the governing and interac-tion among actors take place. this paper subscribes to the mean-ing and the context of governance as stated here. good governance the concept of good governance utilized in this paper refers to undp definition of good governance. this is because undp definition provides more comprehensive indicators of good governance than other international donors by stating that: good governance is among other things, participatory, transparent, and accountable. it is also effective and equitable, and it promotes the rule of law. good governance ensures that political, social and economic priorities are based on broad consensus in society and that the allocation of development resources...its definition includes the following characteristics of good governance: participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus orientation, equality, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability and strategic vision (undp, 1997:3). undp definition points several important characteristics of good governance, namely participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus orientation, equality, effectiveness and efficiency, accountability and strategic vision. this characteristic had been widely used in international donor programs especially managed by the undp. this paper made use of these characteristics of good governance since among others, undp perspectives on good governance is clearer and more comprehensive. civil society and governance civil society is third important pillar, besides state and private sector actors in governance. it historically goes back many centuries in western thinking with roots to ancient greece. the emergence of civil society in 18th century is influenced by fa-mous theorists especially from thomas paine to george hegel, who developed the concept of civil society as a domain parallel, but separated from the state (cerothes, 1999: 4-5). currently, civil society becomes hot issues since tremendous development of democracy demands more on the influence and existence of civil society. the need for social participation and engagement of society on democracy and local politics empha-sizes strong attention given to the importance of non state ac-tors, especially civil society. nowadays, how is civil society defined? what are some of its key elements? veneklasen (1994) defines civil society as: “ a sphere of social interaction between the household (family) and the state which is manifested in the norms of community cooperative, structures of voluntary association and networks of public communication...norms are vales of trust, reciprocity, tolerance and inclusion, which are critical to cooperation and community problem solving, structure of association refers to the full range of informal and formal organization through which citizens pursue common in-terests” (veneklasen, 1994:25). journal of government & politics 273 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 274 other scientist, connor (1999) further defines civil society as follows: “civil society is composed of autonomous associations which develop a dense, diverse and pluralistic network. as it develops, civil society will consist of range local groups, specialized organizations and linkages between them to amplify the corrective voices of civil society as a partner in governance and the market (connor, 1999: 5). referring to these definitions, it can be noted that civil society is basically featured by several important aspects, such as: sepa-ration from the market and the state; formed by people who have common needs; interests and values like tolerance, inclu-sion, equality and cooperation; and development through a fun-damentally endogenous and autonomous process which can not easily be controlled from outside. civil society refers not only to formal social organizations but also to informal ones. the latter is now being far more famous and numerous. this civil society includes traditional organizations (for instance, religious organization; modern groups or organizations; mass movement and action groups; political parties; trade and professional associations; noncommercial organizations and community based organizations. civil society should not be equated with non-government organizations (ngos). ngos are a part of civil society though they play significant and important roles in activating citizen participation in socio economic development, politics and in shaping public policies. civil society is a broader concept, encompassing all organizations and associations that exist outside the state and the market. it means that civil society covers many actors outside the state and private sector actors or organizations/associations (ghaus-pasha, 2004: 3). in terms of governance, civil society plays important roles. according to ghaus pasha (2004:3), civil society can further good governance in five aspects, namely (a) supporting policy analysis and advocacy by society, (b) by influencing regulation and monitoring of the state performance and the action of public officials, (c) by building social capital and enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices, (d) by mobilizing particular constituencies, particularly the vulnerable and marginalized sections of masses, to partici-pate more fully in politics and public affairs and (e) by develop-ing work to improve social welfare and other community needs. firstly, civil society can play important roles in supporting policy analysis and advocacy. participation and involvement of civil so-ciety in accepting or refusing a policy proposal designed by gov-ernment can end in failure, if there is no public supports by civil society. civil society plays pivotal role when policy proposal is discussed in a society room. secondly, civil society also has significant role in influencing regulation and monitoring of the state performance and the ac-tion of public officials. in this context, civil society is like an institution that acts as social control. this social control by civil society can move state actor to improve their jobs and perfor-mance. good state performance, such as less corruption or re-sponsive government may be guaranteed by the important influ-ence of civil society to the government. thirdly, civil society is able to influence good governance by building social capital and enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices. public policy will not be effective without civil society engagement and participation. social values, norms and beliefs are important to back a successful public policy up. fourthly, civil society may also play important roles in mobiliz-ing particular constituencies, especially the vulnerable and marginalized sections of masses, to participate more fully in poli-tics and public affairs. civil society will guarantee that all parts of society (especially disadvantaged people, marginalized people, vulnerable society and so forth) will be paid attention by the government. finally, civil society can further good governance by developing work to improve social welfare and other community needs. journal of government & politics 275 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 276 the final goal of development and governance is social welfare. in achieving social welfare, it is impossible that the government will be able to achieve it by itself. the government for sure needs the contribution of civil society. in this context, civil society may develop and work to enhance public welfare. by referring to the above discussion about theories of governance, good governance and civil society as well as the research question and curiousity, the conceptual framework of thinking of this research can be shown in figure 1. the proposition of this research is that a role of civil society in sustaining good governance in surakarta city is important. these roles may take place six aspects, namely (1) by influencing policy analysis and advocacy; (2) by controlling regulation; (3) by monitoring of local government action and behavior of staff officials; (4) by enabling citizens to identify and articulate their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices; (5) by mobilizing vulnerable and marginalized sections of masses to participate more fully in politics and public affairs and (6) by establishing participatory development work to improve their own life and other communities. figure 1: conceptual framework of thinking of the research methodology this research is a qualitative type. according to creswell (2009:4), the qualitative research is best chosen to be utilized because of six main reasons namely discover a specific meaning, understand context of research focuses deeply, understand unanticipated phenomena, understand a process, explain causality, and finally, describe models or patterns. quality research will make this research possible to deeply understand the context, process and outcomes of the role of civil society toward good governance maintenance. it is also important to note that in qualitative research it employs in depth interview and intensive observation, this study may be able to provide comprehensive analysis of the research focus as denzin and lincoln (2003:6-9) asserted. two types of data will be presented in this study, namely primary and secondary data. primary data are information taken directly from primary sources such information, news or opin-ion from informants. the primary data of this research are achieved from the key informants. secondary data are informa-tion taken from secondary resources such as books, documents, and reports that are relevant to the focus of this research . informants of this research are 15 people, either individual/s or ngos activists in surakarta city. they come from both for-mal and informal institutions and individual/s. formal ngo institutions are, for example, surakarta women association, busi-ness people association and so forth. informal ngo institutions are, for example, becak drivers association, traditional market association and other informal workers association. the indi-viduals that will be interviewed are the local cultural activist, so-ciety figure and the likes. method of informant selection is based on purposive. basic consideration in purposively selecting informants is based on a concern that an informant knows well the story, context, outcomes and process of good governance in surakarta city. this is intended to get detailed data or information from the field. journal of government & politics 277 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 278 three methods of data are used to collect information in this research, namely interview, documentary and focus group discussion (fgd). interviews will be conducted to get information related to activities of ngos in surakarta, their roles in connection with the local government, their views about their political position and negotiation with the local government as well as their contribution to surakarta government and society so far. interview, documentary and fgd are conducted to have complete picture of the research focus. method of data analyzing is based on descriptive and interpretative techniques. a descriptive technique is occupied in order to find information related to the progress of good governance implementation practices. an interpretative technique is used to analyze roles of civil society, existence of civil society and patterns of civil society activities in sustaining good governance in surakarta city. method of triangulation is used in order to guarantee validity and reliability of information gathered. actu-ally, triangulation is used since research parameters are indicated prior to field research. varieties of informant, coming from dif-ferent backgrounds and experiences are important in this kind of research. research findings the data found confirms that the role of civil society in surakarta in sustaining the success of local good governance implementation is not only limited to six factors mentioned in the above conceptual framework. there are two additional inovations used by surakarta civil society namely informal networking communication and society commitment of togetherness. focus group discussion (fgd) during field research con-firms that civil society contribution to good governance sustainability is pivotal after mayor-vice mayor leadership factor. strong leadership of mayor who is supported by strong civil soci-ety sustained the local good governance practice in surakarta city. field research shows that there are six important innovative roles of surakarta civil society (as explained in the conceptual framework) in sustainining local good governance. firstly, surakarta civil society actively influences policy planning. as confirmed by key informants (mta, sb, jb and js) that surakarta society is very active in dealing with many political and policy issues. surakarta people have a forum to discuss each other con-cerning to many social political or policy problems. they are not reluctant in actively joint into many meetings in discussing their future life of the city. interview with ak, a high rank bureaucrat person in surakarta city shows that civil society has actively participated in policy planning through two main ways namely formal mechanism by musrenbang (development planning discussion meeting) orga-nized by bappeda (local development planning board) and in-formal musrenbang organized by the association of informal civil society organization. initiatives of taking part in policy planning do not come from the local government but merely come from the civil society activists. this informal musrenbang is unique be-cause this is only found in surakarta local government practices. other cities in indonesia do not have informal musrenbang orga-nized by a civil society organization (interview with ak, 2015). secondly, civil society of surakarta has capacity and willingness to critise or control any policies related to their life. rml, head of becak driver association asserts that they are not affraid to directly confront to the local government of surakarta by con-ducting mass demonstrations to control, criticisice or even reject a government policy plan or regulation (interview with rml, 2015). although, becak drivers may be classified as grass root people who are often perceived as poor and stupid, but in fact they are very active, brave and aware enough in relation to their life and city future. rml further confirmed that informal workers as a part of civil society are very active in providing inputs and criticisms to the city government of surakarta. these workers are usually havjournal of government & politics 279 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 280 ing regular meetings to discuss and submit recommendations to the government. in this meeting, there are many agendas discussed in order to control the city government policy formulation and implementation. these agendas include some problems or concerns related to traditional market, street trading market, becak driver, city cleanliness, city public welfare, road or transportation and others (interview with rml, 2015). interestingly, although they are often considered as poor people or ordinary people, they have good links to the city government. they also have direct access to the city mayor in dealing with many public concerns that need to be followed up. thirdly, surakarta civil society is also having capacity to moni-tor the local government actions and behaviour of staff officials. why is the society able to do so? this is because the city mayor (both previously jokowi and the current, fx hadi rudyatmo) always provides access to the civil society to report any issues related to the local government and its staff officials. mayor of surakarta city provides plenty of time for their society to greet, meet or discuss many issues or concerns regarding to the city government. interview with mayor fx hadi rudyatmo (2015) confirmed that he is very open and easily accessed by surakarta society. he is very pleased to receive many concerns trough many ways such as telephone, sms, direct meeting or even social me-dia. interview with mta asserts that civil society is watching the city official and their behavior in regard to quality of public services. the surakarta’s civil society does not reluctant to directly report any wrong doings or power abuses conducted by the city government officials. the society has strong capacity to provide direct responses or controls toward the government actions or staff official behaviors (interview with mta, 2015). other informant, sb, mentions that there are many examples of the society reports in dealing with the city government staff corruption, collusion or nepotism directly reported to the city mayor. by this report, the city mayor then continues to check and provide a punishment related to the case (interview with sb, 2015). in many occasion, the city mayor always encourage the people or the society to report directly to him in connection with the city official’s behavior both positively and negatively. data show that because of this civil society concern with regards to the clean and good government, the city mayor of surakarta was then awarded with the anti-corruption mayor award (called bung hatta anti corruption award in 2012). this award is a product of collaboration from many actors, especially the government, the staff officials and the civil society. the role of civil society of surakarta in receiving this award is clear and significant. fourthly, civil society of surakarta is very active in enabling the society to articulate values, norms or aspirations to the local government. as confirmed by mta, a key informant, it is con-cluded that interest articulation in policy making process is tak-ing well in surakarta city. surakarta civil society is aware of the significance of society capacity in following their people interests in order to be accomodated in policy context. mta said that “surakarta has a long historical culture actively contributing to the public interest and social life. they have a long tradition of culture equality. as a result, there is no obstacles in communi-cating with other social institution and government (interview with mta, 2015).” similarly, the interview with bi shows that the civil society of surakarta has strong participation in many government policies. there are lots of society associations that have activities from the city to the household level. these levels of association take an active part in maintaining the social values and cultures intended to support the city government’s success. these social and cul-tural values are, for instance, values of togetherness (gotong royong), values of social belonging and values of spirit of helping each other (interview with bi, 2015). these social and cultural values or spirits then provide more support to the city government in implementing effectively the city government policies. these valjournal of government & politics 281 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 282 ues become substantive factors in achieving the city government’s success. fifthly, surakarta civil society is very active in supporting mar-ginal society to participate in the local government policy and development. rml, head of surakarta becak driver associa-tion strongly asserts that their association has strong capacity to mobilize their members to pursue their aspiration and influence the local government. rml said that “we are always ready to mobilize our members in influencing the local government policy. we are also contented that we can demonstrate massively to the local government if we have any concerns related to our future and city. if the local government does not listen to our opinion or their responses are slow, we then decide to conduct mass dem-onstration against the local government (interview with rml, 2015). surakarta city is known as a city that has many marginal society associations. au moreover confirms that there are marginal society associations in surakarta which deal with many aspects of life (interview with au, 2015). these marginal society associations may refer to informal workers (such as traditional market workers, street trading workers, becak driver workers, low level income women workers and so the like). surakarta’s civil society organizations as pattiro or women activist association are very supportive in making good networking with these marginal society associations. these support and networking are intended to assist each other in order to improve their goals and welfares. sixth, the civil society of surakarta is very good in establishing the society to conduct participatory development. according to sb, mta, rml, and js (civil society leaders of surakarta city (2015), the society is very willing to participate in the development process from the bottom of society (household level). the society is very much concerned to their life, their household. therefore, participatory development is established not because of the local government enquiries but merely coming from the people’s own awareness and ideas. the society arranges routinely household social working group together (kerja bakti) every sunday morning. this sunday event is designed to keep the household environment clean, healthy, beautiful and green. this social sunday event activities are conducted not only in several parts of the city, but in almost all parts of the city. js strongly confirms that this active participation from the people in local development is mainly caused by their robust awareness in keeping the city good, in terms of both government management and environment. participation may provide more energy and support to speed up the achievement of the development goal. participation from the society is not mobilization but real sincere awareness from the society. according to js, this then makes the civil society of surakarta stronger compared to the other cities in indonesia (interview with js, 2015). seventh, this may be regarded as new innovations that the civil society of surakarta have informal networking communication. this informal networking communication is intended to enhance their roles and bargaining power to the local government. this findings is interesting since informality is valued as one main important aspect of surakarta city’s civil society (fgd 2015). mta and sb confirm that informal communication is actually a long tradition in surakarta which the society is doing from an informal forum called “wedangan.” “wedangan” is actually the name of informal street trading restaurant which is often used to meet, greet and discuss in surakarta city. the tradition of “wedangan” is important to communicate each other so that the society of surakarta is connected (interview with mta ad sb, 2015). the public concern or awareness with regard to the city life and future is often discussed through informal “wedangan” method. interesting, “wedangan” in surakarta is not used not only for people who are looking for food but also used as method of exchange and discussion among the many related public af-fairs. participatory observation during research indicates that many topics are discussed by the people through “wedangan” method (fgd, 2015). journal of government & politics 283 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 284 these topics may be relevant to public affairs or concerns such as education, health, economic life, government behavior, leadership and the likes. according to mta, “wedangan” in other city may be merely as a place to eat. however, in surakarta, “wedangan” is a political communication tool. wedangan is often used to generate many public supports to government policy plan. interestingly, mta confirms that city mayor is often visiting “wedangan” and the mayor maintains close relation to “wedangan” traders. this context then has positive impact to the government supports (interview with mta, 2015). finally, the society has commitment of togetherness. togetherness according to key informant interviewed (mta, sb, hr, js and rml, 2015) is one of the most important factor that contribute to the strength of civil society in surakarta. the principle of togetherness enables the civil society to easily communicate or connect to each other. there is no barrier or disturbing ele-ment with regards to the communication flow. through the spirit of togetherness, surakarta civil society can facilitate many events as a response to a government policy or plan. together-ness spirit becomes social capital to guarantee the success of good governance practices in surakarta local government. the spirit of togetherness is originally known as the traditional culture or behavior of local people in indonesia, particularly found in rural society. with this spirit, there is a guarantee that no hard job cannot be finished. the spirit of togetherness will make something heavy become lighter, something impos-sible become possible. this spirit found in this surakarta research shows that social capital is also main factor in the success of the city’s local government. focus group discussion (fgd, 2015) conducted during field research concludes that civil society roles in maintaining local good governance in surakarta are significant and relevant. among many aspects of the civil society roles, informal networking or communication is something that interesting and different. informality is one of the key success of the government to sustain local good governance practices. discussion during fgd also confirms that if government leaders of surakarta want to be successful in governing, they must have informality skills to approach and work together with the civil society (see figure 2). figure 2: research finding of important factors in gg sustainability recommendations having the above research findings or conclusions, several recommendations are raised related to two main aspects, theoretical and empirical. theoretical recommendations are as follows: a. there are two new factors in determining the success of sustainability of local good governance practices in surakarta, namely informal networking or communication and spirit of togetherness. other six factors are namely (1) by influencing policy analysis and advocacy; (2) by controlling regulation; (3) by monitoring of local government action and behavior of staff officials; (4) by enabling citizens to identify and articujournal of government & politics 285 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 286 late their values, beliefs, civic norms and democratic practices; (5) by mobilizing vulnerable and marginalized sections of masses to participate more fully in politics and public affairs and (6) by establishing participatory development work to improve their own life and other communities b. informal networking or communication is theoretically needed to be tested in other city governance practices to make sure that this new factor is relevant. a curiosity of whether this informal factor is only taking place in the developing countries or not, is needed to be academically verified more. c. spirit of togetherness may also need to check with other city’s governance practices in order to confirm the significance of this factor. theoretically, this factor is interesting since it is able to enrich and sustain local good governance. it needs to be validated in other societies both in developed or develop-ing countries. in terms of the empirical recommendations with regards to the surakarta’s local good governance practices, these are some suggestions: a. internal factors such as government leadership and bureaucratic reforms may not be successfully influential without the supports of civil society. civil society roles are important factors to sustain and enhance local good governance practices. b. maintaining good cooperation (networking or communication) between the local government of surakarta and civil society is important to guarantee that this cooperation can enhance sustainability of local good governance. because of this, it is recommended that the surakarta local government needs to guarantee this cooperation model. c. the above eight important factors of civil society in determining the success of sustainable good governance need to be practiced well by all parts of local government agencies in surakarta city. the city mayor of surakarta shod provide many efforts to guarantee these. d. the city mayor of surakarta city should conduct political skills by providing education and trainings in order to sustain and guarantee that the above eight civil society roles can be imple-mented. e. among three important elements of good governance (the government, the private actors and civil society), the civil soci-ety factor must be always put as controlling system to the gov-ernment and the private actors. making sure that coopera-tion, collaboration and coordination among these three ele-ments are sustained in order to attain local good governance in surakarta city. references bappeda (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah) jawa tengah. 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(2003). collecting and interpreting qualitative materials. second edition. london:sage publications. cheema, gs (2011). engaging civil society to promote democratic local governance: emerging trends and policy implications in asia. icld, swedia. ghaus-pasha, a (2005). “role of civil society organiations in governance” in global forum on reinventing government toward participatory and transpaant governance, 24-27 may 2005, seoul, korea. grindle, m.s. (2007). going local: decentralization, democratization, and the promise of good governance. oxford: princeton university press. grindle, m.s. (2010). good governance: the inflation of an idea. massachusetts: harvard kennedy school. maxwell, j.a. (1996). qualitative research design: an interactive approach. london: sage pubications. roy, i. (2007), “civil society and good governance: (re-) conceptualizing the interfae” in world development vol. 36 no. 4 pp. 677-705. ritchie, j. & lewis, j. (eds). (2003). qualitative research practice: a guide for social science students and researchers. london:sage pulication. stoker, g. (1998). “governance as theory: five propositions”. international social sci-ence journal. volume 50, 1998, 17-28. undp, (1997). “tata pemerintahan menunjang pembangunan manusia berkelanjutan”. buletin informasi program kemitraan untuk pembaharuan tata pemerintahan di injournal of government & politics 287 layout desember 2008 345 the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 sri djoharwinarlin governmental science department of gadjah mada university of yogyakarta. email: djoharwinarlien@gmail.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract state and society must support one another to manage the poverty in order to reach welfare. society tries to fulfill basic needs by implementing their local wisdom. on the other hand, state supports the society by give facilities and access to preserve traditions and to adapt them to the dynamic era. having banyusoca, pilangrejo, and planjan as the location of study cases, this article points out that local wisdom is not only used to empower society but also used to manage poverty that has been an endless scourge. keywords: poverty, local wisdom, state-society relationship abstrak negara dan masyarakat harus saling mendukung dalam mengelola kemiskinan dalam rangka mewujudkan kesejahteraan. masyarakat berusaha memenuhi kebutuhan dasar dengan mengandalkan kearifan lokalnya. sedangkan negara mensupport dalam bentuk fasilitasi dan akses dengan tujuan membuat tradisi turun temurun adaptatif dengan dinamika zaman. mengambil lokasi studi kasus di desa banyusoca, pilangrejo, dan planjan, tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bahwa kearifan lokal yang membuat masyarakat berdaya juga dapat digunakan untuk mengelola kemiskinan yang selalu menjadi momok tak berkesudahan. kata kunci: kemiskinan, kearifan lokal, relasi negara masyarakat 346 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ introduction ideally, a state should be present to guarantee its society’s basic needs (loomis, 1943). however, in its practice state has limitation to fully support its citizens’ basic needs. this limitation triggers poverty a term that refers to people who have limited access to fulfill their basic needs. the relationship between a state and its society in modern government organization is a win-win solution process to optimalize the benefits of both parties (newton & van deth, 2005). therefore, with limited resources, a state and its society participate to fulfill the basic needs. one of the ways is by involving private sectors to achieve welfare. for years,three villages in gunungkidul regency – banyusoca, planjan, and pilangrejo – have been participating together with the state to fulfill their basic needs. the society in those villages has been keeping their local wisdom from their ancestors to survive. interestingly, the three villages are located in the disaster-prone area. as a result, the civilization values are responsive to disasters that may come at anytime. in this situation, the state’s role is to support and to facilitate local wisdom preservation and then adapt it with the recent times situationparticularly to free the society from poverty. having the case study in the three locations, this article is aimed at pointing out that society is the state’s good partners to achieve welfare. civil society’s character community oriented will form a civilized community if it is well managed (hikam, 2005). this group is the feature of modern society that sets the state to work minimally without reducing its work quality. theoretical framework the discussion on the relationship between state and society will be divided into two approaches. firstly, it will discuss the concept of being poor and how the state and the society are hand in hand to eradicate poverty using an instrument called local wisdom. this instrument is flexible to be applied during unfriendly nature condition (mitigative process). secondly, it will explain about the description of state-society relationship. in this part the article will discuss how the society fulfill their basic needs and the relation pattern of the state and the society. the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 347 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 1. upgrading the poor’s grade it is impossible to completely eradicate poverty. fulfillment of basic needs is one of the most crucial right of the citizens yet the most difficult affair to deal with. the problem of basic needs fulfillment is one of the state’s hardest duties. on the other hand, the state needs poverty as a counterweight in running a dynamic governance. in the absence of poverty, the role of accessibility and welfare guarantor through regulation can not be executed. therefore, the most realistic thing that the state or poverty observers can do is upgrading the grade of the poor through various programs-not freeing them from poverty. there are various programs that can be employed to upgrade the poor’s grade which are set by various parties. in government level, the pnpmmandiri program (national empowering program for independent society) is a superior policy. this program is a transformation from poverty mitigation program which was launched in the early days of the reform era. private sectors also take part in raising the grade of the poor. corporate social responsibility (csr) program initiated by national and multinational corporations is an example of private sector’s concern on poverty. in line with that, the society empowerment run by non-politic organization, groups of interest, or efforts done by the society civilization called local wisdom also contributes to the policy of poverty in indonesia. the effort to raise the grade of the poor is basically divided into 4 variants (widhyharto, 2009). the variants are divided based on the handling models (top down and bottom up) because they serve as regulations set up by a structured state with its integrative scope because every poor citizen will be affected by the implication of the state’s decision. secondly, private spheres set up by the society are private oriented although they collaborate with the policy maker (the state). any decision made by this sphere is usually top-down because it is usually adapted with internal structuring and is partial because the poors who are going to be upgraded have limitations. the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 348 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ source: widhyharto; 2009 figure: variant model to upgrade the poor’s grade fourthly, the society’s real condition is in the partial scope due to the limited economic and social capital and it employs bottom-up model by relying on local wisdom that has become the preserved culture in society’s tradition. the society tries to survive with their hereditary tradition. on the other hand, one of the factors that hinders the effort to minimize poverty is being at risk of disaster and society’s unpreparedness to face that possibility. consequently, a region in which its people are not ready to face the nature condition will be difficult to be alleviated and to be released from poverty due to the absence of local wisdom that can respond to disaster. on the other hand, a region that has social capital as its mitigation system will have no difficulty to free its society from poverty. researchs that had been done was limited to identifying the pattern of upgrading the poor’s grade in the four quadrantor at least limited to retaining the poverty level through traditions and customs. they are academically called local wisdom which has been hereditary preserved and has become a part of the social values. this research focused on identifying local wisdom which has been developed among the society of a pronedisaster area and that has flexibility to crisis that may occur any time (read: mitigation system). objects that will be mainly discussed are ten basic needs based on mdgs (millenium development goals) measure. first, food quality. second, health access and health quality service. third, education access and education service quality. fourth, access to work oportunity. fifth, access to housing service. sixth, access to clean water and sanitation. seventh, the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 349 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ assurance of ownership and land control. eighth, the condition of natural resources and environment. ninth, security assurance. tenth, participation. research methods this research used descriptive analytic design. the object that was studied was the coordination of assistance. the technique in collecting the data was through observation, interview with the respondent, written answers, and documentary study. the primary data were obtained through observation, interview, direct and indirect written answers from all subjects in the scope of coordination of assistance. the secondary data consisted of documents – notes, archive, and report – that are used to test the data accuracy and the information was obtained through triangulation. result and analysis 1. gunungkidul’s local wisdom any state will face difficulty in eradicating poverty. therefore, what a state can do is only managing poverty (read: alleviating poverty). first, by retaining its level. second, by increasing the poverty indication slowly. both are the ways that a state can do to manage poverty in order to achieve welfare. first, by maintaning the level of the poverty, a state focuses on decreasing the poverty percentage or at least retaining the percentage level. it is not done by decreasing the poverty indicator, but by running various programs to alleviate poverty. the programs can be sectoral as well as structural. second, by increasing the poverty indicator, a state will be encouraged to improve welfare. the minimum standard of welfare will rise. one of the indicators of being poor is when one has an income less than two dollars a day. by raising the indicator, one is named poor when the income is less than three dollars, so the state will be motivated to upgrade the poor’s grade. it is done by means of various programs to give people opportunity to earn more than three dollars every day. the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 350 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 2. learning from gunung kidul one of the variants to manage poverty can be done through hereditary traditions. in this level, local wisdom used to read the nature signs and to make friend with environment creates a strong bond among neighbors. society members are not only required to be empowered through a program set by the state, but also through their local wisdom. the position of a state in this level is to facilitate and to support local wisdom in order to be able to adapt with the times (pierre & peters, 2000). the aim is to enable the access to fulfilling the ten basic needs according to mdgs. in gunungkidul, there are three disaster-prone areas that become the research objects (djoharwinarlien, sastriyani, & widhyharto, 2010). disaster-prone areas were chosen to get local wisdom used to manage poverty and which is f lexible to respond nature condition. first, banyusoca village, located in playen sub-district, has potential to experience earthquake because there is earthquake fault in oyo-opak river. second, pilangrejo village, located in nglipar sub-district, is a landslideprone area because its soil contour has karst hilly pattern. third, planjan village, located in saptosari sub-district, is prone to draught because the location is on the coastal area and is on the hilly limestone so it is difficult to absorb water. in addition, this area has low rain fall. (see table) based on the table above, it shows that the three villages were the research objects that have local wisdom that becomes one of the variants in managing poverty along with the state’s programs and facilities. it is proven in each element of mdgs basic needs. however, the village’s character and condition color the basic needs fulfillment in each location. there are ten models of local wisdom related to the state and in the context of gunungkidul society. first, in term of foods quality fulfillment, people in this area still have barns in the village or in their house. the barns are used to store food supply untill the next harvest. besides, the people are accustomed to consume staple foods other than rice such root crops. in planjan village, the residents preserve foods such as root crops and gebleg as food supply during the drought and when the agricultural products can not be the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 351 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ table of local wisdom form based on basic needs source: primary data the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 352 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ counted on. second, the fulfillment of health service and quality is done by giving herbal medicines to deal with minor illnesses. however, people start to seek for medical help to midwives or health centers available in the village and in the sub district. the state supports by providing access to affordable location and health expense for the local people, especially the poor ones. third, assuring education access and service are made affordable for people by providing elementary schools and junior high schools in the village and in the sub district. however, many people only completed secondary school because the state’s ability to provide education is limited only to that level. in average, people who could finish senior high school/vocational high school have to leave their village, and it can only be acccessed by those who come from welfare family. fourth, access to job opportunity for the villagers is managed independently by the society and the local government. people who inherit agricultural land usually continue their parents’ occupation as farmers. or while waiting for planting season and harvest, people look for a job in the city as a construction worker, a merchant, etc. the local government also provides work training center (blk) to facilitate productive workers who want to get skills in specific fields such as workshop, sewing, etc. fifth, access to housing in this area relies on gotong royong (mutual aid) activity. it means that houses are built by society’s mutual aid. the owner of the house only provides building materials and perfunctory foods for people who help building the house. in addition, people also have social gathering to conduct lottery for bricks and roof tile as alternatives to fulfill housing needs. it should be noted that in banyucosa, people’s houses are built with earthquake-proof construction; people of pilangrejo avoid hills that are prone to landslide in building their houses; people of planjan complete their house with gumbeng to stock water. sixth, access to clean water and sanitation is done with each village’s way. banyucosa residents, who have abundant water supply because of its near-to-river location, maintain the water quality by keeping the local myth-urinating and defecating are prohibited to be done in inappropriate places. meanwhile, planjan residents, who have low rainfall usually the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 353 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ have water supply and live with the habit of saving water. seventh, assurance of land tenure and land authorization for the residents are not too complex. residents who are farmers usually cultivate indonesia’s forest company’s land (perhutani), inherited land, lungguh land (arable land given to royal officials as salary), or purchased land. on the other side, the residents find it easy to access homes because their area has relatively low density. the residents generally still dwell in fulfillment affairs and they still do not get access to building permit. eighth, the condition of natural resources and disaster-prone environment make the residents cautious. in pilangrejo, which is a landslideprone area, the residents plant perennials before using the sidelines for seasonal agriculture. its purpose is to maintain the stability of land contour. in planjan and banyusoca, the residents value water by making terracing system in the agricultural process. ninth, security assurance is obtained by applying rotating patrol system. in addition to avoiding theft of harvest crops and valuable property, rotating patrol also functions as disaster mitigation. banyucosa residents use kentongan (bamboo drum to sound an alarm) as an alarm tool when earthquake takes place. tenth, the residents participation is showed by having the cultures of gotong royong (mutual aid) and consensus agreement in discussions, dispute settlement, and social events such as ceremony, funeral, etc. mutual aid system is chosen as one of the patterns that has the least conflict potential. however, this system is often cooptated by the local elites due to patriarchy and feodalism culture that are still embraced by the locals. conclusion poverty management is the duty of state and society. a good relationship of both parties is a good beginning to fulfill the access to basic needs. villagers may rely on the local wisdom to survive. this can be done by having food diversification and spare barns, and by preserving gotong royong (mutual aid) culture, rotating patrol, and sambatan (splice). however, it should be noted that local wisdom needs to be adapted to the recent times. at this point a state can take part by providing supporting facilities to the village residents. it can be done for example by providthe relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 354 journal of government and politics vol.3 no.2 august 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ing school and health facilities that extends to remote areas. education system can not merely rely on local wisdom and health can not rely on taking herbal drinks or consuming herbal medicines. state needs to provide affordable schools and health centers. this process is called state and society-role taking. another thing that needs to be noted is that a state manages poverty carefully. policy and poverty program should lead to society empowerment, not be trapped in philantrophy. if the relationship between state and society is philantrophic, it will not only spoil the society but also will destroy the values of local wisdom that has been developed since long time ago. the destroyed values will change the values and destroy the social capital that has been nurtured from generation to generation. if the social capital is destroyed, the relationship between the society and the state will eventually vanish. refference djohar winarlien, s., sastriyani, s. h., & widhyharto, d. (2010). pengentasan kemiskinan berbasis kearifan lokal dengan pendekatan gender di daerah rawan bencana. yogyakarta: pusat studi wanita ugm. hikam, m. a. (2005). islam, demokratisasi & pemberdayaan civil society. jakarta: erlangga. loomis, l. r. (1943). aristotle: on man in the universe. new york: black. newton, k., & van deth, j. w. (2005). foundations of comparative politics: democracies of the modern world. new york: cambridge university press. pierre, j., & peters, b. (2000). governance, politics, and the state. houndmills: macmillan press ltd. widhyharto, d. s. (2009). handout analisis sosial pembangunan.yogyakarta: magister dan doktor sosiologi ugm. the relationship between state and society: managing poverty through local wisdom / sri djoharwinarlin / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0018 layout desember 2008 introduction ambon is wellknown for quality spices, that made european countries fought to occupy this fertile land in the past. the high quality of clove and nutmeg produced by this piece of land was unparallable. at the beginning of the imperialism era, traders coming from middle east landed in ambin to trade spices and disseminate islam in order to guarantee a secured track of trading. those who lived in coastal area commonly accepted and were then convicted to islam while those who rejected the new religion fleed to the hinterland. in 1512 portugeese armada landed in hitu, ambon island, to do trading and disseminating catholicim, followed by dutch in 1598, that initiated similar business while introducing protestantism. the landing of dutch was rather different in nature compared to the previous comers as it implemented devide-et-impera policy by establishing social segregation through the society settlement policy. the ancestor of mollucans realized the importance of peace and harmonious life and the need to collaborate, and any incident that potentially damaged their life must be avoided. a pact was then developed in the group of society, and it is named pela. pela was aimed at helping each other in any realms of life. pela sirih was established to smoothen the trade business. it happened in the mollucan history that people were tonny sb hoedodo student of doctorate program in religion and cross culture, gadjah mada university; email: eyangsastro@yahoo.com joko surjo professor emeritus faculty of cultural studies, gmu, jokosurjo@yahoo.com zuly qodir sociologist and lecturer, dept. of government studies, faculty of social and political science of university muhammadiyah yogyakarta and graduate school of gmu; zuly_qodir@yahoo.com local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 abstract pela gandong which is believed by ambonese for its propitiational value is in fact failed to prevent horizontal conflict that victimized a big number of life and financial damages. however, wayame village is found to survive from those conflicts, and the community of this village, comprising of islam and christian religious group, succeeds to maintain harmonious relation. the research aims at, first, describing the perception of wayamae village community to pela gandong in the post-conflict period; second, analyzing the cultural competence of pela gandong in conflict resolution in the era of technology. this research employed qualitative method, involving in-field data gathering based on official report, digging out information from the resource persons who were directly witnessing the conflict when it occured and other references obtained through forum group discussion (fgd). an analysis was performed to seek answer concerning on how the community of wayame village viewed pela gandong in post-conflict period, how it is – as a local wisdom – maintained in the middle of changing and how pela gandong was revitalized. research showed that pela gandong was maintained by involving all elements such as customary community and the government. pela gandong grew as the icon of ambonese society in settling conflicts by raising awareness that they are eastern people, collectivistic in nature, and place kinship into priority. keywords : pela gandong, wayane village, local wisdom, post-conflict. 337 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ fighting, started from a conflict that led to war, and embarking from this point the mollucan then developed an agreement aiming at facilitating a harmonious social life through kinship-based approach, also known as pela gandong. pela gandong as a representative of local wisdom of ambonese society and and unifying factor among the heterogenous community in fact lost its power when religious conflict surged expansively throughout ambon island and resulted in uncountable loss of life and materials. local wisdom, that was promoted as the icon of peace, failed to play its role in the midlle of escalating conflict, whcih was started with the quarrel of 2 youngsters of islam and christian community on january 19, 1999 (koentjara, 2001: pp. 38-39). conflict that was concurrently spreading was unusual and this was beyond the ordinary. physical fightings were commonly happened in ambon due to the natural condition, torrid weather of tropical island, and the drinking habit of the society. yet, severe conflict that spreaded fast and in high escalation in that it brought out an opinion that it was a religious conflict in fact had never happened in the history of ambon. apparently there was a unrevealed conspiration in the process of conflict raising. religion was not found to be the main cause of the confict but it was deliberately inserted and the engineer knew that mollucan youths were very sensitive concerning with religious matters (samuelwailerunny: p. 200). the predecessors of ambonese had attempted to unite the society, who were segregated from the very beginning, by establishing social value system named pela gandong. pela is defined as an agreement given by society in order to actualize a common goal. gandong means incentuous offspring; thus, pela gandong is defined as a pact agreed by 2 groups of community which are bounded by brotherhood of blood. they are of one ancestral that might live in different territoties and might be of different religions, thus eligion should not become a disintegrating factor as their family are bounded with pela gandong values. two or three countries/regions that are bounded by pela gandong had underwent a big incident in their ancestral life that the descendants should not forget. pella is adopted since people of interregions intend to make peace. since different interests usually exist in any activities, conflicts will also potentially take place at any place. a number of conflicts might expand and escalate in tension, resulting in disturbances. the horizontal conflict happened in ambon was started with a fight of nursalim, a moslem youngman of batumerah district, against yopie, a christian youngman of mardika, which was exploited to become a widespread conflict between moslem and christian community. the chaos blazed over the widening area, worsened by provocative combustion of housing, shops and other public facilities, that were beyond ordinary incidents happened in ambon. conflict started on january 19, 1999 expanded fast and swallowed a big number of victims. ambonese society, who had been long known for their strong kinship and their pela gadong tradition, failed to avoid the conflict, except wayane village community. these people survived from the conflict and maintained harmonious and peaceful life in the heterogenous community. the researcher is interested to conduct a research entitled: a study on the wisdom of local people of wayame village in post-conflict period. local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 338 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ to explain the problem of pela and gandong as the reference of wayame community in sustaining their conflict-free life, this research adopted theoretical framework which was based on theoretical perspective of social capital as proposed by robert putnam in his social capital (1974). robert putnam states that there is something that become a shared treasure in each community. one of them is local wisdom, that might manifest in various forms. local wisdom might be long-evolved in community culture so that it is believed as a social treasure. it might also manifest in various forms of social bond such as honesty and mutual collaboration that is enlivened in the community. local wisdom operates without any enforcement, but upon voluntary basis and mutual understanding as a valued treasure to commit to relationship and social solidarity. robert putnam (1974) argues that local treasure always exist in any society and it could be utilized as a media or tool to strive together for life. this is called local wisdom or social capital. the manifestation of social capital includes mutual respect, mutual trust, cooperation, and social tennet in the society. another sociologist that introduced social capital theory is francis fukuyama (1992) that states in a society it is always found a distinct characteristic that build their sense of belonging, understanding and cooperating. those are the social capital that could be placed as the basis of community development based on local culture. a well-known france sociologist pierre boudieu (1986) also introduced social capital theory to public, as he witnessed the damages happened in a society. the society could be rebuilt or reconstructed through the social power, named social capital. this term could be used to explain about local wisdom of pela gandong in the peace-making process in ambon. to explain how society figures, traditional leaders and religious leaders in wayame secured their place in the heart of the society so that the people dutifully listened to them, the researcher employed theoretical analysis of max weber on charismatic leaders (1957). according to max weber, as quoted by sartono kartodirjo and taufik abdullah (1987), charismatic leadership is a model that frequently operates in religious leadership. it is embodied on the figures, on the power or leadership that reign or hold the authority to command or give order; and leaders that people refer to due to their attitude, behaviour or utterances in addition to their benevolence as seen by the society; and then the people feel like to follow their well-doings. in a charismatic leadership, one to highlight is the loyalty shown by the followers (society) upon the command given by a leader. charisma might shine out because the leader possesses something distinctive and rare, and becomes the reference for other people in the society. he or she must be honest and fair, wise and respectful to other people so that the others respect him in return. respecting and rendering a personnel a leader is not easy because there are a lot of disagreements existing in deciding who should become the role model and honor him/her as a leader. the discussion of leadership becomes interesting in a society that has been transforming from agrarian to industrial, that is more familiar with mechanical-like social system rather than the familial social system, with its modest definition. in agrarian society, social system and social institution local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 339 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ is modest in nature, manually done, and does not rely on mechanical system or use machine as a basis of life and social work. the most distinct difference between agrarian and industrial community lies in the pattern of the social life and the job seeking that becomes the foundation of life and forming interaction. as quoted by sartono, max weber thoroughly explains charismatic leadership in chaotic and transitional society so that a figure that could oversees the change needed. a charismatic leader should be ‘enlightening’ and flapping the flag in chaotic situation. historian sartono kartodirjo in his explanation about commanding leadership concludes that in agrarian (farmer) society a commanding leader becomes the reference for people so that whatever the leader says, does or thinks may come true because the people follow the command. the society put high respect on him or her, and from that point the society embark together. in short, charismatic leader always understands and executes the aspiration of the society he or she leads. charismatic leader is able to mobilize changing in a society, including negative change such as the rebellion of banten in the 16th and 17th century when dutch imperialist took over the people’s farm. the context of banten farmers is the presence of influential religious leader at the time. in many places, a charismatic leader presents in various forms due to their commanding capabilities in tradition or in other aspects. applicative explanation on max weber’s framework on the presence of charismatic leader found its context in bawean, east java. there were several charismatic leaders with various background such as ulema, qur’an-reading teacher, religious teacher (ustadz), and even shaman with mysticism, because the society is worried if they got the ‘spell’ from the shaman. while ulemas and ustadz were placed in first rank of respected profiles, shaman was at the bottom of the list. afterall, they gained all the respects due to the commanding power and the disctinctive inner qualities they possess. this is the reason why charismatic personnels are social capital, and social capital is an essential part in charismatic leadership. based on the argument of robert putnam, francis fukuyama and pere bourdieu, it could be concluded that social capital is fused to charismatic leadership. a charismatic leader is born because of a person’s broad knowledge that others do not have. the gap is not necessarily wide, but people commonly places the difference as a cause to respect and to refer to in their social life. charismatic leader is a “manifestation” of examples born from the knowledge possession, that also becomes a social capital of the person in the society. hence, social capital owned by a person is indirectly becoming a capital for him or her to be a leader, although it does not necessarily mean that he become a charismatic leader. research method this research employed qualitative method and data were gathered through official report, digging out information from the resource persons when the conflict occured and other resource persons and conducting forum group discussion (fgd). the analysis is done to seek answer on how the society of wayame perceive pela gandong in postconflict period, how pela gandong as a local wisdom is maintained among the growing situation local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 340 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and condition and the influence of internal and external challenge and how pela gandong is revitalized. research concludes that wayame society still hold their belief that local wisdom of pela gandong should be maintained and utilized as a means of maintaining the harmony of kinship although it is limited to physical aspect. pela gandong should be developed through the involvement of all elements, and this does not only carried out by the traditional society due to the changing of governmental system, from country to village in comply with act no. 5 year 1974 on guidelines of regional authority and considering the circumstances as a result of the advancement of it, communication and transportation system. people of wayame settle conflict through iconic pela gandong system, which is believed to unite the heterogenous society. this means that the society’s perception has transcended from positioning pela gandong as a problem-solving approach through tradition and custom-based process to an icon of ambonese in establishing unity. as a local wisdom, pela gandong could be shifted to national level as a means to elaborate humanistic values among indonesian’s heterogenous and collectivistic society. people of wayame fully realize that tolerance is pre-requisite to establish harmonious life and pela gandong is developed as an icon inherited by the predecessors. this system has been widely accepted so that they share common agreement that any kind of conflict should be resolved in peaceful way. pela gandong is not only held by a community but also adhered by anyone or any organization that aspires to live in peace. result and discussion 1. ambon dan desa wayame. ambon is wellknown for quality spices, that made european countries fought to occupy this fertile land in the past. the high quality of clove and nutmeg produced by this piece of land was unparallable. many people came and settled in both ambon city and island, who then made ambon rich of various ethnicity. in addition to little ethnic opf java, ambon city was dominated by ethnics of saparua, seram, haruku, kei and jazirah leihitu. based on cencus in 1980, ambon was reported to have 207.702 people, excluding the non-permanent residence (homeless, shipboard crew and boat man, a total of 1,196 people). the population growth from 1971 to 1980 was 4.45% per year (bps, 1999: 47). prior to conflict, as an administrative city and now capital city and the city of molluca island, ambon was named as stability city. after the conflict of 1999, however, ambon was not anymore politically stable. the demographic change was very sharp since many people left ambon while new ethnic group entered the city. statistical data showed that ambon had 265.830 inhibitant, decreasing by 5.49% compared to that of previous year. in 2000, another sharp decline in term of occupancy, 16.4%, happened. yet this was followed by a rise through to 2006, when the population was recorded to 263,146 people (bps, 2007). based on data issued by national bureau of statistics, the population of ambon city is 248,809 inhabitants, increasing 1.25% from 2008. the highest increase of population is in teluk ambon baguala district, which average density rate of 1.252 inhabitants per kilometer square and the district of sirimau, while the lowest is in south local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 341 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ leitimur with 217 inhabitans per kilometer square (bps, 2009). temporary data show that from 2005 to 2009 the number of underprivileged population in ambon decreased. the bureau of statistics reported that in 2005 the number of underpriviledged reached 15,400 (6.56%) people, and in 2006, it increased to 18,100 (7.43%), and 16,800 (7.61%) in 2007 (ambon dalam angka, 2009). in 2009 the underprivileged in ambon reached 638,000 inhibitant, of which 44.55% were males and 55.49% females. meanwhile, the number of young brats reached 2,863 inhabitants, 99.23% of which were boys. the number of homeless children in ambon city was reaching 20,974, of which were 53.14% boys and 46.86% girls. ambon is inhabited by various ethnicity. beside long-time residents of saparua, seram, lehitu, kei and other local ethnics, chinese, bugis people, butonese, javanese and bataknese are other ethnics living in ambon (bps, 2008). based on religious affiliation, ambon is a home for 303.937 religious adherers comprised of islam (40.20%), protentant (52.99%), catholic (6.15%), hindu (0.14%) and budhist (0.11%) (bps, 2009). these data show that ambon is highly heterogeneus in terms of ethnicity, religious affiliation, and its historical background. hence, the governement should adopt a particular perspective in governing the system and manage the social affairs, based on plural society order. as stated by sociologist tony pariela, the management of plural community should be executed based on plural society perspective and not homogenous-based perspective like that of implemented in new order era for years (pariela, 2008). different ethnic also indicates different choice of occupation. the middle to upper level of economic system is occupied by chinese ethnic, that run business in trading, hotelier and shopping places. moslem ambonese run informal sector business together with groups of bugis and buton ethnics; hence, horizontal conflict started from business competition potentially occured here. meanwhile, most of native ambonese work as government officers (civil servant). this relates to the dutch colonialism and now order era that offered privilege to the ambonese to become government officers, beside of some other positions like army and police officers. as a matter of fact, there are quite many people of java, sumatra, and bugis ethnics apply for being army and police officers, registered as of ambon inhabitants; thus, people of ambon ethnicity were set aside from the competition. this is due to the lower quality of ambonese educational institutions, wherein these young ambonese accomplished their junior/senior high school, compared to those of in java or sulawesi. this might lead to another social problem as ambonese would feel discriminated and driven out by the coming of external people, that dominate the positions in army/police department in ambon island. the government in both central and regional level should pay attention to this matter. they should develop certain policy such as improving the quality of education and giving privilege or priority to local people in officials recruitment so that ambonese will have equal chance.m this is in line with the statement of indonesian army officer of ambon, and the commander of intelligence of ambon (interview, 1/8/2011). the demographic composition in ambon has local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 342 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ shifted in that ambonese at present have various occupations, not only being civil servants as what they have been long known before, but also being taxi-motor driver, public transport helper, street vendors, handyman and other blue collar work. when we traverse from ambon city to wayame, we sould find that the taxi-motor drivers are mostly native ambonese. hanafie, a prominent figure of wayame cillage, said that the drivers are ambon natives, islam of christian (interview, 1/8/2011). sociologist tony pariela, vice director of post graduate study of pattimura university in ambon, who was living in wayame from 1994 to 2002 and moved out after the bleeding conflict, states that the position of wayame, that is is perceived as being in petuanan of rumah tiga village, is historically a logical consequence of having it as the center of village government which was formerly located in rumah tiga territory. currently, another discourse is growing, that the personnel who own the authority (being the bapa raja – main leader) in rumah tiga is ‘mata rumah’ hanihua. although wayame village and rumah tiga village have been administratively separated, they are of one unity in terms of customary tradition (pariela, 2008: 125). in the development program implementation of ambon city, wayame and its surrounding area are placed in one spatial plan area (rtrw) of ambon city as development area unit 2 (swpp 2), and this places wayame as an ideal area for settlement development. the development of wayame area and its surroundings was rapidly running when bank btn initiated the development of national housing program in early 1990s. after wayame was officially stated as an independent area in administrative management, based on decree of ministry of internal affairs no 14.2569.puod dated 3 july 1993, the official name used is wayame village, andd this is legalized by the decree of provincial governor 1 of molluca no. 146.1.sk/710/93 dated 7 october 1993. 2. heterogenity in wayame after obtaining its definitive status as an independent village, wayame was lead by head of village named daniel hunihua of house of hunihua for 14 years. since 2006, the leadership was handed over to the temporary/ad-interim official, kannes amanupunjo, to prepare the new head. however, the new head was not assigned until 2011, that made various tribes sent their representatives to question the process. representatives of wakal and hitumeseng village were sent to help settling the case of wayame village that have been remained unsettled since 2006 (hanafi, interview 2/8/2011). wayame society is pluralistic yet live peacefully amidst conflict. they remain united eventhough various ethnics live in the same area, with ambonese in majority, javanese, bugis people and butonese. this last ethnic, coming from south east sulawesi, inhabit 2 locations of settlement ground, namely keranjang village and waringin cap village. the area along the coast is occupied by another tribe of ambon ethnic. butonese have been in wayame for over one century, but th big flow of butonese immigrant happened in 1970s (pariela, 2008: 124). based on statistical data of desa wayame, the number of wayame population reachers 4,853 persons, of which 2,388 are male and 2,465 are female (kecamatan teluk ambon dalam angka, bps, 2010). wayame could be categorized as a local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 343 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ heterogeneous comunity yet it could survive its collectivistic spirit that other regions failed to do. even, wayame village is lead by a figure that was not a native of wayame; this might contribute to the peaceful atmoshere among the catasthrope. in terms of religious affiliation, wayame comprised of 70% christian majority (when the conflict burst out) and 30% islam in between 1999 to 2001. however, this composition is now changing as number of christian believers declines while islam increases by 10%, thus christians reaches 60% and islam, 40%. immigrants from java, butonm bugis and other regions take parts in this process. most of moslems coming to wayame work as street food sellers, civil servants and also police officers and army officers. from the sociological perspective, the changing numbers of believers is known to be the change of social map. the district of teluk ambon reported that in 2008 the number of christians was 54,958 persons, and moslems, 43,137 persons,while catholic 8,525, hindu 51 persons, and budhist 175 persons. total reported was 106,846 persons. data on population in 2009 reported that number of moslems is 32,680 persons, protestants 55,991, catholics 9,438 persons and there was no data found on hindus. these made 98,109 people (kecamatan teluk ambon, 2010). meanwhile the number of mosque in 2008 was not reported (as a matter of fact there were quite many), but there were 32 churches in 2008 and 28 in 2009. (kantor urusan agama, teluk ambon district, 2010). religious matter is very susceptible to conflict and negative sentiments, thus the central bureau of statistics in level of city, regency and district/ sub regency should improve the record of religion data and houses of worship. if there were a lot of believers while the place was not provided, a problem might rise. another critical problem dealing with the house of whorship and the freedom to perform prayings was related to the appropriate usage of the place. data reported by central bureau of statistics (bps) city of teluk ambon district would potentially trigger the stigma that moslems do not receive attention in wayame village, or ambon in general, due to the absence of data on their number and the praying centers; while in fact, there are several units of mosque and mushalla in wayame village. aggregating to 7000 peoples or 1400 households, the occupant of wayame, who are heteregenous in terms of ethnicity, race and religion, are of various occupational background, such as being farmers, traders, state oficers, army, fishermen and labour with farming population in highest number (9.9%) followed by traders. they live in keranjang and waringin cap village. wayame is currently being the entrance door of economic activity in ambon that supply the vegetables and other farming products to ambon city. they grew short-lived staple such as cassava, sweet potatoes, peanuts and corn; and long-lived plants such as coconut trees and cloves. meanwhile, other professions reported includes public servants (6.6%), private workers (6.1%), entrepreneur (5.2%), army and police officers (4.0%) and others like lecturers, traders, fishermen, teachers and part time teachers. the number of unpemplyment is reaching up to 60%, a big number compared to the population density, that is 550 persons per kilometer square (wayame in numbers, 2010). the people’s awareness toward the importance of education is quite high. in 2010 it was reported that 5.9% of population attended doctoral degree, local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 344 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ and 41.3% accomplished junior and senor high schools. the number of uneducated was 4.2% and those who have not started school reached 6.4% (data of wayame village, 2010). data above display that wayame vilage is not only heterogeneous but also dynamic and show a more homogeneous subculture of ambon. located along the main road to pattimura airport in laha, wayame village is more densely populated than other areas. this village is divided into 2 settlements: old coastal area and inhabited by people coming from tiga soa and rumah tiga. they live near al huda mosque and piniel church, both of which are historically related to the fatal conflict in ambon island. these two places became the home for refugees from the conflicting regions. started with the landing of arabian traders on the coast of ambon island to trade spices while disseminating islam religion, the people aimed to establish a community to secure their business and trade. those who accepted and then were convicted to islam were mostly living on the coasts while those who rejected the religion the fleet to the hintherland. the journey of european people to obtain spices continued and in 1512 portugees landed in hitu island of ambon for trading activity and disseminating catholicism. in 1598 dutch also did the same expansion and spread protestantism. dutch started the social segregation of divide-et-impera through the allocation of settlement. 3. pela gandong. pela, a familiar term to ambonese, is a tradition developed by ambonese as a means to improve the welfare and keep the peace by mutual helping to those who are bounded. pela has been done by mollucans far before the european landed in the island of spices. basically pela or pact could be defined into 3 types: pela keras (hard pela), pela gandong or pela bungso and pela tempat sirih. hard pela (pela keras) is established when there is a fatal conflict and the win or lose is uncertain. pela keras could also be used to help each other if there is an external invasion from those who were not bounded to pela. meanwhile, pela gandong or pela bungso is based on heritage. the countries bounded in pela considered themselves as of one descendant, one predecessor, thus they are brothers and sisters. hence, inter-marriage between the members of countries bounded in pela gandong was not permitted as they are considered as siblings. finally, pela tempat sirih is basically aimed at having a smooth trading business. in business there might be some problems happened and these need a resolution so that trade and business kept running in ease. in sealing the agreement of pela keras and pela gandong, people drink traditional alcoholic liquid mixed with blood of the parties in pela. this relates with sanction and curse for any of violation. it is believed that anyone who breaks the commitment would be cursed by their predecessors and their life will be in misery for the rest of their life. while pela tempat sirih (betel place) is a kind of ‘soft pela’ in that people bounded to pela only need to exchange the betel place, and no need to accompany with blood and sanction of the predecessor. pela tempat sirih is commonly used in social matters, helping each others, and based on voluntary. at the beginning of 16th century, pela has been local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 345 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ conducted among the predecessors of mollucans. villages like tamuloi, hutumuri and sirisori establised pela gandong tradition to help each other to fight against portugeese imperialist. those three villages preserve pela gandong until today, and they consider themselves as of one family, of one predecessor berpela.1 pela gandong tradition is a particular culture of ambonese that depicts a familial relationship or kinship without seeing the ethnical or religious difference. pela gandong in ambonese social context could be perceived in what pier bourdieu called as a habitus arena or habit domain that has deeply rooted in field tradition. bourdieu explains habitus and field as following : “habitus underlies a domain that extends an inter-relational network among objective positions in a social order that exists separately from individual awareness. domain is not an intersubjective bound among individuals, yet a relation that is structured and unconsciously controlling position of individuals and group in social order that is spontaniously established. habitus enables people to live spontaniously and builds relationship with external parties. in the process of interaction with the outsiders, a domain, a relational network of objective positions is established (bourdiu, 1976).” at the same time, habitus and domain also become product of power terrain existing in the society. in a domain there is a bet, power bargain and people of big capital and those without capital. capital is a power concentration, a specific power that operates in a domain. each domain requires individual to possess a particular social capital to be able to live well and sustain in it (bourdieu, 1976). explanation on the social capital as constructed by this french sociologist is used to explain pela gandong as a local wisdom that become a social capital in wayame village, ambon, molluca. according to bourdieu, specific situation perceived by local community in a situation and norm institutionalized is an integral part of a habitus actor whose capacity could be used and developed to access problems related to the other local wealth, in this case, as a social capital of a society. therefore individual action that is moved and supported with the availability of social norms, network, and trust is necessary. while social norms locating outside him, representing a guideline on how someone have to behave or state that his or her belief could be accepted under certain condition. such definition of situation could be perceived by anyone (actor0, and in this case, an individual, group, and institution in different way depending on the values held, life trajectory and needs or interest and subjective meaning based on what a person has experienced in the past. based on bourdieu’s conceptual explanation, social capital named pela gandong should be defined as a glue of cohesiveness or social bridging in a community that is facing a conflict. whether the social capital of pela gandong is effective or not; and what is meant by social cohession and social bridging, george ritzer explains his theory as follows: “based on subjective point of view, social cohession is the function of a group member’s feeling that equate themselves with their group, particularly on the feeling that their individual interest could be related with the group interest... while the objective point of view perceives that social cohession or solidarity could be viewed as an objective, as a process that could be observed free from individual feeling” (ritzer, 2005:385). local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 346 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ it is now clear that what this chapter attempts to explain is related with local culture that is understood by society in individual and group way, and is believed as a part of life order and a shared social norms so that it could become a common guideline for people of wayame village. this chapter also explain and specifically analyze how the community is empowered based on the commonly accepted pela gandong. the predecessors of mollucan had realized the importance of live in peace, in harmony and mutually helping each other so that any conflict could be avoided. the agreement among group of community is made using the term ‘pela’, depending on the purpose of making it. pela gandong, known as a local wisdom of ambonese and an adhesive agent among the pluralistic society was at stake when the reliogious conflict hit and spreaded all over ambon island and caused unparallable devastation. local wisdom that was long respected as the icon of peace did not anymore had its place among the conflict that was started with a fighting between a moslem and a christian youngster on 19 januari 1999 (koentjara, 2001: pp 38-39). 3. religious conflict conflicts that exploded at same time was an incident that ambonese perceived as unusual and never happened before. fighting is commonly happened due to the harsh land and alcohol drinks traditionally consummed by its people. however, such violent conflict that destroyed houses, stores and public facilities and spreaded fast in very short time and in high escalation and even it was then perceived as a religious conflict indicated that it was engineered. religion was not the main cause of the conflict but it was inserted and the engineers knew that young mollucan was very sensitive with religious matter (semuel waileruny: p. 200). wayame village was able to stay away from conflict, and this rose a question on how wayame people perceived pela gandong after conflict, how pela gandong as local wisdom is maintained over the growing situation and under the challenge of both internal and external side and how pela gandong is revitalized. the role of pela gandong amidst the conflict. ambon society that from very early had been segregated made the predecessors of ambon establish a social network to unite the people through pela gandong. pela is an agreement among the society in their effort to realize mutual interest. gandong means incestuous offsprings. thus pela gandong is an agreement made by 2 groups of community that establish incestuous offsprings relation. they are of one predecessor although they might live in different territorial and embrace different religions. religion should not lead to disintegration since they were culturally bounded to pela gandong. two or three villages (negeri) bound in pela gandong had in the past been through a large-scale incident that the descendants might not forget. pela gandong is a way out, a goodwill, for villages that aspires to settle down any conflict and live peacefully. conflict of interest would always happen; thus physical conflict is potentially taking place any where. some of those conflicts excalate out of control and were quite intrusive to the area’s stability, like the one in ambon. the conflict, burst out firstly on 19 january 1999, was started by a physical fighting between a moslem and a christian youngster, which then local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 347 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ spreaded over ambon and caused a devastating loss. ambonese society, long known for their strong bound of familial relationship and a home for pela gandong tradition, was unable to avoid the conflict. yet, an exception is what happened at wayame village, the only one that survive from the conflict and maintain the harmonious relationship among pluralistic society. the researcher was embarking from this point and conducted a research entitled: a study on the local wisdom of wayame after the conflict. conclusion research showed that community of wayame believed that local wisdom of pela gandong could be maintained and employed as a means to keep harmonious life in kinship although it is on physical level. pela gandong could mantained and developed as a local wisdom by involving all elements and not only done by the customary community due to the transition of govermental system, from country (negeri) to village or kelurahan according to act no. 5 year 1974 regarding with the guidelines of regional government and the develeopment of situation and condition as a result of advancement in it, communication and transportation. community of wayame settled the conflict by placing pela gandong as an iconwhich is believed to be able to unite the plural condition of the community. the society’s enhanced perception toward pela gandong, which once was merely viewed as a physical ritual carried out continuously through customary tradition now transcend to become an icon to weave unity and togetherness. as a local wisdom, pela gandong is potential to be shifted to national level, particularly regarding with the philosophical values and the background, as an effort to elaborate the humanistic values of helping each other. furthermore, indonesian people are collectivistic in nature, thus neighbouring community and environment play important role in daily life despite its heterogeneous society. community of wayame realized that tolerance is prerequisite to create a peaceful life in a heterogeneous socity. pela gandong was established as an icon that originated from the predecessors and has been socialized and implemented in the society’s daily life. it also promoted the perception that conflict must be prevented in order to realize a conducive and secured condition so that the development programs could run well. maintaining pela gandong should not be done by the customary community only but also every person and organization that have a good will to create peace in life. references abdullah, irwan. 2000. “kondisi sosial yang dibayangi disintegrasi tanpa ujung”, ninok leksono (ed.), indonesia menuju millenium. jakarta: kompas. —————, 2007, konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan, yogjakarta, pustaka pelajar. ————— dan wening udasmoro (ed.). 2009. dinamika masyarakat dan kebudayaan kontemporer. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar dan tici publications. ajawaila, j.w. 1999. pemecahan masalah kerusuhan di ambon (indonesia), jakarta. —————. 2007. konflik sara integrasi nasional terancam konsepsi dan implementasi tentang kewaspadaan nasional. jakarta: pensin-324. buchori, bini (dkk). 2001. ketika semerbak cengkih local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 348 journal of government 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pariela, tonny d, 2008, damai di tengah konflik maluku, uksw, salatiga abrahm m. francis, 1991, terjemahan m rusli karim, modernisasi di dunia ketiga, tiara wacana yogyakarta beck, ulrich, antony gidens, 1988, reflexive modernization, polity press, usa rutten, marrio, 2003, rural capitalists in asia, routledge cruzon, london, england kartodirjo, sartono (ed), 1986, kepemimpian dalam masyarakat, lp3es, jakarta jackson, karl d, 1991, kewibawan tradisional, lpes, jakarta weber, max, 1978, charismatic and bureocratic ledership, macmillan, england fukuyama, francis, trust, 1991, routledge, london, england putnam, robert, (ed), 1977, handbook of social capital, macmillan, england (footnotes) 1 at the beginning of sixteenth century, a spouse lived in gunung batu in hatumenten village (southern part of serang island). they had three sons, namely temallone, simallone and silaoi. they also had three daughters named nyai intan and nyai mas. the family was heathen at local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 349 journal of government and politics vol.4 no.2 august 2013 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ the time. when the children grew up, a war happened and the news was heard in hatumenten. the three children temanole, simanole and silaloi secretly held a meeting at night (without the knowing of their parents and sisters) and finally the three brothers went to the coast using a traditional boat. they sailed to hote banggoi to defeat portugeese. they started with a 1a. sopaheluwakan, a story on an agreement of brotherhood of pela (bongsobongso), among the countries of tamilou, hutumuri and sirisori, printed in netherland in august 1962 and october 1980 and translated by f.l.j tutuhatunewa, p. 4.1. local political conflict and pela gandong amidst the religious conflicts / tonny sb hoedodo, joko surjo, zuly qodir / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2013.0025 layout desember 2008 322 hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 hanif nurcholis ilmu pemerintahan fisip universitas terbuka jakarta. email: hanif@@ut.ac.id ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract the local government is part of a national government empowered to regulate and administer governmental affairs entrusted to her. therefore, between central and local governments have a systemic relationship between sub-systems so as to form an integral system of government. the relationship between central and local governments is determined in its oversight system that rests on two bases: hierarchical and functional. base hierarchy to determine the extent to which higher authority overseeing the local government while the functional basis to determine the extent to which functional departments / sectoral and local government departments overseeing general. based on this surveillance pattern then there are four models of relationships referred to by the countries in this world with many variants. four models are models of french, british model, german model, and model of the soviet union. indonesia’s new order embraced the french model, while at the reformation orde more embracing german model. keywords: relationship of central and local governments, the french model, british model, german abstrak pemerintah daerah adalah bagian dari pemerintahan nasional diberdayakan untuk mengatur dan mengurus urusan pemerintahan yang diserahkan daerah. oleh karena itu, 323 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah memiliki hubungan sistemik antara sub-sistem sehingga membentuk suatu sistem integral dari pemerintah. hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah ditentukan dalam sistem pengawasannya yang bertumpu pada dua basis: hirarkis dan fungsional. basis hirarki untuk menentukan sejauh mana otoritas yang lebih tinggi mengawasi pemerintah daerah tersebut disusun berdasarkan fungsional untuk menentukan sejauh mana departemen fungsional/departemen pemerintah sektoral dan lokal mengawasi umum. berdasarkan pola pengawasan, maka ada empat model hubungan disebut oleh negara-negara di dunia ini dengan banyak varian. empat model yang model prancis, model inggris, model jerman, dan model uni soviet. orde baru di indonesia menganut model prancis, sementara pada orde reformasi lebih merangkul model jerman. kata kunci: hubungan pemerintah pusat dan daerah, model prancis, model inggris, model jerman, dan model uni soviet. pendahuluan pemerintah daerah adalah subdivisi pemerintahan nasional. dalam negara kesatuan pemerintah daerah langsung di bawah pemerintah pusat, sedangkan dalam negara serikat pemerintah daerah di bawah negara bagian. dalam negara kesatuan pemerintah daerah adalah dependent dan subordinat terhadap pemerintah pusat sedangkan dalam negara serikat pemerintah daerah adalah dependent dan subordinat terhadap negara bagian (bhenyamin hoessein,1993). dengan demikian, baik dalam negara kesatuan maupun dalam negara serikat pemerintah daerah tidak lepas sama sekali dari sistem pemerintahan nasional. pemerintah daerah hanya bagian atau subsistem dari sistem pemerintahan nasional. karena pemerintah daerah merupakan bagian dari sistem pemerintahan nasional, maka antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah terdapat hubungan antarpemerintahan yang saling terjalin sehingga membentuk satu kesatuan pemerintahan nasional. jika demikian, maka dalam suatu pemerintahan nasional terdapat dua subsistem: (a) subsistem pemerintahan pusat dan (b) subsistem pemerintahan daerah. dalam subsistem pemerintahan daerah terdapat sub-subsistem pemerintahan daerah yang lebih kecil. misal, di indonesia terdapat subsistem pemerintahan pusat yang terdiri atas presiden dan para menteri. di daerah terdapat sub-subsistem pemerintahan provinsi yang terdiri atas gubernur dan dprd provinsi dan sub-subsitem pemerintahan kabupaten/kota yang terdiri atas bupati/walikota dan dprd kabupaten/kota bahkan sub-subsistem pemerintahan desa yang hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 324 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terdiri atas kepala desa dan badan permusyarawatan desa. jalinan antarsubsistem dan/atau antarsub-subsistem pemerintahan tersebut membentuk sistem pemerintahan nasional yang merupakan wahana untuk mencapai tujuan negara. kondisi demikian akan tercapai manakala hubungan antarsubsistem tersebut dapat menghasilkan jalinan sistemik ketika subsistem dan sub-subsistem tersebut bekerja dan berjalan sesuai dengan fungsi masing-masing secara serasi, selaras, dan harmonis. jika ia berjalan secara centang perentang yang satu ke kanan yang satu ke kiri, tidak terkoordinasi dengan baik, tidak fokus pada tujuan yang telah ditetapkan, maka penyelenggaraan pemerintahan menjadi tidak efisien yang pada gilirannya hanya menghasilkan kesengsaraan rakyat. untuk dapat membentuk jalinan hubungan pemerintahan yang sistemik dengan hasil guna yang maksimal, setiap negara mengembangkan hubungan antarlembaga negara dan hubungan antarpemerintahan pada semua jenjang pemerintahan. pada tingkat nasional diatur hubungan antarlembaga tingggi negara dan hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah. di daerah diatur hubungan antarlembaga daerah dan hubungan antarpemerintah daerah. tata kerja dan mekanisme hubungan antarpemerintahan demikian diatur dalam konstitusi dan peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksananya. kerangka teoritik menurut humes iv (1991: 4-7) hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah ditentukan dalam sistem pengawasannya. berdasarkan sistem pengawasan inilah terbentuk tata hubungan pemerintahan dalam suatu negara. humes iv menjelaskan bahwa sistem pengawasan terhadap pemerintah daerah didasarkan pada dua dimensi: (a) control hierarchy, pengawasan hirarki dan (b) functional control, pengawasan fungsional. humes iv menjelaskan kedua dimensi tersebut sebagai berikut: one is the extent to which hierarchical control is essentially either inter-organizational or intra-organizational. second is the extent to which such control is focused in a single agency or spread among many functional or specialized hierarchies. pengawasan hirarki adalah pola pengawasan yang spektrumnya mulai hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 325 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dari interorganizational, antarorganisasi, sampai ke intraorganisasi (intraorganizational). pengawasan fungsional adalah pengawasan yang spektrumnya mulai dari apakah pengawasan dilakukan oleh lembaga fungsional/sektoral (functional basis) ataukah dilakukan secara holistik (kementerian dalam negeri) oleh pemerintah. pengawasan dilakukan oleh lembaga funsional artinya pengawasan terhadap pemerintah daerah dilakukan oleh agen departemen sektoral (field adminstration/agency) khususnya terhadap urusan-urusan yang menjadi bidang tugasnya. pengawasan dilakukan secara holistik artinya pengawasan terhadap pemerintah daerah dilakukan oleh agen pemerintah yang bersifat general (general purpose adminisration/agency) atau yang dikenal dengan wakil pemerintah pusat, misalnya oleh gubernur. pola pengawasan interorganizational atau antarorganisasi artinya pengawasan terhadap jalannya pemerintahan daerah dilakukan oleh organisasi-organisasi yang terdapat pada daerah itu sendiri, terutama dprd (pengawasan politik). di samping pengawasan politik oleh dprd pemerintah daerah juga mendapat pengawasan dari lsm, pers, organisasi massa, partai politik, dan kelompok-kelompok penekan yang berada di daerah tersebut. pola ini memperlihatkan adanya keleluasaan yang besar pada pemerintah daerah dalam arti tidak mendapat pengawasan yang ketat dari otoritas yang lebih tinggi sehingga mempunyai ruang diskresi yang besar untuk mengembangkan otonominya. pengawasan intraorganizational adalah pengawasan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah pusat karena pemerintah daerah adalah bagian dari pemerintah pusat sehingga pengawasannya tidak lain adalah pengawasan internal semata (bhenyamin hoessein; 2005: 38). menurut pola pengawasan ini, pemerintah daerah tidak perlu diawasi oleh organisasi-organisasi di luar dirinya atau lembaga yang bertugas mengawasi jalannya pemerintah daerah seperti dewan, council, raad. dalam pengawasan hirarki, titik beratnya adalah seberapa besar kepala daerah dan dewan yang dipilih rakyat itu mendapat pengawasan dari otoritas yang lebih tinggi. di sini spektrumnya adalah bahwa pengawasan terhadap organ daerah otonom tersebut mulai dari pengawasan yang paling rendah, longgar, sampai pengawasan yang paling tinggi, sangat ketat. dengan peta ini humes iv mencatat adanya empat variasi: hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 326 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ a. interorganizational (regulation), yaitu: suatu sistem yang mengatur kepala daerah bertanggungjawab penuh kepada dewan. kepala daerah tidak secara langsung bertanggungjawab kepada otoritas yang lebih tinggi. oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerah tidak begitu ketat diawasi oleh pemerintah pusat. pemerintah daerah lebih ketat diawasi oleh dewan dan organisasi-organisasi masyarakat di daerah. contoh pemerintah daerah yang menganut sistem ini adalah inggris. b. hybrid (subsidiarization), yaitu: suatu sistem yang mengatur kepala daerah bertanggungjawab kepada dewan mengenai pelaksanaan urusanurusan daerahnya, tapi juga bertanggungjawab kepada otoritas yang lebih tingggi mengenai pelaksanaan kebijakan pemerintah pusat. jadi, pemerintah daerah mendapat pengawasan dari dua arah: pertama, dari pemerintah pusat yaitu yang berkenaan tentang kebijakan yang berasal dari pemerintah pusat; dan kedua, dari dewan perwakilan daerah yaitu yang berkenaan tentang kebijakan daerah/urusan rumah tangganya sendiri. contoh pemerintah daerah yang menganut sistem ini adalah jerman. c. hybrid (supervission), yaitu: suatu sistem yang mengatur kepala daerah bertanggungjawab kepada dewan untuk urusan-urusan rumah tangganya, tapi sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah ia juga mendapat pengawasan dari pemerintah pusat dan bertanggungjawab secara langsung kepada pemerintah pusat. dalam sistem ini kepala daerah mempunyai fungsi ganda: satu sisi sebagai alat pemerintah daerah dan di sisi lain sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat. dalam kedudukannya sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat, ia mendapat pengawasan langsung dari pemerintah pusat. contoh pemerintah daerah yang menganut sistem ini adalah perancis. d. intraorganizational (subordination) yaitu sistem yang mengatur kepala daerah adalah bagian dari hirarki pusat dan sepenuhnya sebagai bawahan pusat. dalam sistem ini pemerintah daerah adalah kantor pemerintah pusat di daerah. oleh karena itu, semuanya diatur dan dikendalikan oleh pemerintah pusat. contoh pemerintah daerah yang menganut sistem ini adalah uni soviet. selanjutnya dalam pengawasan hirarki, titik beratnya terfokus pada hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 327 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ seberapa besar pengawasan pusat terhadap pemerintah daerah dan kewenangan lokalnya diletakkan: apakah diletakkan pada kementerian pusat yang menangani masalah umum seperti kementerian dalam negeri atau wakilnya di daerah, atau disebarkan pada kementerian sektoral/ fungsional atau agen-agen lapangannya di daerah secara sama rata. spektrumnya adalah mulai dari pengawasan yang diletakkan pada kementerian yang lebih umum sampai pada kementerian yang lebih fungsional/khusus. berdasarkan peta ini, humes iv mencatat adanya empat variasi juga: a. more areal, yaitu: suatu sistem yang meletakkan kementerian pusat yang menangani masalah umum (kementerian dalam negeri) atau agennya di daerah, bertanggungjawab mengawasi badan pemerintah daerah yang bersifat umum (pemerintah daerah provinsi atau pemerintah kabupaten/kota) dan mengkoordinir agen kementerian-kementerian fungsional. kementerian fungsional memberitahukan tentang programprogramnya di daerah kepada kementerian dalam negeri atau agennya tersebut khusunya yang berkaitan dengan kemajuan dan pengawasannya. dalam sistem ini, kementerian dalam negeri dan wakilnya di daerah (landrat, gubernur, prefet) mempunyai peran pengawasan yang menonjol. pejabat ini mengawasi pemerintah daerah dan mengkoordinir semua kepala instansi vertikal diwilayahnya. negara yang melaksanakan sistem ini adalah republik federasi jerman. b. dual/areal, yaitu: suatu sistem yang meletakkan polit biro pusat partai mengawasi secara penuh pemerintah daerah. kementerian fungsional/ agennya memberikan pelayanan daerah secara langsung. dalam sistem ini lembaga yang berperan mengawasi jalannya pemerintah daerah adalah pejabat elit partai di pusat yang juga merangkap sebagai pejabat tinggi negara. negara yang melaksanakan sistem ini adalah uni soviet. di negara ini polit biro pusat partai komunis mempunyai kewenangan mengawasi pemerintahan daerah melalui struktur partai, biro-biro, yang tersusun secara hirarkis mulai tingkat pusat sampai tingkat yang paling bawah. c. dual/fungsional, yaitu: suatu sistem yang meletakkan kementerian sektoral/fungsional mengawasi program-program pelayanan untuk daerah yang bersangkutan sedangkan kementerian umum (dalam negeri hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 328 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ atau wakilnya di daerah) mengawasi pelayanan umum. dalam mengawasi pelayanan umum tersebut, kementerian dalam negeri atau wakilnya di daerah juga mengawasi dan mengkoordinir pelaksanaan urusan-urusan rumah tangganya. negara yang melaksanakan sistem ini adalah perancis. d. more fungsional, yaitu: suatu sistem yang meletakkan kementerian sektoral/fungsional atau agennya mengawasi pelayanan yang diletakkan di daerah secara langsung. kementerian dalam negeri atau agennya di daerah mempunyai fungsi penyelenggaraan rumah tangga daerah. adapun peran kementerian dalam negeri (general purpose ministry/ agency) dalam hal koordinasi dengan kementerian fungsional/sektoral relatif lemah. jadi, dalam sistem ini peran instansi vertikal dari kementerian sektoral/fungsional dalam pengawasan terhadap daerah sangat kuat. hampir semua kementerian fungsional/sektoral mempunyai instansi vertikal di daerah dan melakukan pengawasan terhadap program-program daerah. negara yang melaksanakan sistem ini adalah kerajaan inggris. humes iv menjelaskan bawah pola pengawasan hirarki dan pengawasan fungsional dengan keempat variasinya menghasilkan matrik sebagai berikut: (lihat gambar) matrik tersebut menjelaskan bahwa pada dimensi pengawasan hirarki, control hierarchy, yaitu: pengawasan yang spektrumnya mulai dari intraorganizational sampai ke interorganizational terdapat empat karakter: (1) subordinations (intraorganization), (2) supervision (hybrid), (3) subsidiarization (hybrid), dan (4) regulation (interorganization). kemudian pada dimensi pengawasan fungsional, functional control, yaitu; pengawasan yang spektrumnya antara sektoral (functional basis) ataukah holistik (areal basis) terdapat tiga karakter: (1) areal, jika pengawasan hanya mengandalkan pada wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah, (2) dual, jika pengawasan dilakukan secara campuran, yaitu; antara wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah dan administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral, dan (3) fungsional, jika pengawasan hanya dilakukan oleh administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral. untuk pengawasan yang bersifat dual di bagi lagi menjadi dua hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 329 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ karakter: (a) dual areal, jika pengawasan lebih besar dilakukan oleh wakil pemerintah pusat ketimbang administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral dan (b) dual functional, jika pengawasan lebih besar dilakukan oleh administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral ketimbang wakil pemerintah pusat. metode penelitian kajian ini menggunakan metode peneltian kualitatif dengan menjabarkan sumber-sumber data sekunder untuk dianalisis dan diperbandingkan, sehingga dapat diperoleh gambaran mengenai hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah dan peran wakil pemerintah. teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan adalah telaah pustaka yang terkait dengan topik yang akan dikaji. teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah analisis komparatif yang mencoba untuk mengkaji berbagai sistem pemerintahan dari berbagai negara untuk ditarik kesimpulan. hasil dan analisis berdasarkan pola-pola pengawasan terhadap pemerintah daerah sumber : humes iv, samuel, 1995; 5 gambar four traditional approaches to local governance: a conceptual framework hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 330 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tersebut di dunia ini setidaknya terdapat empat model utama hubungan pemerintahan yang dikiblati oleh hampir semua negara dengan variasi dan modifikasi sesuai dengan perkembangan sejarah dan pengalaman bernegara masing-masing negara. keempat model tersebut adalah: (a) model perancis, (b) model jerman, (c) model inggris, dan (d) model uni soviet. berikut ini adalah penjelasan lebih rinci atas model-model dimaksud. 1. model-model administrasi sistem pemerintahan a. model perancis negara perancis dikenal dengan sistem administrasi pemerintahan yang sangat kuat dominasi pemerintah pusatnya. akan tetapi, dalam praktik penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerahnya tidak demikian. perancis mengembangkan sistem adminstrasi yang kompleks. hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah terjalin dalam suatu jalinan yang terintegrasi dimana pemerintah pusat tetap mempunyai kontrol yang kuat pada semua tingkatan pemerintah daerah tapi daerah tetap mempunyai kebebasan menyelenggarakan urusan lokalnya. pemerintah daerah khususnya commune bertanggungjawab kepada dprd, conceil municipal, tapi kepala daerahnya untuk urusan-urusan yang berkaitan dengan otonomi daerahnya bertanggungjawab kepada dprd sedangkan untuk urusan-urusan yang berkaitan dengan tugas pemerintah pusat bertanggungjawab kepada pemerintah pusat. pemerintah daerah (departement) dikepalai oleh prefet yang diangkat oleh pemerinah pusat dari fungsionaris departement yang paling cakap. prefet adalah wakil pemerintah pusat sekaligus organ daerah otonom (department). prefet bertanggungjawab kepada pemerintah pusat. prefet atas nama pemerintah pusat dapat membubarkan dprd commune, conceil municipal dan dapat pula memberhentikan maire, kepala commune. pemerintah pusat mempunyai kewenangan mengawasi pemerintah daerah melalui wakil-wakilnya di daerah yang disebut dengan istilah tutelle. melalui sistem pengawasan ini maire (kepala commune) tunduk pada prefet (kepala departement) dan prefet tunduk pada menteri dalam negeri. sistem tutelle ini dibagi menjadi dua (sarwata, 1981). pertama, tutelle atas organorgan daerah otonom. pengawasan ini ditujukan pada organ-organ daerah otonom seperti kepala daerah dan dewan daerah. pemerintah pusat hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 331 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mengawasi tindakan kepala daerah dan dewan daerah. jika pemerintah pusat menemukan bukti nyata bahwa kepala daerah dan/atau dewan daerah melakukan tindakan yang bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan maka pemerintah pusat dapat melakukan tindakan represif: memberhentikan sementara atau seterusnya kepada kepala daerah dan membubarkan dewan daerah. jika pemerintah pusat membubarkan dewan daerah, maka daerah harus segera mengadakan pemilihan baru untuk mengisi kekosongan ini. kedua, tutelle atas kegiatankegiatan daerah otonom. pemerintah pusat juga mengawasi kegiatankegiatan daerah otonom yang dituangkan dalam kebijakan daerah. jika pemerintah pusat menemukan bukti nyata bahwa kebijakan daerah bertentangan kepentingan umum, kepentingan pemerintah pusat, kepentingan daerah yang lebih tinggi dan kepentingan antardaerah, maka pemerintah pusat dapat melakukan tindakan sebagai berikut: mencabut kebijakan yang bermasalah tersebut; membatalkan kebijakan yang bermasalah tersebut sebelum dijalankan; menunda pemberlakukan kebijakan yang bermasalah tersebut; mengganti kebijakan daerah yang bermasalah dengan kebijakan pengganti yang dibuat oleh pemerintah pusat atau wakilnya. misal, suatu daerah tidak membuat apbd di awal tahun, maka pemerintah pusat atau wakilnya dapat membuat apbd pengganti untuk dilaksanakan oleh daerah yang bersangkutan. administrasi pemerintah perancis terdiri atas pemerintah pusat, departements, arrondisement, dan commune. dibawah arrondisement terdapat canton yang merupak an wilayah pemilihan tanpa administrator, circonscripion electoral, untuk anggota conseil general, dewan perwakilan rakyat departements. disamping itu, juga ada region, yaitu; pengelompokkan departement untuk pengembangan ekonomi regional. departements dan commune adalah daerah dengan status campur: sebagai wilayah adminstrasi (asas dekonsentrasi) sekaligus sebagai daerah otonom (asas desentralisasi). arrondisement adalah wilayah administrasi murni. dengan demikian, susunan pemerintah daerah perancis terdiri atas pemerintah daerah otonom (local self government) sekaligus pemerintah wilayah (local state government), dan pemerintah wilayah administrasi murni. pemerintah daerah dengan status campur (local state government sekaligus local self government) adalah departements dan commune sedangkan pemerintah wilayah hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 332 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ administrasi murni adalah arrondisement. meskipun departement dan commune sama-sama daerah otonom sekaligus wilayah administrasi tapi ada satu hal yang membedakan di antara keduanya yaitu mengenai kepala daerahnya. pada departements, kepalanya disebut prefet diangkat oleh pemerintah pusat sedangkan pada commune, kepalanya disebut maire, dipilih dari dan oleh conseil municipal, dprd. arrondisement merupakan wilayah adminstrasi murni (asas dekonsentrasi). oleh karena itu, kepalanya diangkat oleh pemerintah pusat. pemerintah dapartements terdiri atas prefet departements dan conseil general (parliament). pemerintah commune terdiri atas maire dan conseil municipal. sebagaimana disebutkan di atas bahwa di antara beberapa department dibentuk region-region pengembangan ekonomi. untuk itu, dibentuk region. region terdiri atas prefet region dan conseil region (assembly). region dan departements juga merupakan regional prefecture dan departements prefecturate yaitu wilayah kerja aparat pusat di region dan di departements. departement sebagai daerah otonom mempunyai batas-batas wilayah yang berimpit dengan batas-batas wilayah pelayanan, jurisdiksi, instansi vertikal tersebut. oleh karena itu, daerah otonom departments berimpit dengan wilayah pelayanan departements prefecturate dimana departemendepartemen pusat beroperasi dalam wilayah ini. prefet regional dan prefet departement juga mengepalai instansi-instansi vertikal yang beroperasi dalam wilayahnya karena ia adalah wakil pemerintah pusat dalam wilayahnya. walaupun commune juga merupakan daerah otonom sekaligus wilayah adminsitrasi tapi wilayahnya bukan wilayah prefektorat commune karena ia tidak merupakan wilayah beroperasinya instansi vertikal. meskipun di sini masih ada staf instansi vertikal tapi fungsinya lebih sebagai pemberian bantuan, pembinaan, dan pengawasan terhadap dinas-dinas commune. region dan departements masing-masing dikepalai oleh prefet region dan prefet departements. prefet region adalah wakil pemerintah pusat. oleh karena itu, ia diangkat dan bertanggung jawab kepada pemerintah pusat. prefet departements mempunyai fungsi ganda: satu sisi sebagai pejabat pemerintah pusat dan pada sisi lain sebagai alat daerah otonom. arrondisement dikepalai oleh sous prefet. ia hanya sebagai kepala wilayah administrasi. oleh karena itu, ia hanya bertanggung jawab kepada pemerintah pusat melalui prefet departement. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 333 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintah commune terdiri atas maire dan conseil municipal. anggota conseil municipal dipilih oleh rakyat melalui pemilu untuk masa bakti enam tahun. maire dipilih dari dan oleh conseil municipal untuk masa jabatan enam tahun juga. maire juga mempunyai fungsi ganda: sebagai aparat pusat dan organ daerah otonom. untuk urusan yang berkaitan dengan rumah tangga commune, maire bertanggungjawab kepada conseil municipal sedangkan untuk urusan-urusan yang berhubungan dengan kepentingan pemerintah pusat, maire bertanggungjawab kepada pemerintah pusat melalui sous prefet. jadi, commune tidak lepas sama sekali dari pengawasan pusat. commune berada di bawah pengawasan sous prefet, kepala arrondisement sebagai aparat pemerintah pusat di bawah prefet epartements sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat. sebagaimana telah disinggung bahwa arrondisement (subprefect) adalah wilayah administrasi murni. dengan demikian, kepalanya, sous prefet adalah wakil pemerintah pusat. pada tingkat nasional, pemerintah pusat membawahi para menteri. salah satu menteri, yaitu; menteri dalam negeri mengawasi jalannya pemerintahan daerah. menteri dalam negeri mengawasi pajabat daerah sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat (prefet) di semua tingkatan: region, departements, arrondisments, dan commune. meskipun pengawasan menteri dalam negeri tidak sampai pada commune tapi sous prefet arrondisement mengawasi commune atas nama pemerintah pusat. prefet mempunyai wewenang tutelle yaitu mengawasi pemerintahan daerah agar berjalan sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan. prefet dapat mengusulkan pembubaran conceil municipal kepada menteri dalam negeri jika ia dinilai melanggar peraturan perundang-undangan. berdasarkan usulan prefet pula menteri dalam negeri dapat memberhentikan maire berdasarkan hasil keputusan dewan menteri. dalam sistem administrasi pemerintah perancis, hampir semua lembaga pemerintah non departemen (lpnd) pusat mempunyai instansi vertikal di region dan departements sebagai administrasi lapangan. bahkan beberapa di antaranya juga mempunyai staf lokal di commune namun bukan dalam bentuk instansi vertikal tapi hanya staf yang melakukan fungsi pembinaan dan pengawasan terhadap dinas-dinas commune. kepala instansi vertikal melaksanakan program sektoral yang menjadi tugas departemennya yang beropersi dalam wilayah region dan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 334 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ departments. oleh karena itu, ia juga ikut mengawasi jalannya pemerintahan daerah khususnya yang berhubungan dengan program sektoral yang berada di bawah tanggungjawabnya. commune adalah daerah yang mempunyai otonomi luas. warga commune mempunyai kebebasan sepenuhnya untuk mengidentifikasi, merumuskan, dan membuat kebijakan yang berkaitan dengan urusanurusan setempat dan melaksanakannya melalui lembaga-lembaga commune yaitu conceil municipal, maire dan wakilnya, dan perangkat commune. penyelenggaraan pemerintahan commune sangat demokratis dan efesien karena partisipasi warga commune sangat nyata dan pelayanan serta program-programnya nyata-nyata berhasil guna. di samping itu, proses pelayanan sangat cepat dan tidak bertele-tele, karena di bawah commune tidak ada satuan adminstrasi lagi, seperti rt dan rw sebagaimana terdapat di indonesia. negara yang mengadopsi sistem perancis adalah maroko dan negara-negara bekas jajahan perancis. hume iv (1991:19). dengan melihat gambar diatas tampak jelas bahwa pemerintah perancis sangat didominasi oleh pemerintah pusat. semua kepala daerah adalah juga wakil pemerintah pusat di samping sebagai organ daerah otonom. menteri dalam negeri mengawasi jalannya pemerinahan daerah mulai dari region sampai arrondissement. sedangkan commune diawai oleh kepala arrondissement. di samping itu, juga terdapat administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral di semua daerah otonom. model seperti ini oleh humes iv dikategorikan sebagai menganut pola dual supervision. b. model jerman negara jerman adalah negara yang berbentuk federal/serikat. oleh karena itu, negara jerman terdiri atas negara-negara bagian. negara bagian disebut land. dalam land terdapat daerah-daerah otonom: county atau kreis dan gemeinde atau municipal. jadi, pemerintah daerah yang terdiri atas county atau kreis dan municipal atau gemeinde berada dalam negara bagian, land. dengan demikian, yang mengendalikan pemerintahan daerah di jerman adalah negara bagian, bukan pemerintah federal/pusat. sesuai dengan pasal 28 ayat 1 konstitusi republik federal jerman maka rakyat lander, county, dan municipal harus mempunyai dewan perwakilan yang dipilih secara langsung, umum, bebas, dan rahasia. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 335 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ selanjutnya pasal 28 ayat 2 mengatur bahwa municipal mempunyai hak untuk menyelenggarakan semua urusan yang menjadi kewenangannya berdasarkan peraturan perundang-undangan. hak menyelenggarakan urusannya tersebut juga temasuk dalam bidang keuangan. county dan municipal menyelenggarakan urusan-urusan setempat berdasarkan kepentingan dan aspirasinya. county dan municipal menggodok kebijakan daerah secara demokratis yang selanjutnya dilaksanakan oleh kepala daerah dan dipertanggung-jawabkannya kepada dewan. haschke (1998) menjelaskan bahwa municipal mempunyai kewenangan yang luas di bidang personal, organisasi dan administrasi, perencanaan, keuangan, dan pajak. semua kewenangan ini merupakan hak municipal untuk melaksanakan dan mempertanggung-jawabkannya. dalam wilayah ini pemerintah federal dan land tidak boleh membatasi dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi. humes iv (1991: 61) menjelaskan bahwa enam negara bagian menggunakan satuan administrasi wilayah (regierungsbezirke) untuk mengkoordinir urusan-urusan lokal. satuan administrasi ini adalah subdivisi administrasi kementerian dalam negeri. ia dikepalai oleh pejabat (regiurungsprasident) yang paling senior dari kepala-kepala wilayah tersebut. satuan administrasi tersebut terdiri atas beberapa divisi yang bersangkutpaut dengan kementerian fungsional yang mempunyai kedekatan kerja. kementerian fungsional tersebut mempunyai beberapa mekanisme kontrol sebagai berikut: pertama, menyediakan kebijakan pada instansiinstansi negara bagian, khususnya administrasi wilayah. kedua, membuat standard-standard untuk staf municipal dan pejabat county. ketiga, memberikan bantuan kepada kantor county dan municipal dengan pegawai negeri sipil. keempat, memberikan bantuan dana dengan persyaratan yang wajar. kelima, dalam beberapa kasus memberikan tugastugas pada unit lapangan khusus yang berada di bawah pengendalian kementerian langsung. jerman dikenal sebagai negara yang kuat sistem demokrasinya dan kuat pula institusi pemerintahannya. oleh karena itu, di jerman kebebasan individu sebagai bagian dari budaya liberalisme yang dianut bangsa barat pada umumnya diakomodasi dengan baik dalam sistem pemerintahan jerman. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 336 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ humes iv (1991; 60-61) menjelaskan bahwa jerman sangat dikenal dengan prinsip subsidiarity dalam administrasi publiknya. sebagai konsekuensi dari prinsip ini, pemerintah daerah jerman menyerahkan tiga fungsi kepada dewan daerah: (a) pendelegasian pengawasan pertanggungjawaban seperti masalah registrasi dan pemilihan, (b) pertanggungjawaban yang bersifat wajib dan pengaturan seperti urusan sekolah dan jalan, dan (c) pemberian diskresi yang luas untuk kegiatan-kegiatan wisata (humes iv; 1991: 63). selanjutnya humes iv menjelaskan bahwa melalui prinsip tersebut otoritas publik yang lebih tinggi hanya menangani urusan-urusan yang tidak dapat diselenggarakan secara efesien oleh otoritas yang lebih rendah. melalui skema ini negara bagian (land) mengembangkan kerangka kerja legislasi nasional khusus dan bertanggung jawab atas pelaksanaannya. pemerintah county (kreis) dan municipal (gemeinde) juga melaksanakan kebijakan pusat dan negara bagian tersebut. hanya beberapa kementerian pusat/federal yang menggunakan agen-agennya untuk memberikan pelayanan di luar kantor pusatnya, daerah. di antaranya adalah urusan luar negeri, pelayanan pos, kereta api, pelayaran, pengendalian ramburambu udara, tentara/polisi dan pabean. sebagian kementerian pusat/ federal lainnya melaksanakan programnya melalui land, negara bagian. hanya sedikit kementerian land yang mempunyai organisasi lapangan pada county dan atau municipal. organisasi lapangan land yang ada di daerah di antaranya adalah yang menangani penerimaan negara, kesejahteraan veteran, kehutanan, tambang, tera, landreform, pengawasan sumberdaya air, jalan raya negara, pengawasan dan bantuan sekolah dan perguruan tinggi, pengawasan kesehatan dan pendaftaran tanah. menteri dalam negeri land adalah lembaga utama dalam administrasi pemerintahan jerman. kementerian fungsional yang bekerja pada wilayah county dan/atau municipal harus melalui kementerian dalam negeri atau wakilnya. pada tingkat municipal, gemeinde, (humes iv;1991: 62), terdapat empat bentuk struktur pemerintahan daerah yaitu: pertama, hesse dan municipal yang lebih besar dari schleswig-holstein menggunakan sistem dewan memilih magistrat (badan eksekutif yang bersifat kolegial). kedua, rhinewestphalia utara dan lower saxony mempunyai burgemeister sebagai kepala dewan dan kepala seremonial, tapi kepala eksekutinya (direktor) ditunjuk hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 337 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ oleh dewan untuk masa tertentu. ketiga, bavaria dan baden wurttemberg mempunyai walikota yang dipilih rakyat sebagai kepala dewan dan kepala eksekutif. keempat, rhineland palatinate dan saar mempunyai dewan yang memilih walikota sebagai kepala dewan dan juga sebagai pejabat kepala daerah. dengan memperhatikan gambar di atas tampak bahwa administrasi pemerintahan daerah jerman menempatkan wakil pemerintah pada kreis. pada daerah ini, kepala eksekutifnya adalah sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat di samping juga sebagai alat daerah otonom. di gemeinde tidak dikenal wakil pemerintah. artinya kepala gemeinde hanyalah sebagai alat daerah otonom. di sini tampak bahwa asas desentralisasi lebih menonjol daripada asas dekonsentrasi. negara yang mengadopsi model jerman di antaranya adalah jepang. pola seperti ini oleh humes iv dikategorikan sebagai negara yang menganut pola areal subsidiarization. c. model inggris inggris adalah negara kesatuan, bukan federal. sebagai negara kesatuan maka kedaulatannya berada di tangan pemerintah pusat. pemerintah pusat membentuk pemerintah daerah. oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerahnya berada langsung di bawah pemerintah pusat. pemerintah pusat menyerahkan urusan pemerintahan kepada daerah sebagai kewenangannya secara rinci yang dikenal dengan ultravires doctrine. dengan model penyerahan urusan pemerintahan seperti ini maka daerah mengetahui persis urusan-urusan pemerintahan apa yang harus diselenggarakan. berdasarkan pelimpahan kewenangan secara rinci inilah pemerintah daerah tidak boleh melampui kewenangan yang menjadi miliknya. inggris menganut demokrasi parlementer. pemerintah dipimpin oleh perdana menteri dari partai yang menang pemilu atau yang menguasasi mayoritas di parlemen. perdana menteri bertanggung jawab kepada parlemen. parlemen bisa melakukan mosi tidak percaya kepada perdana menteri, jika dinilai melakukan kebijakan yang dinilai merugikan negara dan/atau rakyat atau melanggar peraturan perundang-undangan. praktik pemerintahan daerah di inggris mirip dengan praktik demokrasi parlementer pada tingkat nasional. pemerintah daerah dikuasai oleh hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 338 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dewan perwakilan rakyat, council, yang dipilih oleh rakyat secara langsung. dprd memilih kepala daerah. dprd juga mengangkat birokrasi lokal. oleh karena itu, kepala daerah dan birokrasi lokal bertanggung jawab kepada dprd. pemerintah daerah inggris terdiri atas county (england dan wales) atau region (scotland) dan district/city/borouh. baik county maupun district keduanya adalah daerah otonom (asas desentralisasi). hal ini tidak sama dengan departement dan commune di perancis. departement dan commune adalah daerah otonom sekaligus wilayah administrasi sedangkan county dan district adalah daerah otonom murni. karena keduanya adalah sesama daerah otonom murni maka antarkeduanya tidak ada hubungan hirarki. masing-masing berdiri sendiri sebagai daerah otonom yang kewenangannya diatur oleh undang-undang. karena county dan district adalah daerah otonom murni maka kepala daerahnya juga murni alat pemerintah daerah otonom. dengan demikian, inggris tidak mengenal wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah seperti di perancis (prefet dan maire sebagai kepala prefekturat) atau di jerman (landrat sebagai kepala land). meskipun tidak mengenal wakil pemerintah di daerah tapi bukan berarti pemerintah pusat tidak bisa mengendalikan pemerintah daerah. pemerintah pusat tetap dapat mengendalikan pemerintah daerah melalui dua cara: (a) memberi peran yang sangat kuat pada instansi vertikal dan (b) menerapkan prinsip ultra vires doctrin dan beyond the powers yaitu prinsip bahwa pemerintah daerah tidak boleh melampuai kewenangan sebagaimana ditentukan dalam peraturan perundang-undangan. hampir semua departemen pusat mempunyai instansi vertikal di kedua daerah otonom tersebut dengan wilayah pelayanan, jurisdiksi, tertentu sesuai dengan kepentingan dan kriteria departemennya. instansi vertikal langsung memberikan pelayanan lokal dalam wilayah pelayanannya. jurisdiksi instansi vertikal tidak selalu sama dan sebangun dengan daerah otonom. kemudian parlemen nasional memberi pengawasan yang ketat kepada pemerintah agar tidak menyimpang dari peraturan perundangundangan. jika pemerintah daerah terbukti menyimpang dari ketentuan undang-undang maka parlemen bisa memberikan sanksi. dengan kuatnya peran instansi vertikal tersebut, maka inggris juga dikenal sebagai negara yang menganut sistem fungsional, bukan sistem hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 339 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ prefektur. dalam sistem fungsional kementerian fungsional di pusat mengembangkan wilayah pelayanan, jurisdiksi, sesuai dengan tujuan, kriteria, kelayakan keterjangkaun, efesiensi pelayanan di daerah yang dipercayakan kepada kepala instansi vertikalnya. melalui kepala instansi vertikal tersebut kementerian fungsional langsung memberikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat di daerah yang bersangkutan dan memperkuat dinasdinas daerah. pemerintah daerah inggris di mulai dari dewan yang dipilih secara langsung oleh warga county dan district. dewan lalu memilih salah satu anggotanya menjadi mayor, kepala daerah. kepala daerah menjalankan fungsi kepala daerah otonom dan fungsi seremonial. dewan membuat kebijakan yang berkaitan dengan pengaturan dan pengurusan rumah tangganya. untuk melaksanakan kebijakan yang dibuat tersebut dewan membentuk komisi dan subkomisi yang diberi kewenangan terbatas baik dalam jumlah maupun variasi urusan yang diembannya. commisionercommisioner membentuk birokrasi lokal untuk melaksanakan kebijakan dewan secara teknis. kepala daerah dan para commisioner baik sendirisendiri maupun bersama-sama bertanggung jawab kepada dewan. wilson dan game (1991; 68-73) menjelaskan bahwa susunan dalam pemerintah daerah inggris terdiri atas departemen-departemen yang dibentuk oleh komite dewan perwakilan rakyat yang dipilih untuk masa kerja empat tahun. dewan mempunyai kewenangan untuk menunjuk atau mengangkat pejabat yang mengepalai departemen. setiap departemen dipimpin oleh pejabat yang mumpuni dan staf pelaksana yang sangat ahli. departemen langsung memberikan pelayanan dalam wilayah tanggungjawabnya yaitu yang berkenaan dengan urusan rumah tangganya melalui komite dan sub-komite. komite dan sub-komite inilah yang merupakan tangan kanan departemen. lingkup tugas departemen tidak boleh bertentangan dengan kerangka kerja kebijakan nasional. dalam penyelenggaraan urusan lokal tersebut pemerintah pusat tidak boleh melakukan campur tangan secara langsung. penyelenggaraan urusan lokal sepenuhnya diserahkan kepada warga setempat melalui dewan yang dipilih secara langsung. pemerintah pusat hanya campur tangan dalam hal standardisasi dan fasilitasi. akan tetapi, departemen sektoral pusat mempunyai administrasi lapangan yang menjangkau seluruh wilayah di hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 340 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ semua jenjang pemerintahan. administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral ini memberikan fasilitasi, pembinaan, dan pengawasan terhadap dinasdinas daerah demi memperkuat penyelenggaraan otonominya dan mengintegrasikan dengan kebijakan pemerintah pusat. pemerintah daerah yang mengkiblati pemerintah daerah model inggris antara lain amerika serikat, kanada, australia, dan india. pengawasan terhadap pemerintah daerah lebih banyak dilakukan oleh dprd dan administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral. pemerintah pusat tidak menempatkan wakilnya di daerah. model pengawasan seperti ini oleh humes iv disebut sebagai negara yang menganut pola functional regulation. d. model uni soviet uni soviet sebelum terpecah menjadi negara-negara merdeka seperti sekarang adalah sebuah negara yang dikenal sebagai negara yang menerapkan demokrasi yang sentralistis dan dalam menerapkan hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah menganut dual subordination (humes iv, 1991; 81). meskipun mengklaim sebagai negara yang menganut paham demokrasi tapi dalam praktik uni soviet lebih sebagai negara diktator partai daripada sebuah negara demokrasi. sebagai indikatornya uni soviet tidak mempunyai partai selain partai komunis dan tidak ada pemilihan yang diselenggarakan secara umum, bebas, dan rahasia. pemilihan umum yang diselenggarkan hanyalah prosedur memilih orang-orang partai yang sudah ditentukan oleh polit biro, bukan memberi kesempatan kepada rakyat untuk menentukan pilihan berdasarkan aspirasi dan kepentinganya. uni soviet tidak mengenal wakil-wakil rakyat yang dipilih secara bebas. dpr yang ada bukanlah wakil rakyat dalam arti yang sebenarnya tapi hanyalah badan penasihat pemerintah yang ditentukan oleh partai. dalam rangka penciptaan masyarakat komunis rakyat dipaksa tunduk pada kekuasaan diktator proletariat yang dijalankan oleh partai komunis. partai akan mengakhiri diktatoriatnya ketika masyarakat sudah sampai pada tahap memasuki masyarakat tanpa kelas: sama rasa dan sama rata. akan tetapi, sampai uni soviet bubar tahapan tersebut tidak pernah terlampui sehingga rakyat tetap hidup dalam sistem diktator partai. uni soviet menganut partai tunggal yaitu partai komunis. partai hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 341 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ komunislah yang menentukan semua kebijakan negara dan pemerintahan. partai komunis merupakan sumber kewenangan semua lembaga negara. kebijakan partai menjadi kebijakan negara. pada tingkat nasional pucuk pimpinan partai, polit biro partai komunis menguasai semua lembaga tinggi negara. dewan perwakilan rakyat dan para menteri ditentukan oleh polit biro partai komunis. lembaga inilah yang menentukan kebijakan negara dan struktur pemerintahan uni soviet. oleh karena itu, uni soviet dikendalikan oleh partai komunis. partai komunis mempunyai struktur organisasi mengikuti struktur pemerintahan uni soviet. secara hirarkis struktur partai adalah polit biro tingkat nasional, biro tingkat negara bagian, biro tingkat provinsi, dan biro tingkat distrik. adapun struktur pemerintahannya adalah pemerintah nasional (union republic), province/oblast, distric/raion, dan municipal/ selvovety. biro-biro partai mulai dari tingkat provinsi ke bawah adalah lembaga partai yang menjadi perpanjangan tangan polit biro partai komunis pusat. oleh karena itu, biro-biro partai di daerah juga ikut menentukan kebijakan dan struktur pemerintahan daerah. dengan demikian, sistem pemerintahan daerah juga tidak jauh berbeda dengan yang berlaku di pusat dalam arti dikuasai oleh elit partai komunis. pemerintah pusat mengangkat pejabat di daerah sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat. pejabat yang diangkat ini harus mendapat persetujuan dari biro partai komunis daerah. tanpa persetujuan dari elit partai komunis daerah tersebut, tak seorang pun dapat diangkat sebagai kepala daerah. oleh karena itu, kepala daerah harus tunduk kepada partai komunis. dengan sistem demikian, maka hakekatnya pemerintah daerah di uni soviet adalah badan pemerintah pusat yang berada di daerah. dengan kedudukan demikian, maka pemerintah daerah juga merupakan agen departemen pusat. oleh karena itu, pemerintah daerah bertanggung jawab kepada pemerintah pusat dan/atau kepada departemen pusat yang menylenggarakan pelayanan di di daerah. pemerintah daerah mempunyai dprd yang fungsinya bukan sebagai lembaga pembuat kebijakan, pengawasan, dan penganggaran urusan lokal tapi sebagai badan penasihat pemerintah daerah. dprd tersebut dikepalai oleh kepala daerah, bukan oleh dan dari anggotanya yang dipilih secara bebas. lembaga yang menentukan kebijakan daerah termasuk anggaran hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 342 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ adalah biro partai komunis. di daerah dibentuk instansi vertikal. semua departemen sektoral pusat mempunyai instansi vertikal/administrasi lapangan di daerah. semua departemen langsung memberikan pelayanan di daerah. pemerintah daerah uni soviet hanyalah badan di bawah pemerintah pusat yang tunduk pada kekuasaan partai komunis. sistem pemerintahan daerah seperti ini oleh humes iv disebut menganul pola dual subordination. 2. hubungan pemerintah pusat dan daerah di indonesia a. model dual supervision rezim orde baru analisis hubungan pemerintah pusat dan daerah di indoneisa dibatasi pada rezim orde baru dan rezim reformasi. hal ini dilandasi oleh fakta bahwa praktik pemerintahan daerah yang mapan dan lama terjadi pada masa orde baru dan baru dilakukan perubahan secara mendasar sejak rezim ini digantikan oleh rezim reformasi. rezim orde baru yang berkuasa mulai 1968 sampai dengan 1998 menyelenggarakan pemerintahan daerah di indonesia berdasarkan undang-undang no. 5/1974 tentang pemerintahan daerah. undangundang ini menggunakan asas desentralisasi, dekonsentrasi, dan tugas pembantuan secara bersamaan yang satu melengkapi yang lain. menurut undang-undang ini, pemerintah daerah tersusun secara hirarkis dari pusat sampai ke desa/kelurahan dengan susunan sebagai berikut: pemerintah pusat, pemerintah provinsi daerah tingkat i, pemerintah kabupaten/ kotamadya daerah tingkat ii, pemerintah wilayah kota administratif, pemerintah wilayah kecamatan, dan pemerintah desa/kelurahan. pemerintah pusat terdiri atas presiden dan dpr, pemerintah propinsi terdiri atas gubernur kepala daerah tingkat i dan dprd tingkat i, pemerintah kabupaten/kotamadya terdiri atas bupati/walikota kepala daerah tingkat ii dan dprd tingkat ii, pemerintah wilayah kota administratif terdiri atas walikota administratif dan perangkatnya, pemerintah wilayah kecamatan, terdiri atas camat dan perangkatnya, pemerintah desa, terdiri atas kepala desa dan lembaga musyawarah desa (lmd), dan pemerintah kelurahan terdiri atas lurah dan perangkatnya. struktur pemerintahan menggunakan model prefektur terintegrasi untuk semua daerah otonom ditambah dengan wilayah administrasi murni hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 343 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan satuan pemerintahan terbawah yang bersifat tradisional. pemerintah daerah otonom (local self government) terdiri atas dua tingkat: 1) daerah tingkat i dan 2) daerah tingkat ii. bersamaan dengan pemerintah daerah otonom tersebut dalam wilayah yang sama juga berimpit pemerintah wilayah (local state government) dengan nomenklatur pemerintah provinsi untuk daerah tingkat i dan pemerintah kabupaten/kotamadya untuk daerah tingkat ii. gabungan antara pemerintahan daerah otonom dan pemerintahan wilayah tersebut menciptakan nomenklatur propinsi daerah tingkat i dan kabupaten/kotamadya daerah tingkat ii. nomenklatur provinsi dan kabupaten/kotamadya merujuk pada wilayah administrasi sedangkan nomenklatur daerah tingkat i dan daerah tingkat ii merujuk pada daerah otonom. di bawah kabupaten/kotamadya terdapat wilayah administrasi murni yaitu kota administratif dan kecamatan. di bawah kecamatan yang bersifat perkotaan terdapat wilayah administrasi murni lagi yaitu kelurahan sedangkan di bawah kecamatan yang bersifat perdesaan terdapat wilayah administrasi dengan otonomi tradisional yaitu desa. bahkan di bawah desa/kelurahan masih ada lagi semi satuan pemerintahan rw dan rt. dengan demikian, struktur pemerintahan daerah terdiri atas dua jalur: (a) jalur daerah otonom yang terdiri atas daerah tingkat i dan daerah tingkat ii yang masing-masing berdiri sendiri sebagai daerah otonom (nonhirakis) dan (b) jalur wilayah administrasi yang secara hirarkis dari atas ke bawah adalah pemerintah pusat, pemerintah provinsi (dengan wilayah yang berimpit dengan daerah tingkat i), pemerintah kabupaten/kotamadya (dengan wilayah yang berimpit dengan daerah tingkat ii), pemerintah kota administratif, pemerintah kecamatan, pemerintah desa/kelurahan, semi satuan pemerintahan rw, dan semi satuan pemerintahan rt. sebagai konsekuensi penggunaan model prefektur terintegrasi untuk semua daerah otonom maka pada setiap daerah otonom ditempatkan wakil pemerintah pusat. wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah otonom tingkat i adalah gubernur sedangkan wakil pemerintah pusat di daerah otonom tingkat ii adalah bupati/walikota. dengan demikian, kedudukan gubernur dan bupati/walikota adalah ganda: satu sisi sebagai alat daerah otonom dan di sini lain adalah sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat. akan tetapi, dalam praktik, gubernur dan bupati/walikota lebih memerankan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 344 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ diri sebagai wakil pemerintah karena yang menentukan pengangkatannya adalah pemerintah pusat walaupun melalui prosedur pengusulan dari dprd dari calon yang mendapatkan suara terbanyak. dengan dijadikannya daerah tingkat i dan daerah tingkat ii sekaligus sebagai wilayah administrasi maka daerah ini juga merupakan prefekturat yaitu daerah beroperasinya administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral. oleh karena itu, dalam wilayah propinsi dan kabupaten/kotamadya terdapat kantor wilayah propinsi dan kantor kabupaten/kotamadya departemen sektoral yang lazim disebut dengan istilah instansi vertikal. bahkan instansi vertikal tersebut juga terdapat di kecamatan/kota administratip seperti kantor kecamatan departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan dan kantor urusan agama. semua departemen sektoral yang mempunyai perangkat administrasi lapangan di propinsi dan kabupaten/ kotamadya bahkan kecamatan/kota administratip langsung memberikan pelayanan sektoral di wilayah kerjanya tersebut. secara teoritis kepala daerah, baik tingkat i maupun tingkat ii adalah alat pemerintah daerah otonom. oleh karena itu, kepala daerah bertanggungjawab kepada warga daerah otonom melalui wakil-wakilnya yang duduk dalam dprd. akan tetapi, praktiknya tidak demikian. kepala daerah bertanggungjawab kepada pemerintah pusat dan hanya memberikan laporan pertanggungjawaban kepada dprd. dengan demikian, penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah lebih kental menggunakan asas dekonsentrasi daripada desentralisasi. partisipasi warga daerah otonom dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan nyaris tidak ada karena lembaga perwakilan warga daerah, dprd, dikuasai oleh partai pemerintah dan militer/polisi. anggota dprd yang berasal dari partai pemerintah, golkar, berasal dari calon-calon yang dipilih dalam pemilihan umum yang manipulatif sedangkan yang berasal dari militer/ polisi semuanya diangkat. pemilihan umum yang diselenggarkan lima tahun sekali untuk memilih anggota dpr dan dprd lebih merupakan pelaksanaan prosedur demokrasi yang bersifat seremonial daripada memberikan kesempatan kepada rakyat untuk melakukan partisipasi dalam pemerintahan secara hakiki. dalam hal pelimpahan kewenangan dari pemerintah pusat kepada daerah otonom menggunakan cara ultra vires doctrine secara bertingkat. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 345 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintah pusat menyerahkan urusan-urusan pemerintahan kepada daerah tingkat i, lalu daerah tingkat i menyerahkan lagi kepada daerah tingkat ii. dalam praktinya, sampai rezim ini jatuh, urusan pemerintahan yang diserahkan kepada daerah tingkat i tidak pernah bertambah begitu juga urusan pemerintahan yang diserahkan daerah tingkat i kepada daerah tingkat ii. dengan mengikuti matrik humes iv, maka pola pemerintahan daerah demikian masuk kategori dual supervision. pola dual supervision menjelaskan bahwa pengawasan terhadap pemerintahan daerah dilakukan oleh wakil pemerintah (gubernur dan bupati/walikota) dan departemen fungsional (kepala instansi vertikal di propinsi dan kabupaten/kota). wakil pemerintah di bawah pengendalian menteri dalam negeri. wakil pemerintah juga berkedudukan sebagai kepala wilayah administrasi. oleh karena itu, ia adalah koordinator kepala-kepala instansi vertikal yang beroperasi di wilayahnya. model pemerintahan daerah seperti ini mirip pemerintahan daerah perancis. dilihat dari penerapan prefektural terintegrasi untuk semua daerah otonom memang sama dengan perancis. jumlah satuan pemerintahan dan hirarkinya juga hampir sama. akan tetapi, dilihat dari kedudukan masing-masing daerah otonom dan wilayah administrasi, tugas dan wewenang masing-masing lembaga sama sekali berbeda. pemerintah pusat perancis menggunakan tangan prefet dengan kewenangan tutelle dan kepala instansi vertikal untuk mengawasi jalannya pemerintahan daerah. hal ini hampir sama dengan penggunaan gubernur, bupati/walikota, camat/walikota administratip, dan kepala-kepala instansi vertikal di indonesia. akan tetapi, sebagai negara yang sangat menjunjung tinggi kebebasan individu dan demokrasi, perancis memberikan kewenangan yang luas kepada commune untuk mengatur dan mengurus urusan lokalnya. warga commune bebas memilih wakil-wakilnya untuk duduk dalam conceil municipal. conceil municipal bebas memilih anggotanya menjadi maire. dan maire bertanggungjawab kepada conceil municipal. di samping itu, satuan pemerintahan daerah terendah di perancis adalah commune sebagai daerah otonom sekaligus wilayah administrasi. di bawah commune tidak terdapat lagi satuan pemerintahan yang bersifat administratif seperti desa/kelurahan apalagi rw dan rt. dengan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 346 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ demikian, commune langsung memberikan pelayanan kepada warganya secara cepat, mudah, dan efisien. di indonesia daerah otonom sekaligus wilayah administrasi yang mirip dengan commune adalah kabupaten/kotamadya daerah tingkat ii. berdasarkan undang-undang no. 5 /1974 kabupaten/kotamadya daerah tingkat ii desain kelembagaan, tugas, dan wewenangnya tidak sama dengan commune. warga daerah tingkat ii tidak bisa memilih anggota dprd nya secara bebas. bupati/walikota tidak dipilih dari dan oleh dprd. bupati/walikota juga tidak bertanggung jawab kepada dprd. di samping itu, jika di bawah commune tidak terdapat lagi satuan pemerintahan, maka di indonesia di bawah kabupaten/kotamadya daerah tingkat ii masih terdapat satuan pemerintahan dengan hirarki yang sangat panjang yaitu kota administratip, kecamatan, desa/kelurahan, rw, dan rt. b. model areal subsidiarization rezim reformasi tahap i pada mei 1998 rezim orde baru jatuh melalui demonstrasi mahasiswa dan rakyat secara masif. presiden soeharto menyerahkan kekuasaan kepada wakilnya, b.j. habiebie. sebagai jawaban atas tuntutan reformasi, presiden habiebie mengundangkan undang-undang no. 22/1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah. undang-undang ini merupakan koreksi total atas undang-undang no. 5/1974. undang-undang no. 22/1999 membalik arah dari efesiensi administrasi ke demokratisasi masyarakat daerah. oleh karena itu, desain kelembagaan pemerintah daerah benarbenar berbeda dengan desain kelembagaan pemerintah daerah berdasarkan uu no. 5/1974. menurut undang-undang no. 22/1999 pemerintah daerah terdiri atas daerah provinsi dan daerah kabupaten/kota berdasarkan asas otonomi dan tugas pembantuan. penyerahan kewenangan dari pemerintah pusat kepada daerah tidak lagi dengan cara ultra vires doctrine tapi dengan cara general competence atau open end arrangement. melalui cara ini daerah mempunyai kewenangan yang luas dan utuh. luas artinya daerah mempunyai semua kewenangan selain enam kewenangan pusat sedangkan utuh adalah daerah menyelenggarakan kewenangan yang menjadi miliknya mulai dari perencanaan, pelaksanaan, dan evaluasinya hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 347 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tanpa mendapat campur tangan secara langsung dari pemerintah pusat. undang-undang no. 22/1999 menganut model prefektural terintegrasi pada provinsi (asas desentralisasi sekaligus asas dekonsentrasi) dan otonom murni pada kabupaten/kota (asas desentralisasi). model ini menempatkan provinsi sebagai daerah otonom sekaligus sebagai wilayah administrasi. dengan desain seperti ini maka gubernur sebagai kepala daerah provinsi berkedudukan ganda: satu sisi sebagai alat daerah otonom dan di sisi lain sebagai wakil pemerintah. kabupaten/kota hanya sebagai daerah otonom murni. dengan desain demikian, maka bupati/walikota sebagai kepala daerah kabupaten/kota hanyalah sebagai alat daerah otonom. ia bukan wakil pemerintah di daerahnya. dengan model pemerintahan daerah seperti itu, wakil pemerintah hanya sampai pada gubernur. hal ini sangat berbeda dengan uu no. 5/ 1974 yang mempunyai wakil pemerintah mulai dari gubernur, bupati/ walikota, camat/walikota adminstratip, dan kepala desa/lurah. sebagai konsekuensinya maka kecamatan sebagai wilayah administrasi pemerintah pusat dihapus. kecamatan diubah menjadi wilayah kerja perangkat dekonsentrasi kabupaten/kota. kelurahan diubah menjadi wilayah kerja perangkat dekonsentrasi kabupaten/kota di bawah kecamatan. adapun desa diubah menjadi semi daerah otonom yang bersifat tradisional. dengan penyerahan kewenangan yang menganut general competence atau open end arrangement dan pengembangan kelembagaan pemerintahan daerah demikian, maka di daerah tidak dibentuk lagi administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral. oleh karena itu, keberadaan instansi vertikal di daerah dilikuidasi kecuali milik lima departemen yang mengurus kewenangan pusat. semua sumber daya milik instansi vertikal yang mencakup personal, aset, peralatan, sarana dan prasarana diserahkan kepada daerah otonom yang bersangkutan. pemerinah provinsi terdiri atas gubernur dan dprd provinsi sedangkan pemerintah kabupaten/kota terdiri atas bupati/walikota dan dprd kabupaten/kota. kepala daerah (gubernur dan bupati/walikota) dipilih oleh dprd dan bertanggungjawab kepada dprd yang memilihnya. dprd mempunyai kewenangan memberhentikan kepala daerah. berdasarkan gambar diatas, tampak bahwa pengawasan pemerintah pusat terhadap pemerintah daerah mengandalkan pada satu-satunya wakil hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 348 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintah, yaitu; gubernur. departemen sektoral tidak lagi mempunyai administrasi lapangan. kepala departemen sektoral diharuskan berhubungan dengan gubernur sebagai wakil pemerintah dalam rangka menyelenggarakan urusan sektoralnya. demikian halnya dalam melakukan pengawasan. model pemerintahan daerah seperti ini berdasarkan kerangka kerja humes iv masuk kategori areal subsidiarization sebagaimaa jerman tapi tidak sepenuhnya. pola areal subsidiarization menjelaskan bahwa kepala daerah bertanggungjawab kepada dprd untuk penyelenggaraan urusan rumah tangganya dan bertanggungjawab kepada otoritas yang lebih tinggi untuk penyelenggaraan kebijakan pemerintah pusat. di samping itu, gubernur sebagai wakil pemerintah bertanggungjawab mengawasi jalannya pemerintahan daerah dan mengkoordinir instansi vertikal yang menyelenggarakan pelayanan publik di daerah. konstruksi ini tidak dipenuhi oleh uu no. 22/1999 karena gubernur tidak mengkoordinir kepala instansi vertikal yang menyelenggarakan pelayanan publik di daerah karena sudah tidak ada lagi administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral di daerah. karena unsur ini tidak dipenuhi maka pemerintahan daerah berdasarkan uu no. 22/1999 tersebut tidak sepenuhnya berpola areal subsidiarization. dalam praktik selama kurang lebih lima tahun, penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah ini mirip pola regulation yang dianut inggris karena kepala daerah sepenuhnya bertanggung jawab kepada dprd. akan tetapi, karena tidak diimbangi dengan kuatnya instansi vertikal (functional) di daerah dan pengawasan oleh badan legislasi nasional sebagaimana di inggris maka yang terjadi adalah kekacauan. sebagian kepala daerah menjadi raja kecil dan sebagian lagi menjadi pekerja dprd. dprd membuat aturan seenaknya. pada akhirnya rakyat hanya menjadi korban derita. c. model areal subsidiarization rezim reformasi tahap ii penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah berdasarkan undang-undang no. 22/1999 mendapat kritik dari semua pihak dan arah. di bawah rezim megawati undang-undang tersebut direvisi menjadi undang-undang no. 32/2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah. materi undang-undang ini dilihat dari aspek filosofis, aspek teoritik, dan landasan pikirnya tidak jauh berbeda dengan undang-undang sebelumnya. beberapa hal yang hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 349 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ membedakan dengan undang-undang no. 22/1999 adalah: pertama, kepala daerah dipilih secara langsung oleh warga daerah otonom. kedua, kepala daerah tidak bertanggungjawab kepada dprd, tapi kepada presiden. ketiga, dprd tidak bisa memberhentikan kepala daerah karena menolak pertanggungjawabannya. keempat, kedudukan gubernur sebagai wakil pemerintah pusat dipertegas. kelima, urusan-urusan pemerintahan yang bersifat wajib dan menjadi kewenangan pemerintah daerah sudah ditentukan secara atributif baik untuk propinsi maupun kabupaten/kota hanya ruang lingkupnya yang berbeda. provinsi dalam ruang lingkup lintas kabupaten/kota sedangkan kabupaten/kota dalam ruang lingkup daerah masing-masing. keenam, daerah otonom dibentuk instansi vertikal untuk melaksanakan urusan pemerintahan yang menjadi kewenangan pemerintah pusat (pasal 228) dan dapat dibentuk instansi vertikal untuk urusan lainnya (pasal 10 ayat 5 a). ketujuh, pemerintah melakukan pengawasan represif terhadap kebijakan daerah. kedelapan, badan perwakilan desa (bpd) diubah menjadi badan permusyawaratan desa (bpd) yang hanya berfungsi sebagai pembuat kebijakan desa bersama dengan kepala desa. dilihat dari kelembagaannya struktur pemerintahan daerah berdasarkan uu no. 32/2004 tidak jauh berbeda dengan struktur pemerintahan daerah berdasarkan uu no. 22/1999. hal yang membedakan adalah dibukanya kembali instansi vertikal di daerah otonom untuk menyelenggarakan sebagian urusan pemerintahan yang menjadi urusan pemerintah pusat di luar enam bidang (politik luar negeri, pertahanan, keamanan, yustisi, moneter dan fiskal nasional, dan agama). uu no. 32/2004 menggunakan pola areal subsidirization sepenuhnya sebagaiman pola jerman. hal ini tampak dengan dibukanya kembali instansi vertikal di daerah otonom baik di provinsi maupun kabupaten/ kota. pengawasan terhadap pemerintahan daerah tidak hanya mengandalkan pada wakil pemerintah yaitu gubernur tapi juga kepala administrasi lapangan departemen sektoral (instansi vertikal). kepala instansi vertikal di bawah koordinasi gubernur ikut terlibat dalam mengawasi penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. 3. peran wakil pemerintah dalam mengawasi jalannya pamerintahan daerah hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 350 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penyelenggaraan pemerintahan negara didasarkan atas adanya pendelegasian kedaulatan bidang kenegaraan dan pemerintahan dari rakyat kepada presiden melalui pemilihan umum. dengan adanya delegasi dari rakyat ini, presiden mempunyai wewenang penuh di bidang kenegaraan dan pemerintahan. untuk menyelenggarakan wewenang ini presiden mengangkat para menteri. dengan demikian, presiden dan para menteri adalah penanggung jawab penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di tingkat nasional. bidang penyelenggaraan pemerintahan adalah semua urusan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan rakyat. dengan demikian, bidangnya sangat luas dan tak terbatas. akan tetapi, untuk kepentingan identifikasi, bidang pemerintahan tersebut dikelompokkan menjadi dua: urusan pemerintahan umum dan urusan pemerintahan sektoral. urusan pemerintahan umum hakekatnya adalah semua urusan pemerintahan yang outputnya adalah menjamin tetap tegaknya eksistensi negara dan kelangsungannya, dan terciptanya kondisi negara yang aman, tertib, ternteram, dan stabil sedangkan urusan pemerintahan sektoral adalah bidang pemerintahan spesifik seperti pendidikan, kesehatan, dan lain-lain. presiden membentuk lembaga kementerian umum (general ministry) yang lazim disebut kementerian dalam negeri untuk mengurus urusan pemerintahan umum dan lembaga kementerian sektoral/fungsional (functional ministries) yang lazim disebut sebagai kementerian sektoral untuk mengurus urusan pemerintahan sektoral. kementerian dalam negeri menjadi induk kementerian karena di tangannya terletak tanggungjawab pengurusan pemerintahan umum yang merupakan inti materi yang didelegasikan rakyat bidang pemerintahan kepada presiden. penyelenggaraan pemerintahan yang kompleks tidak akan dapat berjalan efektif dan efesien jika pemerintah pusat menyelenggarakannya secara terpusat, sentralisasi. untuk itu, pemerintah nasional membuat kebijakan dekonsentrasi, desentralisasi, dan tugas pembantuan. dekonsentrasi adalah sentralisasi yang diperhalus yaitu memberi kepercayaan kepada pejabat di luar kantor pusatnya untuk melaksanakan kebijakan administratif dalam wilayah kerjanya. desentralisasi (devolusi) adalah pemberian kepercayaan kepada kesatuan masyarakat hukum yang tinggal di daerah otonom untuk mengatur dan mengurus urusan lokalnya sesuai dengan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 351 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ aspirasi dan kepentingannya tanpa campur tangan langsung dari pemerintah pusat. tugas pembantuan adalah meminta melaksanakan tugas pemilik kompetensi kepada daerah otonom. penyelenggaraan pemerintahan umum dan sektoral dalam skala negara merupakan tanggung jawab presiden dan para menteri sedangkan penyelenggaraan sebagian urusan pemerintahan sektoral khususnya yang bersifat lokal yang diserahkan kepada kesatuan masyarakat hukum di daerah otonom menjadi tanggung jawab masyarakat yang bersangkutan. jadi jelas, presiden dan para menteri sebagai pihak yang menerima pelimpahan kedaulatan bidang kenegaraan dan pemerintahan memegang inti urusan pemerintahan, yaitu; urusan pemerintahan umum dan sekoral yang berskala negara tersebut. materi ini tidak bisa diserahkan kepada daerah otonom karena menyangkut eksistensi negara dan kelangsungannya. materi urusan yang bisa diserahkan kepada daerah otonom adalah urusan sektoral yang berskala lokal. untuk itu, agar eksistensi negara dan kelangsungannya tidak terganggu, maka pemerintah pusat mengangkat wakilnya di daerah, baik wakil pemerintah yang diberi wewenang general (general minsitry/agency) maupun wakil pemerintah yang diberi wewenang sektoral (functional ministries/agency). wakil pemerintah dengan kewenangan general selalu berada di bawah kementerian dalam negeri sedangkan wakil pemerintah dengan kewenangan sektoral selalu berada di bawah departemen fungsional/ sektoral. dalam praktik, wakil pemerintah dengan kewenangan sektoral berada di bawah koordinasi wakil pemerintah general. atas kenyataan ini maka yang dikenal dengan wakil pemerintah adalah lembaga yang mempunyai kewenangan general ini. di perancis wakil pemerintah adalah prefet region di bawah menteri dalam negeri, prefet departement di tingkat provinsi, dan sous prefet di bawah prefet departement. di jerman wakil pemerintah adalah landrat di tingkat provinsi. di inggris tidak dikenal wakil pemerintah dengan kewenangan general (general ministy/agency) tapi mempunyai wakil pemerintah dengan kewenangan sektoral (functional ministries/agency). di uni soviet wakil pemerintah adalah semua kepala daerah di semua jenjang pemerintahan daerah. di indonesia berdasarkan uu no. 5/1974 wakil pemerintah adalah gubernur, bupati/walikota, camat/walikota adminstratif, dan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 352 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kepala desa/lurah. berdasarkan uu no. 22/1999 dan uu no. 32/2004 wakil pemerintah adalah gubernur. di semua negara tersebut tugas dan wewenang wakil pemerintah adalah tunggal, yaitu; mewakili kepala negara dan pemerintah pusat untuk menyelenggarakan pemerintahan umum dan sektoral yang lingkupnya negara dalam jurisdiksinya. ia mempunyai tanggungjawab menjamin tetap tegaknya negara dan kelangsungan hidupnya dan menjamin kelancaran penyelenggaraan pemerintahan untuk mencapai tujuan negara. oleh karena itu, ia mempunyai kekuasaan kenegaraan dan pemerintahan dalam jurisdiksinya atas nama presiden/kepala negara. nurcholis (2007) menjelaskan bahwa dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah wakil pemerintah adalah pejabat negara yang menyelenggarakan pemerintahan umum dan sektoral yang bersekup negara di daerah/ wilayahnya. ia adalah penanggungjawab utamanya. misi utamanya adalah mengamankan kepentingan negara dan/atau pemerintah pusat di daerah/ wilayahnya. wujud perbuatannya adalah membuat kebijakan yang ditujukan untuk: pertama, menjaga eksistensi negara dan kelangsungannya sehingga ia harus berjibaku melawan gerakan separatis yang muncul dalam daerah/wilayahnya. oleh karena itu, wakil pemerintah harus menjadi penanggungjawab utama ketika negara mendapat tantangan, ancaman, dan gangguan separatisme. ia harus mempunyai wewenang yang cukup untuk menggunakan semua sumber daya di wilayahnya dalam rangka mengatasi masalah ini. semua instansi vertikal di bidang hankam dan lainlain harus berada di bawah koordinasinya. kedua, mewujudkan stabilitas keamanan, ketertiban, dan ketenteraman masyarakat sehingga ia harus melawan perbuatan teror, anarkis, kacau, tawuran, huru-hara, dan lainlain yang terjadi di daerah/wilayahnya. wakil pemerintah harus menjadi penanggung jawab utama jika negara dalam kondisi seperti ini. ia harus menjadi pemegang komando utama terhadap semua alat-alat represif di daerahnya. oleh karena itu, di banyak negara wakil pemerintah membawahi kepolisian negara dan kejaksaan. ketiga, mengendalikan jalannya pemerintahan dalam wilayah jabatannya sehingga tetap bisa berjalan efektif dan efesien demi peningkatan kesejahteraan rakyat. oleh karena itu, bila ada satuan pemerintahan dalam wilayah jabatannya mengalami kemacetan atau kekacauan maka ia harus mengambil tindakan cepat agar hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 353 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pemerintahan berjalan normal kembali. keempat, mengatasi masalah darurat secara cepat seperti bencana alam, banjir, gempa bumi, gunung meletus, dan lain-lain yang terjadi di daerah/wilayahnya. di sini ia harus mempunyai kewenangan lintas sektoral dan fungsional sehingga dapat mendayagunakan semua sumber daya yang ada dalam wilayah jabatannya. dalam pelaksanaannya wakil pemerintah memenej sumber daya pemerintahan yang berada dalam tanggungjawabnya, mengkoordinir kepala departemen fungsional/sektoral yang beroperasi di wilayahnya, dan membina dan mengawasi pemerintahan daerah yang berada dalam lingkup wilayah jabatannya. sebagai kepala satuan wilayah pemerintahan ia mempunyai personil, dana, dan sarana dan prasarana yang dapat dikelola untuk melaksanakan kebijakannya. sebagai wakil pemerintah dengan wewenang general ia adalah koordinator atas semua kepala administrasi fungsional/sektoral yang beroperasi di wilayahnya. dan sebagai wakil pemerintah ia adalah penanggungjawab utama atas penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah dalam wilayah jabatannya. kesimpulan penyelenggaraan pemerintahan dalam suatu negara baik di negara serikat maupun di negara kesatuan harus tertata dalam jalinan yang sistemtik sehingga menciptakan hubungan tata pemerintahan yang serasi, selaras, harmonis, dan efektif untuk mencapai tujuan negara. jalinan sistemik tersebut tercermin dalam tata hubungan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan daerah harus menjadi sarana untuk menciptakan keseimbangan antara kebebasan masyarakat menyelenggarakan otonominya, kepentingan integrasi nasional, dan efesiensi administrasi negara. penciptaan tata hubungan pemerintahan dengan dampak seperti itu, harus ditata dalam dua pola hubungan pengawasan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah yaitu pola pengawasan hirarki dan pengawasan fungsional. baik pola hirarki maupun fungsional, keduanya mengandalkan peran wakil pemerintah (general ministy/agency dan/atau functional ministries/agency) sebagai penjaga kepentingan pemerintah pusat yaitu tetap tegaknya negara dan kelangsungannya, terpeliharanya keamanan, ketertiban dan ketenteraman masyarakat, jalannya pemerintahan hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 354 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.2 no.2 agustus 2011 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ yang stabil, dan kemampuan bertindak cepat mengatasi masalah darurat akibat peristiwa luar biasa demi penyelamatan umum. pilihan terhadap pola pengawasan inilah yang akan melahirkan sistem hubungan atarpemerintahan: pusat dan daerah dalam jalinan kerja pemerintahan yang sistemik, efektif, dan efesien. peran wakil pemerintah bukan sekedar penjaga penyelenggara pemerintahan dalam arti pasif. wakil pemerintah harus aktif menciptakan kondisi-kondisi sebagaimana melekat dalam tugas dan kewajibannya. oleh karena itu, wakil pemerintah harus diberi wewenang yang jelas dan cukup untuk bisa melakukan tindakan sesuai dengan beban tugas dan kewajibannya tersebut. daftar pustaka hoessein, bhenjamin. 1993. berbagai faktor yang mempengaruhi besarnya otonomi daerah tingkat ii, suatu kajian desentralisasi dan otonomi daerah dari segi ilmu dan administrasi. jakarta. disertasi pascasarjana ui bhenjamin hoessein, dkk. 2005. naskah akademik tata hubungan kewenangan pemerintah pusat dan daerah, pusat kajian pembangunan administrasi daerah dan kota. jakarta. fisip-ui. humes iv, samuel. 1991. local governance and national power. london. iula. nurcholis, hanif. 2007. toeri dan praktik: pemerintahan dan otonomi daerah. jakarta. grasindo, sarwoto. 1981. administrasi pemerintahan perancis. jakarta. ghalia indonesia. haschke, dieter. 1998. local government in german, www.luscomp.org/ gla/literature/localgov.htm wilson dan game. 1991. local government in united kingdom. london. prentice hall. undang-undang nomor 5 tahun 1974 tentang pokok-pokok pemerintahan daerah. undang-undang nomor 22 tahun 1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah. undang-undang nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang pemerintahan daerah. hubungan pemerintahan antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah serta peran wakil pemerintah / hanif nurcholis / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2011.0017 doi : 10.18196/jgp.v13i3.16136 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp jurnal studi pemerintahan how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations abderrahmane benlahcene1* , houcine meddour2 abstract global political and financial entities have witnessed many scandals linked to leaders’ unethical behavior. previous research suggests that the suscepti bility of leaders to act in an unethical way is rooted in various individual, orga nizational, and social factors. however, unethical leadership is scarcely ex amined in the context of african countries. this study explores the role of poor leadership skills and qualities in eliciting unethical leadership behavior in algerian public organizations. using an exploratory qualitative approach, 15 leaders and managers were included in series of in-depth interviews. the results of the data analysis revealed that poor leadership skills and compe tencies are critical antecedents of unethical leadership behavior within alge rian public organizations. this study contributes to the ongoing research ef forts that seek to identify and minimize the causes of unethical behaviors of leaders across sectors and disciplines. this study provides insights into the construct of unethical leadership and how individual, organizational, and so cial factors predict leaders’ unethical behavior. while there are many studies on the issue of unethical leadership, research on the potential role of poor leadership skills in eliciting unethical behavior is scarce, especially in alge ria. this study found that there is a strong link between skills and competen cies of leaders and their ethical behavior within organizational settings. keywords: unethical leadership, unethical behavior, leadership skills, eth ics, algeria. abstrak entitas politik dan keuangan global telah menyaksikan banyak skandal terkait dengan perilaku tidak etis para pemimpin. penelitian sebelumnya menunjukkan bahwa kerentanan pemimpin untuk bertindak dengan cara yang tidak etis berakar pada berbagai faktor individu, organisasi, dan sosial. namun, kepemimpinan yang tidak etis jarang diperiksa dalam konteks negara-negara afrika. studi ini mengeksplorasi peran keterampilan dan kualitas kepemimpinan yang buruk dalam memunculkan perilaku kepemimpinan yang tidak etis dalam organisasi publik aljazair. menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif eksplorasi, 15 pemimpin dan manajer dilibatkan dalam serangkaian wawancara mendalam. hasil analisis data mengungkapkan bahwa keterampilan dan kompetensi kepemimpinan yang buruk merupakan anteseden penting dari perilaku kepemimpinan yang tidak etis dalam organisasi publik aljazair. studi ini berkontribusi pada upaya penelitian berkelanjutan yang berupaya mengidentifikasi dan meminimalkan penyebab perilaku tidak etis para pemimpin lintas sektor dan disiplin ilmu. studi ini 409 affiliation: 1school of government, universiti utara malaysia, sintok, malaysia 2school of business management, universiti utara malaysia, sintok, malaysia correspondence: drbenlahcen@gmail.com how to citate: benlahcene, a., & meddour, h. (2022). how poor leadership skills elicit unethical behavior: evidence from public organizations. jurnal studi pemerintahan, 13(3) 409-422 article history: received: september 2, 2022 revised: october 12, 2022 accepted: november 3, 2022 http://journal.umy.ac.id/index.php/jsp mailto:drbenlahcen@gmail.com https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1743-5679 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5576-4134 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 410 memberikan wawasan tentang konstruksi kepemimpinan yang tidak etis dan bagaimana faktor individu, organisasi, dan sosial memprediksi perilaku tidak etis para pemimpin. meskipun ada banyak penelitian tentang masalah kepemimpinan yang tidak etis, penelitian tentang peran potensial keterampilan kepemimpinan yang buruk dalam memunculkan perilaku tidak etis masih langka, terutama di aljazair. studi ini menemukan bahwa ada hubungan yang kuat antara keterampilan dan kompetensi pemimpin dan perilaku etis mereka dalam pengaturan organisasi. kata kunci: kepemimpinan tidak etis, perilaku tidak etis, keterampilan kepemimpinan, etika, aljazair introduction for many years, the growing volume of research in moral psy chology and behavioral ethics has demonstrated that even good individuals can act in an unethical manner. examples of these unethical behaviors include deceiving in interpersonal relation ships, overstating contributions and performance related to team work, cheating on taxes, lying in negotiations, and inflating busi ness reports (gino, 2015). in line with this, the present era has witnessed many public scandals linked to the immoral and un ethical behaviors of leaders, which has prompted researchers to explore how and when unethical leaders influence their follow ers and how followers respond to them (malik, nawab, & shafi, 2022). the current complex and globalized work requires com petent and ethical leaders who can steer organizational resources in the right direction. leaders in any public or private domain play a significant role in determining the success or failure of their organizations (nicolaides & duho, 2019). effective and ethical leadership have been linked to a positive influence on organizations. on the other hand, recent studies have shown interest in the meaning and implications of unethical leadership and how it might influence individual and organizational per formance. as ethical leaders may have a positive influence on their respective organizations, unethical leaders may have a greater negative influence (sam, 2021). previous research on unethical leadership suggests that the main antecedents of leaders’ unethi cal behavior are related to three main factors: the leader, follow ers, and organizational environment. moreover, prior research suggests that unethical leadership behavior is caused by a combi jurnal studi pemerintahan nation of complex and entangled individual and situational fac tors. although it is important to understand ethical and unethical practices at all levels of organizations, scrutinizing these prac tices in the context of leadership is crucial because the range of impact leaders have on the behavior of followers and on shaping organizational culture (benlahcene & ramdani, 2019). the un ethical behavior of leaders exerts negative consequences at all organizational levels and for all stakeholders, including leaders and followers, demise, organizational failure, and followers’ mis trust (chandler, 2009; pelletier, 2010). workplace deviance is described as behavior that damages organizations and their mem bers and violates important organizational principles (brown & mitchell, 2010). according to ciulla (2018), human nature is not at always consistent and the circumstances surrounding the context and role of leaders present their own type of tempta tions (ciulla, 2018). accordingly, a great body of research across various disciplines, including philosophy, management, neuro science, and social psychology, has attempted to understand why individuals behave in ways inconsistent with their own moral principles or ethical values. these efforts to explore unethical accounts of people’s behavior suggest that the antecedents of unethical behavior range from individual differences to situational forces (sam, 2021; thoroughgood, sawyer, padilla, & lunsford, 2018). the unethical behavior of leaders is similar yet more complex than that of ordinary individuals, and there are various causes for leaders to act unethically, such as incompetence, personality, low organizational identification, threat to their identity, perceived injustice, and financial reasons (aasland, skogstad, notelaers, nielsen, & einarsen, 2010). given the complexity of the role and context of leadership, it is important to establish a robust understanding of the notion of leadership from different per spectives, not only through the lens of effective leadership. among these perspectives, researchers should examine failed or bad lead 411 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 412 ership (erickson, shaw, & agabe, 2007). hassan et al. (2022) argued that despite the distinctive and consequential nature of unethical leadership, researchers have made scant attempts to organize the scholarly work in this field in a systematic way which could provide a sound understanding of the phenomenon of unethical leadership from an academic standpoint (hassan, kaur, muchiri, ogbonnaya, & dhir, 2022). similarly, malik et al. (2022) posited that research on unethical leadership lags, both empirically and theoretically (malik et al., 2022). different types of organizations are experiencing many chal lenges that influence their people and business operations or even their survival, including unethical behaviors, lack of leader ship skills, and crises and disasters (megheirkouni & mejheirkouni, 2020). this study argues that existing research on leaders’ unethical behavior provides an insufficient understand ing of the key factors and conditions that shape leadership’s unethical behavior within organizational settings. given the high value that organizations and scholars place on leaders’ ethical behavior, it is important to understand when and why unethical behavior emerges. while the literature related to leadership un ethical behavior and its antecedents is well-established, research on the role of skills and competencies in the ethical behavior of leaders is still in its infancy. existing studies in this domain have mainly focused on how individual and organizational character istics, including individual leadership traits, ethics training, and ethics education, elicit or inhibit unethical behavior of leaders. the field of unethical behavior has a limited understanding of how poor leadership skills and competencies may elicit unethi cal or deviant behavior. thus, the purpose of the present study is to contribute to the ongoing body of research on unethical leadership by exploring the potential role of leadership skills and competencies in elicit ing unethical leadership behavior in algerian public organiza tions. guided by this objective, this study posits the following question: is there a link between poor leadership skills and un jurnal studi pemerintahan ethical behavior among leaders of algerian public organizations? this study adds value to the academic literature in this area by offering new insights into the nature of unethical leadership be havior. recognizing the need for further analysis of unethical leadership behavior, this study attempts to extend our knowl edge in this growing research area. research method studies on the issue of unethical leadership in the algerian context are scarce, and the different individual, organizational, and social factors that shape (un)ethical leadership are yet to re ceive sound analysis. this study followed an exploratory qualita tive design to investigate the potential role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical leadership behav ior within algerian public organizations. the use of an explor atory qualitative design assists in scrutinizing unmapped social and organizational issues. the respondents in this study were 15 top managers (14 males, 1 female) from four algerian public organizations. the age range of the respondents was–32-61 with a range of experience ranging from 5 to 35 years. participants held roles in different divisions and departments (human resources, finance, environmental pro tection, administration and logistics, transportation, business development, manufacturing, accounting, and operations). this study used a purposive sampling technique to select participants who could inform the objective of the study. according to guest et al. (2006), when the objective of research is to explore or de scribe perceptions, behaviors, or shared beliefs among a relatively homogeneous group of respondents, a sample of 12 will be satis factory for the study (guest, bunce, & johnson, 2006). how ever, following braun and clarke (2006) conceptualization of data saturation, the researchers decided that data saturation was reached at 15 interviews and no further respondents were needed. the main criteria for choosing the study participants were years of experience, role or position in a public organization, and will 413 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 414 ingness to participate in the study. leaders’ perspectives and views on the role of poor leader ship skills and competencies in eliciting unethical leadership behavior were assessed using semi-structured interviews that in cluded a standardized list of open-ended questions. open-ended questions offer rich data that reflects participants’ experiences and perspectives in their social world (creswell & creswell, 2017; lasch et al., 2010; qu & dumay, 2011). the interview guide lines included opening remarks that explained the study’s objec tive to the participants, key concepts, and the confidentiality of the information being collected. the interviews were face-to-face, and the average duration of the interview sessions ranged from 1/2 to 2 hours, depending on the respondents’ willingness to add further information. thematic analysis was used to analyze the collected data. in doing so, braun and clarke’s (2006) thematic analysis approach was adopted. following the step-by-step guide suggested by braun and clarke (2006), the researchers began by (1) transcribing, or ganizing, and reading thoroughly within the data. (2) after read ing and rereading the transcribed data, the researchers reflected on and wrote down the initial codes and notes. (3) the third phase of this process involves searching for and forming themes. (4) the researchers reviewed and matched the themes with the general nature of the data. (5) defining, naming, and renaming themes. (6) the final step was to produce the thematic analysis’s final report to provide a nuanced and detailed account of each theme. the process of transcribing, analyzing, and reporting was facilitated by the qualitative analysis software atlas.ti 8, which was used to organize the collected data and present the tran scribed content into consistent and logical structures. results the main objective of this study was to explore the role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical leadership behavior within the algerian public organizations. the jurnal studi pemerintahan thematic analysis of collected data suggested that the lack of lead ership skills and competencies are one of the key individual an tecedents that elicit unethical behavior among leaders of the algerian public organizations. shared views by respondents in dicated that several ethical and managerial issues arise in the absence of the required leadership skills and competencies that enable leaders to cope with different challenges and tasks in the organization. see figure 1 for details. figure 1. the role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical leadership behaviour. the majority of respondents posited that leaders failed to deal with organizational issues because of their incapability and poor skills. skills refer to the ability to perform well, to embrace the mental, and physical proficiency to understand or to have knowl edge about a particular task. having skills means a relevant knowl edge gained by practice, training, and experiences (guzmán, muschard, gerolamo, kohl, & rozenfeld, 2020). in the absence of the necessary skills and competencies, organizational leaders will not be able to understand and manage workplace issues prop erly. this issue recurred in interviewees’ responses. one of the respondents put it: “i think we are in need of leaders who have good competencies per taining to their roles and field of work because unqualified and un prepared leaders will make mistakes in doing their tasks, they will also lack confidence especially if they were appointed through unfair recruitment ways.” 415 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 416 another respondent added the following: “based on my many years of experience within public sector compa nies, those who are less competent and lack good leadership qualities are the most ones that get involved in immoral behaviors. these lead ers many times abuse their power at the expanse of their followers and the company.” another interviewee highlighted the link between the inef fective recruitment system and the problem of unqualified lead ers and how this factor impacted the quality of leaders within algerian public organizations. this view is uttered in the follow ing quote: “apparently, the situation is not promising; we have problems within this sector with regards to leadership. this situation is mainly be cause of the reckless and ineffective recruitment system. as a result of that, most of the time unqualified people get into position of power.” another respondent stressed the need for competent and re sponsible leaders within algerian public organizations: “state-owned companies need competent leaders and managers; it also requires leaders who are aware of their responsibilities. as we mentioned earlier, this will not happen unless we all work together for that purpose as companies, society, and educational institutions.” “leaders who are weak and lack proper leadership skills are very often trying to abuse their followers and use their positions for per sonal gains” one interviewee stressed the necessity for competent leaders, leaders who have integrity, and those who can depict good role modeling: “we need leaders who have integrity, also competent leaders which can show the best role model for other members of this sector.” “a bad and incompetent leader will only create bad culture within the organization” jurnal studi pemerintahan in addition, the following interviewee referred to the link between the ineffectiveness of leadership training programs and poor skills and competencies of leaders. “there are programs for development and training for leaders and employees, but the problem is that it is not implemented well, or the quality of these programs is not good. there is a huge lack of training and development with regards to all types of training in the algerian public sector. human resource is the weakest point in the algerian state-owned companies; we need more qualified, competent, and well trained leaders and followers.” within the last three decades, public companies have oper ated more like the private sector. these companies have changed their traditional model of public administration and followed a business-like model of management for the purpose of improv ing effectiveness, efficiency, and accountability (sudirman, siswanto, monang, & aisha, 2019). however, this paradigm shift in management systems within public organizations lacks proper investment in attracting, attaining, and training individuals with the right set of skills and competencies. leaders’ cognitive and ethics sills are of great importance to the public sector because they set the ethical tone within workplace and influence the ethi cal culture of other organizational members. discussion previous empirical studies have emphasized that effective lead ers must acquire a set of skills that allow them to understand and lead their teams and organizations (megheirkouni & mejheirkouni, 2020). organizational leaders have the power to make crucial decisions that influence others within the organiza tion. however, leaders deal with the dynamic and complex frame works of individual, organizational, and social factors. these fac tors include individual preferences of employees and investors; organizational ethics and tone at the top; and regulations, laws, and policies. additionally, these factors are evolving dramatically 417 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 418 in response to globalization (martínez, skeet, & sasia, 2021). according to nicolaides and duho (2019), leaders play an im portant role in all stages of an organizations’ lifetime in estab lishing organizational values (nicolaides & duho, 2019). given the complexity of tasks, organizational culture, and team dynam ics, leaders are expected to be competent in managing different organizational forces. according to lašáková and remišová (2015), ineffective leadership that results in sabotaging organiza tional goals is perceived as unethical. in cases where leaders are unable to achieve organizational goals and are incompetent, they contribute to the decline in productivity and performance of organizational members. in this scenario, their leadership is de picted as unethical (lašáková & remišová, 2015). in this study, repeated statements by interviewees indicated the need for effective and competent leaders in algerian public organizations. this implies that public organizations in algeria need to create effective mechanisms to enrich the quality of their leaders. moreover, interviewees’ perspectives suggested that there is a link between poor leadership skills and the ineffective re cruitment system, a system that does not accumulate leaders into the organization based on their merits. additionally, one of the key findings of this study is the link between poor leadership skills and the unethical or deviant behavior of leaders within algerian public organizations. according to haq (2011), leader ship skills enable the leader to differentiate between ethical and unethical actions in the workplace. interpersonal, technical, emotional, and social intelligence skills along with conceptual skills play a role in sound understanding of ethical issues, the establishment of ethical values, ethical decision-making, and dis semination. leaders who are equipped with the right skills can create and ethics oriented public services (haq, 2011). the analy sis of interviewees’ views signalizes the inclination of leaders with poor skills and qualities to act in an unprofessional and immoral way that harms both followers and organizations. the findings jurnal studi pemerintahan of this study suggest that in the absence of proper leadership skills and competencies, leaders are more prone to act unethi cally and against the interests of organizational members. the main implication of the results of this study is the role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting deviant be havior. previous studies have suggested that several negative char acteristics of leaders result in ineffectiveness and anti-organiza tional behaviors, such as laziness, lack of proper management skills, failure to build teams, inability to think strategically, and spending more time occupied with matters other than their work assignments (ogunlana, 2009). this study argues that there is a strong link between poor skills, competencies, and unethical lead ership behavior. in a recent study, sakr et al. (2022) found that higher leadership skills and competencies are positively linked to professional maturity and consequently to ethical reasoning (sakr et al., 2022) incompetent leaders on the other hand are more prone to act in an unethical manner to control their fol lowers or achieve desired results in the organization. one pos sible explanation for the link between poor skills and leadership unethical behavior is that, in the absence of proper leadership skills, these leaders realize that the only way to exercise their power is through abuse and deviant behavior. while many studies have proven the role leaders’ character treats in the propensity to act unethically, there is no previous empirical evidence on the im pact of skills and competencies on the behavioral and psycho logical accounts of leaders. the issue of how and why people choose to act unethically continues to riddle both organizations and society. unethical behaviors harm reputations and relationships while also having a damaging impact on organizations (harrison, summers, & mennecke, 2018). the current study sought to expand our un derstanding of leadership unethical behavior and its complex antecedents, with a focus on the role of poor leadership skills and competencies that can serve the extant leadership ethics lit erature. the study shifted the focus of previous studies on the 419 vol. 13 no. 3 november 2022 420 antecedents of unethical leadership based on the character traits of leaders to the skills and competencies of leadership. in doing so, this study reveals the potential role of poor leadership skills and competencies in inducing unethical and deviant behavior among leaders. hence, this study provides practical implications for the development of effective and ethical leaders in organiza tions. this also contributes to ongoing efforts and interventions aimed at minimizing the effects of unethical and deviant behav ior on organizations. the findings of this study contribute to the empirical and theoretical understanding of the antecedents of unethical lead ership behavior and highlight the role of poor leadership skills in eliciting unethical and deviant behavior in organizational set tings. however, this study had several limitations. first, it was an exploratory qualitative study designed to scrutinize an unmapped area of research. the generalizability of the findings is limited by the relatively small sample size. second, we cannot conclude that poor leadership skills and competencies are key antecedents of unethical behavior across different organizational contexts. rather, we propose that there is evidence pointing to the poten tial role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical behavior. third, female leadership figures were underrepresented in this study’s sample. hence, while the find ings of this study are promising, future research is needed to examine whether these findings differ across sectors, countries, and organizational settings. further research efforts are needed to examine the link between leaders’ skills and unethical behav ior within organizational settings. conclusion the objective of this study was to explore the potential role of poor leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical leadership behavior within algerian public organizations. the results of the study reveal that poor leadership skills and compe tencies are one of the critical antecedents of leadership unethi jurnal studi pemerintahan cal behavior within algerian public organizations. the findings of this study suggest that more sound investigations of the role of leadership skills and competencies in eliciting unethical lead ership behavior may reveal further sub-themes related to the link between poor leadership skills and leadership abusive behavior towards followers. this study also argues that theoretical and empirical research is needed on the social factors that elicit un ethical leadership behavior across different cultural and organi zational settings. social factors refer to the elements and features of the social milieu; these factors are mainly present outside or ganizational settings and have the potential role of forming the ethical identity of leaders. despite the practical importance of this issue, systematic research on the role of social factors in in ducing or inhibiting unethical leadership behavior is rare. references aasland, m. s., skogstad, a., notelaers, g., nielsen, m. b., & einarsen, s. j. b. j. o. m. 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(2018). destructive leader ship: a critique of leader-centric perspectives and toward a more holistic definition. journal of business ethics, 151(3), 627-649. may 2016 the ‘realness’ discourse of a vol. 7 no. 2 political leader: a komunikasi berasa perspective 310 bambang sukma wijaya department of communication science, bakrie university, jakarta, indonesia. e-mail: bswijaya98@yahoo.com received 20 january 2016 revised 5 march 2016 accepted 11 april 2016 doi: 10.18196/ jgp.2016.0032 abstract this article examines the communication style of the former governor of jakarta and presidential candidate during the 2014 indonesian election, joko widodo (known as jokowi), both as a discourse and communication model that affects trustworthiness and meaningfulness of the audiences toward the conveyed messages.this communication model is called komunikasi berasa [‘sensedcom-munication’ or ‘experientially-meaningful communication’], which synergises the delivery and verification of a message through audiences’ experience towards the meaning of the message. using discursive and descriptive survey approaches, the author found out that jokowi’s sensed-communication is not perceived solely on blusukan [impromptu visits], but also on the verbal messages of his political campaigns. media texts display more sensed-rational and sensedsensorial dis-course, whilst people see sensed-relevance and sensed-beneficial as the promi-nent factors in the sensed-message that jokowi sent. the results of this research could be used as a reference in implementing a strategy to get audiences’ trust through komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication. keywords: komunikasi berasa, the ‘realness’ discourse, media textual discourse, audience’s perceptual discourse, jokowi introduction let us flashback briefly to the year 2013, the time before the indonesian legislative and presidential elections in 2014. who deserved to be the poll and survey star at that time? for the indonesian public, the answer was predictable: joko widodo a.k.a jokowi, jakarta governor who was also the presidential candidate of pdi-p (partai demokrasi indonesia-perjuangan [indonesian democratic party of struggle])1. jokowi was indeed phenomenal. not only because almost all polls and surveys conducted by various survey agencies always put him at the top of the rank of who the public will choose, but also because his political career and his achievements leaped during his leadership in the government. starting as a mayor of solo, central java, which led him to be awarded as one of the world’s best mayor, then becoming gover-nor of jakarta with various breakthroughs and achievements, to becoming a presidential candidate in a relatively short time, not many leaders and politicians had a life path as ‘dramatic’ as jokowi. the coordinator of sigma (sinergi masyarakat untuk demokrasi [community synergy for democracy]), said salahuddin, says that jokowi has three key advantages over his opponents: his politeness and modesty; good working performance as mayor and governor; and, his good-heartedness in facing his political opponents, by trying not to return the attacks, accusations, prejudice and slander that were addressed to him (aziza, 2012). meanwhile, hanta yuda, director pol-tracking institute, says that jokowi’s advantage lies in his originality to demonstrate an authentic political approach, which was different from other leaders, such as president yudhoyono who was full of pub-lic image engineering (sihaloho, 2013). sobary (2014) stated: jokowi is an open book. we can read what is written on the outside, the words, the actions, the gesture, the smile, assuredly the same as what is, related to his heart, his dreams, and aspirations. he does not hide harshness, or cunning (sinar harapan 23/4/2014). jokowi’s openness and modesty are what captivated the pub-lic and made him a media darling, so his electability became high. the mainstream and non-mainstream media were flock-ing to cover and show his activities and actions and then review-ing them in a tone which was almost 100% positive. even in the social media such as facebook, people did not want to be be-hind the mainstream media in reviewing the figure of jokowi. journal of government & politics 311 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 312 his simplicity and modesty became the centres of attraction. however, expression and appreciation to jokowi’s modesty and simplicity were not only in the form of visual endorsement in the social media, but also in the form of terms that reflect lower class’ terminologies, such as ndeso [typical villager look and figure javanese] (kristanti, 2012; tere, 2014), kerempeng [flesh-and-bone] but big brained (sundari, 2014) or other ‘modest’ phrases like ‘humble’, ‘honest’, ‘sincere’ (handito, 2014; ara, 2014) and ‘local-product’ presidential candidate (rosarians, 2014). with his modesty, ndeso look and javanese style warmth, various psychowar comments addressed to him were often answered by a frank ‘aku rapopo’ [i’m fine -javanese] (f. faqih, 2014) which was at that time a popular gimmick among indonesian people. attractiveness as well as the discourse about jokowi was not solely related to his modesty and simplicity. jokowi is also synonymous with his very popular iconic ‘plaid shirt’ (teresia, 2014). his governance and bureaucracy working ethos emphasises on ‘serving-oriented’ (aziza, 2013). and surely what is very phenom-enal is his sudden inspection habit to monitor the performance of subordinates and visitation to residents to see directly the real problems, which is famously known as blusukan (wiwoho, 2013; dewi, 2014) thus resulting to his being perceived as a populist leader (susilawati, 2014). jokowi is indeed down-to-earth. his language is lucid, with simple logic, not pretentious, making it easily understood by anyone, from the bottom to the top layer of society. his communication style is polite, not attacking others, and he calmly manages various attacks that try to assault his character. he is not short tempered, and even tends to relax with easy jokes. no wonder, the research conducted by tjipta lesmana on 1 september to 25 october 2013 revealed that jokowi was the presidential candidate who has the best communication with a score of 85, followed by jusuf kalla (jk) with a score of 81 and prabowo with a score of 78 (daryono, 2013). the research assessed 11 presidential candidates from six parameters of political communication, i.e., context –how high or low a leader uses context, public appearance, delivered message, revealed nonverbal language, voice quality and sense of humour. although these six parameters used in the research can be quite adequate to measure the achievement of communication style of public figures (read: political leaders), they still miss the most important variable that is urgently needed in indonesia at this time, which is: how well the prospective leaders can build public trust through communication. this is because communi-cation has a triadic relation with commitment and trust (zeffane et al., 2011). a communication that is able to build hope and a good first impression also gives positive influence in shaping public attitudes toward the presidential candidates (holbrook et al., 2001). in fact, with reliable communications, the public will be led in determining their choice on a candidate (harder and krosnick, 2008). one way to build trust through communication is to transmit credible messages, which contains not only promise, but also realistic and prospective meaning along with proofs of effort to create real works, so that the public or the audience can feel the truthfulness of the message. the message becomes more real, alive, and ‘present’ in public life, because it is very meaningful. in other words, the message becomes very berasa [‘sensed’ or ‘expe-rientially-meaningful’]. the realness and meaningfulness of mes-sage is very important for political leaders because it is able to knit an emotional bond with the people they lead. moreover, in a situation where politics tend to be seen as cynical and negative by most people, messages which are real and building mutual optimism through the sympathetic ways of political communica-tion are crucial. thus, the people will change their view and see that not all political leaders were only able to leave empty rheto-ric without tangible evidence of the work that can be perceived by society. jokowi’s communication style, presumably, is in tune with that way. unlike most other figures who (seems to have become journal of government & politics 313 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 314 the political communication ‘tradition’ of indonesian leaders) use more the strategy of ‘imaging through words’, with more effort spent on selling out nicely constructed promises on the media stage, jokowi prefers the ‘imaging through facts’ by going down directly to the field, mingling with the people, removing the bulkhead of the stage, running a ‘touch diplomacy’ (kasali, 2013), and letting people feel the pulse of his sincerity to help resolve their problems. this style of communication inherent in jokowi is part of the characteristics and distinctions of komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication. komunikasi berasa implies hu-mility, talking less but doing more, giving priority to work rather than empty rhetoric, and always strives to provide concrete evi-dence of the messages conveyed (wijaya, 2011a). of course, with-out the hassle of doing media construction, groomed behaviours, or ‘flirting’ with the media, jokowi still became a media darling. all of his different gaits were always present in the media dis-course, as well as becoming public or audience perceptual dis-course. therefore, this paper examines further exactly how the meanings of jokowi and his experientiallymeaningful or sensed messages became a discourse in the text of media and audience perception, such that it makes jokowi more ‘real’ than other in-donesian leaders. theoretical framework every day we are bombarded with billions and even trillions of messages and meanings that flow from various sources and media. are we able to capture and digest every meaning of the message delivered? are all the messages ‘lodged’ in the head and heart? do the messages produce a profound effect and cause trust? these are crucial questions in reviewing the strength of the messages that we say and how we say it. lenderman (2006) exemplifies that in conventional advertising and marketing, there are at least four thousand marketing messages present every day, which make consumers ‘immune’, even becoming brand atheists, because they no longer believe in journal of government & politics 315 figure 1. the model of komunikasi berasa (an experientially-meaningful or sensed-communication) (adapted from wijaya, 2011ab; 2013a) the brand. although lenderman pointed this out just in the realm of marketing communications, in fact meaningless and trust-less messages can be found in almost all communication phenomena, including the organizational communication between superiors and subordinates (willemyns et al, 2003), the interpersonal communication (pearce, 1974), as well as the per-suasive communication (arnold, 1988). no doubt, various strat-egies are pursued to gain trust, because trust is indeed the es-sence of persuasion. failure of grabbing trust is an indicator of the failure of persuasion. therefore, for credible messages to be meaningful and trustful, these must take form through komunikasi berasa or ‘sensed-communication’. komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication2 is a communication model that synergises message delivery and message confirmation through the experience of the audience towards the message, so that it creates trustworthiness and meaningfulness (wijaya, 2011ab; 2013a). different from marketing strategy concept related to the experience-based economy (pine ii & gilmore, 2011) or experience-based marketing (schmitt, 1999; smith & wheeler, 2002; lenderman, 2006; smilansky, 2009), this sensedcommunication model put more emphasis on the meaningfulness and trustworthiness as the effect of experience and deep impression towards meaning and proof of a message, not just the experience to a product. vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 316 a message in any form, both verbal and non-verbal, or a program form usually comes from an agenda, a motive or a certain strategy, which, in the context of persuasive communications, then the agenda, motive or strategy is also persuasive. from the source, the message is then encoded and delivered directly or through a particular medium, which is then decoded and received by receiver. in the process of delivering a message, besides doing encoding by adding meaning to the core message, the source also try to create experiences and certain impressions that are aligned with the encoded meaning. the experience and impression are a form of message verification, which is then perceived and sensed by the recipient in a decoding process. consistency and synergy of the encoding-decoding process in defining the core meaning of message and production-consumption of experience is evidence that the message has become berasa [sensed]. sensed-message then gives an impact or effect, as well as communication result in the form of trustworthiness and meaningfulness to the meaning of the delivered message. trustworthiness and meaningfulness can create commitment (zeffane et al., 2011) and encourage the audience to take action as per agenda, motive and source strategy, such as choosing candidates or recommended products (wijaya, 2011b). besides that, trustworthiness and meaningfulness of the message can also encourage the audience to voluntarily share or advocate (smith & wheeler, 2002) the delivered message, from the source to other audiences, and, surely evokes love felt by audience for a long term. important to highlight is that the more synergised or aligned and immediate the delivery and the confirmation of the mes-sage, the more it becomes sensed. nonetheless, pending evidence does not mean a message is not sensed, because in certain communication situations, (technically) immediacy and simultane-ity in the message delivery and verification is not that easy to realise. therefore, the sensed-communication model emphasises more on the synergy between the message and message verifica-tion, or the meaning and experience towards the message, its consistency, alignment, rather than its promptness and simulta-neity of the confirmation. in other words, the message should match between what is spoken and actions. regarding time si-multaneity precision, its only effects are on the sensing value and trustworthiness effect, as well as its meaningfulness which obviously is “the faster the better “. meanwhile, factors that indicate the level of a sensed-message can be examined from various dimensions (wijaya, 2013a), namely: keberasaan indrawi [‘sensed-sensorial’], keberasaan emosional [‘sensed-emotional’], keberasaan rasional [‘sensed-rational’], keberasaan relevansional [‘sensed-relevance’], keberasaan benefisial [‘sensed-beneficial’], and keberasaan sosial [‘sensed-social’]. sensed-sensorial. a message is more trustworthy when it is accompanied by ‘physical’ proof that it can be reached through the real sensorial experience. therefore, the message becomes more apparent as the evidence can be seen, heard, touched, kissed or tasted in accordance with the encoded meaning within the message. the evidence here may be direct or indirect through a particular medium. although evidence through media is prone to be manipulated, but the audience can filter it based on which one is reliable and not, to enjoy the meaning and message’s evi-dence through sensorial sensation. thus, the indicators of a sensedsensorial are the sensibility of a message and message evidence: how real a message and the evidence can be seen, viewed, heard, touched, smelled or tasted (depending on the message form), not to mention messages through the media. sensed-emotional. through affective experience, audiences feel the delivered message is more real and proven true. affective experience here means the response and positive evaluation from public feeling towards the message and delivered message’s evidence. there is a saying that the mouth can lie, eye can deceive, ear can deny, but the heart cannot. therefore, conscience honesty that involves the deepest and most sensitive feelings is an important factor in the sensed-communication. sensitivity in definjournal of government & politics 317 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 318 ing the meaning of message and experiencing the real evidence is needed for the energy of empathy’s ‘imagination’ to work maximally. thus, sensed-communication can be examined from several important indicators, such as: how strong public or audience’s feeling positively related to the message and delivered message proof; how positive audience’s feeling in appreciating the message proof’s facts; how honest the audience’s heart is in speaking acknowledgment of the meaning and message evidence; how empathetic and sensitive audience’s feeling is in putting themselves as communicators to feel the sincerity, honesty and even implicit lies in the message and message evidence; and, how deep the public or audience’s trust and confidence is towards a given meaning and message evidence. sensed-rational. the truth in a message will become more sensed when the meaning makes sense. in other words, what is pre-sented and proven will be better when the audience’s cognition can receive it well. in this case, a message or grafted meaning within a communicative action should be able to appreciate and consider audience’s logic into account, because the audience is not passive (alasuutari, 1999; hall, 2006; schiappa, 2008) and not inanimate objects that do not have the mind to evaluate whether a message can be trusted or not. thus, it is important to maximise the cognitive experience of the audience toward the delivered message so that it will be more sensed and produces high trustworthiness effects. the indicators of sensed rational are: how logical or reasonable a message and delivered message evi-dence is, the headmost hints of the message’s evidence, and how realistic a promise or a claim in a message and its predictive cau-sality of truth is. sensed-relevance. a message, however factual the meaning is and however real the evidence is, would be less sensed by the audience if the message is not relevant to the interests and conditions of the audience. therefore, the meaning and message evidence must be in accordance with audiences’ need, problem, want, expectations, and even dreams so that the message is more sensed for the audience to accept. message and the proof also must be relevant with the socio-cultural and psychological background of audiences. consequently, the sensed-relevance indica-tor can be examined from: how much it is aligned with the needs, desires, hopes, dreams and obsession of the audiences; and, how much the source understand the background, condition and problems that are faced by the audience (reflected in the content and message evidence), both personally and collectively. sensed-beneficial. humans tend to pursue profit or benefits to define their happiness (scott, 2014). not surprisingly, in uses and gratification theory, audiences tend to look for and respond to media content that is favourable to them (mcquail,2010). although communication is not a panacea, it is often considered as the solution to many problems (mulyana, 2007). consequently, in sensed-communication, messages whose meaning and evidence is less or not beneficial, or does not provide any solutions, will become less sensed by the audience as well, although sensorial, affective and cognitive experience have successfully given concrete evidence. matters which are sensed beneficially include intangible benefits such as serenity, clarity, certainty of the future, happiness, and so on. conclusively then, the indicators of sensed-beneficial include direct or indirect benefits of the message and the evidence of the delivered message, tangible and intangible benefits, how a message provides solution, and how message evidence responds to the problem of audiences. sensed-social. when the message evidence is felt and experienced by other audiences, then the feeling of the sensed-message becomes much stronger. defining the meaning and having experience in the decoding process are no longer exclusively possessed by an individual, but becomes inclusive and collective. in fact, the same meaning and experience between people in one community or public audience is not just making the message become more sensed, but also more credible. thus, it can be said that the indicators of sensed-social are: how inclusive the message and message evidence is felt by public or a community, social journal of government & politics 319 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 320 environment and society in general; how often the message and the message evidence is present in social media and be the subject of public discourse; and, how much is the desire caused by the message and message evidence, thus triggering voluntary message dissemination and message evidence among audiences. research method this is a combination of textual and audience research. in addition to meeting the research objectives, this is also because a study of media text only has representation problems (karatani, 2003) related to the dominant reading on encoding/ decoding process (hall, 2006). even the media often displays wrong representation because media only presents what text means (schiappa, 2008). in addition, the meaning more or less affects the reader such that the public discourse becomes alienated and representative ‘truth’ becomes neglected. therefore, instead of just focusing on what representation (media text) did to the audience, schiappa stresses that it is important to know as well what the audience do or think related to discourse subject representation. thus, combining the media discourse and public discourse (through audience’s perception) makes the explored main issue become more comprehensive and can prevent or minimise the media-public discourse which alienate each other, which potentially castrate the representative ‘truth’. to know how sensed and ‘real’ is jokowi’s message and meaning in the text, then the approach used is a discursive approach by analysing knowledge in the text that represents the discourse subject. foucault (2002) says there is no meaning outside the discourse, and discourse always forms knowledge. discourse, according to foucault, never simply consists of one statement, one text, one action or one source, which means that the discourse is not a single meaning. therefore, the author collects and analyses a wide variety of media texts related to the discourse subject, that contains episteme (which according to foucault is the state of knowledge at a time, present in a variety of text) and discursive formations, which for foucault is an object, style or same pattern, with a particular strategy in which various discursive events refer to(cousins & hussain, 1984). in this research, the discursive formations construct knowledge with episteme of jokowi’s sensed-message. a total of 35 articles from various media and online sources that are relevant and significant were collected and analyzed with reference to the subjects of the komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication dimensions. meanwhile, to ‘read’ the public statistical perception discourse, the author conducted a descriptive survey of 100 respondents in jakarta in march-april 2014 (before the open presidential election campaign), using purposive sampling method. respondent criteria were determined according to the research purpose, namely jokowi supporters or people who were clearly concerned about the figure and gait of the former jakarta governor. the dimensions of sensed-communication that were examined include the sensed-sensorial, sensed-emotional, sensed-rational, sensed-relevance, sensed-beneficial and sensed-social. the survey method used in the audience-based research associated to textual criticism of media or popular culture was in tune with what is called as a corrective analysis (goodnight, 1987) in ”modes of argument” (p. 62). according to goodnight, argument in corrective analysis tries to ‘match’ the text and public by asking and questioning the public or audience response. findings various knowledge which is relevant to the discourse subject of sensed-communication, came out in various media oulets. for example, in the news of tribun (2/5/2014) entitled kspsi: yang lain masih janji, jokowi sudah beri bukti, [kspi: others still promise, jokowi gives evidence], highlighted the statement of the president of kspsi (konfederasi serikat pekerja seluruh indonesia [confederation of all indonesian workers union]), andi gani nena wea, who said that jokowi already proved that he is in favour of and will fight for society, especially labour, which journal of government & politics 321 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 322 can be seen from program jakarta sehat [jakarta health pro-gram] (known as kjs) and program jakarta pintar [jakarta smart program] (known as kjp) (malau, 2014). here, the statements that imply discourse episteme are “evidence of standing on labour’s side” and “can be seen with kjs and kjp programs”, which form discursive formation regarding sensed-beneficial, sensorial and sensed-relevance. the word “standing on” refers to relevance meaning, while the word “can be seen” indicates sensorial meaning and kjs-kjp program is beneficial evidence for workers as one of jokowi’s audience segment communication. using news strat-egy, knowledge was built by tribun as a media institution and andi gani as speaker representing kspi (labour). similarly, jokowi states that kjs-kjp is a concrete evidence of the fulfilment of his promise (safutra, 2013). another institution, bpbd (badan penanggulangan bencana daerah [regional disaster management agency]) of jakarta, declared that flood points decreased from 75 to 35 during the leadership era of jakarta governor joko widodo (sihaloho, 2014). this discourse that emerged through beritasatu (14/1/ 2014) media coverage was strengthened by another speaker, ari junaedi, a political observer from the university of indonesia, who counteracted the counter-discourse of jokowi’s political opponents by revealing that the data and facts on the field should be seen as seriousness and consistency from jokowi-ahok [the nickname of the vice governor of jakarta, basuki tjahaja purnama] in fighting for (the benefit of) citizens of indonesia’s capital. sensed-rational, which has a prospective nature is constructed by the statement “should be seen as seriousness and consistency” and statistical knowledge “decreased from 75 to 35 flood points”. similarly, the sensed-rational was also built by the ministry of public works agency through tempo (19/6/2013) which claimed that 40% of the river, macro and micro channel, as well as conduit in jakarta have been dredged, until the sev-enth month of the leadership of jakarta governor joko widodo (pertiwi, 2013). in the context of the presidential election, jokowi’s sensed-rational appeared in suara pembaruan (14/5/2014) which originally comes from antara news agency. jokowi argued that indonesia as a maritime nation should have a”sea highway” in which large vessels can use to transport a wide variety of commodities from one island to another (antaranews, 2014a). regarding the concept of mental revolution, jokowi said that it can build people with good mental attitude and working culture so it can create nation’s productivity. with that, nation’s competitiveness would increase, because it is useless to have such enormous resources without any productivity and competitiveness (antaranews, 2014b). in this second discourse, the message has not yet been proven, but it built a logic that has a potential to result to a sensedmessage. unlike in the jakarta governor candidacy, jokowi and ahok as partners built a sensed-rational by showing evidence of their seriousness in running the draft programs, such as kjs, kjp and row houses design. meanwhile, efforts to bring the sensed-sensorial and sensed-emotional were done by jokowi on labour day or may day. as suara (1/5/2014) reported, when the other candidate, prabowo, chose to have sympathy by hysteria for labour day celebration in the stadium gelora bung karno (gbk) jakarta, crammed with tens of thousands of workers from kspi (konfederasi serikat pekerja indonesia [union confederation of indonesian workers]), jokowi sought sympathy in a more gentle approach by visiting ill workers (laisila, 2014). ”fellow workers choose to concert partying, when sick brothers (labour) exist. not only one or two, but many,” jokowi said after visiting two workers in a rented labour house at rorotan region, cilincing, north jakarta (laisila & santosa, 2014). contrasting ‘hysteria’ and ‘concert partying’ facts with ‘ill labours’ is a publicity strategy which created discursive formation regarding sensed-emotional. as for the facts “come” and “visit”, it was a text strategy that created sensed-sensorial by the audience, in this case the visited ill workers. however, the statements in media text were not only creating journal of government & politics 323 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 324 a discursive formation about jokowi’s sensed message. some texts were counter-opinion, as shown by republika. in addition to the opinion of yayat supriatna, a city planning observer who said jakarta governor jokowi has not yet provided evidence to solve the capital’s problem (sasongko, 2014), republika (17/4/2014) also presented a political communication expert from paramadina university, hendrio satrio, who highlighted that the communi-cation style of jokowi, which is visiting people, shaking hands while being photographed, were no longer the current trend, and that the communication should focus on a visionmission statement delivery (m. faqih, 2014). according to foucault, meaning and representative knowledge are produced through interplay discourse between the presence and the absence (hall et al., 2013). hence, it is interesting to question, such as: why did republika often show counter-opinion to jokowi’s sensed-message? ‘who’ is republika? ‘who’ are hendrio and yayat? what ‘messages’ were they sending behind the texts? it is as important as the question: why (based on author’s observation) did tribun and tempo actively point out the positive discourse related to the episteme of jokowi’s sensed-message? ‘who’ are tribun and tempo? regardless of various possible answers that can be considered to represent absence, both pro as well as counterdiscourse apparatus has shaped the knowledge of jokowi’s sensedmessage, although with distinct discursive formation. meanwhile, responding to the counter-opinion on jokowi, jumhur hidayat, the declarator originator of arm (aliansi rakyat merdeka [independence people alliance]) argued not to compare jokowi with the expected ‘ideal’, but with the previous track record to see the upcoming ‘trend’. if something was improved, it means he succeeded, and if something got worse, it means he failed (beritasatu, 2014). jumhur then elaborated on jokowi’s ‘working reference’ to reflect the ‘trend’: the kjs-kjp success, relocation of people living in illegal houses along the river banks to row-houses or simple flats, revitalisation of dam, and improvement of an on-going mass rapid transportation project . retrospect on the track record, then what jokowi provides as solutions will become more realistic. about the concept of mental revolution, jokowi said that mental revolution is urgently needed to address indonesia’s prob-lems and challenges in the international arena later on, because no matter how rich a country is, when the human resources is unprepared, it would be a serious social disaster (manafe, 2014). similar to this is the idea of ‘sea toll’ or ‘maritime highway’ to address the economic gap between islands, considering that in-donesia is a maritime country (antaranews, 2014a). moreover, energy and food are things that should be strengthened (daulay, 2014). although all of these are not tangible yet, but the message (read: vision-mission) of jokowi can be assumed as a sensed-communication: reasonably makes sense, people believe it would be materialised (due to track record capability), felt ‘close’ because these were relevant for the audience, and felt important because it is beneficial and fits with what society needs. this feeling refers to jokowi’s previous success (although in a smaller scope, the city and province) in developing human resources quality (through kjs-kjp programs) and improving physical infrastruc-ture. in addition, jokowi also uses blusukan as a medium of his visionmission delivery in which the issue presented depends on the location (fajar, 2014), which shows jokowi’s effort to make the message become more sensed based on context or location. however, was jokowi’s sensed-communication message in the media discourse really felt by the audience? does what the text means and what texts (representations) ‘do’ to people (audience) equal to what people ‘do’ with text (representation) (schiappa, 2008)? to get an overview about what jakartans perceived of jokowi’s sensed-communication, the author randomly distributed 100 sheets of questionnaire, but only 98 answer sheets were considered valid and processed, while the remaining two sheets were found dam-aged and incomplete. journal of government & politics 325 vol. 7 no. 2 table 1. demographic insights may 2016 326 note: *percentage of the data is the result of rounding up or down table 2. summary of descriptive analysis note: *sd (strongly disagree), d (disagree), n (neutral/ do not know), a (agree), sa (strongly agree), **percentage of the data is the result of rounding up or down, ***scale 1 (sd) to 5 (sa). the details of survey statements for each dimension are described in appendix table a1. the survey revealed that the majority of respondents were students/college students with relatively young age, while the proportion of respondents by sex is relatively balanced between men and women with a tendency that women has a bigger number. meanwhile, 37% of the respondents liked jokowi because of his nature or character which is prominent (simpler, humble, sincere, low profile, and calm in facing problems). megawati (as chairwoman of pdi-p) admits the reason she chose jokowi to be the presidential candidate of pdi-p was because the former mayor of solo is the typical hard-worker who works sincerely to develop, having a simple personality and sincere behaviour (bakoel, 2014). massive media coverage (7%) apparently is not a significant rea-son for respondents to like jokowi, although, obviously, the me-dia image has a contribution in shaping public’s perceptions about jokowi. the public perception related to the factors that indicate jokowi’s programs are sensed by the audience, can be seen in the table 2. from the data above, it appears that the highest value that indicates jokowi’s sensed-communication from the audience perspective is sensed-relevance, 4.93 of the highest score of 5.00 while the lowest value was sensed-sensorial appealing with a score of 4.18. this suggests that the issues raised in jokowi’s political commu-nication messages are very relevant to the needs, desires, hopes and dreams of his audiences, in this case are jakartans, who are the respondents in this research. the slogan “new jakarta” that was brought up during his campaign for the governor election was very insightful, because it touched jakartans who seemed weary of years of jakarta’s problems without almost any changes. digging deeper on the issues of health and free education, flood management through dam revitalisation, decent houses for the poor, as well as public transportation solutions to overcome con-gestion are really in line with the needs and expectations of jakartans. nevertheless, not all respondents has yet experienced jokowi’s program directly, so that the sensed-sensorial score is relatively low. this is understandable because the realisation of the current programs such as kjs, kjp, row houses and cheap flats for evicted residents is prioritised for the poor. mostly students/ college students and employees, who are relatively non-targets of the program, the respondents of course felt less ‘touching’ by the programs on their lives. realisations of the program are likely only have been watched or heard through the media or people’s talks, based on ryan’s recognition (20 y.o.), a student in a private unijournal of government & politics 327 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 328 versity in jakarta, one of the respondents: “i have never been to pluit dam, marunda, ria rio ... all i just read the news and watch it on television” (interview, april 6, 2014). the effect would be different if respondents experienced or enjoyed directly. meanwhile, regarding jokowi’s sensed-communication, not everybody agreed on the same level to the statements in the questionnaire. data shows that only sensed-relevance and sensed-beneficial have the highest percentage of approval. the percentage of ignorance (neutral) of the respondents is relatively high in sensedsensorial and sensed-rational dimensions. in fact, sensed-sensorial has 2% of disapproval which indicates consistency of responses to the questionnaire. as explained above, it makes sense since respondents have never seen or directly witnessed hard evidence of jokowi’s program at all, considering that respondents were mostly students/ college students and middle-up class employ-ees, while the realisation of jokowi’s current programs put higher priority to ‘touch’ the lower class (aziza, 2013; kasali, 2013; safutra, 2013; pertiwi, 2013; beritasatu, 2014; laisila, 2014). another interesting finding of this research is that while textual analysis shows sensed-rational and sensed-sensorial are quite prominent, audience analysis shows sensed-rational has lower value (4.38) compared to sensed-emotional (4.52), and sensed-sensorial scores are the lowest. there are two possibilities causing these differences. first, audience’s perceptual discourse refers to the text and the discursive practices that are different from the analysed media texts in this research, as stated by foucault (hall et al., 2013) that discourse does not consist of single text or just from one source. second, the public’s ‘emotional bonding’ is just too strong related to their fondness of jokowi’s character, as shown in table 1. the strength of ‘emotional bonding’ then ignores the ‘logics’ of sensed-communication which was already built in the text. in other words, audiences already like jokowi, without needing any logical proof. they emotionally sensed jokowi’s message much more than rational. discussion in practice, sensed-communication tends to show low-profile and ‘down-to-earth’ or ‘humble’ communication style. this is because in the sensed-communication, ‘energy of words’, which plays in the defined meaning area is shared with ‘energy of facts’ which tends to play in the realm of experience, so that the messages (both verbal and nonverbal) are not monopolizing the communication field. there is evidence that controls the message content and meaning through the experience created by the source and perceived by message receiver. although previous studies show that the stage of the presidential election contestants or legislators tends to be a high-profile communication due to massive campaign that tends to make getting voters easier (pasek, 2011) as well as to invite media publications (kahn, 1991), but in reality, low-profile communication style picked by jokowi can also grab media attention, on the relatively same track with another presidential candidate, prabowo. this is proven by the popularity and electability level of jokowi reflected in the results of survey agencies’ polls (and strength-ened by the real presidential election of 2014 in which 53.15% of voters voted for jokowi). the profile of communication style can also be seen from the gestures. if we examine more the gestures of these two presidential candidates in the media when they made a speech or talked to the press, it appears that prabowo’s face always looks up, symbolising his high profile, while jokowi’s face tends to look down. not only that, the index finger of prabowo (who comes from a military background and business conglomerate family) is often pointing up: showing his bossy leadership style; likes to give order (read: commanding); and, is (could be) an authoritar-ian. while jokowi (who comes from a civil background and middleclass entrepreneur family), with hands like giving direc-tion, signalled his leadership style that tends to be managerial, caring, and loves to give direction, instead of simply command-ing without willingness to know the real problems. journal of government & politics 329 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 330 of course, with prabowo’s style that tends to be high-profile, the audience will become more easily drawn to define the message meaning with dominant ‘energy of words’ and forget the sensed-message which is more driven by ‘energy of facts’. thus, message trustworthiness and meaningfulness as mandated by sensed-communication would be difficult to achieve. because of less sensed, then the audience is less believing. even if they believe, it is short-term and deceptive, so that at any time it can diminish when the audience’s experience and impression find that the facts are different from what is delivered. this phenomenon is mostly experienced by indonesian lead-ers. in sinar harapan (23/4/2014), sobary said: “... all politicians in jakarta, the established ones, groomed with upscale style that is not in line with people’s style in general. jokowi shows the opposite; he represents the common people’s face and it makes him idolised”. a survey conducted by founding father house on 11 april to 14 may 2014 in 34 provinces also showed that majority of respondents like the type of humble leaders, which means that blusukan, preferred ala jokowi style, is more favourable for the people at the moment (aisha, 2014). mcrae (2013) acknowledged that jokowi’s strengths are “his skills as a communicator and his strong journalistic appeal, which would negate the media re-sources of some of his rivals” (p. 297). not surprisingly, jokowi had high electability and became a media darling. because jokowi is different (from other indonesian leaders, mostly, at this time), and the ‘difference’, of course, has high news value and market value. meanwhile, as a low-profile leader, jokowi is actually not alone or unique. in other parts of the world, we know the charm of humility of jose mujica, president of uruguay. since elected in 2009, mujica donated 90 percent of his salary to charity, and instead of staying in a magnificent palace, he and his wife opted to live in his ramshackle farm (lim, 2015). however, unlike jokowi’s background from a poor family and small business practitioner who struggled to survive for success, mujica is known as a guerrilla fighter in the 1960s and ’70s, shot multiple times, and spent 14 harsh years in isolated jail imprisonment. because of that background, the style of jokowi tends to prefer the ‘hard work’ rather than ‘hard talk’ to convey political messages. if mujica focuses on revamping the country that is newly freed from the shackles of a repressive military regime, then jokowi is inclined at revamping the country that is burdened with corruption. not surprisingly, the humanitarian messages which reject inequality and excessive materialism dominate mujica’s communications. in fact, as a former fighter under a repressive regime, mujica is sometimes considered to be still carrying his past. “in addition to doing little to alleviate inequality in concrete ways, he’s also always saying he’s a fighter, he’s a fighter,” said mauricio rabuffetti, a uruguayan journalist, as reported by fairbanks (2015). “so his failure here is something that’s very hard to understand —and hard to forgive.” this is in contrast to jokowi who often tried to make peace with the past through a discourse of reconciliation while focusing on the completion of develop-ment issues, especially the territorial disparities. jokowi is also compared to nelson mandela, south african president (1994-1999), known as an anti-apartheid revolution-ary. although both have a low-profile figure, but each has their own style and focus, due to the different conditions and prob-lems in their respective countries. zelda la grange, mandela’s personal assistant recognized that “mandela’s ‘exceptionalism’ was because he inspired people to forgive, to reconcile, to be selfless and tolerant and to maintain dignity no matter what the circumstances” (williams, 2013). as an anti-apartheid fighter, mandela certainly learned a lot from the conditions when his country was under the rule of the apartheid regime so that the values of humanity and universal spirituality tend to color his leadership. meanwhile, jokowi is in a different situation, in which indonesia is not encumbered with a frontal disaster of a racial issue as powerful as in south africa. the major disaster in indojournal of government & politics 331 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 332 nesia is corruption, which led to underdevelopment of the na-tion, both physically and mentally. corruption in indonesia has been endemic to all fields from the politics, law, economics to communication (wijaya, 2013b). politicians mostly just give empty promises in political communication without evidence and real work, opening the area of corruption in almost every corner of life of the state administration. thus, jokowi with his communi-cation style that is more berasa (‘sensed’ or ‘experientially-mean-ingful’), which prioritizes works rather than words, gives a fresh breeze in the world of political communication in indonesia. conclusion jokowi’s sensed-communication style is revealed from the mean-ing and knowledge that are intertwined in the media texts. a more prominent rational message is sensed, known from knowl-edge in a narrative that indicates the ‘hard work’ of texts to cre-ate logical meaning in order to get audience’s trust. likewise with sensed-sensorial that exists within coded messages with (implicit) proofs to make the audiences not ignore the real result achieved by jokowi. however, the audience’s perceptual discourse showed somewhat different results. from survey results, it appears that sensedemotional factor was more prominent than rational, and sensedsensorial occupy the lowest score. this means, ‘what the text means’ and ‘what texts (want to) ‘do’ to audience’ apparently is not in line with the ‘what audiences ‘do’ with text (media discourse)’. audiences see sensed-relevance factor and jokowi’s beneficial message in media texts even ‘speak’ more to them. in other words, what jokowi offered through messages in media texts so far has been very relevant and useful to the audience. jokowi’s messages are also quite ‘in-line’ with the audience’s heart, proven by the high value of sensed-emotional, and makes sense enough to cause sensed-rational. however, real evidence and the results of his work are less directly perceived and experienced by the audiences, so the sensed-sensorial is relatively low. audiences also found less (in amount) other audiences who participate to acknowledge and validate jokowi’s messages, so it is not strong enough to form sensed-social. therefore, jokowi must have other discursive sensoryforma-tion strategies to prove what he said is ‘really real’. for example, it can be done with more exposure of his real works, as it is, without any media manipulation, and build a relevant context to the message content to strengthen the effects of the sensed-sensorial. jokowi should choose to deliver his message in a place or context that is in line with the message’s core meaning. in addition, to improve sensed-social in his messages, jokowi should also display more honest testimony of people who have experi-enced or felt the direct evidence of the truthfulness of his mes-sage, allowing the media to expose wider the communities of people who have felt the tangible results of his work, and strengthen the role of social media and buzzer to create the word-of-mouth effects about the evidence of the message as well as his real works. implication in the situation where most of indonesian leaders prefer to be ‘noisy’ with rhetoric without showing the result of real work, or, in other words, nato (no-action-talk-only), komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication can be a suitable model applied by lead-ers to gain the trust of the people. jokowi has proven it. with the spirit of ‘energy of facts’ rather than ‘energy of words’, jokowi shows that he is more work-oriented than a lot of talk with no results. moreover, the reluctance of previous indonesian leaders to be present in the midst of society makes them less sensed, not ‘real’, even as they are seemingly less concerned about their people. not so with jokowi. his habit of doing blusukan, besides making his existence more sensed, is also to feel directly the prob-lems faced by the community. and apparently, this sensed-commu-nication way is favoured by the people of indonesia at this time, journal of government & politics 333 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 334 because it provides a fresh perspective on indonesia’s democracy that has long ignored the existence and the important role of people in the daily management of the state, instead of simply scooping up their votes during the elections and then they are ‘forgotten’. among all these, undeniably is the important role of information technology, which gave birth to social media, in making sensed-communication increasingly relevant. social media stimu-late the political and social system to become more transparent and horizontal, as the public space opens wider, likewise the ac-tive participation of the society develops. consequently the sense of caring, as well as criticisms of the community, is channelled. with this condition, the communication that rely solely on the ‘imaging through words’, ‘empty’ discourses, or manipulation of facts (that commonly happens in authoritarian and corrupted countries) would not be influential anymore, because people can immediately verify all of the messages, even spread them out through social media, making the message’s credibility eroded, and the public trust lost. sensed-communication, which contains a powerful ‘energy of facts’, which synergises the meaning and the proof of a message, which produces a meaningful experience, makes not only what is said but also who says to be very ‘real’. this is what happened for jokowi. this research, in addition to discussing the discourse of komunikasi berasa or sensed-communication in the political con-text so that it can enrich the political communication theories, also contributes in answering doubts about mixed method of textual analysis and audience analysis, as well as combining criti-calconstructivist (with reflective reasoning) and positivist (with objective reasoning) paradigms. therefore, this research is expected to inspire other researchers not to be trapped in the essentialism of methodological paradigm, and creatively develop new strategies in research to answer the substantial questions, as well as presenting the diversity and richness of truth. acknowledgements the author would like to thank the anonymous referees on the earlier version of this paper. endnotes 1 this research was conducted before the presidential election, and now jokowi is indonesia’s 7th president. 2 author still uses simplified term of ‘sensed-communication’ to translate komunikasi berasa because there are no words in english that express the exact same meaning. so to get a closer idea of the meaning of the word, then probably the translation of berasa is ‘sensed’. less simple term is ‘experientially-meaningful communication’. it becomes even more difficult to translate the dimensions of ‘sensed-communication’ which refers to ‘having the feeling of the message’. so the word ‘having the feeling of the message’ may be interpreted (though not entirely accurate) and simplified as ‘sensed-message’. thus, based on berasa definition by the author, merriam-webster definitions of ‘sensed’ are the closest as explained by the next sentences: 1. a meaning conveyed or intended; 2. the faculty of perceiving by means of sense organs; 3. conscious awareness or rationality; 4. consensus; 5. capacity for 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(2011). communication, commitment & trust: exploring the triad. international journal of business and management, 6 (6), 77-87. doi: 10.5539/ijbm.v6n6p77 journal of government & politics 339 vol. 7 no. 2 may 2016 appendix table a1. descriptions of respondent statements 340 note: the original statements in bahasa indonesia when it was distributed to the respondents layout desember 2008 49 anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 hasse j. alumnus program studi ilmu agama dan lintas budaya sekolah pascasarjana ugm, yogyakarta. email: praktisi_99@yahoo.com ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract this study aims to describe the phenomenon of violence in the student demonstrations in makassar. violence in the demonstrations, especially by students at several universities in makassar is a sight familiar to the public. submission of student aspirations through a demonstration is considered a very effective medium. however, the demonstration is always ended with a riot / violence. metod collection of data through observation of student development activities, demonstration activities, both inside and outside the college; indepth interviews conducted on-campus students and stakeholders and the public; conducted group discussions with students who are involved or not in any demonstration; study documentation/literature do specifically to research and writing as well as opinion pieces in newspapers that are stored in several parties. key words: violence, students, demonstrations, makassar. abstrak penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan fenomena kekerasan yang terjadi pada demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar. kekerasan yang terjadi dalam demonstrasi khususnya yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa di beberapa perguruan tinggi di makassar merupakan sebuah pemandangan yang tidak asing bagi publik. penyampaian aspirasi mahasiswa melalui demonstrasi dianggap media yang sangat efektif. namun, demonstrasi yang dilakukan selalu berakhir dengan rusuh/kekerasan. metod pengumpulan data melalui observasi terhadap berbagai kegiatan pembinaan mahasiswa, aktivitas demonstrasi, baik 50 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ di dalam maupun di luar perguruan tinggi; wawancara mendalam dilakukan terhadap mahasiswa dan stakeholder kampus serta publik; diskusi kelompok dilakukan dengan para mahasiswa yang sering terlibat maupun tidak dalam setiap demonstrasi; studi dokumentasi/literatur dilakukan khususnya terhadap penelitian dan tulisan serta opini di surat kabar yang tersimpan di beberapa pihak. kata kunci: kekerasan, mahasiswa, demonstrasi, makassar. pendahuluan fakta kontemporer dalam dekade terakhir menunjukkan bahwa pusat kekerasan demonstrasi mahasiswa di indonesia adalah makassar. hal ini ditandai oleh serangkaian demonstrasi mahasiswa yang sering anarkis. penulis, dalam tulisan ini, memposisikan mahasiswa pada dua kondisi; mahasiswa sebagai individu dan mahasiswa sebagai kelompok. mahasiswa sebagai individu adalah orang yang sedang menempuh pendidikan di perguruan tinggi. sedangkan mahasiswa sebagai kelompok adalah kelompok orang yang merupakan bagian dari civil society; mencakup kehidupan sosial yang terorganisir, sukarela, mandiri, dan otonom yang bersama-sama ingin mencapai tujuan tertentu. terkait dengan tema utama tulisan ini, maka mahasiswa yang dimaksud di sini adalah gerakan mahasiswa itu sendiri. mahasiswa sebagai suatu gerakan merupakan kelompok yang memiliki karakter kritis, independen, dan objektif. demonstrasi yang dilakukan khususnya oleh mahasiswa (hampir selalu) berujung kekerasan. bahkan, pola dan kecenderungan kekerasan yang timbul relatif sama. sebenarnya, dengan mengamati lebih jauh mengenai karakter gerakan mahasiswa dapat diperkirakan bahwa apakah demonstrasi yang dilakukan nantinya akan mengarah pada kekerasan atau tidak. bentrok dengan aparat keamanan merupakan ‘pilihan utama’ bagi mahasiswa karena memiliki alasan kuat. aparat keamanan dinilai tidak pro-mahasiswa karena aksi-aksinya terus diawasi dan dihalangi. hal ini menunjukkan bahwa kekerasan merupakan fenomena sosial yang terus terjadi secara berulang-ulang dan disengaja. keputusan manusia untuk melakukan kekerasan didorong oleh adanya kesenjangan antara ekspektasi nilai dan kapabilitas nilai (santoso, 2002: 4). ekspektasi nilai merupakan manifestasi sekumpulan norma yang diunggulkan oleh lingkungan sosial dan kultural. sedangkan kapabilitas nilai adalah nilai rata-rata yang oleh anggota suatu kolektivitas dianggap mampu dicapai dan dipertahankan (gurr, 1970). anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 51 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ realitas di atas menunjukkan bahwa di satu sisi, tingkat respons mahasiswa terhadap berbagai kebijakan baik pada tingkat daerah maupun pusat sangat tinggi. respons mahasiswa melalui demonstrasi menjadi ruang kontrol terhadap kebijakan dan keputusan negara yang sering dianggap tidak memihak pada kepentingan rakyat. keberadaan mahasiswa melalui rangkaian aksinya menegaskan keberpihakannya terhadap masyarakat. hal ini kiranya tidak berlebihan karena mahasiswa pada setiap gerakannya berdasarkan kegelisahan dan kegalaun menyaksikan berbagai penyimpangan dan penderitaan di kalangan masyarakat yang harus disuarakan. mahasiswa mengemban fungsi media penyalur aspirasi masyarakat sehingga merekalah sebagai pihak yang dipercayakan untuk menyampaikan tuntutan dan kebutuhan masyarakat. namun pada sisi lain, aksi-aksi demonstrasi yang dilakukan selama ini menunjukkan kekurang-dewasaan dalam menyampai-kan aspirasi di mana aksi-aksi mereka justru cenderung melanggar hukum dan melenceng dari etika dan moralitas. aksi atau demonstrasi tidak jarang merugikan dan menciptakan suasana kurang kondusif di kalangan masyarakat. kekerasan yang sering terjadi memicu sikap masyarakat yang tidak simpatik lagi. bahkan, dukungan masyarakat yang awalnya menilai gerakan mahasiswa pro-rakyat serta-merta hilang akibat ulah segelintir oknum mahasiswa yang tidak bersahabat. sikap mahasiswa yang menjurus pada tindakan anarkis dinilai telah melenceng dari kapasitas mereka sebagai kaum terpelajar yang seharusnya menyampaikan aspirasi dengan bijak melalui cara-cara yang elegan, bukan dengan cara-cara yang terkesan memaksakan kehendak. sehingga fokus penelitian adalah kekerasan yang sering terjadi dalam demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar. kekerasan dalam demonstrasi merupakan persoalan krusial yang sedang dihadapi oleh beberapa perguruan tinggi bukan hanya di makassar tetapi juga kota-kota lian di indonesia. uin alauddin akhir-akhir ini menajdi sorotan dengan karakter demonstrasi mahasiswanya yang lebih ‘dahsyat’ dibandingkan dengan mahasiswa dari perguruan tinggi lain. fenomena kekerasan seperti yang sering terjadi dalam demonstrasi mahasiswa perlu direspons dengan bijaksana khususnya oleh pihak perguruan tinggi. permasalahan ini akan dijawab melalui pertanyaan-pertanyaan berikut: pertama, faktor-faktor apa yang menjadi pemicu terjadinya kekerasan dalam demonstrasi mahasiswa anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 52 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ uin alauddin makassar? kedua, bagaimana strategi mengatasi kekerasan dalam demonstrasi mahasiswa uin alauddin yang sering anarkis? kerangka teoritik pada beberapa kampus di makassar yang dijadikan pusat demons-trasi selalu mengundang banyak perhatian publik. di kampus universitas islam negeri (uin) alauddin misalnya, mengingat posisi kampus yang sangat strategis, maka mahasiswa cenderung selalu me-lakukan penutupan jalan, pembakaran ban, sweeping mobil pemerintah, bahkan ‘penyanderaan’ pejabat/pegawai pemerintah. aksi-aksi tersebut berakhir dengan rusuh dan merebak menjadi tindak kekerasan fisik dan pengrusakan terhadap fasilitas-fasilitas umum. tidak hanya itu, mahasiswa uin juga sering bentrok dengan masyarakat penggunan jalan dan aparat kepolisian. pada kondisi seperti ini, kedewasaan dan kapasitas mahasiswa sebagai kaum intelektual dan calon pemimpin bangsa dipertanyakan oleh banyak kalangan. banyak pihak yang menilai bahwa prilaku mahasiswa seperti ini disebabkan oleh kultur (keras) sehingga berdampak pada prilaku menyampaikan aspirasi. mengenai kultur tersebut, dapat ditelusuri pada diskusi seperti yang dilakukan oleh para ahli. latif wiyata (2006) misalnya, melihat carok dalam tradisi masyarakat madura sebagai sebuah institusionalisasi kekerasan. latief wiyata, j.r. piet-rifers (1965) yang meneliti kebudayaan masyarakat mediteranian memosisikan harga diri pada puncak kebudayaan manusia. kiefer (1972) juga melihat faktor kehormatan menduduki posisi penting dalam kekerasan. menyerang dan melukai pribadi berarti mengancam kehormatan pribadi tersebut sehingga akan berujung pada kekerasan. huub de jonge (1993) dalam latief wiyata (2006) melihat keterkaitan antara tindakan kekerasan dan kehormatan dengan peranan atau bentuk kekuasaan negara. kontrol negara yang ketat akan mengurangi instensitas tindak kekerasan di masyarakat. sebaliknya, kontrol yang longgar akan memudahkan tindak kekerasan dilakukan. penelitian tentang demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar telah dilakukan oleh jumadi (2009) yang menfokuskan pada tawuran mahasiswa di beberapa perguruan tinggi. penelitian tersebut menegasakan adanya kecenderungan mahasiswa untuk terus melakukan regenerasi melakukan tawuran. pola pembinaan yang dilakukan di luar kampus merupakan anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 53 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ indikasi kuat adanya upaya untuk melanggengkan tradisi yang sebelumnya dilakukan. pembinaan yang dilakukan oleh para senior terhadap mahasiswa baru yang berisi tentang pentingnya solidaritas fakultas memberi wadah terhadap mahasiswa untuk melakukan tindakan-tindakan anarkis terhadap fakultas lain dan bahkan perguruan tinggi lain. penelitian ini difokuskan pada bagaimana pola-pola pembinaan yang ideal yang harus dilakukan oleh pihak-pihak terkait (perguruan tinggi, pihak keamanan, dan masyarakat) terhadap mahasiswa untuk menghindari tindakan anarkis yang akhir-akhir ini sering terjadi dalam setiap demonstrasi yang dilakukan. sikap responsif yang ditunjukkan dalam setiap demonstrasi yang dilakukan merupakan karakter umum mahasiswa di indonesia. hal tersebut mencerminkan bentuk sikap kritis mahasiswa dalam melihat berbagai kebijakan. sikap seperti ini harus dijaga karena merupakan alat kontrol terhadap kebijakan yang merugikan rakyat luas. responsivitas yang ditunjukkan oleh mahasiswa khususnya mahasiswa uin alauddin makassar patut mendapat apresiasi. dengan sikap seperti ini, keterwakilan rakyat yang tidak tersalurkan melalui lembaga perwakilan terpenuhi. namun, di tengah sikap responsif yang mengkritisi dan mengontrol kebijakan yang tidak berpihak kepada rakyat, demonstrasi mahasiswa ternoda oleh aksi-aksi anarkis yang berujung pada kekerasan. demonstrasi mahasiswa yang berakhir pada kekerasan merupakan fenomena sosial klasik di makassar. ia selalu terjadi dengan format yang hampir sama. akibat kekerasan demonstrasi, status makassar sebagai pusat kekerasan di indonesia semakin mengental. aksi anarkis mahasiswa dalam demonstrasi memiliki dampak yang cukup luas khususnya terhadap kestabilan dan keamanan. kekerasan yang terjadi mengganggu aktivitas masyarakat dan tentunya mahasiswa. masyarakat yang setiap hari melakukan aktivitas di sekitas kampus selalu menjadi korban anarkisme demonstran. mereka hanya dapat menyaksikan adegan yang dipertontonkan oleh mahasiswa tanpa melakukan aktivitas lain. demontrasi mahasiswa menjadi pemandangan yang lazim bagi mereka. singkatnya, di mana ada demonstrasi, di situ ada tindakan kekerasan. metode penelitian penelitian dilakukan di universitas islam negeri (uin) alauddin anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 54 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ makassar pada tahun 2009. uin alauddin makassar memiliki dua kampus. kampus i uin alauddin berada di jl. sultan alauddin makassar. letak kampus i sangat strategis karena berada pada jalan poros utama yang menghubungkan kota makassar dengan beberapa kota lain di sulawesi selatan. letak kampus berada di sekitar pertokoan dan pemukiman warga sehingga interaksi dengan masyarakat sangat dinamis. kampus ii terletak di kabupaten gowa yang berjarak tidak jauh dari kota makassar. objek penelitian ini adalah demonstrasi mahasiswa uin alauddin makassar. pilihan tema ini berangkat dari fakta bahwa kebanyakan demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar khususnya uin alauddin selalu berujung kekerasan. pemilihan uin alauddin makassar sebagai lokasi penelitian didasarkan pada fakta bahwa saat ini demonstrasi mahasiswa uin alauddin menunjukkan tren kekerasan yang paling cepat. publik makassar telah memberikan stigma tersendiri bagi mahasiswa uin alauddin sebagai pendemo yang ‘cinta kekerasan’. ketertarikan peneliti untuk melihat fenomena kekerasan demonstrasi mahasiswa di uin alauddin didasari dua alasan. pertama, uin alauddin merupakan perguruan tinggi islam yang mengusung nilai-nilai keislaman yang cinta damai, anti kekerasan. kedua, latarbelakang mahasiswa yang didominasi oleh alumni pesantren yang mengerti dan mendalami ilmi-ilmu agama (islam). kedua faktor tersebut jika dibenturkan dengan kondisi riil demonstrasi mahasiswa sangat kontradiktif. data yang diperlukan dalam penelitian ini adalah data yang bersifat kualitatif. di samping itu, data yang bersifat kuantitatif juga dibutuhkan untuk melengkapi data kualitatif yang ada. kedua jenis data digunakan untuk menganalisis fenomena kekerasan yang terjadi dalam demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa uin alauddin makassar. adapun tipe penelitian yang akan dilakukan adalah studi analisis terhadap aksi-aksi mahasiswa dalam demonstrasi. demikian pula, penelitian ini diarahkan untuk menemukan sebuah solusi penanganan terhadap kekerasan demonstrasi mahasiswa yang terjadi selama ini. dengan demikian, kekerasan yang terjadi dalam setiap demonstrasi mahasiswa dapat diminimalisir bahkan direduksi. penelitian ini adalah penelitian lapangan. data yang digunakan adalah anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 55 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ data yang bersifat kualitatif. data-data yang tersaji dikumpulkan dengan cara-cara pengumpulan data yang lazim digunakan dalam pengumpulan data yang bersifat kualitatif, khususnya observasi, wawancara mendalam, dan studi dokumentasi serta fgd. adapun analisis data, ditempu melalui reduksi data, penyajian data, dan menarik kesimpulan/verifikasi, kemudian menuangkan dalam tulisan. hasil dan analisis 1. kekerasan dan mahasiswa dalam demonstrasi ada beberapa pandangan dalam melihat gerakan mahasiswa dalam konteks regional makassar (jumadi, 2009: 111-112). pertama, gerakan mahasiswa makassar umumnya bersifat militan dan puritan. pandangan ini didasarkan pada intensitas gerakan mahasiswa yang terus mengalami tren meningkat. sisi militansi tergambar dari pemandangan yang mengiringi demonstrasi seperti penyanderaan mobil-mobil tangki sebagai protes terhadap kenaikan bbm. pendudukan terhadap bandara dan ‘pembajakan’ juga dilakukan oleh mahasiswa untuk menuntut agar rekanrekan mereka diberangkatkan ke jakarta untuk bergabung dengan mahasiswa lain yang sedang berjuang di sana. demikian pula pengepungan kodam vii wirabuana yang menuntut agar oknum-oknum yang terlibat dalam penyerbuan kampus umi pada tahun 1996 diusut tuntas. kedua, gerakan mahasiswa secara umun identik dengan sifat kerasradikal, bahkan cenderung berpaham anarkis. sisi heroism yang berlebihan diidentikkan dengan anarkisme atau tindakan kekerasan sehingga dalam setiap melakukan demonstrasi, tanpa kekerasan aksi sepertinya tidak ‘afdhal’. ketiga, gerakan mahasiswa secara umum identik dengan sisi ideologis dan spiritualis yang kental. pandangan ini melihat ada tiga poros gerakan mahasiswa; poros jakarta yang sangat kental dengan nuansa politiknya; poros yogyak ar ta yang sarat dengan sisi intelektual keilmuannya; dan poros makassar yang sangat kental dengan nuansa ideologis dan spiritual. keempat, gerakan mahasiswa secara umum berisfat eksklusif sehingga gerakannya terkesan kaku dan parsial. hal ini dapat dilihat pada aksi yang dilakukan berdasarkan ‘keinginan’ kampus sendiri. koordinasi dengan perguruan tinggi lain kurang sehingga kesamaan misi dan visi aksi tidak tampak. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 56 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ terkait dengan persoalan demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar yang berakhir dengan kekerasan, penulis berupaya menempatkan persoalan pada posisi yang berimbang. tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa memang ada demonstrasi mahasiswa yang berakhir dengan bentrokan/anarkis. namun, tidak bisa dilupakan juga bahwa terdapat demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa yang tidak demikian dan berhasil menyampaikan aspirasi dengan damai. di sini patut dipertanyakan, mengapa demonstrasi mahasiswa yang telah mendapat pengawalan dari pihak berwenang masih saja ada celah untuk terjadinya kekerasan? demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa dalam sejarahnya tidak pernah kering untuk dibahas karena ia merupakan bagian dari perjalanan bangsa. peran mahasiswa dalam mengkritik sebuah rezim merupakan gerakan yang terjadi secara spontan dan terus-menerus. meskipun gerakangerakan yang dilakukan sering diberangus oleh penguasa, mahasiswa tetap saja melakukan gerakan dengan berbagai karakter tergantung jaman atau rezim yang dihadapi. soewarsono (1999) menyebutkan bahwa gerakan mahasiswa memiliki empat momen penting, yakni 1908, 1928, 1945, dan 1966. keempat momen penting ini memiliki karakter masing-masing dengan spirit yang sama, menuntut sebuah perubahan ke arah yang lebih baik. soewarsono lebih jauh menyebutkan bahwa generasi mutakhir yang paling berpengaruh tidak hanya pada pergantian politik kekuasaan tetapi juga pada proses demokratisasi di indonesia adalah angkatan 1998. gerakan mahasiswa pada periode ini berhasil menjatuhkan rezim soeharto yang telah berkuasa selama 32 tahun. selain itu, gerakan mahasiswa memiliki andil penting yang mempengaruhi munculnya wacana demokratisasi dan civil society. dalam perkembangannya, demonstrasi mahasiswa di makassar telah ‘akrab’ dengan kekerasan. hampir semua demonstrasi mahasiswa selalu ada bentrokan. pada 24 april 1996 misalnya, terjadi bentrokan antara mahasiswa universitas muslim indonesia (umi) dan polisi. polisi melakukan penyerbuan ke dalam kampus yang menyebabkan tiga mahasiswa meninggal dan beberapa polisi luka-luka. demonstrasi mahasiswa merupakan penolakan terhadap kenaikan tarif angkutan kota yang dinilai memberatkan. peristiwa ini kemudian dikenal dengan amarah (april makassar berdarah) yang diperingati setiap tahun. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 57 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pada 1998, hampir sepanjang tahun demonstrasi mahasiswa berakhir bentrok dengan polisi. demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa di makassar menuntut presiden soeharto turun. arus demonstrasi yang semakin kuat mendapat pengawalan ketat pihak kepolisian dan militer. mahasiswa dan pihak keamanan terlibat bentrokan khususnya pada saat tuntutan soeharto turun dari pucuk pimpinan negara. demonstrasi terjadi di seluruh kota, tuntutan utamanya sama, turunkan soeharto. pada september 2000, mahasiswa umi bentrok dengan aparat kepolisian di gedung dprd sulawesi selatan. tuntutan demonstran adalah penolakan masuknya beras impor ke sulawesi selatan. pada juni 2001, mahasiswa bentrok di depan dprd sulawesi selatan ketika menuntut penghapusan rancangan undang-undang penanggulangan keadaan bahaya. pada 18 februari 2004, mahasiswa bentrok dengan petugas kepolisian ketika memprotes mahkamah agung yang memvonis bebas akbar tandjung. pada 1 mei 2004, bentrokan terjadi di kampus umi. polisi melakukan penyerbuan ke dalam kampus yang mengakibatkan puluhan mahasiswa luka-luka. 2. faktor pemicu kekerasan kekerasan menurut galtung dalam budi santoso (2002: 169) dibedakan menjadi kekerasan personal dan structural. sifat kekerasan personal adalah dinamis, mudah diamati, memperlihatkan fluktuasi hebat yang dapat menimbulkan perubahan. sedangkan kekerasan struktural sifatnya statis, memperlihatkan stabilitas tertentu dan tidak tampak. kekerasan struktural merupakan kekerasan yang berasal dari struktur yang bisa hadir dalam berbagai bentuk misalnya negara. kekerasan ini adalah kekerasan yang didesain sehingga cara kerjanya pun sangat rapi. istilah kekerasan sendiri digunakan untuk menggambarkan prilaku, baik yang terbuka maupun yang tertutup atau yang bersifat menyerang atau bertahan. dari asumsi ini, maka terdapat empat jenis kekerasan yang dapat diidentifikasi (douglas dan waksler, 2002:11). pertama, kekerasan terbuka yaitu kekerasan yang dapat dilihat seperti perkelahian. kedua, kekerasan tertutup, kekerasan tersembunyi atau kekerasan tidak langsung seperti perilaku mengancam orang lain. ketiga, kekerasan agresif yaitu kekerasan yang dilakukan untuk perlindungan. keempat, kekerasan defensif yaitu anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 58 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kekerasan yang dilakukan sebagai tindakan perlindungan. untuk kasus demonstrasi mahasiswa uin alauddin makassar, kekerasan yang terjadi dalam demonstrasi yang dilakukan merupakan kekerasan terbuka jika mengacu pada tipologi kekerasan di atas. persoalan yang lebih penting adalah memahami faktor yang menyebabkan mahasiswa melakukan hal demikian. gerakan mahasiswa yang berbentuk demonstrasi sangat sulit dipisahkan dengan perjalanan sejarah bangsa indonesia. pada perubahan rezim pemerintahan misalnya, mahasiswa memiliki andil besar mewujudkan hal tersebut. pada pergantian rezim dari orde lama ke orde baru, mahasiswa melakukan berbagai aksi menentang rezim yang berkuasa. demikian pula, yang masih degar diingatan kita, ketika rezim orde baru mendapat gugatan dari beberapa kalangan. mahasiswa menempatkan diri sebagai agen perubahan. demonstrasi yang dilakukan menuntut rezim berkuasa turun membuahkan hasil meskipun dibarengi dengan kekerasan. pemahaman mahasiswa dalam menterjemahkan tuntutan masyarakat luas merupakan poin penting yang menajdi modal utama dalam gerakan mahasiswa. mahasiswa melakukan demonstrasi didasarkan pada kepekaan terhadp kondisi sosial yang menuntut adanya respons dari kalangan kaum terpelajar. fenomena politik pada level nasional dengan cepat direspons oleh mahasiswa di berbagai daerah. ini merupakan indikasi tingginya sensitivitas mahasiswa terhadap problematika bangsa dan tuntutan publik terhadap penguasa. kesadaran politiklah yang membawa mahasiswa melakukan gerakan-gerakan yang ‘pro-rakyat’ meskipun dicederai oleh tindakan-tindakan anarkis. besarnya keinginan mahasiswa untuk melakukan kontrol dapat dimanfaatkan oleh kalangan tertentu untuk mencapai tujuannya dengan cara berlindung di belakang demonstrasi mahasiswa. kalangan ‘politisi’ sering memanfaatkan momen demo mahasiswa untuk mengalihkan isu utama yang menjadi tuntutan mahasiswa. demonstrasi yang dilakukan pun sering berjalan berlawanan dengan ide awal. demonstrasi yang rusuh, untuk kasus makassar, bersamaan dengan adanya isu-isu nasional yang urgen. pada peringatan 100 hari pemerintahan sby-budiono misalnya, mahasiswa di makassar terlibat bentrok dengan aparat keamanan. mata masyarakat pun tertuju pada peristiwa ini dan melupakan kasus besar yang lain yakni century. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 59 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ demonstrasi mahasiswa yang berlangsung selalu dipimpin oleh koordinator lapangan yang bertugas meongkoordinir massa atau demonstran. kemudian, para demonstran silih berganti melakukan orasi yang berisi tuntutan terhadap ‘penguasa’. tebalnya jurang pemisah antara penguasa dan masyarakat yang ditandai oleh lambannya penguasa merespons tuntutan merupakan faktor lain yang memicu kekerasan dalam setiap demonstrasi. mahasiswa merasa, dengan kekerasan, penguasa akan merespons tuntutan yang disampaikan. demikian pula, demonstrasi bermanfaat bagi mahasiswa untuk tampil dan diliput media. ar (24) misalnya memandang bahwa “kalau mahasiswa tampil maka ia akan terkenal. jika demo tidak anarkis, demo itu pun tidak tersebar luas.” di sini ada dua faktor yang bermain; kekurang-pedulian penguasa dan peluang/ kesempatan mahasiswa untuk tampil di depan publik khususnya media. 3. motif gerakan mahasiswa muridan s. widjojo (1999: 234-289) telah merumuskan gerakan mahasiswa dalam dua bentuk gerakan yaitu gerakan moral dan gerakan politik. pembatasan ini mengacu pada gerakan mahasiswa pada tahun 1998 lalu. gerakan moral mengacu pada wacana yang dikembangkan oleh gerakan mahasiswa yang mengkritisi kebijakan orde baru yang disebutnya dengan gerakan kritik orde baru (gkob). sedangkan gerakan politik mengacu pada wacana untuk meruntuhkan rezim orde baru yang disebutkan gerakan anti orde bara (gaob). gerakan moral mendasarkan diri pada pandangan bahwa perubahan politik dapat dilakukan dengan cara menghimbau atau mengingatkan kepada elite politik. berbeda dengan gerakan moral yang tidak secara tegas menekankan keinginan untuk mengganti suatu rezim. gerakan moral mahasiswa menekankan suara atau gagasan sebagai inti gerakan. ini artinya, kapasitas operasi yang diharapkan oleh gerakan ini adalah sebatas menghimbau atau mengingatkan saja. penganut paham ini percaya bahwa suatu rezim bisa diubah dengan cara dihimbau atau diingatkan (widjojo, 1999: 240). gerakan moral relatif sama dengan gerakan sosial. gerakan sosial adalah perilaku dari sebagian anggota masyarakat untuk mengoreksi kondisi yang banyak menimbulkan problem atau tidak menentu, serta anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 60 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ memunculkan kehidupan baru yang lebih baik (direnzo, 1990). rhys h. williams dalam marty dan appleby (1994) juga mendefinisikan gerakan sosial. menurutnya, social movements are socially shared activities and beliefs directed toward the demand for change in some aspects of the social order. to the narrow, a social movement is a formally organized group that acts continuously and with some continuity to promote or resist change through collective action. ini menjelaskan bahwa sebuah gerakan selalu dibarengi dengan keinginan untuk melakukan sebuah perubahan meskipun bentuk perubahan yang diinginkan sangat bervariasi. sebuah gerakan memiliki organisasi yang didesain untuk melakukan ‘perlawanan’ terhadap rezim atau kekuasaan. adapun gerakan politik memiliki penekanan yang sangat berbeda dari segi gerakan yang dilakukan mahasiswa. gerakan ini menekankan pada keingingan untuk mengganti sebuah rezim yang berkuasa. dengan memposisikan gerakan mahasiswa sebagai sebuah gerakan politik, maka cakupan atau jangkauan semakin luas. dalam konteks ini, mahasiswa berjuang tidak sendiri lagi melainkan berjuang bersama dengan rakyat. konsekuensi bagi sebuah gerakan politik menurut widjojo (1999) adalah menyatunya berbagai kekuatan ke dalam sebuah wadah atau media yang menjadi saluran aspirasi. kelompok ini secara jelas menginginkan keterlibatan kelompok luar kampus untuk masuk menyatu dalam gerakan yang dilakukan, meskipun wacana ini mendapat penolakan dari kalangan tertentu di internal kampus. sulit dipungkiri bahwa keterlibatan mahasiswa dalam mengoreksi bahkan mengubah rezim sangat besar. pada kondisi seperti ini, mahasiswa berada pada posisi ‘pejuang’ rakyat yang tertindas. demonstrasi mahasiswa mencerminkan kepedulian mereka terhadap kondisi rakyat yang tidak menguntungkan tetapi memarginalkan kepentingan rakyat sendiri. pemerintah tidak lagi berpihak kepada rakyat, melainkan hanya kepada kalangan tertentu yang tidak pro-rakyat. pemerintah telah berkolabosai dengan penguasa modal untuk ‘mengerok’ kekayaan yang ada melalui berbagai kebijakan dan regulasi yang dibuat. pada sisi ini, kritikan mahasiswa mendapat acungan jempol karena masih sensitif terhadap anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 61 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ kondisi rakyat. rakyat tidak mampu melakukan gerakan seperti mahasiswa. mahasiswalah yang menjadi tumpuan harapan untuk melakukan kritik dan perubahan. baik gerakan moral maupun gerakan politik yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa bermuara pada satu tujuan, perubahan. namun yang berbeda adalah karakter dan metode dari gerakan yang dilakukan. anarkisme demonstrasi yang terjadi akhir-akhir ini juga tidak bisa lepas dari tipe gerakan yang dilakukan oleh mahasiswa. satu persoalan penting yang juga tidak bisa dihilangkan dari gerakan-gerakan mahasiswa adalah kekaburan gerakan yang dilakukan. mahasiswa tidak lagi mampu mendifinisikan gerakan yang dilakukan. artinya, antara gerakan moral dan gerakan politik sulit diidentifikasi. akibatnya, gerakan yang mengatasnamakan kepentingan rakyat tidak tercermin di dalamnya karena yang menonjol adalah ‘bumbu’ dari penyampaian aspirasi yakni kekerasan yang notabene merugikan beberapa kalangan termasuk kalangan yang dibela oleh mahasiswa sendiri. 4. basis-basis pemecahan persoalan a. memaksimalkan kegiatan melalui ukm fasilitas unit kegiatan mahasiswa (ukm) telah disediakan oleh pihak kampus namun tidak dimanfaatkan sebagaimana mestinya oleh mahasiswa. ada dua alasan yang mendasari hal ini, pertama, mahasiswa tidak memiliki kesadaran terhadap ukm yang telah didirikan beserta fasilitas-fasilitasnya. kedua, pihak pimpinan tidak mengakomodasi kepentingan-kepentingan mahasiswa melalui ukm yang ada. pimpinan uin alauddin tidak memberikan pembaharuan terhadap ukm. ukm yang ada saat ini tidak mengalami perubahan secara mendasar disbanding dengan yang telah lalu sehingga mahasiswa tidak berminat untuk menggunakannya. demikian pula, sarana dan prasarana ukm tidak memenuhi standar seperti yang diinginkan oleh mahasiswa sehingga mereka pun hanya dating dan ‘nongkrong’ di gedung ukm tanpa kegiatan yang jelas. sarana olahraga misalnya, terbengkalai karena tidak digunakan. yang berfungsi hingga saat ini adalah alat musik dan kesenian lain. begitu pula fasilitas panjat tebing yang masih diminati oleh sebagian kecil mahasiswa. sepinya anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 62 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ukm lebih disebabkan oleh kurangnya dukungan pihak kampus khususnya dalam hal pendanaan kegiatan. tidak jarang, mahasiswa melakukan berbagai langkah untuk mendapatkan dana jika akan melakukan kegiatan khususnya yang digelar di luar kampus. fenomena ini tentu akan mengurangi minat mahasiswa untuk terlibat dalam kegiatan ukm karena tidak mendapat dukungan penuh dari pihak pimpinan. pihak kampus juga dapat menempuh metode lain untuk memaksimalkan kegiatan-kegiatan mahasiswa dengan memperbanyak agenda kegiatan. dalam hal ini, pihak kampus yang mengagendakan kegiatan, bukan menunggu inisiatif dari mahasiswa. hal ini dimaksudkan untuk memfasilitasi mahasiswa untuk mengekspresikan diri melalui kegiatan-kegiatan kemahasiswaan yang sifatnya non-akademik. dengan demikian, secara tidak langsung mahasiswa merasa diperhatikan. selama ini, mahasiswa sering menjadi ‘lawan’ universitas. mahasiswa di tengah kapasitasnya sebagai mahasiswa yang tidak bisa dilepaskan dari sikap kritis, mereka seing melakukan protes kepada para pimpinan baik di level fakultas maupun universitas. kebijakan pimpinan sering diprotes oleh mahasiswa. ketidak-setujuan mahasiswa terhadap kebijakan tertentu berdampak pada hubungan mahasiswa dengan pimpinan yang dapat berimplikasi pada berbagai macam aspek seperti pembatasan kreativitas mahasiswa khususnya di ukm dengan tidak mendukungnya secara finansial. b. pelibatan dalam aktivitas kampus mahasiswa sebagai elemen penting dalam sebuah institusi pendidikan khususnya perguruan tinggi memiliki kontribusi yang kuar biasa terhadap kemajuan lembaga. semua sepakat bahwa mahasiswa adalah bagian yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dari dinamika kampus sebagai tempat menempuh pendidikan. dengan demikian, mahasiswa semestinya juga mendapat tempat yang proporsional dalam kapasitasnya sebagai bagian penting dalam kelembagaan perguruan tinggi. pelibatan mahasiswa dalam berbagai kegiatan seperti selama ini dilakukan khususnya di uin alauddin makassar masih sangat kurang. mahasiswa hanya dlibatkan pada kegiatankegiatan yang memiliki keterkaitan langsung dengan labelnya sebagai penuntut ilmu. padahal, mereka juga memiliki hak untuk menentukan apa yang mereka inginkan ke depan selama menjadi mahasiswa. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 63 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ pelibatan mahasiswa selama ini tidak hanya pada persoalan yang bersifat organisatoris seperti pada kepengurusan organisasi intra-kampus, tetapi juga pada kepanitiaan pada setiap pelaksanaan kegiatan universitas seperti seminar, bedah buku, dan pertemuan-pertemuan ilmiah yang lain. pembantu rektor iii uin alauddin, mengemukakan bahwa; selama ini, mahasiswa dilibatkan dalam kegiatan-kegiatan kampus. di kampus terdapat lembaga formal yang khusus untuk mahasiswa seperti bem dan bemj. kegiatan-kegiatan yang dirancang didukung sepenuhnya oleh pihak pimpinan selama bernilai positif bagi mahasiswa (wawancara dengan drs. salehuddin yasin, m.ag, september, 2010). senada dengan pr iii, pembantu dekan i fakultas sains dan teknik mengaku bahwa; mahasiswa kami di uin selalu dilibatkan dalam kegiatan kampus. mahasiswa diberi kesempatan seluas-luasnya untuk berpartisipasi terlebih setelah adanya bem dan hmj yang menjadi wadah aktualisasi diri para mahasiswa (wawancara dengan dr. wahyuddin naro, m.si, september, 2010). keterlibatan mahasiswa dalam setiap kegiatan kampus mahasiswa tidak hanya memberinya pengalaman selama menjadi mahasiswa tetapi juga memberikan kepada mereka kesempatan untuk berinteraksi dengan unsurunsur lain sehingga dapat terbangun relasi yang saling menguntungkan. namun demikian, pelibatan mahasiswa dalam bentuk kegiatan melalui organisasi intra-kampus masih belum maksimal. idealnya, mahasiswa pun dilibatkan pada saat pertemuan untuk membahas mengenai kebijakankebijakan kampus meskipun pada pembahasan yang tidak strategis. intinya, pelibatan mahasiswa dalam dinamika kampus tidak hanya terbatas pada kegiatan yang bersifat organisasi atau kepanitiaan dalam setiap kegiatan tetapi juga pada kegiatan lain yang bersifat pengambilan policy. dengan demikian, mahasiswa mendapat proporsi keterlibatan yang juga memberi mereka pengetahuan dan pengalaman di samping ilmu yang diperoleh melalui bangku kuliah. mewujudkan hal di atas bukan perkara mudah. melibatkan mahasiswa dalam kegiatan kepanitiaan saja telah menimbulkan persoalan apalagi jika melibatkan pada tataran pembicaraan yang menyangkut kampus ke depan. dalam beberapa perbincangan terungkap bahwa selama ini mahasiswa anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 64 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ juga dilibatkan dalam berbagai pertemuan internal kampus tetapi tidak memberikan kontribusi yang signifikan karena sangat sulit memposisikan keterwakilan mahasiswa. tidak mungkin juga mengadakan rapat terbuka dengan menghadirkan mahasiswa karena akan menjadi ajang debat yang tidak berujung. selama ini yang dilakukan adalah mengundang perwakilan mahasiswa. pelibatan mahasiswa dalam kepanitiaan kegiatan kampus sangat bermanfaat. interaksi antara mahasiswa dengan stakeholder kampus dapat terjadi. dengan demikian, posisi antara mahasiswa dengan dosen misalnya tidak dipisahkan oleh jarak yang jauh. artinya, melalui even seperti seminar, mahasiswa dan dosen saling berkomunikasi yang dapat dikembangkan di luar even tersebut. komunikasi yang didasari semangat profesionalisme sangat sulit terjadi di uin alauddin makassar. dosen (meskipun tidak seluruhnya, tetapi umumnya) memposisikan diri pada posisi puncak dinamika pembelajaran. dosen tidak boleh digugat. dosenlah yang menentukan nasib mahasiswa. padahal, idealnya antara keduanya terjadi interaksi dan komunikasi yang cair yang tidak menjadikan mahasiswa ‘imperior’ dari dosennya. upaya lain yang dilakukan adalah pembangunan karakter mahasiswa melalui program khusus sejak tahun 2003. progam ini dikenal dengan pikih (pencerahan imani dan keterampilan hidup). program ini merupakan bagian dari upaya pihak pimpinan untuk membentuk karakter mahasiswa yang dinilai masih perlu mendapat pembenahan. pikih merupakan mata kuliah yang didesain khusus untuk mengisi kekosongan waktu di kalangan mahasiswa. mata kuliah ini pun berlangsung selama dua semester pada tahun pertama perkuliahan setiap tahun. mata kuliah ini teridiri atas bahasa inggris dan arab. mahasiswa yang masuk program ini ditempatkan pada tempat khusus selama dua semester. program pikih wajib diikuti oleh seluruh mahasiswa uin alauddin makassar. program ini hampir sama dengan program pencerahan qalbu yang dilaksanakan oleh universitas muslim indonesia (umi) makassar (upe, 2009). hanya saja, waktu yang dialokasikan untuk program pikih relative lebih lama dibandingkan dengan program pencerahan qalbu yang hanya berlangsung selama tiga bulan. kedua program ini dimaksudkan untuk memberikan pengayaan pengetahuna kepada mahasiswa dan anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 65 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ mengisi waktu mereka yang kosong sehingga tidak tergoda untuk mengisi dengan kegiatan yang sering di luar konteks dirinya sebagai mahasiswa. meskipun tidak diakui secara terbuka, pimpinan kampus uin alauddin makassar mengakui tujuan dari program pikih yang telah dilaksanakan selama kurang lebih tujuh tahun ini. tujuannya adalah ‘mengalihkan perhatian’ mahasiswa untuk tidak melakukan aktivitasaktivitas yang mengarah pada aksi yang tidak memiliki keterkaitan langsung dengan proses perkuliahan seperti demonstrasi. pikih sengaja dimasukkan ke dalam kurikulum agar keberlanjutan program terus dilaksanakan. pikih sendiri merupakan salah satu program rektor pada periode kerjanya. tujuannya, untuk memberik an pengetahuan kepribadian dan keterampilan kepada mahasiswa. mahasiswa menganggap bahwa program pikih merupakan salah satu upaya pihak universitas mengalihkan perhatian mahasiswa. dengan adanya program ini, dalam sepekan mahasiswa hanya menyisakan dua hari libur (sabtu dan minggu). waktu tersebut pun digunakan untuk mencuci dan mengerjakan tugastugas kuliah yang diberikan. dengan demikian, mahasiswa malas berorganisasi karena sempitnya waktu yang ada. tidak semua mahasiswa berhasil menempuh dua semester pikih ini. beberapa mahasiswa memilih tidak mengikuti program tersebut. alasan yang dikemukakan mereka adalah kejenuhan mempelajari bahasa khususnya bahasa arab. maklum mereka kebanyakan lulusan pesantren yang notabene telah mempelajarai bahasa arab selama menempuh pendidikan di pesantren. semestinya, persoalan ini yang direspons dengan baik oleh uin alauddin. mahasiswa telah mengalami sebuah kondisi yang menyebabkan mereka mencari alternatif kegiatan untuk mengeluarkan diri dari ‘keterpenjarahan’ yang telah dialami sejak sekolah. di pesantren misalnya, berbagai bentuk aturan harus ditaati oleh para santri yang membuat mereka seperti terpenjara. di perguruan tinggi, aturan serupa kembali ditemukan. mahasiswa pun jenuh dan merasa kreativitas mereka dibatasi. dampaknya, mahasiswa melakukan dan mencari saluran aspirasi diri yang sebelumnya telah didambakan. bagi alumni pesantren, menjadi mahasiswa merupakan sebuah idealisme yang tinggi. mereka harus masuk dalam dunia tersebut sebagai bukti bahwa mereka juga bisa berkiprah ke dunia lain yang penuh anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 66 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dengan kebebasan untuk mengekspresikan diri. pada saat ekspektasi ini tidak tercapai maka jalur lain pun ditempuh. makanya, pada saat demosntrasi mahasiswa menyalurkan aspirasi diri meskipun dilakukan secara berlebihan yang justru melenceng dari konteks demonstrasi itu sendiri. karakter yang sesungguhnya yang dapat dikembangkan adalah karakter insan yang mandiri, profesional, intelek, dan religious yang dikembangkan melalui penumbuhan kreativitas dan kebebasan mahasiswa untuk mengeksplorasi diri seperti visi misi uin alauddin makassar (profil uin alauddin, 2009). pada kondisi ini, campur tangan pihak elite kampus sangat menentukan. kebablasan kebebasan mahasiswa justru terjadi karena tidak adanya respons yang tepat oleh pimpinan. berbagai regulasi dan program yang ditawarkan justru membentuk karakter mahasiswa yang selalu melakukan penolakan dan perlawanan. gerakan mahasiswa bukan lagi, meminjam istilah arief budiman, sebagai pressure group (budiman, 2006). mahasiswa justru menganggap program seperti pikih merupakan upaya yang dilakukan oleh pimpinan untuk menekan kreativitas mereka. ini menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan pimpinan hanya mengacu pada keinginan sendiri tanpa melibatkan mahasiswa dalam perumusan kebijakannya. di sinilah semestinya yang harus menjadi perhatian pihak pimpinan untuk melakukan terobosan baru untuk memberikan penyadaran kepada mahasiswa tentang arti pentingnya sebuah kedewasaan khususnya dalam mengekspresikan diri dan menyalurkan aspirasi. ada satu hal yang belum dimaksimalkan di perguruan-perguruan tinggi saat ini. pelibatan mahasiswa dalam penelitian yang dilakukan oleh para dosen masih sangat minim. padahal, pelibatan mahasiswa dalam penelitianpenelitian dalam berbagai bentuk dan fungsi yang ditugaskan kepadanya dapat menumbuhkan sensitivitas akademik yang lebih kental sehingga mereka fokus pada tugas pokoknya sebagai mahasiswa yang haus terhadap pengetahuan. selama ini, para dosen cenderung sulit berbagi baik ilmu maupun materi terhadap mahasiswa. dengan demikian, jarak pemisah antara mahasiswa dengan para dosen semakin jauh karena memang tidak ada media yang mampu mempererat hubungan keduanya. oleh karena itu, ke depan, pelibatan mahasiswa dalam penelitian-penelitian yang dilalukan oleh para dosen perlu dimaksimalkan sehingga membentuk anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 67 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sebuah iklim akademik yang semakin menunjukkan kapasitas universtias/ perguruan tinggi sebagai lembaga yang mengusung tri dharma perguruan tinggi. kesimpulan demonstrasi yang selama ini dilakukan oleh mahasiswa merupakan bentuk kepedulian yang tinggi terhadap nasib bangsa yang serba tidak menentu. respons mahasiswa terhadap barbagai kebijakan pemerintah yang dianggap tidak sesuai dengan konstitusi ditanggapi dan diprotes melalui media demonstrasi. demonstrasi merupakan media yang paling efektif bagi mahasiswa dalam melakukan kritik terhdapa pemerintah. berbagai penyimpangan di level elite menimbulkan kekhawatiran di kalangan mahasiswa. demonstrasi merupakan satu-satunya jalan yang harus ditempuh oleh mereka untuk menyampaikan aspirasi yang diklaim sebagai aspirasi rakyat. pembelaan mahasiswa terhadap kepentingan rakyat tidak hanya dilakukan dengan bentuk demonstrasi. langkah ini merupakan langkah terakhir setelah mereka berdialog dengan pemerintah. setuju tidak setuju, bahwa pemerintah selama ini tidak peduli dengan kritik yang disampaikan dengan dialog. cara berdialog dengan pemerintah dan stake-holder yang lain tidak dapat memecahkan masalah, justru memancing ketidaksabaran mahasiswa terhadap langkah-langkah penyelesaian pemerintah. pemerintah lamban merespons tuntutan publik. realitas ini menyebabkan mahasiswa mengambil langkah lain dalam penyampaian aspirasinya, demonstrasi. singkatnya, segala bentuk kritik terhadap pemerintah dilakukan dengan melakukan demonstrasi yang melibatkan bukan hanya kalangan mahasiswa tetapi juga masyarakat umum. kehadiran mahasiswa sebagai bagian dari civil society dalam melakukan pembelaan terhadap nasib rakyat mendapat respons positif dari berbagai kalangan. mahasiswa dianggap sebagai pejuang aspirasi yang dilakukan dengan sigap. demonstrasi memang dianggap efektif untuk melakukan kritik sekaligus kontrol terhadap pemerintah. pemerintah tidak lagi dengan seenaknya membuat kebijakan yang tidak pro-rakyat. kepekaan mahasiswa menanggapi kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah mencerminkan tingginya idealisme mereka untuk memperjuangkan kepentingan rakyat. mahasiswa anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 68 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ dan rakyat dalam perjalanan sejarahnya demikian, tidak pernah terpisah dalam melakukan perjuangan. di tengah maraknya demonstrasi yang dilalukan khususnya oleh mahasiswa, ternyata terdapat pula pertunjukan yang sulit diterima akal sehat. kerusuhan sering terjadi di setiap demonstrasi mahasiswa. tidak jarang mahasiswa (demonstran) terlibat aksi perkelahian dengan pihak lain seperti pihak keamanan. tidak hanya berhenti di situ, bentrokan dengan masyarakat pun sering terjadi. pengguna jalan yang merasa dirugikan oleh aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa yang menutup jalan terlibat ketegangan dengan mahasiswa. bahkan, pihak-pihak yang berada di sekitar area demonstrasi terganggu dan dirugikan. terdapat kecenderungan di kalangan mahasiswa menganggap ‘hiburan’ ketika bentrokan dengan pihak lain terjadi khususnya dengan pihak keamanan. sebuah pemandangan yang sangat kontras dengan kapasitas mahasiswa sebagai kaum terpelajar dan calon pemimpin bangsa. idealisme mahasiswa yang memperjuangkan rakyat justru merugikan pihak yang dibelanya. hal ini dilakukan oleh mahasiswa karena pemerintah sering tidak mendengar aspirasi masyarakat yang disampaikan melalui demonstrasi. dengan cara ‘kekerasan’, mahasiswa menilai efektif dibandingkan cara-cara lain. demikian pula, media akan meliput aksi-aksi demonstrasi yang demikian sehingga ‘gaung’ demonstrasi terdengar ke mana-mana. kecenderungan anarkisme dalam demonstrasi mahasiswa dipicu oleh berbagai faktor. salah satu fator pemicunya adalah kelambanan respons pemerintah terhadap persoalan yang sedang dihadapi rakyat. pemerintah dianggap tidak sanggup memberikan solusi terhadap kesulitan-kesulitan yang ada di tengah masyarakat. pemerintah tidak sensitif terhadap problem sosial yang sedang berlangsung. akibatnya, gelombang protes berdatangan dari mana-mana termasuk dari mahasiswa melalui demonstrasi. demikian pula, karakter mahasiswa yang sulit menerima perbedaan (perbedaan pendapat) direspons dengan sikap emosional yang berlebihan. di sini terlihat bahwa mahasiswa terkadang larut bahkan ‘kebablasan’ dalam melakukan aksi-aksi yang mengusung kepentingan rakyat. pemberian ruang ekspresi yang proporsional bagi mahasiswa sangat anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 69 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ penting untuk membangun karakter ‘kebebasan’ diri mereka. selama ini, ruang ekspresi sangat terbatas, dan cenderung tidak mendapat pengawasan oleh pihak perguruan tinggi. unit kegiatan mahasiswa perlu digalakkan dan dimaksimalkan untuk mengasah keterampilan mahasiswa sehingga mereka menghabiskan waktunya di even-even yang bermanfaat. sangat banyak waktu mahasiswa yang terbuang yang membutuhkan sarana/ aktivitas lain selain kuliah. kekerasan dalam demonstrasi yang terjadi tidak disebabkan oleh karakter personal mahasiswa tetapi karakter kelompok. mahasiswa merasa ‘berani’ melakukan aksi ketika berkelompok. dengan demikian, ukm dapat menjadi salah satu media untuk menyatukan mereka dalam satu wadah kegiatan agar lebih kreatif dan tidak terjebak pada aksi-aksi negatif yang merugikan. daftar pustaka de jonge, huub. 1993. “gewelddadige eigenrichting op madura” dalam h. slaats (ed.). liber amicorum moh. koesnoe. surabaya: airlangga university press. direnzo. 1990. human social behavior: concepts and principles of sociology. new york: holt, rinehart and wiston. gurr, ted robert. 1970. why men rebel. princeton: princeton university press. jumadi. 2009. tawuran mahasiswa: konflik sosial di makassar. makassar: rayhan intermedia. marty, martin e dan r. scott appleby. 1994. the fundamentalism project vol. 4, accounting for fundamentalism: the dinamic character of movements. chicago: the university of chicago press. piet-rifers, j.r. 1965. “honour and social status” dalam j.r. peristiany (ed.). honour and shame: the values of mediterranian society. london: weidenfeld and nicolson. profil uin alauddin makassar, 2009. rahim, h.a.r. 1992. nilai-nilai utama kebudayaan bugis. ujung pandang: hasanuddin university press. santoso, thomas. 2002. kekerasan agama tanpa agama. jakarta: pustaka utan kayu. upe, muh. ilyas. 2008. “gerakan neo-sufisme dalam pesantren di anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 70 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ sulawesi selatan, dalam irwan abdullah (ed.). dialektika teks suci agama: strukturasi makna agama dalam kehidupan masyarakat. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar-sekolah pascasarjana ugm. widjojo, muridan s. 1999. penakluk rezim, gerakan mahasiswa ’98. jakarta: sinar harapan. wiyata, latief. 2006. carok: konflik kekerasan dan harga diri orang madura. yogyakarta: lkis. anarkisme demonstrasi mahasiswa: studi kasus pada universitas islam negeri alauddin makassar / hasse j / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0004 layout desember 2008 32 success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 christoph behrens associate professor for public management and politics universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta. email: christoph.behrens@cimonline.de ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ abstract focus of this paper are success factors for the implementation of an e-government strategy. while concepts for a sophisticated strategy process in public sector are delivered on a regular basis, the gap between ambitious planning and its implementation seems to get wider. authors seek to define what makes a “good strategy” in order to enhance management capacity. meanwhile some scholars from political science see limitation of governments on announcements which are not followed up by sufficient action rather as systematic problems, challenging concept and rules of liberal western democracy, or owed to growing complexity of governance under the conditions of globalization. in context of the introduction of new public management and its perception of citizens as customers and on the basis of new available technical options in information society, a key governance reform project in european and other countries over the last fifteen years has been the introduction of e-government. european market leader in this field is austria. the author reviews concept and implementation experiences of the austrian e-government strategy, analyzes key success factors and opens a discussion, under which conditions a successful implementation of e-government can take place in indonesia. keywords: information society, new public management, complexity management, egovernment, austria abstrak fokus tulisan ini adalah faktor-faktor keberhasilan dalam pelaksanaan strategi e-gov33 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ernment. sementara konsep untuk proses strategis di sektor publik sudah disampaikan secara sistimatis, kesenjangan antara perencanaan yang ambisius dan pelaksanaannya tampaknya semakin luas. penulis berusaha untuk mendefinisikan apa yang membuat sebuah “strategi yang baik” untuk meningkatkan kapasitas manajemen. sementara itu beberapa sarjana ilmu politik melihat keterbatasan pemerintah pada pengumuman yang tidak diikuti dengan tindakan yang cukup sebagai masalah sistematis, menantang konsep dan aturan demokrasi liberal barat atau berutang kepada kompleksitas globalisasi. dalam konteks pengenalan new public management dan persepsi warga sebagai pelanggan dan berdasarkan pilihan teknis baru tersedia dalam masyarakat informasi, reformasi proyek kunci dalam tata negara eropa dan lainnya selama lima belas tahun terakhir telah menjadi mengenal e-government. penulis melakukan tinjauan konsep dan pengalaman pelaksanaan strategi e-government di austria, menganalisis faktor kunci sukses dan dalam kondisi apa keberhasilan bila diimplementasikan e-government di indonesia. kata kunci: masyarakat informasi, manajemen publik baru, kompleksitas manajement, e-government, austria introduction why are plans made, yet do not get executed? what sounds like a simple question causes broad discussions (rumelt, 2011; 6) and obviously includes several dimensions such as unexpected changes in the environment of a project or incapacity of involved key persons to make successfully the step from setting the goals and describing the way to the concrete set of coherent actions. in a government, under the logic of politics, the tendency is strong to develop and announce ambitious programs, that require a sophisticated management pro-cess. in our complex and often complicated world, these programs are challenging, and they sometimes tend to be too complicated for those, who are in charge for their execution, particularly in countries who lack a professional government apparatus. for indonesia i have shown in earlier publications some of the key problems in this context (behrens, 2010). result is not only a huge, but a growing problem of execution in times of unprecedent global challenges. a prominent example for a too ambitious planning are the millenium development goals (www.un.org/ milleniumgoals/). with a short time left to go until the set deadline is reached, the analysis why the international community will fail to reach the targets all nations agreed on, has started (melamed,2001). some scholars meanwhile observe an increasing incapacity to solve problems and question in general the ability of liberal western democracies to handle success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 34 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ complex and urgent problems within their differenciated governance systems (kupchan, 2011). the contribution of this article to the current debate shall be an exemplaric analysis on what makes complex modernization programs successful. the example is a quite young reform project with a huge impact on understanding and execution of governance in general: the use of it based communication and information technology, which has revolu-tionized our global society over the last twentyfive years. applied in context of the intro-duction of new public management, which advocated a new understanding of relationship and interaction between government and citizens, the technical options lead to the set up of programs for e-government. these programs intend to bring public services to the people where people (citizens, businesses, employees and other governments (jeong, 2007) had to come to government offices before. where developed according to the principles of good governance1, e-government intends to reach more effectivity and efficience, to enhance transparency and to contribute to a more democratic form of governance, where the govern-ment is not the focal point of activities any more, but one equal actor among others. analysts mostly focus on the added value for citizens and have documented the positive impact of the approach. shifting patterns of distribution of responsibility and power within the government structure are another dimension of e-government, which is interes-ting particular for a country like indonesia that is looking for a re-formation of its public sector, balancing traditions of local governance culture and the imperatives of moderni-zation. this impact of e-government programs on governance, related chances and challenges as well as a proposal for a concrete implementation strategy for indonesia will be discussed detailed in a later article. in this paper i want to focus on the process management: what are success factors for the implementation and execution of an e-government concept? what makes the strategy processes sophisticated and thus contributes to overcome the tendency of governments to announce programs without sufficient follow-up action? for this analysis i have choosen the e-government program auf aussuccess factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 35 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ tria, which has not only reached the phase of successful execution but is currently ranked as market leader for europe, covering a wide range of government services. the analysis will lead to key success factors, which are discussed then from an indonesian perspective, and to key questions for a further debate, under which conditions a successful implementation of e-government can take place in indonesia. theoritical background this article provides an analysis on a running e-government concept. e-government here is understood as the (re-) organisation of activities and services of a government focussed on the customers by using it based information and communication technology. since the late 1990s, basics of e-government have been outlined and illustrated, such as in the paper from deloitte research (deloitte research, 2000), which takes a clear management perspective. as two main components they see: · an understanding of e-government as a complex new management program with impact on every aspect of the organisation (including work flows, used technology and staffing), requiring an approach integrating all components, and · the necessary change of perspective in government organisation and related work culture: from the navel-gazing of departments working independently to meet their own goals to a customer centric approach, that requires working interdependently, and to coordinate customer interfaces and services. this basic definition includes the two main challenges: changes in organisational structure and work standards, and a change of mindset of the people within it. the technical and the human factor in focus, egovernment still is an approach targeting the government itself. and it is a re-acting approach. argumentation for its necessity refers to expected financial advantages – a successful rationale particularly in european countries on the back-ground of budget contraints and the overall target to reduce public expenditures -, or to the reorganisation of the public sphere (habermas, 1962), observed since the middle of last century by scholars like habermas. these changes were speeded up by introduction of itsuccess factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 36 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ based technologies (“information society”), changing patterns of communication and inte-raction of people, particularly in the economic sector, leading to a new cultural mainstream which also supports a more critical view of old practices and standards in the public sector. by implementing e-government, the government adapts logics based on economic thinking (effectivity, efficiency) and drews unevitable consequences out of inalterable technical pro-gress and related social change. driving force for innovation and reform are the other stakeholders in the governance system, not the government. the emergence of e-govern-ment thus indicates dramatic changes in the understanding and execution of governance, far beyond the implementation of an e-government program. it is changing processes as well as the role of actors in it, sotosay examplaric towards a cooperative democracy (nida-ruemlin,1999). this means a challenge particularly for countries who are in their governance culture still limited to a mere political logic and close to the dominance of patterns of traditional authority. where driving force ought to be the government (or “the leader”) before in its own perception and in the perception of the citizens -, the energy of the political system and the innovative capacity is moving (colin crouch, documented on internet: http://nonapartofthegame.eu/?p=3142). some ideas where this may lead to we have seen in the presidential campaign of barack obama in the united states, which was based on the new patterns of communication and interaction with voters and labeled as e-democracy. key aspects of good governance were underlaying this strategy, particularly the idea of transparency, an open dialogue with civil society and a “clean government”. consequently after the successful completion of the campaign, the ideas got developed ahead by the new us administration with the concept of an open government (lathrop/ ruma, 2010), which has its technical basis in the fast development of web 2.0 technology. with the doctrine of a right of citizens to access so far unaccessable information on government activities, a right that can be claimed by legal action, the current developments could lead to an unprecedented new governance culture with potential for transformative opportunities regarding inter stakeholder communication, civic engagement, transparency and accountability a new strong impulse for success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 37 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ development towards democratization. but it also leads to the question where authority is to be re-located in a time where solving complex problems require a mix of detailed knowledge, brought participation and executed authority. research method this research use literature review as method to make analysis more depth. literature review needed because of an scientific analysis need an argumentation which is include a proove answer in analysis. this research use more than literarature, so that a proove answer can be made because it is prooved by more than one scientific literarure. result and analysis 1. digital austria – program design, implementation, execution2 constituted as a federal state, the implementation of e-government is for austria an enormous challenge in terms of coordination and communication between the involved stakeholders. key actors beside the thirteen ministries that form the national government are the regional governments in nine provinces, who are divided again in eighty districts, and the 2357 municipalities on the local level, each with their innergovernmental structure complementary to the national level. in addition to this vertical architecture, partners from private sector, academic sector and nongovernmental organisation form the horizontal architecture. a population of 8,4 million citizens is served, the majority of them living outside the capital vienna in middle sized cities or in rural areas. success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 38 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ picture 1. architecture of digital austria (rupp, 2011) the government of austria has set up digital austria as work platform for its e-government program. mission of the platform is to monitor cooperation between the participating administrations in order to ensure an optimal result. this includes both the coordination between ministries and other agencies on the national level – therefor the platform is located at the federal chancellory providing necessary authority -, and between the national and subnational government levels. as seventy percent of the administration in austria is located on local government level, this is particularly important to stay focussed on the overall goal of digital austria: citizen centricity. to guarantee the expected results, digital austria is not only equipped with top down authority, but also with the necessary technical and political know how, making it a resourceful steering unit for the overall project. in 1997 austria introduced a virtual guide on government authorities. currently this web platform (“help”) is providing around two hundred live situations and is offering the management of more than 350 procedures online, using more than one thousand digital forms. examples for the information and services provided are the option to declare taxes (“taxonline”, 6,5 million declarations per year), a special service portal for enterprises to support economic development (usp.gv.at, sixty situations in ten categories, saving companies around one billion euros administrative costs per year), and ehealth services, storing medical data, information on medication and insurance status. information on laws, announcements, treaties is available and the legislative process itself has been transformed into an electronic workflow, beginning with the draft bill and ending with the epublication of the federal law gazette. this official publication is published internet based since 1997, documenting decisions of the administrative court, the constitutional court, of the courts of ordinary jurisdiction from all levels and by commissions (e.g. independent federal asylum board, environmental senate, data protection commission). around two hundred partners are contributing to content management, the majority of them on the level of municipalities. help is visited by more than fifteen thousand customers per day, who check and use success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 39 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ more than one hundred thousand documents. aspiration of digital austria is to provide a one-stop-shop with personalised services, that is accessable for all citizens and focussed on their concrete needs. services and design follow this principle of citizen centricity and are subject to continuous improvement, considering particularly questions and feedback from the users. the principle of a classical administration is turned around: citizens do not go to the government any more, the government is coming to the citizens. administrations are ensuring access to information by translating bureaucratic affairs into common language, where necessary with individual guidance and support. access is also guaranteed for the blind by providing special interfaces. this principle of inclusiveness leaves the responsibility for access to the portal with the government. picture 2. screen shot of the online platform help (rupp, 2011) an effective back office to provide these services was installed on a strong legal basis and on a committment for a continuous development of quality. the e-government act (2004, considering the already existing data protection act), the general administration procedure act and the electronic signature act do set the main legal framework for e-government in austria. austria was the first eu member state to implement the eu directive 1999/93/ec on electronic signatures. the legal framework defines the principles for the austrian e-government strategy, the main tools (citizen card, identification system) and thus gives a sufficient basis for implementation and execution, following guiding principles success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 40 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ of good governance (orientation on citizens, efficiency, trust and security, transparency, accessibility etc.) and operationalizing them for the egovernment policy. key aspect for development of quality is eduction and training of staff with functional assignments within the project as well as of top managers who have the overall executive responsibility. the program to develop necessary competencies is provided by the austrian e-government academy. a key aspect here: the change of perspective from a focus on own targets and interests towards expectations on the side of customers. respectively the perception of the own status within the governance system has changed, following principles of new public management. special expertise needed to optimize the performance is aquired by recruitment for civil service, or by integrating partners into the platform management. technically, the change from a traditional file system to an electronic file system (elac) is the basis for digital austria. electronic documents have become originals, leading to a reduction of paper of around 40 %. the principle of electronic delivery, replacing the old form of issueing documents, has required introduction od new standard operational procedures and work places, replacing traditional administrative jobs. computer literacy has become a standard qualification for civil servants. the human resources management of the austrian government is working completely it-based as well as the budget process. related digital archives have been introduced as well in other fields: a central residence register, land, estate and company registers. this has lead to standardization, more efficiency and transparency. integration of electronic work flows made it possible to re-allocate personnel resources from data recording to operations with a higher value added. key tool to use the services of digital austria is the citizen card. the citizen card is not a specific technology but a concept, combining authentication (electronic signature) with identification (unique electronic identity) and representation (data on representation, mandates). functions of the citizen card include access to e-government (all functions as outlined before), to e-business (banking, billing, procurement) and within administrations the option for e-signature, e-file system and esuccess factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 41 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ registers. 2. key success factors digital austria provides full online availability of all government services in a situation where 78 % of the country’s population are active internet users (usa: 75 %). with this rate, austria is among the countries with the highest number of internet users in europe. 68 % of austria’s population with internet access use e-government services, this is only topped by sweden with 69 %. of all e-government users 47 % are very satisfied with the services provided, this is the top score in europe (all data for the year 2011). the management of the platform at the federal chancellory is emphazising on four key success factors for digital austria: · an optimal organisational set up, which includes a strong top down management and monitoring system, based on the authority and committment of the head of the government for the overall process, and an effective coordination and cooperation between the partners. the shared strong committment is result of a broad interactive process in designing and further developing the program, that includes expertise and suggestions from all government levels and professional technical advisory from the private sector. · a strong legal frame with the e-government law, providing the basis for security, particularly in data protection and maintaining privacy, thus building trust among the users in the system. · a high quality service with interoperability and clear standards to be followed by all contributing administrations, based on education and training at the e-government academy, this ensures high transparency and efficiency, thus better governance, and can be experienced each time the system is used. important aspects in this context are reduction of complexity, easy access to the technology and the visible advantage for users. · a good communication strategy towards the users of the system, demonstrating citizen centricity, easy usability, inclusive features and the added value in a customer friendly language. success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 42 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ 3. e-government for indonesia? several provinces in indonesia have started to implement e-government components while the national government develops an electronic id card. the experiences so far show limited success, and in contrast to the approach in austria, an overall concept or a coordination between stakeholders on that basis is so far non existent. there is also no priority for national policy on this issue (behrens/kholid, 2011); the jakarta globe, 01/09/2011; the jakarta globe, 20/04/2011; tempo interaktif, 30/ 10/2009; the jakarta post, 27/11/2008). could e-government also work in a country like indonesia, and what would be possible benefits? to give an answer, it is important to recall some basic facts from our case study. · first: design, implementation and execution of an e-government program are a complex matter, as the example from austria shows. it is complex in terms of expectations of stakeholders, organisational setting, necessary management quality and professionalism of the people working on it. the question is: would indonesia be able to design, implement and execute an e-government program? does it have the necessary capacity and resources? · second: driving forces for e-government are technical progress, globalization, changing social patterns of communication and interaction, the expectation to deliver better services in a shorter time with less financial resources and a growing pressure on the government to adapt an economic paradigm as guiding principle into its thinking and acting. are these circumstances similar in indonesia, has indonesia reached in its development this point? · third: an important basis for the governance setting related to egovernment is a truly democratic culture; with a government dedicated to serve its citizens beyond so far taken for granted limitations (linked to fixed locations and fixed time) in a transparent manner, speedy, efficient and convenient; that is motivating the people actively to participate and to challenge its professionalism with clear and raising expectations; with different government levels (national, regional, local) willing and able to overcome fragmentation and to cooperate; with self conscious active citizens, who identify themselves with the success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 43 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ role of a customer, who is receiving services from a public administration, and of an active stakeholder in the governance system beyond elections (legislative process!); with a dynamic and innovative private sector; and with an understanding of and committment towards basic principles of good governance (reliability, transparency, equality). so what is the status of the democratic culture in indonesia? experiences with administrative reform in indonesia are quite chestening and show a huge gap between ambitious goals and a widely unsatisfying reality. while the responsible national ministry sees a major problem in so far limited technical professionalism of reform approaches, particularly in a “missing agenda trajectory” (prasojo, eko. jakarta post 08/03/2012), a key challenge seems to be more the concrete willingness of bureaucracy to open its mind for a new understanding of professionalism and to follow a reform agenda (behrens, 2012). such an understanding of professionalism is based on history, culture and individual mindset, but also on the concrete working conditions. the current organisational setting, work standards and important structural components such as the system of remuneration and incentives are not supportive to build the necessary basis for a more professional, citizen centered and democratic governance. and while complaints about the low performance of the government are clearly and often articulated, also the “self conscious, active citizen”, who would create necessary pressure towards change, is still more a vision for indonesia than a reality. the orientation on traditional authority is strong and culturally embedded, and this not only among less educated people in rural areas, while legal authority as a basis for democratic governance remains weak (dina agus in behrens, 2012). overall, democratic culture in indonesia is at the beginning of its development, in the government, in parliament, in civil society. an e-government program for indonesia could not be started from a similar strong governance basis as in austria. driving force for such a program could be the government, with a focal point on its own expectations and targets, supported by a private sector, that would see first of all business opportunities. the experiences so far with the electronic id card support this presumption, the project success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 44 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ is critized as highly prone to corruption (the jakarta post, 06/12/2011). a challenge for the national government would be as well to provide the necessary steering capacity of the complex process. given fragmentation of government policy – on the national level, but due to weaknesses in the policy on regional autonomy also between the government levels – it is questionable if the necessary leadership could be realized. another important aspect to consider in terms of realizability is the digital divide, the important question how many people have access to internet and use it actively or not. this includes a technical challenge: countrywide availability of high speed internet access as supporting technical system. and it includes a cultural aspect: the social patterns of communication and interaction, the reality of what is for a person the public sphere he or she has access to, and the active participation in it. indonesia is here subject to fast development, but still also a highly fragmented society. it is far away from the reality in a developed country like austria with its comparably homogenous social settings, particularly if the country as a whole is taken into consideration and not only the fast developing mega cities and economic hubs. the gap in living conditions between centers and remote areas, but even between the modern, international, digitalized business district of jakarta and the neighboring kampung remains enormous. this cultural divide, which includes the aspect of using digital media, may be one of the huge challenges for indonesia’s future in general, as it has serious implications for the democratic culture of the country, particularly if it is seen together with the mentioned attitudes towards traditional authority. yet here could also be a chance in using e-government. bridging gaps is the potential of the internet, and bridging gaps could be the mission for an e-government project for indonesia. understood as a tool to support the development of the country and particularly the development of a democratic culture, which is in its fledgling stages, an indonesian e-government project could link up to the austrian approach, designed strictly citizen centered. this would require a substantial analysis about expectations and needs of indonesian citizens and concrete added value that could be generated. together with a complementing realistic view on available existing capacity, within the success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 45 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ indonesian government for the overall process management as well as from other involved stakeholders, the initial analysis could lead to a grand design for an e-government project, that includes realistic goals, a road map that has a realistic chance for implementation, and a projection of an outcome situation, that would have the character of a vision for indonesia’s future democratic culture. an e-government project for indonesia set up in such a way might have potential to give a huge impulse for the country’s development beyond the aspect of technical modernization. it could contribute to develop a new consensus within society and political establishment on the roles of different stakeholders within the governance setting. reaching this consensus would support reform of the public sector, but also give impulses for civil society and private sector; it would lead to higher consistency and inclusiveness. overall: a professional strategic approach, using experiences from this and other case studies or even support in context of international cooperation, could make an e-government project possible, that is matching the starting position of indonesia and its political, social and cultural background. by including all relevant stakeholders under an overall management of the national government and sharing responsibilities, it could use the road towards e-government as a collective learning process for indonesia’s democracy. if an e-government project is not going to be realized, is indonesia then in serious risk to be on the wrong side of the digital divide, the gap between participants in the new patterns of comunication and information, based on internet and other innovative technology? will the country be left behind in key areas for economic and social development such as higher education, health, civic participation and access to information? in summary: will it become incompetitive on a global scale due to the lack of investment in modern technology and insufficient progress regarding e-government? on a regular basis, leading mass media of the country lay a finger in open wounds, documenting problems in providing even necessary technical basics, particularly high speed internet connections. they are questioning insufficient consideration of the issues in the country’s economic success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 46 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ master planning and reporting about the gap between political announcements and execution of plans (the jakarta globe, 22/09/2011). the discourse in indonesia’s public sphere supports the before outlined argumentation on the global situation: innovation is pushed by other actors while the government has significant problems to follow. for indonesia this means that culturally deep rooted patterns of understanding governance with the leading role clearly projected on political leaders, may loose their efficacy. that would be an encouraging argument for a further discussion on e-government for indonesia. summary and outlook if the use of ict and the implementation of an e-government program strengthen key aspects of good governance and contribute to a more cooperative democracy, they may give a boost to indonesia’s stuck reform process in the public sector. the so far positive assessment for austria yet has to be seen in light of the technical dimensions as well as the political and cultural context. critical analysis and exercising active citizenship for example are characteristics of a developed democratic culture, which is not existing yet on a comparable level in indonesia. it can be expected, that the difficulties for indonesia in implementing e-government are likely to be uncomparably bigger. the first experiences with the introduction of the identity card give an idea about technical, logistic and cultural challenges. nevertheless an integration of modern technology into the governance setting will be unavoidable: for political and economic reasons, particularly considering the ambitious goals for indonesia’s development and global position. therefor, the analysis on success factors in austria may be used as reference in set up, implementation and execution of egovernment in indonesia. they give a direction as well for general success factors in the management of complex reform projects. using professional standards of strategic management means to change patterns of logic in the governance system and to allow more fact and knowledge based action instead of mere political calculations. such a new form of pragmatism – or technocratism – is gaining support where challenges we face require better – more efficient, quick, citisuccess factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 47 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ zen focussed – governance. e-government is a supportive technical approach in this context. endnotes 1 i follow the definition of theunited nations economic and social commission for asia and the pacific (unescap), for details see: http://www.unescap.org/pdd/prs/projectactivities/ongoing/gg/ governance.asp 2 evaluated for this chapter were facts and figures, concept papers and presentations from austrian government officials, particularly: rupp (2011) and kustor (2011) references behrens, christoph ed. 2012. “better governance for indonesia”. jakarta. behrens, christoph. 2010. “we could meet with modernity”. assignment evaluation 2008-2010. yogyakarta. behrens, christoph and kholid, anwar. 2011. “comparative study governance in europe”. workpaper for the appsi forum 8, 10/12/2011 in semarang. crouch, colin (2011): “postdemocracy” – an interview by florian christof. http://nonapartofthegame.eu/?p=3142 e-id. 2011. “ambitious but ambiguous mega project”. the jakarta post, 06.12 habermas, juergen (1962, transl. 1989. the structural transformation of the public sphere. cambridge massachusetts. jakarta globe. 2011. “poor internet means slow-loading growth”. the jakarta globe, 22.09 jeong, chun hai .2007. fundamental of development administration. selangor. kupchan, charles. 2011. “refounding good governance”. new york times, 19.12.2011 kustor, peter. 2011. e-government in austria legal frame and electronic identity management. vienna. lathrop, daniel/ruma, laurel, eds. 2010. open government: transparency, collaboration and participation in practice. o’reilly media. success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003 48 jurnal studi pemerintahan vol.3 no.1 februari 2012 ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ ○ melamed, claire. 2011. “the millennium development goals after 2015: no goals yet, please”. in: odi opinion sep 2011. london. nida-ruemeling, julian. 1999. demokratie als kooperation. frankfurt am main. rossel, pierre and finger, matthias. 2007). conceptualizing e-governance. management prasojo, eko. 2012. “indonesian bureaucratic reform in the making”. the jakarta post, 08.03 rumelt, richard. 2011. good strategy – bad strategy. the difference and why it matters. london. rupp, christian. 2011. e-government in austria = organisation + implementation + cooperation + coordination. vienna. united nations department of economic and social affairs. 2010. united nations e-government survey. new york the jakarta globe. 2011. “government must embrace e-revolution”. the jakarta globe, 01.09 the jakarta globe. 2011. “east java aims to go ‘paperless’ in 2012". the jakarta globe, 20.04 tempo interaktif. 2009. “provinces asked to develop e-governance”. tempo interaktif, 30.10.2009 the jakarta post. 2008. “bali to have e-government in two years, governor says”. the jakarta post, 27.11. the jakarta globe. 2012. “can indonesia’s economic master plan bridge the digital divide?”. the jakarta globe, 06/01 success factors for an e-government strategy: austrian experiences, indonesian challenges / christoph behrens / http://dx.doi.org/10.18196/jgp.2012.0003