*Corresponding Author P-ISSN: 1978-8118 E-ISSN: 2460-710X 183 Lingua Cultura, 15(2), December 2021, 183-189 DOI: 10.21512/lc.v15i2.7497 AN ECOLINGUISTIC STUDY ON ECOSPIRITUAL TOURISM OF REBO BUNTUNG COMMODIFICATION Diah Supatmiwati1; Wiya Suktiningsih2*; Sutarman3; Zainudin Abdussamad4; Abdul Muhid5 1,2,4,5English Literature Department, Faculty of Social Science and Humanities, Universitas Bumigora 3Farmacy Department, Faculty of Health, Universitas Bumigora Jl. Ismail Marzuki No. 22, KarangTapen, Cakranegara, West Nusa Tenggara 83239, Indonesia 1diah.supatmiwati@universitasbumigora.ac.id; 2wiya.suktiningsih@universitasbumigora.ac.id; 3sutarman@universitasbumigora.ac.id; 4samadzain12@gmail.com; 5abdulmuhid@universitasbumigora.ac.id Received: 09th July 2021/Revised: 03rd September 2021/Accepted: 08th September 2021 How to Cite: Supatmiwati, D., Suktiningsih, W., Sutarman., Abdussamad, Z., & Muhid, A. (2021). An ecolinguistic study on ecospiritual tourism of Rebo Buntung commodification. Lingua Cultura, 15(2), 183-189. https://doi.org/10.21512/lc.v15i2.7497 ABSTRACT The research examined the relationship between cultural ritual, linguistic, and ecology in the context of ecotourism. It aimed to encourage, stimulate, and integrate the use of religious tradition’s terms in understanding and reinterpreting the environment and human relations and its roles. Cultural forms and elements basically had the potential to be used as a tourism commodity, meaning that they could be commodified. The research also related to ecolinguistics, a study that discussed language associated with the environment in which the language grew and developed and how it was used by the community. Cultural rituals as a tourism commodity could be a means of maintaining culture and language even though they were commodified for tourism purposes. Thus, the religious-cultural structure of Rebo Buntung and Tetulaq Tamperan should be packaged following its original structure as a medium for cultural and language preservation but also packaged as attractively as possible with a contextual structure that adapted to tourism sites so that could attract tourists. This ecospiritual commodification was expected to be able to budge the economy of the surrounding community. The research was conducted at Ketapang Beach, Tanjung Menangis, Pringgabaya district, and East Lombok where Rebo Buntung ritual was carried out. The research applied a qualitative descriptive method. For this reason, the data obtained were analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis by describing the data obtained from an informant. On that basis, it can be concluded that the practice of ecospriritual commodification can have multiple effects, not only to preserve culture and language but also to maintain community harmony with nature, as well as improve the economy of the local community. Keywords: study, ecospiritual tourism, commodification INTRODUCTION Indonesia’s position is close to Australia, the Indian Ocean, and the Pacific Ocean, making Indonesia a country with abundant natural resources. Based on data from the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries, Indonesia has 16.056 islands held as part of the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (Direktorat Jenderal Pengelolaan Ruang Laut, 2019). As an archipelago, Indonesia has a lot of potential for natural attractions, magnet for foreign and domestic tourists to carry out tourism activities that are environment and nature-friendly. With those potential, some regions in Indonesia can develop cultural-based tourism and natural attractions tourism. Tourism, as a complex socio-cultural dimension of modernity, has been similarly influenced by the capitalist consumer culture. Tourism allows societies with diverse socio- cultural frameworks to interact, potentially changing some of their views and conventions (Erwin & Smith, 2008). One of the most essential components in cultural commercialization is interaction, which is fueled by tourism (Shepherd, 2002). Commodification, according to Cohen (1988), is a process in which goods and activities are first evaluated according to their monetary value. According to Yuli (Arida, 2017), the types of ecofriendly tourism are seeing, witnessing, studying, 184 LINGUA CULTURA, Vol. 15 No. 2, December 2021, 183-189 admiring nature, flora, fauna, and local culture, as well as participating in fostering the natural resources by involving the local people, that is called ecotourism. Ecotourism in the context of environmentally friendly tourism development has a mission to develop alternative tourism that does not have many harmful impacts on the environment, socio-culture, and other tourist attractions. Ecotourism is defined as an environmentally friendly tourism activity by prioritizing the aspects of nature and culture conservation and the empowerment of the local community’s economy. Ecotourism is a tourism management model based on natural resources or in an area that is managed in accordance with natural principles. The aim is not only enjoying the beauty, but also involving the elements of education, and supporting natural resources conservation, and increasing the local community’s income. These activities are oriented towards the use of natural resources, which are pristine and unpolluted. Agnes Kiss states that the premise of ecotourism relies on maintaining attractive natural attractions, thereby helping local communities earn money from ecotourism that provides funding for conservation and alternative economic income for destructive activities (Noh et al., 2020). However, the development of ecotourism cannot be separated from negative impacts, such as stressed ecosystems when they are visited by many tourists, as well as conflicts of interest between ecotourism administrators and operators. Indonesia is not only famous for its natural attractions but also rich in culture. Those cultural diversities result from harmony with the surrounding environment; for example, people who live in coastal areas have traditions or rituals related to marine life. The distinctive cultural values in Indonesia are manifested in a variety of material and immaterial values that are potential attractions for eco-spiritual tourism. Eco-spiritual tourism associates environmental interest with the religious domain, not only as a critical issue of public concern but also as an indicator of the root of the problem, which is seen as moral and spiritual values state. Many people travel to some places that are not only serene but also provide a spiritual experience. Through a spiritual journey, a person seeks to understand and learn strategies for solving problems in his reflective judgments, everyday experiences, and personal views on life (Norman & Pokorny, 2017). They affirm that spiritual tourism is not a new trend as it has been a popular activity of tourism since the 1960s and has a socio-economic impact on local communities and countries (Choe & O’Regan, 2020). Eco-spiritual tourism is not only something potential to enhance tourism in Indonesia, but it should also be the core of sustainable tourism issues, which lately have been popular. Many countries nowadays offer their mainstream potentials of eco-spiritual tourism. Indonesia can support sustainable tourism through eco-spiritual tourism. Thus, the religious environment can become a social movement based on religious resources, give meaning, and promise strength to overcome the consequences of modern secular values and structures. Assuming faith and prophetic roles, religion will then present the environmental crisis as a problem of irregular or unjust human relations and provide the ideological and organizational resources to construct these concepts and deal with them. Spiritual tourism includes several elements, including religion, culture, traditional music, and traditional performers. Meanwhile, Haq and Jackson (in Sukaatmadja et al., 2017) define religious tourism as people who visit places outside their customary environment, with the aim of spiritual growth, without compulsion in religion that can be religious or non-religious activities, sacred or related to nature. However, it depends on the definition of the context based on the main purpose of the tour. Therefore, religious tourism can be said to be part of spiritual tourism. Some definitions do not distinguish religious tourism and spiritual tourism clearly. The point is that the two terms include elements of religion as part of tourist attractions. Mc Kerchen (in Dwihapsari, 2016) makes a typology of religious tourism based on the spiritual experiences that tourists get into five types. First, purposeful spiritual tourism is a tourist who travels for the main purpose of his spiritual growth. Second, spiritual tourism sightseeing is a tourist who travels for the main purpose of traveling and having a low spiritual experience. Third, casual spiritual tourism is tourists who travel for the main purpose of traveling and relaxing and having a lesser spiritual experience. Fourth, incidental spiritual tourism is a tourist who travels for the main purpose of traveling and not being in the main spiritual growth, and usually, a sudden one and the spiritual experience is enough to be done once. Last, serendipitous spiritual tourism (coincidence) is tourists who travel for the main purpose of spiritual growth, not being the main thing, even if they get spiritual experiences only because of the tourist’s luck factor after traveling. Cultural rituals as an eco-spiritual tourism commodity can be a means of maintaining culture and language even though they are commodified for tourism purposes. The authenticity of culture can be modified to attract tourists so that, big or small, there will be hidden authenticity. The loss of sustainable local cultures and the important ecological knowledge contained within their languages has led to a significant movement within ecolinguistics to protect both cultural diversity and the linguistic diversity that supports it. Commodification has implications not only in society’s economy but also includes ideological and political dimensions; potentially, all aspects of life can become commodities (Cowell & Jenks, 2021). The term commodification used here is to describe the relationship between economy and culture, as well as a concern for the relationship between humans and their material culture in contemporary capitalist societies. On the other hand, a commodity is defined as a product that is not only produced for self-consumption by the maker but also for sale on the market; thus, the 185An Ecolinguistic Study on.... (Diah Supatmiwati, et al.) product has an exchange value that is different from its intrinsic use-value. Commodification promotes use value into exchange value. Cohen (Ulinnuha & Lutfia, 2021) has argued that the object becomes a commodity when they take on the exchange rate at the top or above its value in use, and it can be traded. In relation to cultural tourism, commodification modifies society and local culture into commodities. The impacts of commodification are, first, tourism creates commoditization of local people and culture. In this process, the traditions/costume of the people, such as costumes, rituals and festivals, and tales and ethnic arts, become tourism services or commodities when they are performed or produced for the consumption of tourists. In other words, culture is exploited for the benefit of tourism commodities. Second, commodification may ruin the authenticity of local cultural products and ruin human relations with others (cosmology). Tourist satisfaction from experiencing constructive and existential authenticity is a strong indicator of tourist intention to revisit. Therefore, ecotourism should maintain constructive authenticity to contribute to tourist satisfaction when intangible tourism resources become real (Park, Choi, & Lee, 2019). The commoditization of local people and culture in the context of tourism can harm not only the understanding of cultural products by the communities themselves but also by tourists. However, on the other hand, the commoditization of local people and culture in the context of tourism can raise the economy in a multi-effect manner. In other words, the commodification of culture can be a driving force for the economic development of the local community. Ecolinguistic was firstly introduced by Haugen in 1972 (Silalahi, 2019). This term began to be a new archetype in 1990, along with the increasing complexity of the world’s ecological problems as a result of environmental changes. In terms of words, ecolinguistics comes from two words, namely ecology and linguistics. Ecology is the science that discusses the relationship between humans and their environment, while linguistics is the study of language. Ecolinguistics is a scientific discipline that studies environment and language. According to Mbete (Yuniawan et al., 2017), the linguistics branches, whether micro and macro, as well as applied issues, are an interdisciplinary language science that can be juxtaposed under eco- linguistic, and they are interesting to be identified and developed in research. Ecolinguistics is a study that discusses language associated with the environment in which the language grows, develops, and is used by the language community in the language area. Figure 1 shows the ecological concept of language adopted from Haugen (1972). Haugen emphasizes that ecolinguistics is a paradigm of ecological concepts related to language, speakers, and the environment (Suktiningsih, 2016). In this context, Haugen makes the environment an indicator of a language-user community, as a code with metaphorical meaning. In this case, ecolinguistic studies are needed to reveal how a lexicon has linguistic information on the reciprocal relationship between speakers, language, and the environment. Interestingly, even though Couto (Li, Steffensen, & Huang, 2020) has recognized the different interpretations of the environment (or ecology) in many ecolinguistic studies, he defines an ecolinguist as any investigator who acknowledges that he/she is doing ecolinguistics or is using ecological concepts in his/her linguistic research and/or is dealing with environmental questions in relation to language, or environment in relation to language. Ecolinguistics’ ecological orientation, the field has a great potential for contributing to trans- disciplinary collaborations among environmental research fields such as environmental studies, ecology, and environmental communication (Chen, 2016). The lexicons of the tradition of Rebo Buntung reflect the relationship between cultures, humans, spiritual, and nature in ecology. Each lexicon found in the Rebo Buntung tradition has a lexical meaning; according to Martinet, lexical meaning as an extralinguistic phenomenon does not necessarily impact the intralinguistic relations that form the language system (Acquaviva et al., 2020). This language documentation is important for a cultural inheritance to the next generation or their posterity. It is because with the rapidly technological development, many languages, especially many lexicons, will be possibly eroded and become archaic lexicons (Kardana, Mahayana, & Rajistha, 2020). Figure 1 Ecological Concept of Language METHODS The research is conducted at Ketapang Beach, Tanjung Menangis, Pringgabaya district, and East Lombok where Rebo Buntung ritual is carried out. The research uses a qualitative descriptive method. For this reason, the data obtained are analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis by describing the data obtained from an informant. The informant’s name is Lalu Wirahadi. He is a traditional figure who knows deeply about the Rebo Buntung ritual. After interviewing, data are the transcript, and then those are compared with the data taken from the field during the Rebo Buntung ritual event. Saphir (Isti’anah, 2020) asserts that the 186 LINGUA CULTURA, Vol. 15 No. 2, December 2021, 183-189 vocabularies of a language that most clearly reflects its speakers’ physical and social environment; thus, what is uttered in speaking or writing reflects what the language user experiences with her/his environment. The research is started by sorting out the lexicons comprising environmental domains indicated by Saphir. In this stage, all collected data are identified and classified, classifying data based on lexicon related to nature. The data of this research is analyzed descriptively in accordance with the lexicon related to the nature of the Rebo Butung ritual. Furthermore, Sudaryanto says that the analysis presented uses the informal method of using words without formulation or symbol (Febriyani, Bagiya, & Ratnaningsih, 2021). RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS The Rebo Buntung traditional event is one of the many traditions and cultures inherent in some Sasak people who inhabit Lombok island. Based on its literal meaning, Rebo Buntung means the last Wednesday in the month of Safar (Hijri Calendar). In wide-ranging, the Indonesian Muslim community believes that the last Wednesday of Safar is a ‘sacred day’. Some people believe that a disaster or a source of disease will come, so they must perform a ritual of repelling reinforcements. Likewise, the tradition of the Sasak people, Rebo Buntung, is the last Wednesday of Safar. This is intended to eliminate the coming disaster. The best part of the Rebo Buntung traditional event is the Tetulaq Tamperan ritual, which is usually carried out by the Sasak indigenous community on Ketapang beach, Tanjung Menangis, Pringgabaya district, and East Lombok regency. This ritual involves many Sasak traditional leaders and religious leaders as well as the local community. In this procession, the buffalo head that has been decorated with flowers is floated into the sea in Figure 2. Figure 2 The Traditional Leader Brings Major Offering (Source: https://inibaru.id/tradisinesia/mengenal-ritual- mandi-bersama-dalam-tradisi-rebo-bontong-suku-sasak) Apart from expressing gratitude and repelling reinforcements, this inherited traditional ritual leaves an important message about the importance of harmonizing between humans and the natural environment. Indirectly, the Rebo Buntung and Tetaluq Tamperan events have social, economic, cultural, and language preservation functions. The relationship between language and environment and religious activities refers to an ecolinguistic study written by Einar Haugen in 1970. Haugen defines linguistic ecology as the study of the interactions between a language and its environment (Boada, 2017). The form of the lexicon obtained from the use of language, which refers to something, shows the closeness of human interaction as language users with the natural surroundings. The use of lexicons in language ecology reflects an interaction between humans and their environment. Several forms of lexicons are used in the traditional event of Rebo Buntung of the East Lombok community. Those refer to various series of events in the traditional procession. One of the processional lexicons or series of events in the Rebo Buntung is Tetulaq Tamperan. In the context of tourism, religious or cultural rituals should be modified as much as possible into a show that can be traded in the market. In tourism, for example, in traditional ceremonies, capitalist elements must be added to the structure of the traditional ceremonies. As an illustration, if referring to the Giddens’ (Xu, Pearce, & Chen, 2021), regarding the structure of social practice, it is elements that always remain and are repeated. After classifying the obtained data, the results of this research are some lexicons related to the natural environment, and the terms are formed from various morphological processes. Tetulaq Tamperan is a phrase from the words tetulaq and tamperan. The word tetulaq is a derivation word formed from (Badan Pengembangan dan Pembinaan Bahasa, 2017): prefix [ te-] In Sasak language the prefix [te-] which is attached to a verb-functions to form a passive verb Root tulaq tu.laq v return to; te.tu.lak.in v (be) returned; Root tamperan tam.par.an, te.tam.par.an n beach; Literally, the meaning of Tetulaq Tamperan is to be returned to the beach. In accordance with its meaning, the Tetulaq Tamperan is a procession centered on the beach where the communities, including traditional leaders, cultural figures, and religious and community leaders, gather on Tanjung Menangis beach to float the buffalo head offerings into the sea. Apart from the buffalo head, there are several other offerings in the form of agricultural products such as rice, fruits, betel leaves, chickens, and others. Then the buffalo head and all the offerings are floated out to sea by boat. Floating the main offerings into the sea is the end of the event series. After that, all the people who participated in the series of events bath in the sea; it is believed as a way of cleaning themselves from negative attitudes and creating peace in social life. Basically, 187An Ecolinguistic Study on.... (Diah Supatmiwati, et al.) the Tetulaq Tamperan ritual is related to nature, seen from the word tamperan, which refers to a beach. This means that the people of Pringabaya really appreciate nature in the Tetulaq Tamperan procession. This ritual is a reflection of the soul of the Sasak people as part of a cultured and religious society. It is also part of the balance of self and the surrounding environment, which is arranged harmoniously by prioritizing local wisdom. Its existence is very potential as a cultural treasure containing moral messages and customs within the framework of religious culture. This is a wise effort in preserving culture and language. Sesaji is the main offering in the form of a buffalo head or a goat’s head, which is placed on a serving stand and decorated with coconut leaves and given frankincense and incense. Ongsongan is a container made of bamboo and banana stems and covered with a yellow cloth and decorated with a white umbrella. It is filled with yellow rice and white rice, as well as seven eggs and seven kinds of traditional snacks, and seven kinds of fruit which in essence is the offerings of crops society. In addition, Ongsongan is also filled with 44 pieces of ketupat (rice cake wrapped in coconut leaves) and 44 pieces of tikel (sticky rice wrapped in coconut leaves). This ongsongan will be floated along with the main offering, namely the buffalo head into the sea. The symbolic meaning of this ongsongan is giving offerings to the guardians of the ocean and all the creatures in it. Ancak is a place or container made of bamboo used to carry offerings that will be floated into the middle of the sea. Ancak is a rectangular shape. In addition, ancak is also used as a place to serve food during a meal together at the Tetulaq Tamperan ritual. Sonsonan is an offering arranged in a dulang (large round tray) whose contents depend on the type of the sonsonan. The word sonsonan comes from son and sunan; son means someone who is respected, and the word Sunan means prophet or religious messenger or guardian. In the Tetulaq Tamperan ritual, there are four types of sonsonan that must be prepared that can be seen in Table 1. The selection of environmental lexicons found in the data can be summarized in Table 2. The structure for the performance of the Rebo Buntung ritual, the elements can be described. There are a number of rituals that absolutely must be carried out in a series of this ritual, namely tetulak or the tradition of rejecting reinforcements, similar to thanksgiving. At this moment, all elements of society, including traditional leaders and community Table1 Types of Sonsonan No Lexicon Reference 1 Sonsonan rasul mustapa This sonsonan is an offering that are placed on trays containing of four stacks of nasi rasul, each stack is coated with fried egg and placed with smooth white chicken and accompanied by a kettle. 2 Sonsonan ratu This sonsonan is an offering that are placed on trays containing of white rice, eggs, and smooth black chicken. 3 Sonsonan wali This sonsonan is an offering that are placed on trays containing of white rice tumpeng (cone shape) and nine eggs that are placed around the rice and on top of it is yellow feathers roasted chicken and then the offerings are covered with white cloth. 4 Sonsonan kyai This sonsonan is in the form of offerings that are placed on trays containing eighteen offerings, they are nine offerings containing rice complete with side dishes and nine offerings containing various types of traditional snacks and roasted chicken from a chicken with red feathers. Table 2 Ecolexicon No Lexicon Phonetic symbol Categories Referent Biotic* Abiotic** 1 Tetulaq Tamperan tətulʌk tʌmpərʌn Compounds - Abiotic 2 Sesaji Utama səsʌji Utʌmʌ Compounds - Abiotic 3 Ongsongan Oŋsoŋʌn Base - Abiotic 4 Ancak ʌntʃʌk Root - Abiotic 5 Sonsonan sonsonʌn Compounds - Abiotic 6 Sonsonan rasul mustapa sonsonʌn rʌsu:l mustʌpʌ Compounds - Abiotic 7 Sonsonan ratu sonsonʌn rʌtu: Compounds - Abiotic 8 Sonsonan wali sonsonʌn wʌlɪ Compounds - Abiotic 9 Sonsonan kyai sonsonʌn kjai Compounds - Abiotic * Abiotic refers to non-living physical and chemical elements in the ecosystem ** Biotic refer to a living component of an ecosystem 188 LINGUA CULTURA, Vol. 15 No. 2, December 2021, 183-189 leaders, gather around the coast to make offerings. The offerings are in the form of rice with the complete dishes, as well as fruit, incense, and various flowers. Everything is paraded using a large serving container or bamboo mat called ancak. In addition, the buffalo head is wrapped in white cloth and carried by the traditional leader that is also carried out. There are still things that make this moment even livelier. One of them is the entertainment programs, such as drama performances, shadow puppet shows, rudat performances, takepan reading (wewacan), cilokaq, kecimolan, jangger dance, and many more. Moreover, the traders are also present in the area. Inevitably, it makes the atmosphere very lively. They sell various types of traditional dishes that are very distinctive and delicious, such as urap, pelencing, rice cake, satay bulayak, and so on. Structure of Rebo Buntung and Tetulaq Tamperan rituals are (1) performers, (2) prayer, (3) inheritance weapon, (4) the venue, (5) procession of tetulaq tamperan, tetulak village, tetulak desa, and tetulak otak reban, (6) offerings, (7) food, (8) clothing, (9) performances of gamelan and gendang beleq (traditional orchestra), and (10) society. It is undeniable that tourism development based on culture makes cultural commodities attract consumers. They are interested in seeing it, visiting it, and witnessing it, so culture becomes a popular tourist attraction. On that basis, tourist visits to cultural tourism attractions have large multi-effects and become the support for the movement of the local economy. CONCLUSIONS Cultural forms and elements basically have the potential to be used as a tourism commodity, meaning that they can be commodified. The authenticity of culture can be modified to attract tourists so that, big or small, there will be hidden authenticity. Cultural rituals as a tourism commodity can be a means of maintaining culture and language even though they are commodified for tourism purposes. Thus, the religious-cultural structure of Rebo Buntung and Tetulaq Tamperan must be packaged with a display model of original structural practices as a medium for cultural and language preservation and as well as contextual structural practices, adapted to the tourism arena so that it attracts tourists. With this spiritual eco-commodification, it is hoped that it will be able to stimulate the economy of the surrounding community. On that basis, it can be concluded that the practice of ecospriritual commodification can give a domino effect not only to preserve culture and language but also to maintain community harmony with nature and improve the local community’s economy. REFERENCES Acquaviva, P., Lenci, A., Paradis, C., & Rafaelli, I. (2020). Models of lexical meaning. In Word Knowledge and Word Usage (pp. 353-404). Dressler, Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. https://doi. org/10.1515/9783110440577-010. Arida, I. N. S. (2017). Pengembangan, partisipasi lokal, dan tantangan ekowisata. 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