08 85_3 Book Review_Chung:tipska.qxd
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Yuichi Tei/Ung-il Chung 2020/25(3)
Yuichi Tei/Ung-il Chung, M.D., Ph.D.
Department of Bioengineering, Graduate Schools of Engineering and Medicine, The University of Tokyo,
Tokyo, Japan; School of Health Innovation, Kanagawa University of Human Services, Kanagawa, Japan
BOOK REVIEW
DOI: 10.7595/management.fon.2020.0017
Consideration for globalization and diversity is becoming common among all organizations that face inter-
national competition. For such organizations, including companies and universities, the top priority in man-
agement is to enhance their values sustainably; if they are too particular about nationality, ethnicity, religion,
or gender of their members, they will immediately lose international competitions. In order to increase pro-
ductivity and achieve results, they need to be tolerant of these attributes and to focus solely on the appropriate
abilities of members. Globalization and diversity require us to cross borders. Crossing borders, in turn, put
our morality to the test by exposing us to a different set of moral rules. Therefore, in order to achieve sus-
tainable business in the globalizing and diversifying world, it is quintessential to reconcile morality and di-
versity, which often conflict with each other. We need to know human morality well for sustainable business.
In this book, the author tries to elucidate the origin and mechanism of human morality. The book is com-
posed of three parts.
In Part I, first he discusses the origin of morality. After mentioning the two most common answers (the na-
tivist answer and the empiricist answer), he especially focuses on the rationalist answer that morality is self-
constructed by children on the basis of their experiences with harm. He rejects this idea based on his
observations that the moral domain varies from culture to culture, that while the moral domain tends to be
narrower in Western, educated, and individualistic cultures, society-centered cultures tend to have a broader
moral domain that covers more aspects of life, and that people sometimes have intuitions that can drive
their reasoning; therefore, cultural learning or guidance must play a larger role than rationalist theories had
given it. He concludes: “If morality doesn’t come primarily from reasoning, then that leaves some combi-
nation of innateness and social learning as the most likely candidates.” Although he sounds as if he had
found something original and novel, I would like to point out this tendency can be obviously seen in human
language (Crystal, 1997; Hauser, 1997), and he could mention a possible close relationship of human moral-
ity and human language because the comparison will substantially help improve his theorization.
Second, he discusses the relationship between reasoning and moral intuitions (including moral emotions).
He mentions 3 representative ideas: Plato’s belief that reason can and should be the master, Jefferson’s be-
lief that the two processes are equal partners (head and heart) ruling a divided empire, and Hume’s belief
that reason is the servant of the passions. He concludes that Hume is right, that the mind is divided into 2
parts, like a rider (reason, controlled processes) on an elephant (intuition/emotion, automatic processes),
that people have strong intuitions about what is right and wrong, and they struggle to construct post hoc jus-
tifications for those feelings. Thus, he draws the first principle of moral psychology as follows: “Intuitions
come first, strategic reasoning second.” Hume’s belief seems most convincing based on reality among the
three. However, all three beliefs are based on the assumption of the dichotomous structure of mind (reason
vs. intuition/emotion). This dichotomous assumption has never been tested. Is it really appropriate to di-
chotomize this way? What is reason anyway? The definition is vague. If we observe carefully, as long as we
use human language, we in a sense follow some social/cultural framework (Chung, Mitsuyoshi, 2017). Since
we reason using language, the reason is also restricted by language that follows a framework set by a cer-
tain society/culture. The reason, therefore, should have automatic processes as well as controlled processes,
both of which are likely to be influenced, at least partly, by language. Therefore, automatic and controlled
processes have, at least partly, the similar origin and mechanism of action; therefore, we do not have to and
cannot effectively dichotomize. In a similar line, in traditional Western philosophy, free and rational individ-
Abstract:
Book review of: “The Righteous Mind-Why Good People are Divided by Politics and Religion”
Written by Jonathan Haidt (2012). New York: Pantheon Books. eISBN: 978-0-307-90703-5.
uals are presupposed (MacIntyre, 1984; Russel, 1994; Kenny, 2012). However, as long as we speak human
language, we are never free from restrictions of society/culture, and the term is self-contradictory.
Third, he reviews 6 areas of experimental research supporting his principle: brains evaluate instantly and con-
stantly, that social and political judgments depend heavily on quick, intuitive flashes, that our bodily states
sometimes influence our moral judgments; bad smells and tastes can make people more judgmental, that
psychopaths reason but don’t feel (and are severely deficient morally), that babies feel but don’t reason
(and have the beginnings of morality), and that affective reactions are in the right place at the right time in
the brain. I have a comment on his third argument. Bad smells and tastes differ from culture to culture, at
least partly; examples to the point are fermented foods including Swedish fermented herring, French cheese,
and Japanese fermented soybeans. In the last example, Japanese people in eastern Japan like it in general,
while Japanese in western Japan do not. However, if kids born to parents from the western part migrate to
eastern Japan and grow up eating it in a daily life, most of them come to like it. Thus, the third argument does
not necessarily endorse his principle. I strongly disagree with his fourth argument, which I think is oversim-
plification based on a wrong assumption. Affectively, psychopaths lack appropriate emotional responses,
and any emotional responses are limited and short-lived (Patrick, 2006). Some psychopaths become emo-
tional when they talk about their family, showing that they also feel, but the subject of their morality is severely
distorted and restricted (Shunji Mitsuyoshi, unpublished data). In traditional moral philosophy, we are taught
to judge how moral people are by looking at what people do (MacIntyre, 1998). If we, however, observe
carefully, we treat fellow human beings roughly equally well or ‘humanely’. On the other hand, we treat non-
fellow human beings indifferently or sometimes cruelly, as if they were not human beings. These findings
show the level of morality depends not on what people do, but on who they think their fellow human beings
are (Chung, Mitsuyoshi, 2017). Morality levels are determined not by the content of deed, but by moral cov-
erage (coverage of fellow). The more diverse the coverage of fellow, the higher the morality level.
Fourth, the author reviews 5 areas of research showing that moral thinking is more like a politician search-
ing for votes than a scientist searching for truth: that we are obsessively concerned about what others think
of us, although much of the concern is unconscious, that conscious reasoning functions like a press sec-
retary who automatically justifies any position taken by the president, that with the help of our press secre-
tary, we are able to lie and cheat, and then cover it up so effectively that we convince even ourselves, that
reasoning can take us to almost any conclusion we want to reach, and that in moral and political matters,
we are often groupish rather than selfish. He concludes that the worship of reason, which is sometimes
found in philosophical and scientific circles, is a delusion. He urges instead a more intuitionist approach to
morality and moral education, one that is more humble about the abilities of individuals, and more attuned
to the contexts and social systems that enable people to think and act well. On these points, I generally
agree with him. However, it all started by dichotomizing our mind into reason and intuition, which turns out
to be unnecessary. If we abandon this dichotomization, his conclusion is self-evident. The key here is to
take into consideration the significant role of human language as one representative example of capacity
unique to human beings. If we think about human language and its effect on reason, we can obviate un-
necessary detour. The author does not have to presuppose two agents to explain our morality; it can be ex-
plained by one agent, our unified mind. To avoid this confusion, we should not use the word ‘reason’ without
clear definition and criticism.
In Part II, he first claims that the second principle of moral psychology is: “There’s more to morality than harm
and fairness.” He raises arguments supporting this claim: that people who grow up in Western, educated,
industrial, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) societies are statistical outliers on many psychological measures,
including measures of moral psychology, that the WEIRDer you are, the more you perceive a world full of
separate objects, rather than Relationships, that moral pluralism is true descriptively; as a simple matter of
anthropological fact, the moral domain varies across cultures, that the moral domain is unusually narrow in
WEIRD cultures, where it is largely limited to the ethic of autonomy; it is broader—including the ethics of com-
munity and divinity—in most other societies, and within religious and conservative moral matrices within
WEIRD societies, that Moral matrices bind people together and blind them to the coherence, or even exis-
tence, of other matrices. I agree that the moral domain varies across cultures; however, pointing out just vari-
ation does not suffice. The moral domain can be divided into two distinct domains: one common to all
societies and one specific to each society (Chung, Mitsuyoshi, 2017). The first one tells us not to harm other
fellow human beings; the second tells us to think and behave in a manner similar to other fellow human be-
ings. Finding both commonality and specificity is quintessential for modelling human morality. Pointing out
just difference and variation does not help complete.
Second, he explains what more there is to morality: that morality is like taste in many ways—an analogy made
long ago by Hume and Mencius, that Deontology and utilitarianism are “one-receptor” moralities that are
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Management: Journal of Sustainable Business and Management Solutions in Emerging Economies 2020/25(3)
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Yuichi Tei/Ung-il Chung 2020/25(3)
likely to appeal most strongly to people who are high on systemizing and low on empathizing, that Hume’s
pluralist, sentimentalist, and naturalist approach to ethics is more promising than utilitarianism or deontology
for modern moral psychology; that 5 good candidates for being taste receptors of the righteous mind are care,
fairness, loyalty, authority, and sanctity. I must say that his comparison of morality to taste is a bit far-fetched.
Morality is like tastes in many ways, but also unlike tastes in so many ways. Although harm and fairness is
insufficient to explain the whole picture of human morality, their central role is evident. I strongly disagree
with him to increase the number of receptors to help explain minor details, which will ruin the efforts to clar-
ify the essence of human morality by coarse-graining. In the process of coarse-graining, we inevitably lose
some resolutions but instead become able to grasp the core. We should not lose the priority ranking.
Third, the author proposes that moral foundations are innate. He claims that particular rules and virtues vary
across cultures, so people will get fooled if people look for universality in the finished books, that people will
not find a single paragraph that exists in identical form in every human culture, but that if people look for links
between evolutionary theory and anthropological observations, people can take some educated guesses
about what was in the universal first draft of human nature. Five such guesses are: 1. the Care/harm foun-
dation evolved in response to the adaptive challenge of caring for vulnerable children, 2. the Fairness/cheat-
ing foundation evolved in response to the adaptive challenge of reaping the rewards of cooperation without
getting exploited, the 3. Loyalty/betrayal foundation evolved in response to the adaptive challenge of form-
ing and maintaining coalitions, 4. the Authority/subversion foundation evolved in response to the adaptive
challenge of forging relationships that will benefit us within social hierarchies, 5. the Sanctity/degradation
foundation evolved initially in response to the adaptive challenge of the omnivore’s dilemma, and then to the
broader challenge of living in a world of pathogens and parasites. He shows how the two ends of the polit-
ical spectrum rely upon each foundation in different ways, or to different degrees. I strongly disagree with
him to his claim that there is no universality in human morality. His failure to find universality stems from his
classification of 5 components of human morality. These five aspects are not MECE, and can be explained
by fewer principles in a more comprehensive, exhaustive way. As I already pointed out, if we observe care-
fully, we can find moral rules common to different culture and societies that can be condensed to: “Do not
harm other fellow human beings.” On the other hand, we have rules specific to different cultures and soci-
eties that can be condensed to: “Think and behave in a manner similar to other fellow human beings.” The
author just enumerates different rules, mixes them up and fails to differentiate commonality and specificity.
These two common and specific sets of rules can be integrated and further condensed to a basic principle
of human morality: “Be fellowish.” (Chung, Mitsuyoshi, 2017). The key to successful classification is to cat-
egorize human beings into fellows and non-fellows, rather than a single group of whole biological human
beings. Without doing so, it is not possible to find and differentiate universality and commonality.
Fourth, using his taste theory, the author tries to explain why the Democratic Party has had so much difficulty
connecting with voters since 1980. He claims that Republicans understand the social intuitionist model better
than do Democrats, that Republicans speak more directly to the intuitions/emotions, that Republicans also
have a better grasp of Moral Foundations Theory; they trigger every single taste receptor, and that his theory,
with some revisions, better explains some voting behaviors that were not easy to explain before. Again, I would
like to say there is a much simpler way to do the same job, as mentioned in the previous paragraph.
In Part III, the author introduces that Darwin believed that morality was an adaptation that evolved by natu-
ral selection operating at the individual level and at the group level. This idea was once denied, but in recent
years, new scholarship has emerged that elevates the role of groups in evolutionary thinking. He organized
such scholarship into four “exhibits” that collectively lead to a defence of group selection: Exhibit A: Major
transitions produce superorganisms; the history of life on Earth shows repeated examples of “major transi-
tions”, Exhibit B: Shared intentionality generates moral matrices; the Rubicon crossing that let our ancestors
function so well in their groups was the emergence of the uniquely human ability to share intentions and
other mental representations, Exhibit C: Genes and cultures coevolve; once our ancestors crossed the Ru-
bicon and began to share intentions, our evolution became a two-stranded affair, Exhibit D: Evolution can be
fast; human evolution did not stop or slow down 50,000 years ago, but rather it sped up. He claims that al-
though most of human nature was shaped by natural selection operating at the level of the individual, we
have a few group-related adaptations too, that we humans have a dual nature—we are 90 percent chimp and
10 percent bee. In general, I agree with him. As for his comparison of human beings to bees, I find the anal-
ogy inappropriate. Workers of beehive are genetically related to each other closer than human sisters are.
Therefore, it is more appropriate to compare workers to cells in our body, and hive to our body, than to com-
pare workers to individuals and hive to our society (Chung, Mitsuyoshi, 2017). Therefore, cooperation and
division of labour among bee workers are quite natural as those of our cells in our body. On the other hand,
in typical human society/culture, especially in gigantic groups unique to human beings like religions, eth-
noses and cultures, members are not genetically related. It is inappropriate and too naïve to directly com-
pare human society and bee hive without mentioning this huge difference in genetic backgrounds. This in-
appropriate comparison was made partly because the author did not differentiate different levels of the cov-
erage of fellows by taking genetic background into consideration. I would like to repeat that morality levels
are determined not by the content of deed, but by moral coverage (coverage of fellow); the more diverse
the coverage of fellow, the higher the morality level. We need to differentiate different levels of morality and
treat each level appropriately.
Then, the author presents the hive hypothesis, which states that human beings are conditional hive creatures.
He claims that people have the ability (under special circumstances) to transcend self-interest and lose them-
selves (temporarily and ecstatically) in something larger than ourselves. He called this ability the hive switch.
He mentions that the hive switch is another way of stating Durkheim’s idea that we are Homo duplex; people
live most of their lives in the ordinary (profane) world, but people achieve their greatest joys in those brief mo-
ments of transit to the sacred world, in which they become “simply a part of a whole.” He describes 3 com-
mon ways in which people flip the hive switch: awe in nature, Durkheimian drugs, and raves. He also describes
recent findings about oxytocin and mirror neurons that suggest that they are the stuff of which the hive switch
is made and that Oxytocin bonds people to their groups, not to all of humanity. I generally agree with him to
his descriptions, but again, there is a much simpler and more coherent way to explain the whole picture by fo-
cusing on the contrast between commonality and specificity and the distinction between fellows and non-fel-
lows. I would like to point out again that he better mention the importance of human language (Crystal, 1997;
Hauser, 1997). His theory of the dual nature of human morality could be more effectively strengthened by tak-
ing into consideration the characteristic of human language, not just oxytocin and mirror neurons.
The author interprets that religious practices have been binding our ancestors into groups for tens of thou-
sands of years; that binding usually involves some blinding—once any person, book, or principle is de-
clared sacred, then devotees can no longer question it or think clearly about it, that only groups that can elicit
commitment and suppress free riding can grow; this is why human civilization grew so rapidly after the first
plants and animals were domesticated, that religions and righteous minds had been coevolving, culturally
and genetically, for tens of thousands of years before the Holocene era, that both kinds of evolution sped
up when agriculture presented new challenges and opportunities, and that humans have an extraordinary
ability to care about things beyond ourselves, to circle around those things with other people, and in the
process to bind ourselves into teams that can pursue larger projects. He claims that with a few adjustments,
it is what politics is about too. Generally, I agree with him to his descriptions. But again and again, his ex-
planation could use the consideration of human language for improvement.
Lastly, the author tries to interpret the whole landscape of American politics using his theory. He claims that
people whose genes gave them brains that get a special pleasure from novelty, variety, and diversity, while
simultaneously being less sensitive to signs of threat, are predisposed (but not predestined) to become lib-
erals; they tend to develop certain “characteristic adaptations” and “life narratives” that make them res-
onate—unconsciously and intuitively—with the grand narratives told by political movements on the left (such
as the liberal progress narrative), that people whose genes give them brains with the opposite settings are
predisposed, for the same reasons, to resonate with the grand narratives of the right (such as the Reagan
narrative) and that once people join a political team, they get ensnared in its moral matrix; they see confir-
mation of their grand narrative everywhere, and it is difficult to convince them that they are wrong if you
argue with them from outside of their matrix. He suggests that liberals and conservatives are like yin and
yang—both are “necessary elements of a healthy state of political life,” as John Stuart Mill put it. He says
that Liberals are experts in care; they are better able to see the victims of existing social arrangements, and
they continually push us to update those arrangements and invent new ones and that libertarians (who
sacralize liberty) and social conservatives (who sacralize certain institutions and traditions) provide a crucial
counterweight to the liberal reform movements that have been so influential in America and Europe since
the early twentieth century. He defines moral capital as the resources that sustain a moral community; specif-
ically, he says: “moral capital refers to the degree to which a community possesses interlocking sets of val-
ues, virtues, norms, practices, identities, institutions, and technologies that mesh well with evolved
psychological mechanisms and thereby enable the community to suppress or regulate selfishness and
make cooperation possible.” I am afraid that there is nothing new and original in this analysis and I am dis-
appointed with his remarks condoning status quo, although current American political system fails to address
many problems and need some serious reform. Is it not a time for quitting two-big-party system? Is not there
any suggestion for another better choice?
In conclusion, he recaps the content of the book and closes by citing Rodney King: “We’re all stuck here for
a while, so let’s try to work it out.” I would like to ask: “Who is ‘we’ anyway? Does it contain how many and how
diverse people?” This is the key question. Using “we” without criticism, it ends up providing just a pep talk.
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Management: Journal of Sustainable Business and Management Solutions in Emerging Economies 2020/25(3)
Overall, his descriptions are detailed and instructive, deserving respect, but theorization needs substantial
reform. Theorization should start from and aim at simpler and fewer principles that cover the whole coarse-
grained picture. In his extracting the essence of human morality, the role of language is belittled and should
be given more value and incorporated. Identification of such essence will help us find the way to reconcile
it with diversity and to enable sustainable business in a globalizing and diversifying world.
REFERENCES
[1] Chung, U., Mitsuyoshi, S.(2017). Diversity and Morality: “Crossing borders with engineering approaches.
Amazon Services International Inc.
[2] Crystal, D. (1997). The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. New York: Cambridge University Press.
[3] Hauser, M.D. (1997). The Evolution of Communication. Cambridge and London: MIT Press.
[4] Kenny, A. (2012). A New History of Western Philosophy. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[5] MacIntyre, A. (1984). After Virtue. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
[6] MacIntyre, A. (1998). A Short History of Ethics. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press.
[7] Patrick C.J. (2006). Handbook of Psychopathy. New York and London: The Guilford Press.
[8] Russel, B. (1996). History of Western Philosophy. London and New York: Routledge.
Accepted: 2020-07-12
Yuichi Tei/Ung-il Chung, M.D., Ph.D.
Professor, Department of Bioengineering, Graduate Schools of Engineering and
Medicine, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo, Japan
Dean, School of Health Innovation, Kanagawa University of Human Services,
Kanagawa, Japan
Dr. Chung graduated from University of Tokyo School of Medicine to obtain MD in 1989.
After working as Resident and Clinical Fellow in Internal Medicine at University of Tokyo
Hospital, he entered and graduated from University of Tokyo Graduate School of
Medicine to obtain PhD in 1997. In 1998, he was appointed Instructor in Medicine,
Harvard Medical School, and then Assistant Professor of Medicine in 2001. In 2002, he
came back to his alma mater to work at Graduate Schools of Medicine and Engineering.
In 2007, he became Professor, Graduate School of Engineering; in 2013, Deputy
Director and Research Leader, Center of Innovation “Self-managing Healthy Society”;
and in 2019, Dean and Professor, School of Health Innovation, Kanagawa University of
Human Services.
He specializes in skeletal biology/regenerative medicine and biomaterial science. In
Center of Innovation, he promotes industry-academia cooperation projects to measure
and visualize health status of each individual for health personalization and behavior
change. In Kanagawa University of Human Services, he attempts to systematize and
academicize ME-BYO concept for social implementation. He also studies the role of
morality in Innovation management.
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Yuichi Tei/Ung-il Chung 2020/25(3)
About the Author
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/ENU (Use these settings to create Adobe PDF documents for quality printing on desktop printers and proofers. Created PDF documents can be opened with Acrobat and Adobe Reader 5.0 and later.)
>>
/Namespace [
(Adobe)
(Common)
(1.0)
]
/OtherNamespaces [
<<
/AsReaderSpreads false
/CropImagesToFrames true
/ErrorControl /WarnAndContinue
/FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false
/IncludeGuidesGrids false
/IncludeNonPrinting false
/IncludeSlug false
/Namespace [
(Adobe)
(InDesign)
(4.0)
]
/OmitPlacedBitmaps false
/OmitPlacedEPS false
/OmitPlacedPDF false
/SimulateOverprint /Legacy
>>
<<
/AddBleedMarks false
/AddColorBars false
/AddCropMarks false
/AddPageInfo false
/AddRegMarks false
/ConvertColors /NoConversion
/DestinationProfileName ()
/DestinationProfileSelector /NA
/Downsample16BitImages true
/FlattenerPreset <<
/PresetSelector /MediumResolution
>>
/FormElements false
/GenerateStructure true
/IncludeBookmarks false
/IncludeHyperlinks false
/IncludeInteractive false
/IncludeLayers false
/IncludeProfiles true
/MultimediaHandling /UseObjectSettings
/Namespace [
(Adobe)
(CreativeSuite)
(2.0)
]
/PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector /NA
/PreserveEditing true
/UntaggedCMYKHandling /LeaveUntagged
/UntaggedRGBHandling /LeaveUntagged
/UseDocumentBleed false
>>
]
>> setdistillerparams
<<
/HWResolution [2400 2400]
/PageSize [623.622 850.394]
>> setpagedevice