Original Research  
 

© The Author 2019. Published by the Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities. www.cumuonline.org 
Metropolitan Universities | DOI 10.18060/26448| March 8, 2023 
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Detroit as a Marker for Divorcing Place-Based Education 
and Orthodox History from Oppressive Pedagogy 
Practices 
 
Joshua Musicant1  
 

1 Global Urban Studies at Rutgers-Newark 
 
Cite as: Musicant, J. (2023). Detroit as a Marker for Divorcing Place-Based Education and Orthodox History from 
Oppressive Pedagogy Practices. Metropolitan Universities, 34(2), 87-101. DOI: 10.18060/26448 
 
This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. 
 
Guest Editors: Patrick M. Green, Ed.D. and Susan Haarman Editor: Valerie L. Holton, Ph.D. 
 
Abstract 
 
In this essay, place-based education is discussed within a social theoretical context. In 
particular, place-based education in social studies is advanced as a panacea for the 
depoliticization of the U.S. populace at “the end of history.” The argument is twofold. First, it 
suggests politicizing potential in place-based social studies education as students explicitly 
contextualize their lives and experiences within history. Second, it suggests the radical potential 
for the social imaginary, as classroom spaces are reconstituted for knowledge production that 
defies positivist orthodoxy. Finally, the author’s experiences as a place-based educator in 
Detroit are offered as inspiration and as a curriculum prototype for prospective place-based 
educators at large. 
 
Keywords: place-based education, Detroit, the end of history, political education, youth power, 
students of color, social studies, history education, facilitation 
 
  

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© The Author 2019. Published by the Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities. www.cumuonline.org 
Metropolitan Universities | DOI 10.18060/26448 | March 8, 2023 
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Introduction 
 
Place-based education (PBE) is a broad concept, often associated with pedagogical techniques 
that connect students with local ecology and provide them space to execute projects that address 
local ecological issues (Greenwood, 2003; Greenwood & Smith, 2008). In this conception of 
PBE, student learning is generally focused on science, technology, and engineering fields (Place-
Based Education Evaluation Collaboration, 2010; Powers, 2004). Broadly, however, PBE can be 
defined as any form of education that uses place, location; current events; lived experiences; 
classroom dynamics; or local action to facilitate student learning (Sobel, 2005). PBE’s institution 
is supported by the theory that people, on the whole, learn better by doing than by listening 
(Getting Smart, 2017; Powers, 2004). 
 
In what follows, I present the practice (or lack thereof) of PBE in the context of social studies, 
rooting the discussion in a social-theoretical context that deliberately locates the place of young 
people in a lived, contestable history. Last, I trace these practices to a PBE-infused social studies 
pedagogy model from my experience in Detroit classrooms, including examples from challenges 
and the resulting opportunities that arose from the infusion of place into those classrooms. 
 
In Detroit, I worked in several roles for a place-based education nonprofit organization based in 
the city’s public schools. Our practice married the traditional conception of PBE with the broader 
one. Our organization- in collaboration with researchers and practitioners from Eastern Michigan 
University- was mandated to facilitate youth-led projects addressing community sustainability 
and climate resilience issues. As such, the first half of the school year is spent building context 
with youth: defining community and sustainability; locating neighborhoods within the city, state, 
and national contexts; and identifying the sustainability issues most pertinent to the community. 
In the second half of the school year, the students learn by doing: using democracy and 
consensus-based tactics to make decisions; interacting with local decision-makers; drafting and 
approving a budget; and completing a locally relevant project. While the projects are meant to 
address a community need and therefore be valuable in and of themselves, the primary aim of 
these place-based projects is to facilitate student learning. 
 
In theory, the second half of the school year---the learning by project execution portion---
incorporates PBE in its narrower conception, facilitating STEM learning via direct engagement 
in the local ecology. The first half of the school year---the portion in which practitioner 
facilitation actuates context-building for students---incorporates PBE in its broader sense in 
which student expertise, experience, and curiosity are mobilized to engender new learning and 
challenges. The first portion, incorporating PBE in a broader sense, is often the most challenging 
for practitioners. While the project-execution phase involves much practical leg work, the 
context-building phase generally requires more lesson planning and sometimes invites contested, 
uncomfortable circumstances, particularly as the historical picture necessarily compiled through 



© The Author 2019. Published by the Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities. www.cumuonline.org 
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investigations of Detroit is not always settled and, given the history of racism in the city, is often 
ugly.  
 
Our program’s theory is that, compared to orthodox education practices, our PBE model is 
particularly effective in Detroit because it addresses the more significant burden on educators to 
win students’ attention and interest in Detroit compared to more affluent places. This is, of 
course, not because students in places like Detroit are less capable or disciplined as learners but 
because it is disproportionately the case that student focus and attention on school must compete 
with other burdens and responsibilities that often come to young people experiencing poverty or 
living adjacent to poverty. According to the theory, it is neither fair nor sensible to expect young 
people confronting the day-to-day challenges that come with racial and economic injustice to be 
particularly interested in environmental issues from day one. To account for this, the program 
uses a robust context-building phase to demonstrate the relevance of environmental issues in our 
students’ lives. Executed properly, this phase operates as a defense against the possibility of 
gentrifying environmental action, as this grounds the projects in issues relevant to the students 
and their communities, as determined by the students and their communities. Most importantly to 
orthodox educational objectives, however, it wins students’ attention and opens them up to new 
learning potentials. 
 
These are potentials that, given the profound systemic challenges most young Detroiters face in 
overcoming poverty, we believe must be realized. To serve students as citizens, place-based 
educators must harness students’ ability to think structurally and critically about the world 
around them. As is, Detroit has instituted---though perhaps unevenly---inquiry-based pedagogy 
akin to the one detailed before the conclusion. However, it has tended to limit such pedagogy to 
science classrooms, where it has been shown to improve scores on standardized science tests for 
the city’s middle schoolers (Geier, Blumenfeld, Marx, Krajcik, Fishman, Soloway, & Clay-
Chambers, 2008). Without such structural and critical learning, place is removed from the 
pedagogical process, a development I problematize below through a social-theoretical 
contextualization of place---namely, its lack---in our postmodern times. 
 
Place at the End of History 
 
In this section, I plead for educators to recognize the urgency of broad PBE in social studies 
pedagogy. First, I will argue that orthodox social studies education is fatalistic in its absolute 
separation of place from history. Second, I present a social-theoretical perspective on the end of 
history that theorizes contemporary citizenship as generally removed from political action, an 
ethos fostered in part by the predominance of pedagogies---especially in social studies---that lack 
place, stressing instead the rote attainment of knowledge, therefore divorcing young people from 
the political initiative.  
 



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As Donaldo Macedo (2019) has argued, orthodox history education harnesses an oppressive role 
that subtly depresses consciousness. Scholars have pointed to both an active and a passive 
avenue through which consciousness is depressed in orthodox history education. The active 
avenue perpetuates nationalistic and capitalistic narratives as evinced by predominant concepts 
in orthodox history education that ostensibly anticipate subjects of social critique (Zinn, 2017; 
Rosenzweig & Lichtenstein, 2008; Loewen, 2007). Concepts such as manifest destiny and the 
singularity of American democracy justify the U.S.’s existence and dubious beginnings. Units 
focused on immigration, which generally presents the nation as one of unique tolerance and 
equality, address the country’s deeply racist roots and structures and can position equality as an 
ideal already achieved or even inherent in the nation’s core. The same units provide the 
framework of the infamous “bootstraps myth,” a narrative supported by the idea of the country as 
a unique location of economic freedom and prosperity, ideas tied up in the curation of the 
nation’s democratic singularity. Establishing such narratives is particularly important for capital 
in a place like Detroit, where racial and economic injustice is rampant, to produce a particular 
risk to capital’s legitimacy and power. To execute a universalized national ethic of capital 
production, it helps to present individual responsibility as the primary barrier to economic 
achievement. Without this, impoverished communities would be liable to blame their plight on 
external structures, jeopardizing the stability of the system in place. 
 
The passive avenue of oppression in orthodox history education is the implicit discouragement of 
dissent, mainly through the minimization of critical thought (Macedo, 2018; Kumashiro, 2000). 
Such discouragement is partly a byproduct of history education that lacks a basis in place by 
failing to draw connections between the past and the present and by neglecting attention to local 
relevance.  
 
These failures of orthodox history education occur in the context of the body politic’s increasing 
separation from place, as our political culture has trended against historical consciousness. This 
trend is noted by some political and social theorists, who suggest that our contemporary, 
postmodern condition is characterized by its lack of historical consciousness. Jean Baudrillard 
(1995) argued that since the end of the Cold War, capitalist society, through its triumph over 
communism, had ascended from the narratives of history. Baudrillard asserted that the end of this 
dialectical tension foments universalist narratives of progress beyond the reach of historical 
struggle. Simply, Baudrillard cautioned that the world had come to be seen as a procession, 
beyond reproach, towards inevitable progress.  
 
Baudrillard’s theory echoes that of Francis Fukuyama (1992), who theorized---corrupting 
Marxist theory---that the end of the Cold War would mark a conclusion to historical struggle. 
Fukuyama posits, presciently, that the world’s procession would reach apotheosis in a “universal 
consumer culture” (1992, p. 65). Though the end of history concerns Baudrillard, Fukuyama 
commends it.  



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Paulo Freire’s (1970) writings on the intellectual tools of oppression demonstrate capital’s 
interest in separating oppressed peoples from non-neutral subjectivities. This separation 
suppresses the possibility of dissent by obfuscating contextual connections between people of 
shared subjugations. To Freire, “the more the alienated culture is uncovered, the more the 
oppressive reality in which it originates is exposed,” incentivizing oppressors to foster a “culture 
of silence” (p. 2) through prescribing knowledge for their subjects that frame social possibilities 
in favor of the status quo, precisely the processionary futures on which Baudrillard and 
Fukuyama reflect 
 
This top-down culture of dehistoricization contextualizes and curates students’ separation from 
history as presented to them in conventional classrooms. This removal from history is necessarily 
an elimination of place from pedagogy as students, dehistoricized, lose connection to their 
locations in time and history. Paradoxically, such issues are exacerbated by youth connection to 
historical information in our hyper-digital era. Orthodox history, through its focus on the mere 
attainment of factual knowledge, is veering towards obsolescence as many students no longer 
require their history teachers or history textbooks to locate facts of history. Sam Wineburg 
(2018) explores this jeopardy in Why Learn History (When It’s Already on Your Phone). 
Wineburg points to Benjamin Samuel Bloom’s (1984) Taxonomy of Educational Objectives to 
remind history educators that attaining knowledge is only one of several broad learning 
objectives. Students should gain knowledge of historical information but also learn to understand 
the information, apply the information, analyze the information, synthesize the information, and 
ultimately evaluate the information. History educators must ground their curricula in this process 
because of how accessible simple knowledge attainment has become for many young people, but 
also because of the unprecedented degree of false and harmful information now readily available. 
Young people must learn to evaluate the information for its application to the present and its 
degree of truth.  
 
The knowledge that can be procured directly from one’s phone is very much the same sort 
emphasized in pedagogy and curricula that stress the rote attainment of facts. Pedagogy 
dependent on rote processes deemphasizes the kinds of deep engagement and challenge that 
engender critical learning positioned to orient young people as historical actors capable of 
making change. It is a critical engagement with place that can promote such imperative 
orientations for young people. 
 
The Place-Based Context of Detroit 
 
History pedagogy infused with place directly addresses these challenges through its aims to draw 
out content relevance and help students learn to critique, apply, and evaluate information. PBE 
positions student experiences, opinions, and discussions as loci of knowledge production, 



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actively facilitating students’ progress through learning objectives beyond the basic attainment of 
knowledge, the priority of orthodox history education, as evinced by its reliance on summative 
testing measures of student achievement and the competitive significance of these tests for all 
parties involved. History PBE positions young people as critical thinkers and evaluators of 
present, local conditions, discouraging the historical passivity redolent of the basic fact-finding 
young people may be able to do on their phones. Such active, historical thinking can break the 
historically passive trend noted by Baudrillard and celebrated by Fukuyama. 
 
History PBE is especially integral in impoverished places like Detroit, where the reifying powers 
of the status quo are apparent. In Detroit, critical thought and evaluations of present, local 
conditions are not likely to tend toward national and capital interests. Detroit is the poorest city 
in the U.S., positioning Detroiters as perhaps the largest collected example of economic injustice 
in the country. Detroit is also the Blackest city in the U.S., positioning Detroiters as perhaps the 
largest collected group of victims of anti-Black racism in the U.S. The vast majority of Detroit’s 
non-Black population is either Latinx or Muslim, two identity groups with their own uniquely 
challenging experiences of American injustice. 
 
Despite the unacceptability of the status quo economic apparatus in Detroit, my experiences as a 
practitioner suggest that Detroit’s youth tend to attribute blame inwardly and not towards the 
external apparatus. Nearly across the board, Detroit high schoolers identified individual and 
community responsibility as the primary causes of the city’s plight. It seems to be widely 
accepted, at least amongst the city’s youth, that a critical mass of Detroiters is so lazy as to 
depress the city’s financial health and that individual acts of irresponsibility, such as littering and 
house disrepair, contribute significantly to the inability of the city and its residents to prosper 
financially. These responses suggest that, on some level, students have adopted national 
mythologies---personal responsibility, economic opportunity, fairness, etc.---which manifest in 
Detroit as a form of internalized racism. 
 
These same students seldom identify White flight (a term and phenomenon they have usually 
been unaware of), the U.S. manufacturing industry's disintegration, or policies of austerity as 
significant contributors to the city’s plight. Such attributions of blame are redolent of Paulo 
Freire’s (1970) description of myth-making, which he characterizes as an “effort to identify as 
diabolical all thought-language that uses such words as alienation, domination, oppression, 
liberation, humanization, and autonomy” (p. 2). Instead of “diabolical” explanations that would 
point to a relationship to capital structures, the students place blame inwardly, reflecting the 
mythologization of capitalism as established through orthodox U.S. history education. 
 
Fukuyama (1992) builds out his theory of a depoliticized historical procession in The End of 
History and the Last Man, arguing that capitalism is the natural order of democracy, in part: 
  



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Because it has a tremendous leveling effect through its need for universal education. Old class 
barriers are broken down in favor of a general condition of equality of opportunity. While new 
classes arise based on economic status or education, there is an inherently greater mobility in 
society that promotes the spread of egalitarian ideas. The economy thus creates a kind of de facto 
equality before such equality arises de jure. (p. 205-206) 
 
Here, Fukuyama demonstrates that orthodox “universal education” imbues complacency in 
oppressed communities, primarily via the purported meritocratic nature of the U.S. economic 
system, a fundamental American credo, the adoption of which places blame for economic plight 
inward, thereby pacifying impoverished communities into acquiescence. 
 
This internalization of blame is perhaps also a reflection of the absence of place in orthodox 
history pedagogy. A lack of place generally removed relevance to students from the pedagogic 
equation, rendering students disengaged without the immediate capacity to connect their own 
lived contexts to the structural causes that define those contexts. In our program’s work, social 
studies are generally used to demonstrate the relevance of environmental issues to support its 
efforts in STEM education. For example, it might be drawn out that, in Detroit, extreme heat and 
cold events are among the most relevant challenges to local climate resilience, that such events 
are so challenging to many Detroiters because of the city’s lack of adequate public transit, and 
that this lack is defined and caused by a bit of local history that every high schooler in Detroit 
knows: that the city has lived by the automobile. Building out this context and relevance is a 
process of weeks that often spills over into the second half of the school year. Still, we make this 
investment because it engages students in environmental work and encourages them to see their 
eventual project as connected to the material conditions of their community. In short, we add 
place to the pedagogic equation. It is to the details of a place-infused pedagogy for social studies 
that I turn to next.  
 
Inquiry and Place-Based Social Studies Pedagogy 
 
Educators who are tied to an orthodox curriculum can institute an encumbered version of history 
PBE in their classroom without sacrificing mainstream credibility, perhaps even while teaching a 
summative exam. Such educators might work through history backward to support students as 
they draw connections between experiential knowledge and the prescribed learning content. This 
process allows students to use place---albeit in a somewhat narrow sense---as a point of reference 
as they locate themselves historically and come to see their lives and their city as products of 
history.  
 
A new civics initiative for Detroit’s 10th graders appears to fall within an encumbered version of 
PBE. The initiative is a module in which students engage with local protest histories, especially 
by Black Detroiters and other Detroiters of color. The initiative's publicity emphasizes the 



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importance of having practitioners of color at the helm of this process (The 74, 2022; Michigan 
Advance, 2022; Yahoo, 2022). While the effectiveness of educators of color, especially students 
of color, is supported by a robust body of literature. There is reason to believe, however, that 
much of the benefit provided by educators of color can be attributed to pedagogical techniques 
that engage radically with place, which I will detail below in my experiences in Detroit 
classrooms. 
 
The above pedagogy, again, is distinguished from a complete place pedagogy as it still adheres 
to Paulo Freire’s (2012) “banking concept” of education in which educators deposit prescribed 
“knowledge” onto static students. Pedagogy infused more robustly with place responds to the 
banking concept by adding the classroom, the people in it, and the dynamics therein as integral 
parts of “place.” Proper History PBE works against the exploitation and domination of the 
banking method through the institution of Freire’s conception of a “problem-posing” educator. 
Such a facilitator should draw out student experience, which in a place like Detroit would 
contextualize experiences for students as they use space to note shared material conditions and 
causes of those conditions.  
 
The “problem-posing” educator is well represented in newer conceptions of place-based 
pedagogy. The conceptions detailed below accentuate not only the classroom as a critical place 
but the teacher/educator as a pivotal aspect of the unique place of every classroom. Cochran-
Smith and Lytle (2009) conceive of educators as practitioners, more than simply teachers. 
Practitioners, to them, work in practice to optimize their trade, echoing Donald Schön’s (1994) 
work on the role of reflection in professional pedagogical practice. Such a conception, moreover, 
responds to the banking concept by marking the community or classroom as a location of inquiry 
in which all participants---students and educators alike---are holders of knowledge and work as 
collaborating practitioners. Lytle (2008) and Ravitch (2014) build on the role of the educator in 
place, demonstrating the positivist removal of the educator in summative learning processes such 
as those stressed in the standards embedded in No Child Left Behind and the Common Core.  
 
In Detroit, our model highlights the role of both facilitators and learners through two 
straightforward facilitation techniques, both of which emphasize inquiry. The first technique is 
grounding work from the beginning by asking students What is important to you? instead of 
discussing sustainability unsolicited on day one, such an inquiry builds out relevance by ensuring 
that each topic discussed and activity facilitated is tied directly to what the students determine is 
important to them at the outset, thereby making meaning through connecting to students’ lives. 
The second technique uses root cause analysis. Such analysis hones critical thinking, underscores 
preexisting knowledge in students, and resists oppression by concentrating on systems rather 
than symptoms. So, if a student shares that blight in their community is an important issue to 
them, a facilitator might ask Why is there blight in your community? If a student responds 
Because people left, a facilitator might ask Why did people leave? If a student responds Because 



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they were kicked out/foreclosed on, a facilitator might ask Why were they foreclosed on? If a 
student responds Because they could not afford the bank payments, a facilitator might ask Why 
couldn’t they afford the bank payments? and so on. Inquiry in such root cause analysis is a 
pedagogy that underscores complex thinking here, as students relate events to each other and 
learn to see events as results of multivalent, contingent processes.  
 
Students can be primed for this new dynamic by restructuring the physical classroom. The 
program clears out the furniture in the center of the room and places chairs in a large circle. 
Educators should place themselves on the circle’s perimeter along with the rest of the class. This 
undoes part of the teacher-student/oppressor-oppressed dynamic (Bowles & Gintis, 1976) and 
positions students more naturally, opening them up to dialogue and conversation, particularly as 
students are challenged as complex thinkers. Such a restructuring is essential in places like 
Detroit, where students are discouraged from openness and dialogue through extreme 
disciplining and policing (U.S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights, 2016), 
underscoring again the need for broadly conceived place-based pedagogies in such locales. 
 
Grounding the process through having students identify the issues most relevant to them at the 
outset and then facilitating investigations of these issues through root cause analyses will 
necessarily point to the histories that shape the lives of the oppressed. Participants would attain 
knowledge of the power structures that exploit and dominate while also reconsidering their 
relationship to those oppressive powers as they recognize their knowledge and create new 
knowledge, a product of critical engagement between teacher practitioners and student 
practitioners whose collaboration defines the critical, unique place of every class, replete with its 
dynamics and expertise. 
 
Practical Place in Detroit 
 
For me, curating such a class was attained through three deliberate measures established in the 
first session with students. First, I outlined who I was, what organization I was coming from, and 
what our goals would be. In so doing, I distinguished our work from the typical summative 
process of a k-12 classroom with prescribed learning objectives, underscoring our upcoming 
collective process as one in which there should be disagreements about our learning objectives. 
Second, I consciously shared myself with students. This included presenting my background to 
students on the first day. Such sharing included being explicit about the obvious: my 
socioeconomic privilege relative to students. I saw this difference not as a weakness but as an 
opportunity, embracing a humility commensurate to a lack of experience and, explicitly, the 
myriad positionalities within each group. Facilitators, here, can ground the process in their lack 
of omniscience, inviting students to embrace roles as learners, imperfect, curious, and growing. 
Beyond these first session tactics, I shared my personal life with students and treated them the 
same as I treated my peers. One method through which this was accomplished was weekly 



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“Roses, Buds, and Thorns” share sessions. Perhaps as a result, my work with students was not 
always clean and I was directly involved in interpersonal conflicts on two or three occasions. 
Working in place is fluid and reflexive, and students, in my view, benefitted from my 
vulnerability. Such conflicts could be resolved with the help of a third process facilitated with 
students during the opening session, “Norma,” which helps mark the class as a unique place. 
Norma, a neutral, human-like figure, is a conceit through which students and facilitators can set 
expectations for themselves and others, establishing the space as contested and shared, 
demonstrating a contrast from the typical relationships between students and educators, and other 
students. Though the above tools threatened boundaries and could be psychically challenging, 
they played to my interpersonal strengths and could be managed within my mental health 
capacity. 
 
Critically, the place-establishing tactics described herein double as antiracist, as emerging 
scholarship connects building relational trust (Siddle Walker & Snarey, 2004, 77), hosting open 
discussions (Roegman et al., 2020), centering questions of equity (Roegman et al., 2020), and 
connecting learning to broader systems (Jackson, 2011, 144-65), culturally responsive tactics that 
are generally equalizing, particularly effective for students of color, and accessible to teachers of 
all backgrounds. 
  
Here and elsewhere, the role of the facilitator hinges on a contrast with the formal pedagogies 
and discipline to which students- especially in places like Detroit- are accustomed. The space, 
through both the facilitators’ investment of self and the shared establishment of norms, becomes 
a safe one in which students can expect to be supported when sharing personal anecdotes or 
embracing facets of their identity, while students who may offend others can expect to be “called 
in” and not deposited into disciplinary or carceral processes for their transgressions. Facilitators 
might view transgressions not as threats but as opportunities for students to share their 
perspectives on why something might be wrong, especially to promote systems thinking. In 
Detroit, a relatively diverse and segregated city, high schoolers are prone---as they are most 
anywhere---to denigrating others, especially those from different economic and cultural 
backgrounds. In one case, a student in a predominantly Black school denigrated students' English 
proficiency at a high school in a predominantly Latinx portion of the city. This was an 
opportunity to promote systems thinking, tying the migration of mostly Mexican immigrants to 
Detroit to the Great Migrations that brought many Black Detroiters to the city, both of which are 
tied to industrialization and the car. During my next week with the class, I came prepared with a 
short presentation on the imposition of the standard American dialect in the U.S. educational 
system, suggesting that the imposition privileges learners from White and affluent backgrounds 
and can jeopardize the scholastic achievement of those from different backgrounds who are not 
given credit for linguistic achievements within their dialects and who must do the extra work of 
code-switching in much of their learning. Here, students could gain critical perspectives on the 
education system at large and the system of capital that catalyzes uneven development and 



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migration. Imperatively, my objective was to problematize notions against political solidarity in 
the city, promoting possibilities for young people as historical actors in place and encouraging 
the systems thinking required to recognize the hierarchical nature of imposed language 
standards. 
 
In another instance at one of the city’s poorer high schools, I took a risk whose success depended 
greatly on the trust I had gained by sharing myself fully with students over a protracted period. 
After one student made fun of another for being poor, I shared honestly that when I first started 
working with the class (which was the first I ever worked with in general), I was unable to 
distinguish the subtle differences in the students’ economic situations and that, even after I could 
grasp such subtle differences, it was still jarring to me that, from my outside, affluent 
perspective, a young Detroiter from their neighborhood, a disproportionately impoverished one 
even compared to the rest of the city, would cast their economic situation so different from that 
of another young Detroiter from the neighborhood. For the next session with the class, I came 
prepared with some data on race and income/wealth in the U.S. Here, I used a root cause 
facilitation process in the hopes of promoting the type of systems thinking whose general lack 
facilitates the belief in many young Detroiters that Detroiters themselves are at fault for their 
economic plight and for the city’s, a depoliticized notion that critiques the individual rather than 
the political. Though a couple of students pushed back on my opinion---explicitly stated as my 
opinion---of systemic economic fault, I took it as a reflection of the space’s relative safety and 
fluidity. 
 
Conclusion 
 
Though such dialogue risked ruffling some feathers, clarifying the process’s rootedness in our 
particular place from the outset imbued a mutual understanding that our work would be fluid, 
that it would not always be tidy, that we could trust each other through disagreement, and that a 
shared goal of community sustainability would uphold us. Critically, I considered my status as an 
outsider as more an opportunity than a vulnerability. My lack of personal expertise on Detroit’s 
history and much of what young Detroiters experience was itself a manifestation of our place, 
with my relative humility as a facilitator communicating that Detroit’s politics are contested just 
as my physical person in the classroom communicated that Detroit’s history is contested. The 
acknowledgment of place in these classrooms underscored that people like me---affluent 
outsiders---have had an outsized impact on what has come to be seen as knowledge about 
Detroit. The acknowledgment also underscores that Detroit’s politics and history were not 
knowable in absolute terms. Ultimately, our task is not simply changing the inputs to knowledge 
but changing how we conceive of knowledge itself. After all, each unique conception of a 
group’s epistemological processes defines the place of every classroom in Detroit and beyond. 
 



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	Joshua Musicant1
	Abstract
	Introduction
	Place at the End of History
	The Place-Based Context of Detroit
	Inquiry and Place-Based Social Studies Pedagogy
	Practical Place in Detroit
	Conclusion
	References