Gender and migration research has grown vastly in the last thirty years, but where does it stand today, at the outset of the twenty­first century? Much of immigration scholarship shows continuing androcentric blind­ ness to feminist issues and gender (Morakvasic, 1984; Pe­ draza, 1991). That’s old news, but it’s still true. That, howev­ er, is not the story that I narrate here, as today there are vibrant studies on gender and migra­ tion. The scholarship remains somewhat balkanized, and in this short essay, I outline six distinctive streams of gender and migration research.1 Gender and Migration: Carrying the Flag In the first category of “gender and migration” scholarship, I see researchers—almost all of them women—pursuing what some might call a mainstream social science approach. Here, the goal is to make gender an institutional part of immigra­ tion studies. It is not, as is often mistakenly suggested, solely about gauging gender gains for immigrant and refugee wom­ en. Rather, a small group of in­ trepid scholars are carrying the flag to establish legitimacy for gender in immigration studies. Gender and Migration Scholarship: An Overview from a 21st Century Perspective Estudios de género y migración: Una revisión desde la perspectiva del siglo xxi Pierrette Hondagneu­Sotelo University of Southern California nota crítica / essay 1Given the space constraints for this short essay, this review is not a comprehen­ sive overview of gender and migration scholarship, but rather an analytic overview of recent trends in this subfield. [219] '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 219 3/18/2011 4:36:30 PM MIGRACIONES INTERNACIONALES, VOL. 6, NúM. 1, ENERO-JUNIO DE 2011220 In the United States this in­ cludes prominent scholars such as sociologist, demographer and co­editor of the American Sociological Review, Katharine Donato, as well as historian and former president of the Social Science History Asso­ ciation Donna Gabbacia, and anthropologists Patricia Pessar and Sarah Mahler. Some of these authors edited a special issue of International Migration Review in 2006, with the title of “A Glass Half Full?: Gender in Migration Stud­ ies”. This was a twenty year follow­up to a 1986 special is­ sue of imr that had focused on the category of immigrant women. By the 1990s, research had shifted away from a focus on “women” and was empha­ sizing migration as a gendered process. This research sought to break simplistic gender bi­ naries, and drew attention to gendered labor markets and so­ cial networks, the relationship between paid work and house­ hold relations, changes in fami­ ly patriarchy and authority that come about through migration, and gendered and generational transnational life (Pessar and Grasmuck, 1991, Kibria, 1993, Hondagneu­Sote lo, 1994). Lat­ er, Stephanie Nawyn (2010) emphasized the ways that refu­ gee resettlement ngos shape refugee women’s abilit y to challenge patriarchy in the home, yet simultaneously re­ affirm patriarchal capitalism in the workplace, while Cyn­ thia Cranford’s (2007) research emphasized how economic re­ structuring, and workplace and union politics allow Latina im migrant janitors to challenge gendered constraints in mul­ tiple spheres. In all of these works, gender was promoted as a dynamic and constitutive element of migration and im­ migrant integration. In the special issue of imr, Donato et al. (2006) addressed some of these key themes and offered a multidisciplinary re­ view of the field of migration and gender, and the results re­ flect the pattern identified by Stacey and Thorne (1985) more than two decades ago: more openness in anthropology, less change in the more quantita­ tive fields of demography and economics. Scholars such as Donato and Gabbaccia seek to discover what they call the “gender balance” of major mi­ '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 220 3/18/2011 4:36:30 PM NOTA CR ÍTICA /ESSAY 221 gration movements around the world and in different time periods. They seek to measure when migration flows tip from being primarily male to largely female. In the U.S., that hap­ pened at an aggregate level in the early 20th century. In Europe, especially Spain, there is burgeoning new re­ search on transnational moth­ erhood, and South American women’s labor migration to Spain and their roles as pio­ neers in family migration (Es­ crivá, 2000, Pedone and Arau jo, 2008). Research in Asia focus­ es on gender, migration and the state (Oishi, 2005, Piper and Roces, 2003), and there is diverse gender research in Mexico, the nation with the longest continuously running transnational labor migration (e.g., Ariza, 2000, Arias, 2000, D’Aubeterre, 2000, Oehmi­ chen, 2000, Woo Morales, 1995, 2007). In the U.S., a new book by Gordillo (2010) focus­ es on Mexican women’s gen­ dered transnational ties, and a 2009 book edited by Seyla Benhabib and Judith Resnick carries the gender flag into the territory of debates about citi­ zenship, immigration law, sov­ ereignty and legal jurisdiction. The topic of domestic violence in immigrant women’s lives has also garnered deserved at­ tention (Menjívar and Salcido, 2002). These are some varied and ongoing efforts that seek to reform immigration schol­ arship so that it acknowledges gender as fundamental to mi­ gration processes. Migration and Care Work A second stream has focused exclusively on the link between women’s migration, paid do­ mestic work and family care. The key concepts here are “care work”, “global care chains”, “care deficits”, “transnational mother hood”, and “interna­ tional social reproductive la­ bor”. The development of this literature has been deeply trans­ formed by theories of inter­ sectionality. Beginning in the 1980s, and guided by the para­ digm changing work of feminist scholars of color in the U.S., the unitary concepts of “men” and “women” were replaced with the idea that there are mul­ tiplicities of femininities and mas culinities, and that these are interconnected, relational, and '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 221 3/18/2011 4:36:30 PM MIGRACIONES INTERNACIONALES, VOL. 6, NúM. 1, ENERO-JUNIO DE 2011222 intertwined with inequalities of class, race­ethnicity, nation and sexualities. In this body of research, the focus shifts away from relations between women and men, to inequalities between immigrant women and nation, the way these are constituted by the international unloading of do­ mestic reproductive work from women of the post­industrial, rich countries onto women from the less­developed, poor coun­ tries of the global South. Often, this mandates long­term fam­ ily separations between migrant women and their children. This is a large body of literature, and still growing, but key contribu­ tors have included Parrenas (2001), Chang (2000), and Hon dag neu­Sotelo and Avila (1997), Hond a g neu­Sotelo (2001, 2007) in the U.S.; Con­ stable (1997) and Lan (2006) in Asia; Lutz (2002, 2008), Es­ crivá (2000), Parrenas (2001) and Anderson (2000) in Eu­ rope and the UK; and Hoch­ schild and Ehrenreich’s (2003) edited book, covering global ground. Newer research exam­ ines the integration of immi­ grant men into domestic jobs, such as Polish handymen in Lon don (Kilkey, 2010) and Me x ican immigrant gardeners in Los Angeles (Ramirez and Hondagneu­Sotelo, 2009). Why did this literature be­ gin emerging around 2000? The late twentieth­century was marked by the rapid increase in women migrating for domestic work. During the peak peri­ ods of modernization and in­ dustrialization, migrants were ma inly men—usua lly men from poorer, often colonial so­ cieties—recruited to do “men’s work”. Chinese, Filipino, Japa­ nese, Irish, Italian and Mexi­ can men, for instance, all took turns in being recruited and brought to build infrastruc­ ture in industrializing United States. In some instances, fam­ ily members were allowed to join them, but in many cases, especially those involving im­ migrant groups perceived as non­white, family members (women and children) were de­ nied admission. Government legislation enforced these pro­ hibitions on the permanent incorporation of these workers and their families. The Bracero Program and the Guest Worker Program areconstitute exem­ plarsamples of these modern '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 222 3/18/2011 4:36:31 PM NOTA CR ÍTICA /ESSAY 223 gendered systems, which relied on male labor recruitment and subjugation, and the exclusion of families. Things have changed today. Factories migrate overseas in search of cheaper labor, and hi­tech and highly educated professionals have joined labor migrants. But among them are legions of women who criss­ cross the globe, from south to north, from east to west in or­ der to perform paid domestic work. Consequently, in some sites, we are seeing the redun­ dancy of male migrant labor, and the saturation of labor mar­ kets for migrant men. In places as diverse as Italy, the Middle East, Taiwan and Canada, Fili­ pina migrant women caregiv­ ers and cleaners far outnumber Filipino migrant men. The demand is triggered in differ­ ent ways by different nations, raising questions of how state policies facilitate women’s mi­ gration, and here there is a lot of variation. What is clear is this: Women from countries as varied as Peru, Philippines, Moldavia, Eritrea and Indonesia are leaving their families, com­ munities and countries to mi­ grate thousands of miles away to work in the new worldwide growth industry of paid domes­ tic work and elder care. What remains puzzling is the mar­ ginalization of this literature in immigration scholarship. That could be explained by the fact that the topic draws together three elements usually thought to be unimportant: women, the domestic sphere, and carework. Sexualities A third branch of gender and immigration research has been more related to the humanities, queer studies, and cultural stud­ ies. Here, the focus is on sexu­ alities, including gay and queer identities, as well as hetero­nor­ mativity and compulsory het­ erosexuality, employed both as a form of legal immigration ex­ clusion as well as inclusion. The posthumously published book by Lionel Cantú, The Sexual- ity of Migration (2009), edited by his former mentor Nancy Naples and colleague Sal vador Ortiz, shows how sexual rela­ tionships among Mexican gay men are related to inter national tourism, transnational net­ works and sometimes, legal asylum. The debates over gay '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 223 3/18/2011 4:36:31 PM MIGRACIONES INTERNACIONALES, VOL. 6, NúM. 1, ENERO-JUNIO DE 2011224 marriage also resonate in im­ migration policies that deny entrance to queer, gay, lbgt and transgender immigrants. Eithne Luibheid (2002) takes up these themes in Entry De- nied: Controlling Sexuality at the Border, where she shows how implicit and explicit defi­ nitions of heteronormativity have been integral to laws that govern immigration control. In most nations, heterosexual citi­ zens can sponsor their foreign partners for legal residence. But only 19 countries around the world permit lesbian and gay citizens to sponsor their foreign partners. The U.S. is not among those 19 nations. As sociologists Danielle Hidal­ go and Carl Bankston (2010) point out, the 1965 Immigra­ tion Act made heterosexual marriage the most important avenue for legal entry to the U.S. We usually think of the 1965 Immigration Act as liber­ alizing immigration legislation, as it ended the Asian racial ex­ clusions and institutionalized legal family immigration—but it is also exclusionary because it reifies a narrow heterosexual definition of family. Another book that addresses the long­ standing invisibility of gay and queer immigrants is Martin Manalansan’s (2003), Global Divas: Filipino Gay Men in the Diaspora, an ethnography con­ ducted in New York City. Too often “sexualities” gets translated as a focus on queer sexualities, and a book that makes a significant contribu­ tion to this field and important intervention in studying “up” is Gloria Gonzá lez­López’s (2005) Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrant Women and their Sex Lives. This book looks at nor­ mative heterosexual practices and values of Mexican immi­ grant working class women in order to reveal how processes of invisible power organize Mex­ ican immigrant women’s lives. Rather than taking the familiar approach of focusing on social problems such as teen pregnan­ cy, or the transnational trans­ mission of hiv, González­López examines Mexican immigrant women’s sexual practices and how they feel about them. It’s the sociological imagination at its best, making visible the socially constructed and prob­ lematic nature of something previously taken as normative and acceptable. '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 224 3/18/2011 4:36:31 PM NOTA CR ÍTICA /ESSAY 225 Sex Trafficking The fourth stream of gender and migration research is cen­ tered on debates about sex traf­ ficking, and migrant women engaged in sex work. In Europe, this is a huge area of scholar­ ship and activism, one where the moral crusade often masks structures of labor exploita­ tion (Anderson, and Davidson, 2003, Anderson, and Andri­ jasevic; 2008, Oso, 2010). One of the strongest critics of the “rescue industry” is scholar/ activist Laura Agustín (2007). Originally from Latin America, but based in the UK, she main­ tains a very up­to­date blog offering a commentary on sex tourism, sex work mi gration, a nd crackdowns by police and immigration authorities. Sex work draws migrant women from Eastern Europe, the Ca­ ribbean and Latin America, Asia and Africa. Highly influ­ enced by Anzaldúa’s border­ lands thinking, Agustín seeks to break down the duality of see ing migrants as unwanted in truders or powerless victims. She views migrant women’s sex work through the lens of labor mar­ kets and informal eco no mies, and favors a perspective that is devoid of moralizing, one that prefers agency to victimization. The U.S.­based scholar Rha­ cel Parrenas is best known for her work on transnational Fili­ pina domestic workers and their family forms, but she is now writing about her research on Filipina migrant entertainers and hostesses in Japan. Some of this writing has already ap­ peared as a chapter in her 2008 book, The Force of Domesticity. Like Laura Agustín, she views migrant women sex workers through the lens of labor mar­ kets and structural constraints, rather than as immoral women or hapless victims of exploita­ tion. Unlike Agustín, Parrenas provides close up ethnography of the Japanese sex industries’ reliance on Filipino women and transgender hostesses and en­ tertainers. Until very recently, there was an entire visa system set up to facilitate temporary labor contracts for Filipina/o hostesses in Japan, but this ended with U.S. pressure from the “war on trafficking” which assumes that all commercial sex transactions are tantamount to exploitation, regardless of con­ sent. The United States funds '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 225 3/18/2011 4:36:31 PM MIGRACIONES INTERNACIONALES, VOL. 6, NúM. 1, ENERO-JUNIO DE 2011226 over 100 projects around the world to stop sex trafficking. Parrenas and Agustín agree: many of these U.S. campaigns are tools to control women, and to spread American colonialist culture and morality. Borderlands and Migration The fifth arena is a broad one that owes its legacy to Gloria Anzaldúa’s classic Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza, published in 1987. The scholar­ ship which it generated brings together a Chicana studies fo­ cus on the hybridity of identi­ ties, and the hybrid space of borderlands. Inf luenced by socialist feminist thought, and internal colonialism, the focus here is on both mestiza iden­ tity, and spaces that defy easy opposition between dominant and dominated, here and there. Women and Migration in the US-Mexico Borderlands, ed­ ited by Denise Segura and Pat Zavella (2007), best exempli­ fies this stream. Here the con­ tributors argue that there are feminist borderlands and theo­ retical emphases: structural, discursive, interactional and agentic. New destinations re­ search that focused on the gen­ dered reception for Mexican immigrants in the South and Midwest also highlights diverse borders and crossings (Deeb­ Sossa and Binkham Mendez 2008, Schmalzbauer, 2009). The notion of a “gendered borderlands” reverberates in research far beyond the U.S.­ Mexico border zone. As al­ ready noted, Laura Agustín, the scholar/activist who focuses on sex trafficking, is also inspired by Anzaldúa, and very deliber­ ately employs border thinking, challenging the alleged oppres­ sion and victimization of mi­ grant women sex workers, and rethinking women’s migration rights in a broader framework. Bandana Purkayastha’s (2003) research on South Asian im­ migrant women also brings to­ gether intersectionalities and trans national social life. And Yen Le Espiritu (2003), under­ scoring the role of U.S. impe­ rialism, military intervention, and multinational corporations in fomenting refugee move­ ments and labor and profession­ al class migration, also draws attention to the United States as the primary border crosser. It is a scholarly twist on the old Chi­ '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 226 3/18/2011 4:36:31 PM NOTA CR ÍTICA /ESSAY 227 cano T­shirt slogan: “We didn’t cross the border. It crossed us”. And it resonates with the po­ litical slogan used by Caribbean and South Asian immigrant ac­ tivists in the UK, signaling the colonialist legacies of contem­ porary migration and demo­ graphic transitions: “We’re here because you were there”. Gender, Migration and Children An emergent area of scholarship focuses on gender, migration and children. Less cohesively developed than the other arenas reviewed here, the research on children and the gendered ram­ ifications of transnational mi­ gration is nevertheless a critical emergent field. Gendered so­ cial constructions of childhood mediate transnational migra­ tion processes and childhoods (Orellana, et. al., 2003; Thorne, et. al., 2003). Researchers have examined gendered dynamics surrounding “the children left behind” as their mothers mi­ grate as transnational domestic workers (Parrenas, 2005); the negotiated narratives of sexu­ ality and purity among sec­ ond­generation young women (Espiritu, 2001); the gendered and racialized work experi­ ences of second generation youth (Lopez, 2003); and the gendered concerns and strate­ gies that immigrant parents employ in organizing their children’s transnational trips home (Smith, 2005). Another body of scholarship looks at the gendered labor performed by the children of poor and work­ ing class Mexican immigrants (Valenzuela, 1999; Estrada and Hondagneu­Sotelo, 2011). Re­ search has also examined chil­ dren’s gendered expectations for family migration projects (Pavez Soto, 2010) and more generally the gendered options of pursuing education vs. mi­ gration (Paris, 2010). Conclusion Where do we go from here? The answer, as I think I’ve shown, is that the gender and migration research momentum is advancing in many direc­ tions. This includes new and continuing research on global care chains, labor market pro­ cesses and activism around sex work and anti­sex trafficking campaigns, women and bor­ '11-03-18 Migraciones internacionales 20.indd 227 3/18/2011 4:36:32 PM MIGRACIONES INTERNACIONALES, VOL. 6, NúM. 1, ENERO-JUNIO DE 2011228 derlands hybridity, conti nuing projects on the gendered and generational processes of trans­ national migration, gendered social constructions of child­ hood, and sophisticated tabu­ lations in demography. Many of these involve a subtle shift from a “migration and devel­ opment” paradigm toward one that focuses on gender and “im­ migrant integration”. I think these are all valuable. But two trends are particularly notable: Researchers in these different spheres are mostly not in con­ versation with one another. Secondly, there is a near total deafness from scholars working on other core areas of immigra­ tion studies, on segmented as­ similation, immigrant religion, transnationalism and citizen­ ship. The former is due to the increasingly specialized and bal­ kanized nature of social science research today and the latter remains a concern that should be remedied. References Agustín, Laura María, 2007, Sex at the Margins: Migration, La- bour Markets and the Rescue Industry, London/New York, Zed Books. Anderson, Bridgit, 2000, Doing the Dirty Work: The Global Poli- tics of Domestic Labour, London/New York, Zed Books. Anderson, Bridgit and Julia O’Connell Davidson, 2003, Is Trafficking in Human Beings Demand Driven?: A Multi- country Pilot Study, Geneva, International Organization for Migration. Anderson, Bridgit, and Rutvica Andrijasevic, 2008, “Sex, Slaves and Citizens: The Politics of Anti­Trafficking”, Soundings, num. 40, pp. 135­145. 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