Perspectives in Education 2015: 33(3) http://www.perspectives-in-education.com
ISSN 0258-2236
© 2015 University of the Free State

42

The need for place-based education 
in South African schools: The case of 
Greenfields Primary
Krystle Ontong

Lesley Le Grange

The discourses of accountability and global economic competitiveness have impacted 
negatively on the quality of education in schools worldwide. Focused attention on 
the social and ecological places that people inhabit has been overshadowed by 
education’s support for individualistic and nationalistic competition in the global 
economy. South African schools are not exempt from this. Despite these dominant 
realities, we argue that place-based education (PBE) is a transformative educational 
approach for counteracting this tendency. Moreover, we contend that PBE is critical 
to the field of environmental education – not only to encourage environmental 
conservation ethic among learners, but also to make them aware of the deeper social, 
ecological and political forces that are embedded in places. Such consciousness can 
only be achieved, however, if teachers are aware of their learners’ sense of place. 
In this article, we discuss the case of Greenfields Primary, a school situated in an 
eco-village outside Stellenbosch, South Africa. Twelve learners’ sense of place was 
investigated. An attempt was also made to determine what two Social Sciences 
teachers’ understanding of the concept ‘place’ was, the extent to which they practised 
‘a pedagogy of place’, and the influence that the eco-village had on their teaching 
approach.

Keywords: environmental education, place-based education, sense of place, striated 
space, smooth space, lines of flight

Introduction
Although place-based education (PBE) is not a new phenomenon and has been 
approached from the perspective of various disciplines such as, among others, 
geography, sociology and psychology, its development in the field of environmental 

Krystle Ontong 
Department of Curriculum Studies, 
Stellenbosch University 
E-mail: krystle@sun.ac.za 
Tel: +27 833 524 289 (c)

Lesley Le Grange 
Department of Curriculum Studies, 
Stellenbosch University 
E-mail: llg@sun.ac.za 
Tel: 021 808 2645



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education (EE) has remained limited. Knapp (2005) points out that the term 
appeared only recently in educational literature and is concerned with (re)connecting 
participants to the land and providing quality experiences in local settings. Smith 
(2002) asserts that PBE is a developing field of practice that aims to ground learning 
in local phenomena and learners’ lived experiences. 

We argue that PBE (a pedagogy of place1) is particularly crucial in a South African 
context and can serve as a transformative educational tool to address the spatial and 
political inequalities that are legacies of apartheid – as will be shown in the case of 
Greenfields Primary. However, for PBE to be implemented meaningfully, it is essential 
for teachers to first be aware of their learners’ sense of place. In reflecting on the 
case of Greenfields Primary school, we divide the article into four sections. First, 
we will discuss the notions of PBE, place and sense of place. This will be followed 
by a discussion of the case study and a presentation of its findings. Thirdly, we will 
discuss recent political and spatial challenges still faced in a democratic South Africa. 
Lastly, we conclude with the educational implications of this case study and discuss 
possibilities for overcoming some of the challenges highlighted by the case.

Place-based education, place and sense of place
Until recently, research on the feelings and connections that people develop toward 
the places where they are born and raised, and the function that these places fulfil in 
their lives, has been neglected in education. PBE could be considered an educational 
response to address this concern. According to Ardoin (2006), PBE originated from an 
emotional plea by educators to reconnect to the land, to become rooted and to care 
for places. She further points out that the notion of place is very seldom approached 
as a multidimensional and holistic concept. In order for PBE to be practised 
meaningfully, it might be necessary for teachers first to expand their understanding 
of the concept of place and, secondly, to become aware of their learners’ sense of 
place. The former would imply the reconceptualisation of the notion of ‘place’ to 
create a broader understanding that moves beyond viewing place only in technical 
terms which reduce it to coordinates on a map (such as is mainly the case in school 
Geography in South Africa).

Recent studies in this emerging area are providing evidence of the cultivation of 
a broader understanding of place among learners. For example, Athman and Monroe 
(2004) report on the implementation of a PBE programme in 11 high schools across 
Florida (USA), in which 400 students in Grades 9 and 12 participated. The research 
focused on the effects of place-based learning on students’ motivation and critical 
thinking skills. In addition to conducting interviews with selected students, they 
examined student performance on three norm-referenced tests, including:

•	 Achievement Motivation Inventory;
•	 Cornell Critical Thinking Test, and



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•	 California Measure of Mental Motivation. 
They found that scores were significantly raised in all three areas and that critical 
skills, student voice and empowerment, and connection to community improved. 
Furthermore, students also reported that they were motivated by real-life issues and 
problems (Athman & Monroe, 2004). Other empirical studies of a more qualitative 
nature regarding the implementation of PBE have also been reported in recent years 
(see Henness, 2001; Powers, 2004).

Nevertheless, our further exploration of PBE first requires some theoretical 
engagement with the concept of ‘place’.

Place
Gruenewald (2003a) suggests that the concept of ‘place’ needs to be understood in 
broader terms and provides a multidisciplinary analysis of the term. He introduces 
five dimensions of place that can shape the development of PBE: the perceptual; the 
sociological; the ideological; the political, and the ecological (Gruenewald, 2003a: 
619). These dimensions could assist in expanding teachers’ perception of place. 
For the purpose of this article, we shall not elaborate on each of these dimensions. 
However, we shall make specific reference to the political dimension (political space) 
in discussing events (such as the farmworkers’ strike in South Africa) that are relevant 
to the places discussed in this case study.

Creswell (2004), however, cautions that, even though the concept of ‘place’ 
could be deemed a meaningful theoretical terrain, it remains a difficult term to 
conceptualise because of its multiple meanings in various contexts. In order to 
distinguish the technical meaning of ‘place’ from its daily usage, Creswell (2004) 
provides three fundamental aspects that might be helpful: area, locality, and sense of 
place. We shall show that the latter (sense of place) is fundamental to practising PBE 
productively and shall elaborate on this notion later in the article. But let us now turn 
to a discussion on PBE by exploring its association with discourses of accountability.

Place-based education and the discourses of accountability
Knapp (2005: 278) defines PBE as follows: “It is a way to ‘re-member’ participants who 
feel dismembered from the physical context to their immediate worlds and for them 
to ‘remember’ earlier positive contacts with nature.” Furthermore, Woodhouse and 
Knapp (2000) describe various characteristics of a pedagogy of place: it originates 
from the specific attributes of a place; it is inherently multidisciplinary; it is inherently 
experiential; it reflects an educational philosophy that exceeds “learning to earn”, 
and it connects place with the self and the community. According to Gruenewald 
(2003a), place-based pedagogies are needed so that the education of citizens might 
have some direct influence on the wellbeing of the social and ecological places that 
people inhabit. Gruenewald (2003b) further mentions that PBE serves as a response 



The need for place-based education in South African schools: The case of Greenfields Primary 
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against prevailing educational policies of standards and testing. He adds that the 
discourse of accountability fails to recognise the mediating role that schools play 
in the production of space (social context) and in the education of place-makers 
(or citizens) (Gruenewald, 2003a). The neglect of PBE and an over-emphasis on the 
discourses of accountability are also not unfamiliar in South African schools. 

For example, this over-emphasis on accountability discourses can be observed in 
the new version of the National Curriculum Statement (NCS) in South Africa, namely 
the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS), which rigidly manages the 
time of the teacher by prescribing exactly how much time should be spent on certain 
content, how many assignments need to be assessed, and what exactly it is that 
should be assessed, among other things. In South Africa, there is a growing emphasis 
on standards and testing, which not only leads to an increase in administrative work 
for the teacher, but is also in itself time-consuming. 

Moreover, in the General Education and Training Band (GET), annual assessments 
take place in Grades 1-9 in certain provinces. The state also mandates accountability 
in the form of the Annual National Assessments (also known as the ANAs), which 
were first implemented in 2010 to measure the progression of the literacy and 
mathematical skills of learners in Grades 1-6 and 9, in order to determine on which 
level they are performing. Grades 3, 6 and 9 are regarded as terminal points in each 
phase. Grades 7 and 8 do not participate in the ANAs, but were included in 2014 as a 
pilot project (Department of Basic Education, 2014). The ANAs serve as standardised 
tests to assess and determine whether learners require extra assistance and to 
ensure that each student in every school will develop the appropriate language 
and mathematics skills for the specific grade. Teachers can then use these results to 
improve their lesson plans. 

The upshot of this is that the potential for implementing PBE is undermined by 
the discourse of both accountability and economic competitiveness (Gruenewald, 
2003b). The over-emphasis on these discourses highlights the need for change in 
order to counteract such dominant pedagogies. In this instance, PBE could serve as 
a possible avenue for schools to address the dominance of accountability regimes. 
As mentioned earlier, for PBE to be practised productively, it is crucial that teachers 
first expand their understanding of the concept of ‘place’ and, secondly, become 
more aware of their learners’ sense of place. If teachers were to understand the 
multidimensional nature of ‘place’ and become aware of the emotional connections 
that learners have with the places they inhabit, then teachers could incorporate 
conversations on these connections in their classrooms, and this could facilitate 
practising a pedagogy of place.

Sense of place
A sense of place is critical in developing an emotional connection with the land and 
establishing an environmentally conscious and responsible citizenry. However, sense 



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of place is not something that we consider on a daily basis. Orr (1992: 126) describes 
this omission as “the ease with which we miss the immediate and mundane”. Resor 
(2010) argues that a sense of place is the most important and essential concept that 
needs to be understood when PBE and its place in social studies are being evaluated. 
However, this does not reduce the complexity of this phenomenon.

A sense of place includes people’s psychological being, social community, cultural 
symbols and biophysical, political and economic systems. The act of acknowledging 
the interrelationship between these dimensions leads to the formation of an 
understanding of a sense of place as a multidimensional and integrated concept 
(Resor, 2010). PBE, therefore, involves teachers being aware of the uniqueness of 
each student’s connections that they have to the places they inhabit. Against this 
background, we discuss the case of Greenfields Primary.

The case of Greenfields Primary School
Greenfields Primary School2 is situated in the municipal district of Stellenbosch. It 
is located approximately 50 km from Cape Town. Stellenbosch is a university town 
bordered by large tracts of vineyards. It is surrounded by the Helderberg, Simonsig 
and Stellenbosch mountains and is also the historical commercial centre point of rich 
White owners of agricultural land and businesses, dominated by the winemaking 
industry. Black people (all formerly oppressed) not only suffered from the exclusion 
of economic ownership in this region since the 1600s, but also from poor housing, 
schooling, and higher education. Relations between White farmers and farm 
labourers were, for many years, characterised by the so-called “dop system” (which 
entailed remuneration for labour in the form of alcohol), resulting in a range of social 
scars and related health problems such as alcoholism and foetal alcohol syndrome. 
The majority of children reported on in this study are those of farm labourers.

The context of Greenfields Primary School 
Greenfields Primary School is a small public coeducational school offering classes 
from Grades R to 8. The school had 281 learners and eleven staff members in 2012, 
when the study was conducted. The school is situated in an eco-village just outside 
Stellenbosch.3 The Lynedoch eco-village is the first ecologically designed socially 
mixed intentional community in South Africa (Swilling & Annecke, 2006). The village 
operates on the following principles: it must be a mixed community organised 
around a child-centred learning precinct; it should strive to be a working example 
of a liveable ecologically designed urban system, and it will be a financially and 
economically viable community that will not require external funding to sustain itself 
(Swilling & Annecke, 2006: 315). 

Based on these characteristics, one might view the eco-village as a smooth space.4 
In their book A thousand plateaus, Deleuze and Guattari (1987) introduce the ideas 



The need for place-based education in South African schools: The case of Greenfields Primary 
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of smooth and striated space to explain and analyse the different energy flows in 
society. A general feature of these two notions is their emphasis on the importance 
of the relationships we have with space and the earth as a whole. Smooth space 
creates opportunities for all “becomings” to occur. We shall elaborate more on the 
notions of smooth and striated space at a later stage.

Returning to the school itself, according to the current principal, there is uncertainty 
regarding the age of the school, but he mentioned that it was approximately 60 or 
more years old. He further described the school as a rural, non-fee-paying school5 
and clarified that Greenfields is not a farm school. The school serves learners from 
23 surrounding farms, and learners commute to school by public transport such as 
busses. 

The inhabitants of the eco-village range from professors and elite businessmen 
to working-class people – mostly farm labourers. The integration of poor and rich is 
conspicuous in this setting, although this is not evident in the school itself, as learners 
who attend it are the children of pre-dominantly Black farm workers. Some of these 
learners live in the eco-village itself, although the majority of the learners live on the 
nearby wine farms. Many of the parents of the learners who live outside the eco-
village are impoverished farm workers. Some of the learners live as far as 40 km from 
the school. Despite the unfavourable conditions of growing up and living on a farm 
as children of farm labourers, they were exposed to environments (other than the 
monocultures produced on farms), in which they could experience nature first hand.

Background to the methodology used in the case study
The empirical component of the study was framed within the interpretive paradigm 
and the key question that it focused on was an understanding of learners’ sense of 
place as well as the extent to which teachers practised a pedagogy of place.

Data-collection methods
Qualitative interviews were conducted with two teachers in the Social Sciences 
learning area for Grades 6 and 8. Focus groups as well as individual interviews were 
also conducted with learners.

The sample
The sample consisted of 12 learners (six of whom stayed in the eco-village and six of 
whom stayed on neighbouring farms) attending the school in order to understand 
their sense of place and to investigate the differences and similarities regarding 
the sense of place between these two groups. The assumption was made that the 
context of the school was more conducive for cultivating a pedagogy of place as 



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opposed to a school that is not located in an eco-village. Two teachers also formed 
part of the sample.

Data-analysis methods
Data were analysed according to the constant comparative method, using coding as 
a means to group and re-group data into meaningful themes. 

Findings of the study
The findings of the study will highlight two aspects: learners’ sense of place, and the 
extent to which teachers practise a pedagogy of place.

Learners’ sense of place
After interviewing the Grade 6 and 8 learners, three similarities between these 
groups were evident in their responses to questions, namely an appreciation of the 
aesthetic environment; a strong attachment to the places where they live, and the 
nurturing of social relationships with neighbours. Learners living in the eco-village 
described positive experiences about the place where they lived. For example, 
one learner mentioned the following: “we do swap shop where we try to keep the 
environment clean on a daily basis by picking up papers and then we get points. 
And depending on these points they [the owners] supply our needs in the form of 
toiletries and other school essentials”.6 However, some learners of the group living 
outside the eco-village experienced racism from the owners of the farms, which 
made them feel more negative about the places where they lived. Three of the six 
learners complained that their parents had to work long hours for minimum wages 
and that the owners had a disrespectful manner of talking to them and did not even 
greet them. One student had the following to say when asked what she found special 
about the place where she lived:

There is nothing special about my place, because the people have to work hard 
for little money and they come home late. My mum and dad constantly work 
and they work hard, but the farm owners pay them next to nothing. They don’t 
even greet… the farmer’s wife is so unfriendly and many people are afraid of 
them, because they are racist… this is why I just want to get out of that place.

Responses such as these indicate that the sense of place of some of the learners 
(staying outside the eco-village) evoked negative emotions about the place(s) where 
they lived. It is the negative experiences of learners and their families of the places 
they inhabit that are of particular interest for this article. Issues such as racism can 
be regarded as striating forces, which Deleuze and Guattari (1987) refer to and which 
we shall return to later in the article.

Although learners recognised the aesthetic beauty of the environment, some 
did not experience an attachment to the places where they lived because of their 



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experiences of racism. This is consistent with findings of research by Jack (2010), who 
mentions that ideal places do not always produce positive place attachment, especially 
when these places are examples of the location of unhappy social relationships or 
life experiences. Although these farms could be regarded as ideal in terms of the 
aesthetic environment, the ‘unhappy social relationship’ that existed between 
employer and employee impeded or weakened the attachment of these learners 
to their places. Some of them even aspired to live in places such as Johannesburg 
and England. When a student was asked where she would want to live one day, she 
mentioned: “I would like to live in Somerset West [an affluent suburb of Cape Town] 
in a big house on the beachfront, because it is beautiful and nice there, just as long 
as there are no racist farmers compared to where I’m living now” (translated from 
Afrikaans). Although learners were aware of the racism which they experienced on 
the farms, they tended to be mostly unaware of the larger political and economic 
forces influencing their experiences, based on the interviews conducted with them. 
This served as an indication that Social Sciences teachers at the school might not 
be addressing issues such as how power and politics are embedded in places, even 
though this is a crucial dimension to touch on – especially in the context in which 
they were teaching and given the ideal setting to introduce PBE. With this in mind, 
we next discuss the extent to which teachers implemented a pedagogy of place.

The extent to which teachers practice a pedagogy of place
Based on the interviews with the teachers, it was evident that their dominant 
understanding of the concept of place was technical and one-dimensional. This was 
noted in the way in which they defined the term ‘place’, which reduced the notion 
to coordinates on a grid/map. One teacher mentioned: “We should go back to old 
lesson plans in geography. It won’t help if I ask a learner to point out where America 
is on a map and he can’t show me where America is … it also won’t help if I do spatial 
orientation and the learner has no idea where the places are.” This limited view of 
place that the teachers held could be the result of various factors such as the technical 
understanding of place that is still dominant in school Geography, a lack of exposure 
to PBE during teacher education sessions and workshops, national curriculum policy 
statements that do not adequately emphasise a broader understanding of place, and 
teachers’ resistance to change and to adopting new methodological approaches. The 
limited understanding of place among the two teachers might explain why they did 
not practise a pedagogy of place. In other words, insufficient knowledge of place as 
a multidimensional construct could also explain why learners were unaware of the 
political and power forces that were embedded in the places where they lived.

But how might we understand this particular case in a broader context of South 
Africa – its history and current challenges. We turn to such an interpretation next.



Perspectives in Education 2015: 33(3)

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An interpretation

A South African context: The division of land (space) in South Africa 
during the apartheid era
To frame our interpretation, we shall first draw on the work of the feminist theorist, 
bell hooks, who writes in her book, Feminist theory: From margin to center (1984: 9) 
about the pain and possibility of marginalisation:

To be in the margin is to be part of the whole but outside the main body. As 
black Americans living in a small Kentucky town, the railroad tracks were a daily 
reminder of our marginality. Across those tracks were paved streets, stores we 
could not enter, restaurants we could not eat in, and people we could not look 
directly in the face. … We could enter that world, but we could not live there. We 
had always to return to the margin, to cross the tracks to shacks and abandoned 
houses on the edge of town. … There were laws to ensure our return. Not to 
return was to risk being punished. 

The marginal space which hooks refers to can be linked to the notion of striated 
space. According to Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 474), we experience the world as 
a continuum of striated and smooth spaces: “[S]mooth space is constantly being 
translated, transversed into striated space; striated space is constantly being reversed, 
returned to smooth space”. Striated spaces are “hierarchical, rule-intensive, strictly 
bounded and confining, whereas smooth spaces are open and dynamic, and allow 
for transformation to occur” (Tamboukou, 2008: 360). Deleuze and Guattari (1987: 
486) further claim that all progress occurs through and in striated space, but that all 
becoming occurs in smooth space. Smooth and striated spaces are consequently in 
constant interchange with each other. Therefore, it is more appropriate to refer to 
smoothing and striating forces (Bonta & Protevi, 2004: 144).

In the case of Greenfields, the school and the eco-village itself might be regarded 
as smooth spaces, although the challenges such as insufficient knowledge on PBE, 
the increased load in administrative work, the poverty of the learners in their class, 
and the unforeseen farm worker strikes (of the past few years) that teachers confront 
striates these spaces, hence closing opportunities for practising a pedagogy of place. 
Other possible striating forces influencing these smooth spaces might be the rigid 
National Curriculum Statement Policies such as CAPS, the school itself, and the 
increased emphasis on accountability. Before we elaborate on these points, we shall 
discuss the striated spaces which black South-Africans experienced during apartheid 
and point out the relevance of this to the Greenfields study.

The political space described by hooks (1990) is not unknown in South Africa. The 
Natives Land Act, No. 27 of 1913 prohibited Africans from buying, hiring or selling 
land in 93% of South Africa and confined them to ownership of only 7% (South 
African History Online, 2013). Despite being greater in number, Africans were denied 
access to land, which they owned or had been leasing from White famers. The 
process of dispossession culminated during the apartheid years, accompanied by the 



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forced removal of numerous Black communities7 that uprooted millions of people 
from their ancestral lands, often with deliberate cruelty and without compensation. 
Furthermore, the Group Areas Act, No. 41 of 1950, the second key act to consolidate 
the apartheid regime, applied a crude template of race where the ultimate ownership 
of land was primarily determined by skin colour (Morris, 2012). The main purpose 
of this Act was to mark existing neighbourhoods in towns and cities as White – 
where many Black and Coloured communities had already been living for centuries. 
This Act succeeded in fragmenting lives and in removing entire communities from 
their historical places of living and working as well as from the social values which 
supplemented their lives there (Morris, 2007, 2012; Ross, 1999; Welsh, 2009). 

By doing this, Black and White ideals could be kept separate and White survival 
would not be threatened by Black political and economic aspirations. This led to the 
disintegration of many families, as well as an increase in poverty and hopelessness. 
However, after the advent of democratic rule in 1994, the newly elected ANC-led 
government was faced with the task of dealing with a legacy of centuries of land 
dispossession. A ‘willing buyer willing seller’ policy was adopted as the preferred 
method of land reform. The government intended to redistribute 30% of land to 
Black people by 2014 (South African History Online, 2013).

In the context of Greenfields, the disparity of space and the legacy of the above 
Acts are still evident 21 years after apartheid was officially abolished. The margin to 
which hooks (1984) refers can be related to, and is reflected by the neighbouring 
farms outside Stellenbosch, where the learners described in this study live and 
their parents work. The majority of these parents were themselves deprived of 
basic quality education under apartheid and instead schooled to do hard labour or 
domestic chores. The frustration at the poor conditions under which farm labourers 
work reached a tipping point in 2012 and led to widespread strikes in the Western 
Cape province.

Briefly, in October/November 2012, the Western Cape province in South Africa 
witnessed several protests among farmworkers close to De Doorns in the Boland 
region. These workers protested against a daily wage ranging between R69-R75 and 
demanded an increase to R150 per day. Many of the protesters were seasonal workers 
on farms who were only employed for one season and remained unemployed for the 
remainder of the year.8 Eventually, after several rounds of negotiation, an agreement 
of a minimum wage of R105 per day for farmworkers was reached in 2013. During 
these strikes, protesters took dramatic action by burning down vineyards, crops and 
farmlands, and in the process destroying the environment in extreme ways. Some 
of the parents of the learners mentioned in this study were also involved in the 
strikes, protesting for a raise in wages. Occurrences such as these are crucial and 
present opportunities for inclusion in classroom discussions within a PBE framework. 
Even though PBE allows sufficient opportunity for addressing issues such as strikes, 



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teachers at the school did not integrate these events into their lessons or pedagogies, 
although they impacted directly on the lives of some of the learners in their classes.

In the interviews conducted with the teachers, it became evident that they were 
mainly unaware of PBE and even where they were familiar with some aspects thereof, 
obstacles such as the discourse of accountability limited them from introducing 
it to their learners. They explained that national policies such as CAPS, which is 
prescriptive, rigidly manages their time and classroom practices, and restricted them 
in many ways. As a consequence, the location of the school (eco-village) did not have 
any significant impact on practising a pedagogy of place. One might thus conclude 
that the location of this school had little influence on whether PBE was practised. 
This indicates that the real problem might lie in the hierarchical/organisational 
structuring of schools and the national curriculum, which is too prescriptive (Ontong, 
2013). With this in mind, one could pose the following question: How can education 
respond in more critical and powerful ways to address these social, ecological and 
political challenges? We aver that PBE could serve as a useful tool in addressing and 
potentially ameliorating these challenges.

Educational implications of Greenfields Primary: Exploring 

possibilities for overcoming some challenges
For Sobel (1996:10), the importance of PBE is “that children have an opportunity 
to bond with the natural world, to learn to love it, before being asked to heal its 
wounds”. Leopold (1949: 223) reflects on the importance of education for this type 
of connection with the land when he writes:

It is inconceivable to me that an ethical relationship to land can exist without 
love, respect, and admiration for the land, and a high regard for its value … The 
most serious obstacle impeding the evolution of a land ethic is the fact that our 
educational and economic system is headed away from, rather than toward, an 
intense consciousness of land.

The question at hand is: How might teachers educate for the development of such 
an emotional (re)connection to, and love for the land? The first and necessary step 
would be to introduce pre-service teachers as well as in-service teachers to PBE 
through workshops and professional development programmes (PDPs). This implies 
that curriculum content might need to be revised and adjusted with a broadened 
focus on place and PBE. Even though Geography as a discipline acknowledges and 
emphasises the multidimensionality of the notion of place, the intended curriculum 
for school Geography in South Africa still mainly focuses on the technical dimension 
of place. Although developing a technical understanding of place is important in 
Geography education, PBE also requires the development of learners’ sense of place. 
This implies that school Geography might also need to be reconceptualised so that it 
focuses on all the dimensions of place, not only its technical dimension (coordinates 
on a map), as reflected in teachers’ understanding in the Greenfields study. However, 



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it is not always possible for national policies to be adjusted within short timeframes, 
hence interventions have to take place at a micro level. This implies a need for 
professional school-based development programmes for teachers so as to extend 
their notion of place. 

Following this, teachers could seek possibilities within the curriculum itself on 
how to incorporate PBE. We know that curriculum reform does not necessarily lead 
to pedagogical change and modifications. This is why teachers are key role players 
in educational change and, in this instance, their sense of place and knowledge of 
PBE is essential for its implementation. An extended notion of place among teachers 
would enable them to peruse the same curriculum content, but now through the 
new lens of PBE. Though much more elaboration and adjustments are needed, CAPS 
does provide some opportunities for PBE across different subjects. For example, in 
English Home Language for Grades 7-9, learners are expected to write a poetry text 
based on observations and experiences of human beings, nature and social issues 
(DBE, 2011a: 47). In the Social Sciences, both History and Geography also provide 
opportunities for PBE. In History, for example, Grades 7-9 teachers are expected to 
cover content such as, among others, the colonisation of the Cape in the 17th and 
18th centuries; the Industrial Revolution in Britain and Southern Africa from 1860, 
and World War II (1939-1945) (DBE, 2011b: 17). In the same phase, in the Geography 
section, the main themes include natural resources and conservation in South Africa; 
settlements; resource use, and sustainability (DBE, 2011b: 18). These themes are all 
linked to the environment and are points along which PBE lines can be developed.

Furthermore, PBE might still not get the required recognition it deserves if the 
hierarchical organisation of schools and the effects it has on teachers are not revisited. 
A possibility of addressing these challenges is to scrutinise the ‘potential lines of 
flight’ (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). In their work, Deleuze and Guattari introduce 
the central concepts of “deterritorialization” and “reterritorialization”. According 
to Ringrose (2011), territorialisation refers to energy being captured and striated in 
specific space/time contexts. Deterritorialization occurs when energy might escape 
or temporarily move outside normative strata. Reterritorialisation describes the 
processes and recuperation of those ruptures. “Lines of flight” can be regarded 
as deterritorialisations that never stop, but rather produce multiple “rhizomatic 
connections” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987: 15). Tamboukou (2008: 360) mentions 
that “we constantly move between deterritorialization – freeing ourselves from the 
restrictions and boundaries of controlled, striated spaces – and reterritorialization 
– repositioning ourselves within new regimes of striated spaces”. Lines of flight are 
thus “becomings”, “tiny connections” and “movements” (Beddoes, 1996). 

Recognising the potential “lines of flight” requires teachers to observe that which 
is already there and to ask themselves how they can transform “the already existing” 
into lines of flight. In the case mentioned in this article, the school is located in an 
eco-village, which, in itself, is conducive not only to ecological education, but also to 
PBE. This can be considered a line of flight. If teachers become more aware of their 



Perspectives in Education 2015: 33(3)

54

learners’ sense of place, such consciousness can itself serve as a line of flight. Being 
aware of the appreciation of the aesthetic environment that these learners have for 
places they inhabit could be one way in which the teacher might develop this love 
for, and connection to the land to which Leopold refers. 

Another possibility in addressing these challenges could be to practise a 
critical pedagogy of place. Gruenewald (2003b) suggests that a pedagogy of place 
should always be critical. He claims that a critical pedagogy of place is a response 
to educational reform policies and practices that disregard places. As in this case 
study, where some learners experienced racism on farms, and a curriculum that is 
restrictive in addressing such concerns, it would be necessary to practise a critical 
pedagogy of place. Such a pedagogy would enable both teachers and learners to 
reflect on how power works through the places they inhabit and, by eventually acting 
on these powers, would change the relationship they have to the places. This could 
be applied, should teachers integrate actual events such as the farmworker protests 
(the political dimension of place) into their pedagogies.

Conclusion
We conclude this article by suggesting that teachers could empower themselves in 
understanding the multidimensionality of the concept of ‘place’ and PBE, and that 
they should become more aware of their learners’ sense of place. This would open 
up space for the implementation of a pedagogy of place through recognising possible 
‘lines of flight’ and adopting a critical pedagogy of place. However, practising a 
pedagogy of place might be challenging for teachers if the pressures of accountability, 
the hierarchical organisation of schools and the lack of emphasis on PBE in the formal 
curriculum remain unattended to. The case discussed in this article, together with 
the political and spatial challenges that South Africa faces, demonstrates the need 
for, and importance of PBE as a potential tool for meeting these challenges through 
education. Furthermore, regardless of what the potential of PBE in contemporary 
South Africa might be, the exploration of the perceptual, cultural, ecological 
and political dimensions of places remains fertile ground for investigations into 
educational research, theory and practice. Gruenewald (2003b: 464) neatly captures 
the point: “The question is worth asking: Without focused attention to places, what 
will become of them – and us?”

Endnotes
The terms ‘place-based education’ and ‘a pedagogy of place’ are used interchangeably.
In order to protect the anonymity of the school, we have used the pseudonym 
Greenfields Primary.

The notion of an eco-village is a fairly new one with promising ideals; however, its role 
in promoting environmental and social justice concerns has yet to be determined. In 
reality, spaces are never simply smooth or striated.



The need for place-based education in South African schools: The case of Greenfields Primary 
Krystle Ontong & Lesley Le Grange

55

In South Africa, non-fee-paying schools refers to public schools where learners do 
not have to pay school fees. This is determined by the government based on factors 
such as the location of the school, the income of parents, total staff members and 
learners. These schools get financial support from the government.

All quotes of teachers have been translated from Afrikaans.

Black communities refers to those classified during apartheid as Africans, Coloureds 
and Indians.

www.boland.touchlab.co.za/2013

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