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 Book Review

2020 38(1): 283-285 http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/2519593X/pie.v38i1.21

BOOK REVIEW
“Fault lInEs: a pRImER 
On RacE, scIEncE, 
and sOcIEty”
Authors: Jonathan Jansen and Cyrill walters.

1. IntROductIOn
This is a review of the book “Fault Lines: A primer on race, 
science, and society” by Jonathan Jansen and Cyrill walters. 
The book was originally published in March 2020 by African 
Sun Media. The 302-page book is divided into seven 
sections that consider different topics and social prejudices 
occasioned by race and racial thinking. Professor Jonathan 
Jansen is a distinguished scholar, author and leader of the 
Academy of Science of South Africa. on the other hand, 
Cyrill walters is a renowned scholar with special interests in 
leadership and institutional theories. The ensuing segment 
dissects fundamental views expressed in the book and 
deconstructs key themes addressed therein.

2. REVIEW OF KEy IssuEs 
In this book, the authors take on some of the most difficult 
questions about society, science and race in the aftermath 
of apartheid in South Africa. The authors successfully 
demystify the historical background of coloured race-
prejudice (which gained root in various fields including 
genetics, politics, sociology and theology) and highlight the 
ethics in racial science. There have been many fallacies 
about race and diseases, racial thinking in universities and 
the relationship between genetics and eugenics, in helping 
to define various groups of humankinds. The book offers 
a good mirror that reflects the lingering effects of race and 
racism in the world. The book commences by arguing that 
there is no biological or scientific basis for race, rather, the 
race is a social construct to serve a political agenda. Based 
on the racial realist view, the authors agree that while race 
lacks a biological basis, people experience race daily, 
making it real in its consequences. Sociology and realism 
scholars agree that humans are one race. The minor genetic 
variations amongst humans are caused by environmental 
differences within which people have lived over a long 
period. The authors raise a valid argument that instruments 

REVIEWER:
Maria Marinkie Madiope 

Doi: http://dx.doi.
org/10.18820/2519593X/pie.
v38i1.20

e-iSSN 2519-593X

Perspectives in education 

2020 38(1): 283-285

puBlIshEd:
11 June 2020

Published by the UFS
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2020 38(1): 284-285 http://dx.doi.org/10.18820/2519593X/pie.v38i1.21

used to measure race have been skewed by their social and psychological bias of both their 
users and their developers (Smith, 2005). For example, eugen Fischer’s eye and hair colour 
charts used to measure the race of the archaeological skulls were invented and popularised 
by pro-Nazis in Germany, who were so incongruent in their racial perspective, that their 
instruments were meant to reinforce their philosophy and social orientations.

The race was produced in the “measurement mania” period when scientists (anthropometry) 
began to establish various ways of measuring race and by doing so, they gave validity to the 
idea that “humans could be divided into different groups”. The book contends that the primary 
contribution of the historian to the issue of race is showing that “race” was not always there as a 
naturally occurring phenomenon but was created by humans and given intellectual justification 
by scientists. This view is backed by the 1950 UNeSCo statement that said that “race was 
a social myth”. This statement has been supported by different studies that have shown that 
there was no cultural or biological basis for the race (Chin, 2004). Jansen and walters link 
the source of racial ideologies to the political motives of the time they were born and the 
scientific period that helped to reinforce those ideas. For example, during the “eugenics era”, 
the idea of miscegenation emerged from German scientists who argued that mixed marriages 
and sexual union between white and black would breed an inferior race. These scientifically 
flawed ideas easily integrated into the society because it gave political leaders of the time 
“intellectual ammunition” for propagating their social ideologies, the outcome being genocide 
(of the inferior race) and enactment of laws that prohibited mixed marriages. 

There are various social, theological and intellectual contracts upon which the idea of 
inferior races emerged. For example, the authors cite revelation by Juliana Claassens, a 
theologian, that the Hebrew term for incest was loosely translated to mean “a child born 
to parents from different races”, providing theological justification for political construction of 
“coloured” people, who were treated as outcasts (just like the children born from incest). 
The extent to which a minor, theological or social “outlier” ideology could permeate the walls 
of the social, speaks of the social structure of the period in which it diffused to be part of the 
society (Chin, 2004). in this regard, the authors cite the politics of disgust as the primary 
fault line in as far as racial and race ideologies are concerned. For example, in South Africa, 
the “poor white problem” (where white Afrikaans were considered a threat to ideas of white 
supremacy and purity) necessitated a legal need to prevent “degradation of the white race”. 

while the book makes a strong and compelling argument about the genesis of the “need to 
segregate”, based on the poor white problem, the authors do not address the idea of the already 
existing “white supremacy and purity” at the time. For the white-Afrikaans to be deemed less-
white, there was already an existing social construct that demarcated the behaviours and ways of 
living of the whites and what was expected from “other races” (Connor, 2017). even though, the 
authors may have pointed the “poor white problem” as the source of the need for legally separated 
from coloured by the whites, instead of the catalyst of the already existing problem, they have a 
strong school of thought that indicates the point in time at which the already simmering disgust 
for coloured found a “fault line to spill over” (Snowden, 2003). The authors, for example, contend 
that to further minimise the likelihood that the white would mix with the coloured, coloured people 
were cast as disgusting which led to the description of the coloured people as “aggressive, pitiful, 
disrespectful, drunk, unhealthy, oversexed and intelligent”. This created a strong background 
upon which mixed marriages were outlawed. Studies carried out about the coloured people (most 
of which were carried out by the whites) were, therefore likely to continue with the tradition of 
institutional research, that was skewed against the black (Katz, 2006).

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The tradition of institutional research on people of colour, according to the authors, has 
also played the primary role in stereotyping and prejudice against gender and disabled people 
of colour and perceived “inferior” who have substantively been regarded as objects of disgust. 
For example, the book cites coloured women as an example of objects for special treatment. 
A social image of degenerate women of colour was a historical by-product where past stories 
such as a khoisan woman, in the story of Sarah Baartman, was presented to the whites 
(mainly the europeans) as a freak due to her large buttocks. The book further argues that 
coloured women (in sport science) are affected by various oppressions and disadvantages 
that include gender, race, social class, sexuality, and disability, all at the same time, which 
over time resulted in their social identities – as coloured, poor women. Historical injustices, 
oppression, and disadvantages faced by various groups in society (mainly the people of colour) 
accumulate over time to create a certain dominant lifestyle, character and personalities, which 
are then used to define and reinforce historical ideologies that led to the prejudices in the first 
place (kleg, 2003). For this reason, the authors are correct in their conclusion that research 
on the issue of race is not objective. The objectivity of the research is affected by the existing 
distorted body of knowledge (mainly created by the whites), the researchers themselves (the 
majority of whom are white), and historical factors (that have led to people of colour being 
economically and socially weaker than whites due to unequal distribution of resources). 

3. cOnclusIOn
Jansen and walters make compelling arguments that race is not real, but a social construct 
that helped to further political ideologies, and that intellectual knowledge (both directly and 
indirectly) has been used to create, propagate, maintain and reinforce the ideas of the existence 
of different human races. Instead of providing solutions, the studies have reinforced the idea of 
the human race making people of colour, particularly coloured women and disabled people of 
colour, experience the actual race prejudice. The book concludes that while it is important to 
recognise the harmful politics of race, it is challenging to “unlearn race” based on the current 
methods of learning, teaching and living. even with the innovative curriculum at universities, it is 
difficult to unlearn that race is not only learnt in school but also society in general.

REFEREncEs
Chin, J. 2004. The psychology of prejudice and discrimination. westport, Conn: 
Praeger Publishers.

Connor, A. 2017. An analysis of Gordon All port’s: the nature of prejudice. London england: 
Routledge.

Jansen J. & walters C. 2020. Fault Lines: A Primer on Race, Science and Society. African Sun 
Media. https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928480495

Katz, P. 2006. Towards the elimination of racism. New York: Pergamon Press.

kleg, M. 2003. Hate, prejudice, and racism. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Smith, v. 2005. Ethnic pride and racial prejudice in Victorian Cape Town: Group identity and 
social practice, 1875–1902. Cambridge New York: Cambridge University Press.

Snowden, F. 2003. Before color prejudice: The ancient view of Blacks. Cambridge, Mass: 
Harvard University Press. 

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