110 INFORMAL MARKET IN URBAN SETTING IN INDIA: A SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW Aayushi VERMA ¹* Dr. Pawan KUMAR MISRA 2 ¹ University of Lucknow, Department of Sociology, aayushivermajnu01@gmail.com *Correspondent Author. 2 University of Lucknow, Department of Sociology, pmisrasocio@gmail.com Article history: Submission 18 April 2021 Revision 7 June 2020 Accepted 21 August 2021 Available online 31 August 2021 Keywords: Weekly Market, Street Vendors, Consumer Profile, Consumer Behaviour, Vendors Profile, Vendors Behaviour. DOI: https://doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v5i2.242 A b s t r a c t The formal and the informal market are two significant parts of the economy in India. However, the portion of the informal sector is more when contrasted with the formal one. The informal share of market, which eventually bolsters the conventional economy, is expanding step by step. These informal Markets give a special topic of sociological examination with regards to the informal economy. This paper intends to sociologically contextualize street vendors and weekly markets in the triangle shaped by the urban space, informal economy and state, and see how informal ness is conjured in formal metropolitan circle. This examination through different past investigations attempted to comprehend vendors profile of these market and their conduct with shoppers and among themselves. This paper investigates the profile of consumer and their conduct in urban weekly market. The conduct that the consumers show in looking for, buying, utilizing, assessing and discarding items and services that they expect will fulfil their necessities. Consumer behaviour is impacted by different components like individual, ecological and dynamic. This examination utilizes distinctive other recently distributed attempts to comprehend the idea of weekly market. Further this article also brings into light various problems faced by these informal markets and also talks about policies and legislation brought by government for their betterment. 1. Introduction India's monetary structure, including its labour market, is described by a bipartite division. Close by the formal economy and controlled work market, India has an enormous informal sector which represents around 60% of the country's financial yield and utilizes more than 90% of all workers. (World Bank 2008; ILO 2002). According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), the "informal sector" is characterized by ILO (1998): “extraordinary diversity [...]. Informal units comprise small enterprises with hired workers, household enterprises using mostly family labour, and the self-employed. Production processes involve relatively high levels of working capital as against fixed capital, which in turn reflects the relatively low level of technology and skills involved” (p. 167). Local weekly market or "haat" is a customary way of retailing where, on a specific day of seven days, unimportant merchants show their products on an improvised course of action in spots approved by the municipal authorities against instalment of some fixed compensation. The weekly market is immediate showcasing community for farmers, in which they offer their agricultural produce to buyers. (Saran & Gupta, 2003). It is portrayed by relatively low valued products and enterprises, poor infrastructure, undefined stalls, absence of storage facility, nonappearance of credit in exchange and poor vehicle and communication medium (Deka and Bhagbati, 2010). By and large the site of a commercial centre is arranged where it is most favorable for both vendors and consumers as far as availability and network of streets are most plausible site for area of market. In such spot a market can be held intermittently that might be day by day, week by week, fortnightly, month to month, etc (Mukharjee,1970). It turns into a principle center for trade of https://prizrenjournal.com/index.php/PSSJ/issue/view/11 mailto:aayushivermajnu01@gmail.com mailto:pmisrasocio@gmail.com https://doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v5i2.242 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5115-0661 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8649-9479 111 basic products and ventures in both the sub-urban as well as countryside all over the world (Roy and Basu, 2010). Weekly markets have a huge authentic importance, Wire in its article 'The History Behind Delhi's Weekly Bazaars' attempted to investigate the recorded meaning of weekly markets of Delhi, and follows the set of experiences even before the rule of Tomars and Khilji. Hashmi (2006) says about the authentic particularity of weekly market and its relationship with individuals having a place with that social class that was viewed as lower order during Mughal period has very little changed in contemporary occasions. Further talking about the history of Weekly market, Suvrata Chawdhary (2017) quoted: “Punjabi and Sindhi refugees who came from Pakistan leaving their business and jobs to India had initially nothing in their hands to sustain themselves. Some of them then used to walk in the neighborhoods of Delhi with the goods on their shoulders; they were called pheriwallah. Walking on foot with a heavy load was a tiresome activity; some people whom they used to sell their wares asked them to sit on the roads in front of their entrances, on particular days of the week instead of walking in different areas alone. Thus, the trend of weekly markets in Delhi began. One of the earliest locations of weekly markets established by such refugees in Delhi is on the road that runs behind the old fort. This place was where some hundred to two hundred pheriwallahs used to assemble on a particular day of the week and sell different things. Gradually these pheriwallahs came with the idea of starting other weekly markets in different locations of Delhi.” (p.11). 1.1. Street Vendors Street vending is a widespread activity in Global South urban communities regardless of its absence of formal guideline. It contributes in a positive manner to mitigating destitution, providing merchandise and ventures for low income gatherings, and setting out work and business open doors for vulnerable social gatherings (Brown 2006). Street vendors have consistently stayed an essential part of a several economies around the planet. As indicated by the National Policy for Urban Street Vendors, Street vendor in India comprised practically 2% of the whole populace of a city 10 years back (Bhowmik, 2005). As a labor opportunity, Street vending is seen as a feature of the casual area in light of the fact that (EIC, 2006) as referred to by (Sekhani. et.al., 2019):  Street vendors have restricted access to formal/managed market spaces, can't get state-level help for formal preparing and training, including help from credit organizations and so forth:  Street vendors are unregistered and unrecorded in the data collection exercises including census or other authority measurements consequently, giving them an unrecognized status by the public authority.  Street vendors are constrained to work outside the lawful structure and past the pale of social insurance, work enactment or defensive measures, regardless of whether they had enlisted and regard certain parts of the law.  Street vendors get restricted legal protection from work rights, regularly confronting poor working conditions. 2. Theoretical Review of Literature 2.1. Weekly Market and Street Vendors as an Informal Space Several investigations on street vending and informal market across the cities of Delhi, Bombay, and Calcutta (Bhowmik, 2005; Bose and Mishra, 2013; Bromley, 2000) clarify the causal elements responsible for the extension of informal market fragments in these urban communities, frequently found in the expansion of ghettos and unregulated land use. As per McGee and Yeung (1977), street vendors offer products or services available to be purchased in broad daylight for sale on roads and pavement, assuming a huge part in shaping unregulated/casual parts of developing economies. They are considered as an informal economy in view of following reasons. As indicated by Amitabh Kundu globalization and advancement have instigated negative urbanization in India. It isn't that every one of the individuals who have gone to the urban communities have work in the conventional area of the economy. Absence of work in the organized sector has required the development of the informal sector where roughly 90% of the populace is employed. This area has become a refuge for the tremendous number of reserve labour who were jobless by three sided marvel of globalization, liberalization and privatization. Constant development of the informal sector has come to nullify the mainstream neo liberal and Marxist investigation, which laid on assumptions that informal sector is passing and principally an element of peripheral economies (Portes et. al., 1989). Increased migration of low-skilled workers from rural areas to urban areas and diminishing employment opportunities for such laborers inside regulated (formal) areas of the metropolitan economy are perceived as imperative elements in expanding 112 levels of street vending especially in Asian nations of Thailand (Bangkok), Bangladesh (Dhaka), Cambodia (Phnom Penh and Siem Reap), Hanoi, India (Delhi, Kolkata and so on), Kuala Lumpur, Manila, Seoul, Singapore and Sri Lanka. Results from Bhowmik (2005) show that after the financial emergency of 1998, there has been a fast ascent in the quantity of street vendors in Malaysia, Singapore, Korea and the Philippines. In this stage it tends to be contended that the identity of weekly markets as chaotic or casual business sectors turned out to be more settled in. It came to be viewed as market that provisioned for the necessities of lower working classes. Its incentive as a type of market for trade of products and enterprises with a distinct association and design is yet to be given its due credit. There is a systematic progression of material, products and related data among providers, organizations, retailers, and buyers. While the process is similar for both manufacturing and services, it is the intricacies of the chain that differs from industry to industry, firm to firm and market to market. The equivalent goes valid for informal and formal business sectors. While formal business sectors follow coordinated and organized design, with continuous flow data and criticism framework, the informal market doesn't follow a normalized model due to the turbulent structure of inventory management (Mohan and Sekhani, 2017). On the other hand, Inventory Management is the "Cemetery of the business" that concerns with the ideal degree of venture for every segment of the stock with the end goal that segment is proficiently utilized, and audit instrument is successfully controlled. There is an enormous interest in this stock administration in proper economy when contrasted with informal one. Barbara Harriss-White has composed an extraordinary arrangement on the meaning of the informal sector in India and about the reasons why it is so essential for developing economies. She says that the India of 88% is now and again called 'local', instead of national, or state-provincial. Its economy is in some cases called 'chaotic' to recognize it from the 'coordinated' and enlisted economy; and this is valuable insofar as plainly 'unregulated' doesn't signify 'unregulated' By this the author draws out a basic viewpoint to the manner by which the informal sector is examined and the argument that chaotic doesn't really mean unregulated holds very obvious in the event that one glances at the LWMs which are a lot of managed by state arrangements and administration despite the fact that they are informal in the more wider sense of the term. 2.2. Vendor Profiling and Behaviour A study conducted by School of Management and Labor Studies Tata Institute of Social Sciences for National Association of Street Vendors of India (2012) found that: “While looking at the sex ratio of street vendors in the different cities, we find that an overwhelming majority are males. Females constitute around 30 per cent in all the cities taken together. The sole exception is that of Imphal, where an overwhelming majority (88.5%) are females, while males constitute 11.5%. The predominance of females in Imphal is not an isolated case, because if we look at other cities in the north east such as Shillong, Dimapur, Aizwal, we would find the same trend. Guwahati and Agartala may show slightly different trends. Each of the cities shows a different feature of male and female composition. In some, the percentage of females is very low and in others, it is slightly higher. For example, in Bengaluru and Delhi, female vendors form 30 per cent, and in Jaipur 30.5 per cent. In other cities however, the proportion is lower. In Bhubaneshwar, female vendors constitute a mere 7% of the total vending workforce. This is significant because Bhubaneshwar is the only city of the ten studied, where the National Policy has been implemented and vendors enjoy higher security and slightly higher income (see section on income). Would this imply that in cities where the incomes of street vendors are high, women are pushed out of vending and the men take over? Cities like Mumbai and Indore have around 27% female vendors. In the remaining four cities, female vendors constitute less than 20 percent of the whole vending population. Hyderabad (16%) and Patna (19%) are two such cities, whereas Lucknow has the worst sex ratio with only 3.5 per cent” (p. 12). While particularly discussing the profile of shopkeepers in weekly markets of Delhi, it was discovered that, the extent of male merchants was relatively bigger than that of the female. For example, out of the 300 enrolled shops and numerous other unregistered shops in Old Delhi, we could just distinguish one female street vendor who claimed a shop. Some street vendors in Delhi had set up their shops during the 1970s (instance of the Mayur-Vihar market) when they at first relocated from various places. In one of the contextual investigation of CEPT University in 2011 on Street Vendors of Surat city, it was discovered that The quantity of female road merchants found in Surat city is just 13.5% against 86.5% male. Further it was discovered that larger part of the sellers of Surat are Hindu by religion and just 23% are Muslims. Among the Hindu seller’s dominant part have a place with general station. The area of market, distributing type and strict foundation are additionally interrelated in urban 113 communities like Surat. Proficiency patterns among the street vendors, show that the more unskilled merchants have more modest organizations like natural product slows down. Over 90% of all overviewed sellers are educated, and have learned at any rate up to fifth grade. Around 32% have concentrated up to eighth grade, 22% have passed tenth, 6% have concentrated up to twelfth grade and 3% have been to school for graduation. Just a single seller in our sample is a post graduate that establishes 0.3%, of all vendors. Proficiency patterns among the street vendors show that the more ignorant merchants have more small business organizations like small natural product stalls. Bhomik, (2005) in his underlying examinations contended that the income of ladies’ vendors is lower than the men on the grounds that fundamentally of two reasons. The majority of the ladies in these markets are from families that were more poor than those of male street vendors so they had less money to put resources into their business. Besides, they couldn't invest as much energy on their work as the males since they needed to deal with the home too. Additionally, in urban areas like Kolkata and Patna, women vendors were annoyed by the male merchants and were not permitted to sit on the pavements. In urban areas where they are unionized, as in Ahmedabad, their issues are not as intense. In Mumbai, the investigations show that the majority of the women vendors have a place with families wherein the male individuals were once utilized in better paid, secure positions in the conventional area. They were jobless when their undertakings shut. Their spouses took to street vending to get by. Pushing forward of gender dynamics elements, NASVI concentrate additionally attempted to examine merchant profile on different parameters, for example, caste, religion and conjugal status, and they found that a large portion of them are hitched. The high rate of conjugal status of the merchants shows that the greater part of them ought to be in the 20+ age gathering. On looking at the information on religion, we locate that an overwhelming majority (more than 80%) have a place with the Hindu people group. The standing creation shows that in many urban areas the OBCs are the single biggest gathering. In weekly markets merchants act as mobile traders. In these business sectors the vast majority of the dealers are portable and they visit more than one market in seven days. Each market has on sale things of absolute necessities which incorporate, pestles and mortars, crushing stones, utensils, moving pins, moving sheets, frying pans, woks, garlic, ginger, onion, potatoes, rock salt, entire flavors, readymade pickles, cooking oils, entire grains, beats, lentils, papads, lengths of texture, washing cleanser cakes. A couple of shops will, obviously, be selling jalebis and laddoos. The items in these business sectors additionally incorporate outfits, underpants, pants, shirts, shirts, tops, dresses, skirts, comforters, draperies, embroidered artwork material, towels, mops, flyswatters, products of the soil, both normal and exotic. Many things in weekly markets are accessible at less expensive rates. This is on the grounds that when shops are in permanent buildings, they bring about a great deal of expenses – they need to pay lease, power, expenses to the public authority. They additionally need to pay wages to their laborers. In weekly market, these retailers store the things they sell at home. The greater part of them are helped by their relatives and, henceforth, don't have to employ laborers. Weekly markets likewise have an enormous number of shops selling similar products which implies there is rivalry among them. In the event that some shopkeeper was to charge an excessive cost, individuals would move to another shop where something very similar might be accessible all the more efficiently or where the purchaser can deal and bring the cost down. The scope of items changes with the adjustment in season and with the coming of celebrations. In summers there are cotton garments while in winters comes in woollen garments. The strength of these business sectors can be situated in social and monetary ties that shopkeepers share with one another and the trust and reliance that shopkeepers have on their pradhans. In the weekly markets, it was revealed that merchants were identified with one another either through their family or kinfolk association, and since large numbers of them came from same locale from where they had relocated that additionally fellow a feeling of fraternity. These business sectors can't be coordinated in a deliberate way in the restricted space of the road or pathway except if merchants have assent about their particular spot on the lookout. Bhowmik et.al (2012) in their study for NASVI argued that: “The total employment provided through street vending becomes larger if we take into account the number of industries it sustains by marketing their products. A lot of the goods sold, such as clothes and hosiery, leather and molded plastic goods, household goods and some items of food, are manufactured in small scale or home-based industries. These industries engage an 8 large number of workers but they could have hardly marketed their products on their own. In this way street vendors provide valuable service by helping sustain employment in these industries” (p. 7). 114 Echoing their argument, they cited Ela Bhatt, the author of SEWA, however street vendors are seen as an issue for metropolitan administration, they are in fact be the answer for a portion of the issues of the metropolitan poor. By giving them less expensive products street vendors are in actuality giving appropriation to the metropolitan poor, something that the public authority ought to have done. The presence of many exotic fruits and vegetables in weekly markets and with street vendors shows that there is an evident connection between local and global. This is explained by Giddens (2001): “Sociologist use the term globalization to refer to these processes which are intensify world-wide relation and interdependence. It is a social phenomenon with vast implication” (p. 51.) 2.3. Consumer Profiling and Behaviour Engel, et al. (1986) as referred to by Kumar (2017) characterize consumer culture as: "those acts of individuals directly involved in obtaining, using, and disposing of economic goods and services, including the decision processes that precede and determine these acts". According to Lazarsfeld (1935), any demonstration of decision includes an interchange among three wide arrangement of factors which he called predispositions, influences and product attributes. Predispositions, in his conception refer to all the characteristics an individual brings with him when he executes an act of choice, and when he experiences the consequences of this choice. Predisposition then also include the individual’s personality. It also includes all the beliefs, values and norms to which he is socialised since childhood and which, in themselves, are largely influenced by his changing position in social structure. Further he also explains how social variables significantly influence a wide range of consumer acts. Product attributes and influences which can be considered as ‘external’ variables and predispositions as ‘internal’ variable both collectively determine consumer behavior. While examining various purchasers and their practices in weekly market it was found in various examinations that the middle class comes to purchase fresh vegetables, organic products, chicken and fish, the majority of which are accessible at costs lower than regular market. The investigation of Wire on street vendors demonstrated that the lower income group spend a higher extent of their pay in making buys from these road sellers mostly on the grounds that their merchandise is modest and hence affordable. Had there been no street vendors in the urban areas the predicament of the metropolitan poor would be more terrible than what it is as of now. In this manner one section of the metropolitan poor, specifically, street vendors, helps another segment to survive. The worker goes to a similar weekly market not exclusively to purchase dresses embellished with messages that makes no sense in any language and 'true fakes resembles 'Adibas', 'nice', 'Slajinger' and 'Kelvin Klean' yet additionally a whole kilogram of wheat flour, 250 grams of arhar dal, Rs 2 worth of gram masala blend, entire dried chilies, 50 grams of turmeric powder, a rupee worth of Salt, enough cooking oil for light frying and vegetables that have seen better days. Item separation influences inclusion. The inclusion increments as the quantity of choices that they need to browse increments. This might be because of the way that shoppers feel assortment which implies greater risk. Consumers are the principle members in weekly markets and their way of conduct is a deciding element of the current status of market as well as for their future presence. In weekly markets the greater part of the rural consumers are likewise merchants. One of the principle attributes of weekly market urban consumers is the bargaining factor. Bargaining is a lot of evident in these business sectors. Aside from promoting, weekly markets are additionally a position of social contact. The rural consumers likewise go to these markets for social contact, settlement of relationships, settlement of debates, for diversion, for fixing marriages and so forth These days, political leaders likewise utilize these business sectors (markets) for their gatherings exceptionally during political race period. The weekly market shopping is an intricate and long interaction starting with a comparative mental exploration of quality and expenses, of purchasing more for less, of taking care of a delicate spending plan, of taking care of kids and feeding them with street food and getting them simple and not-so-expensive toys, of meandering about and appreciating the glow of turbulent markets. 3. Problems and Policies Related to Informal Market Street vendors across a few Indian urban areas have commonly been viewed as nuisance, their quality seen as hostile to metropolitan development. Notwithstanding, the scope of products and ventures they give renders them helpful to different 115 segments of the metropolitan poor and hence they are a significant section of the informal economy. This segment of informal market gives a big part of population a significant source of earning and to carry on with existence with dignity. The complete business through hawking increases on the chances that we consider that in a way it supports certain ventures by promoting their items. A ton of the merchandise sold by sellers, for example, garments and hosiery, cowhide and formed plastic products, family products and a few things of food, are made in small-scale or home based industries. As referenced above that how these street vendors are exploited for the space they use for vending. The Supreme Court has taken an alternate position. Over 10 years back, the New Delhi Municipal Corporation expelled a common street vendor. Sodhan Singh, who sold articles of clothing at Janpath in New Delhi. He spoke to the Supreme Court through a PIL asserting that the government abused his fundamental rights, all the more explicitly his entitlement to carry on business or exchange (article 19(1) g). In a very significant judgment, the court ruled that, as cited by Bhowmik (2010). "if properly regulated according to the exigency of the circumstances, the small traders on the sidewalks can considerably add to the comfort and convenience of the general public, by making available ordinary articles of everyday use for a comparatively lesser price. An ordinary person, not very affluent, while hurrying towards his home after a day's work can pick up these articles without going out of his way to find a regular market. The right to carry on trade or business mentioned in (Article 19(1) g) of the Constitution, on street pavements, if properly regulated cannot be denied on the ground that the streets are meant exclusively for passing or re-passing and no other use" (Sodhan Singh vs NDMC, 1989) Consequently, The National Policy for Urban Street Vendors was drafted to give a favorable environment for merchants just to guarantee absence of congestion and support of cleanliness in public spaces and roads. The strategy has planned to give vendors a lawful status and to permit them do their business in assigned zones. These assigned regions are to be called peddlers' zones and non-vendors' zones. These zones need to be a part of development process of the city. Vendors are likewise expected to enrols and ought to be checked by the town vending committee (section 4.1.1). Active participation of vendors in the town vending committee ought to be guaranteed. The approach likewise gives rules or guidelines for relocation, restoration and rehabilitation of vendors. Merchants are to be helped and any deficiency of resources ought to be avoided during rehabilitation. Section 8 examines the protection and financial issues of the sellers. For financing, the National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) and Swarna Jayanti Shahari Rojgar Yojana (SJSRY) plot have been demonstrated in strategy. This policy when investigated by Sundaram (2008) on ground he found that there has been little change in the status of merchants throughout the long term and the explanation could be simply the policy. Since the policy has not demonstrated a time period or a guide for the enlistment and assignment of room or space for street vendors. It likewise neglects to perceive that legislatures have restricted resources and they may not focus on merchants, subsequently making it a guarantee that won't ever get executed. Additionally, on issue like protection, the policy is quiet leaving a great deal to the self-help groups and non-government organization (NGO’s). This is a zone where an organized long haul arrangement should be worked out. Around 2012, the government moved to draft a Bill which would offer rights to street vendors. The sanctioning of the Street Vendors Act (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending), 2014 pointed toward changing the then present condition of street vendors, empowering them to sell items in open public spaces and seek after their vocations in a protected, badgering free climate. As indicated by the act, a Town Vending Committee (TVC) is needed to be comprised according to the arrangements set down in Section 22 of the Act. TVCs are needed to guarantee that rights and privileges of all street vendors to get comfortable a zonal space is ensured with the important assistance of fundamental infrastructural services to help their market to flourish. Further, there can be more than one TVC in a town/ward/zone, contingent on the spatial necessity. The TVC should have a CEO/municipal commissioner who will be the executive. The suitable government authority is likewise needed to put its nominated individuals. The board of trustees will likewise to establish a base of 10% participation from NGOs and local area based gatherings. In particular, 40% of the board ought to have represented from amongst the street vendors (with least 33% portrayal from ladies). This was to give all street vendors – particularly ladies – a solid presence in form of members in TVC for better and effective bargaining. Besides, as per Section 26, it should distribute a street vendors’ charter determining the time and issue of an endorsement of distributing and the restoration of the certificate. 116 The Wire while exploring an examination on metropolitan informality led by the Center for New Economics Studies, O.P. Jindal Global University discovered deficiencies in the usage of the Act in various spatial market zones in Delhi. Meetings with road merchants in various parts of the city shed light on the way that few vendors don't know about any such TVC: – an obligatory necessity according to the Act. Moreover, the greater part of the sellers is not even mindful of the actual Act. The lone complaint redressed instrument they are aware of is that of a pradhan or a market head who might casually negotiate disputes for a portion of the sellers with the neighborhood police and municipal authorities. This augments the data unevenness between the street vendors and the acknowledgment of their privileges. Further study also likewise found that the idea of exfoliation from local state authorities (counting nearby municipal authorities and police) additionally incorporated a seizure of their products for a long length, separate fines and a physical violence against road sellers (sometimes). For instance, in the weekly Wednesday market in Mayur Vihar, one of the sellers who was the previous head of the market expressed that the police used to charge him Rs 100 day by day. This was notwithstanding that the market was directed by the East Delhi Municipal Corporation and an ordinary rental of Rs 10 was charged. Segment 3 of the Act requires the TVC to direct an overview of the road sellers inside the region of their ward. No such reviews were directed by any TVCs. The motivation behind such an overview is to ensure that vending zones don't get congested by new participants. A disappointment in leading such an overview has not just brought about congestion of chosen market spaces (especially in pieces of North Delhi close to Chandni Chowk) yet has additionally made it hard for existing road merchants to have space for vending, setting off clash among old and new street vendors. section 3 of the Street Vending Act additionally offers rights to the sellers against getting ousted by local state authority. As per section 4 of the Act, each road seller distinguished according to the provisions of the Act will get a certificate of vending. This certificate authentication gives the informal seller an opportunity in the city for meeting his fundamental needs. The identity certificate likewise carries a heap of rights with them, which were recently considered as unique advantages. Notwithstanding, in our perceptions made in the report, no such identity certificate has been given by the TVCs or local municipal authorities to road sellers in Delhi. In case of Weekly market, the Act relating to street vending which came to impact from March 2014, the Act is known as The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014 is applicable and offers authenticity to these business sectors and before it turned into an Act, the equivalent was treated as policy recommendation and the Supreme Court had guided the states to follow the suggestions while making plans for road distributing. The issue of space as found in road sellers case is additionally evident in the event of weekly market. Suvrata Chowdhary (2017) found that The State decides to stay negligent of such markets‟ legitimate or formal status". Agents of formal establishments can extort cash from thse sellers much more than required to pay revenues to MCD, had it been regularized such extortion could be checked. Without such formalization they can request any amount of cash from the LWMs. However, there are as numerous unapproved LWMs that are coordinated in different places in the city, possibly they are coordinated using power or negotiations and in collaboration with police, nearby inhabitants and local leaders. In response to the question on the need for authorization of weekly market, Mr. Sunil Shaha who is the President of Delhi Saptahik Bazaar Welfare Association shared that: “we keep sending application after application to the MCD to recognize our weekly markets but it has not been recognized so far. They are not paying any heed to those applications. We feel that authorization is important because it gives us legal status and legitimacy to fight for protection in court in case our weekly markets come under threat of closure either from the local goons, police or the MCD itself.” (pp. 24) As indicated by J C Cross (1998), through bribary a benefactor customer relationship is produced with the individuals who need to keep up observation over the market and it cuts out a "safe space" with true control framework. This relationship illustrates "weak state integration" which handicaps the policy in practice. Revanchism is a typical wonder rehearsed in the urban communities of global South which alludes to exclusionary policies looked to eradicate metropolitan spaces for specific areas of the populace, for example, road merchants, destitute, hobos and others of the like. Revanchism tasks are rehearsed through zero resistance, as indicated by Smith, who begat this idea to comprehend improvement in metropolitan spaces and to create space in urban sphere for all the section of citizens to live their life with utmost dignity. 4. Limitations and Scope for Future Study Discussing the restrictions, this paper just covers the profile of vendors and consumption pattern of consumers from an 117 expansive perspective. This can be additionally explained on premise of different boundaries like class, age, income, religion, gender and so on. Likewise, this investigation depends on around 40 journal articles, a significantly more complete examination and correlation is conceivable covering other revealed ones, thus these discoveries can't be summed up. This investigation additionally doesn't have any experimental information. There is a great scope of investigation of how these consumption pattern has advanced during COVID-19 stage. The impact of Covid-19 on these informal business sectors and consumption behaviour of various segment can likewise be examined. In Lucknow (city in India), it was seen that numerous shops week after week advertises are selling moderate planner covers. Indeed, even road merchants filled their carts with various immunity boosters like chayawanaprash (cooked combination of sugar, nectar, ghee, Indian gooseberry (amla) jam, sesame oil, berries and different spices and flavors). Further it will be fascinating to inspect that how these weekly markets and street vendors have reacted to the approach of shopping centers. Most likely the primary experimental examination of vulnerability was made by Dabir-Alai (2004) on street vendors in Delhi in the late1990s. He utilized seven components for building the vulnerability index. These included profit, tormenting, dependants, formal training or education, extended periods, relationship with provider/loan boss line and spatial disengagement from the family. Age, sex, relocation status and head/specialist status were additionally viewed as in the investigation. Then again, an examination by Brata (2010) made a few adjustments to Dabir-Alai's variable and added three components to make the complete components ten. The additional components included separation from the house to work place, not full ownership of business and not participation in vending associations (both formal and casual). Their investigations are additionally expounded by Esayas and Mulugeta (2020) in his investigation of weakness of road sellers in Dire Dawa city, Eastern Ethiopia. In this examination he attempted to expound the weakness regarding space they work and furthermore the items they sell. They are misused at various intersections of market. Future investigations can illuminate the exploitation part of road sellers. Additionally, it will be fascinating to examine the vulnerabilities brought about by de-monetization and escalated COVID-19 lockdown, to which both street vendors and weekly market sellers are exposed. Additionally, different relief pacakges dispatched by government for e.g. (PM SVAN’idhi) for road sellers regarding a microcredit office to assist them with restoring their business. It intends to give advances to around 5 million merchants. Under this plan, a capital credit of up to Rs 10,000 payable in monthly instalments can be taken by sellers to restore the business with the reopening of the markets. Consequently, the execution and effect of this plan can be an intriguing and interesting zone of study under the heading of informal market 5. Conclusions This study captures closed analysis of different studies of street vendors (seen as invisible entrepreneurs) working in weekly markets and on roads and public places. Talking about the advent or beginning of weekly markets or street vendors is migration of huge amount of people to urban areas for better employment and better standard of living. Due to lack of appropriate amount of employment in formal sector, many people turned towards these informal sectors. Weekly markets and street vendors are considered as an informal market but it is also found that informal market does not mean that they are not regulated. There are pradhans (Pradhan means head) of these markets who organise them and also resolve. The study also analysis and examines policies and programmers of government for the advancement and better regulation of these markets. The National Policy for Urban Street Vendors was drafted to give a favorable environment for merchants just to guarantee absence of congestion and support of cleanliness in public spaces and roads. There are regulation bodies for weekly markets also. But in continued study we found that though these policies and programmers are very effective on papers they are not very well implemented on ground this leads to the continued exploitation of shopkeepers and merchants. Further kinship plays a very effective role in these markets. While analyzing the profiles of the vendors it was found in the authentic study of NASVI that there exists a gender inequality among the vendors of weekly market. While further analyzing NASVI reports on other demographic grounds such as religion, caste etc, it was found that majority of vendors are Hindu (religion) and belong to other backward classes (OBC). Through different studies it was also found that these markets try to fit themselves into modern world. They change their stocks and sales according to necessities of people. Different needs for festivals and seasons are fulfilled by these markets. They use funny slogan and rhymes to attract customers and also use innovative sales strategy to augment their sales. Moving on to consumer’s profile and behaviour, the products which consumer buys from these markets hugely depends on the class of the consumer. Consumers of high class come here to buy fresh vegetables and fruits while low -income groups get their 118 household needs fulfilled. The low- income section of society spends their huge section of income in these markets. These markets not only give employment to a huge section of population but also help to low -income people to survive in expensive cities. Bargaining is also a very evident in these markets. No matter consumer belongs to which section of society bargaining is must while purchasing. While analyzing the entire concept weekly market and street vendors, it was found that they assimilate huge section of urban poor into society. Government and authorities should try to implement the policies in best effective manner. Further they should also be regularized and should be given benefits of social security, which are available to formal sector employees. Credit guarantee should also be availed, so that they get proper funds for business extension and also in time of crisis. References 1. Arul Kumar, S. (2017). Consumer Behaviour - Comparative Study on Rural and Urban Consumers. LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329351887 _Consumer_Behaviour_- _Comparative_Study_on_Rural_and_Urban_Consu mers 2. Bhatt, B., & Dineshchandra, A. (2018). A Study of street vendor’s activities in southeast zone of Surat. International Journal of Civil Engineering (IJCE), 7, 1-10. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323996084 _A_STUDY_OF_A_STUDY_OF_STREET_VENDI NG_ACTIVITIES_IN_THE_SOUTH_EAST_ZONE _OF_SURAT 3. Bhowmik, S. (2010). Legal Protection for Street Vendors. Economic and Political Weekly, 45(51), 12-15. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/25764233 4. Bhowmik, S. K. (2005). Street vendors in Asia: A review. Economic and Political Weekly, 40(22–23), 2256–2264. Available at https://www.epw.in/journal/2005/22-23/review- labour-review-issues-specials/street-vendors-asia- review.html 5. Bhowmik, Sh. K., & Debdulal, S. (2012). Street Vending in Ten Cities in India. National Association of Street Vendors of India, Delhi. Available at https://nasvinet.org/research-papers/ 6. Bhowmik, Sh. (2003). National Policy for Street Vendors. Economic and Political Weekly. 38. 1543- 1546. https://doi.org/10.2307/4413453 7. Bose, S., & Mishra, Y. (2013). Notes On: Street Vendors in Kolkata: A Review. Labor Law Journal, 64, 165. Available at https://search.proquest.com/openview/0a1e146dd072 8aac68fb4f89334a28e5/1?pq- origsite=gscholar&cbl=41326 8. Breana, G. (2010). Vulnerability of the Urban Informal sector: Street Vendors in Yogyakara, Indonesia. Theoretical and Empirical Researches in Urban Management, 5(5), 47-58. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229026586 _Vulnerability_Of_Urban_Informal_Sector_Street_ Vendors_In_Yogyakarta_Indonesia 9. Bromley, R. (2000), "Street vending and public policy: a global review", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 20 No. 1/2, pp. 1- 28. https://doi.org/10.1108/01443330010789052 10. Brown, A. (2006). Contested Space: Street Trading, Public Space, and Livelihoods in Developing Cities. Warwickshire, UK: ITDG Publishing. 11. Chakraborty, P., & Koley , S. (2018). Socio- Economic View on Street Vendors: A Study of a Daily Market at Jamshedpur. Journal of Advanced Research in Humanities and Social Science, 5(1),14- 20. https://doi.org/10.24321/2349.2872.201804 12. Chowdhary, S. (2017). The Local Weekly Markets of Delhi: Operating in the Formal 'Space' and Informal economy, Indian Sociological Society e-journal, 1 (2), 3-31. Available at http://app.insoso.org/iss_journal/repository/paper_1.p df 13. Cross, J. (1998). Co-optation, Competition, and Resistance: State and Street Vendors in Mexico City. Latin American Perspectives, 25(2), 41-61. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/2634061 14. Dabir-Alai, P. (2004). The Economics of Street Vending: An Empirical Framework for measuring vulnerability in Delhi in the late 1990s, a paper presented at EGDI and UNU-WIDER Conference, Unlocking Human Potential: Linking the informal and formal sector, 17-18 September, 2004, Helsinki, Finland. 15. Deka, N. & Bhagabati, A. K. (2010). “Periodic Market System in the Rural Areas of Brahmaputra Valley, Assam: The Case of Muktapur Hat, North Eastern Geographer. 36, (1, 2),65-79. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329351887_Consumer_Behaviour_-_Comparative_Study_on_Rural_and_Urban_Consumers https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329351887_Consumer_Behaviour_-_Comparative_Study_on_Rural_and_Urban_Consumers https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329351887_Consumer_Behaviour_-_Comparative_Study_on_Rural_and_Urban_Consumers https://www.researchgate.net/publication/329351887_Consumer_Behaviour_-_Comparative_Study_on_Rural_and_Urban_Consumers https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323996084_A_STUDY_OF_A_STUDY_OF_STREET_VENDING_ACTIVITIES_IN_THE_SOUTH_EAST_ZONE_OF_SURAT https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323996084_A_STUDY_OF_A_STUDY_OF_STREET_VENDING_ACTIVITIES_IN_THE_SOUTH_EAST_ZONE_OF_SURAT https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323996084_A_STUDY_OF_A_STUDY_OF_STREET_VENDING_ACTIVITIES_IN_THE_SOUTH_EAST_ZONE_OF_SURAT https://www.researchgate.net/publication/323996084_A_STUDY_OF_A_STUDY_OF_STREET_VENDING_ACTIVITIES_IN_THE_SOUTH_EAST_ZONE_OF_SURAT http://www.jstor.org/stable/25764233 https://www.epw.in/journal/2005/22-23/review-labour-review-issues-specials/street-vendors-asia-review.html https://www.epw.in/journal/2005/22-23/review-labour-review-issues-specials/street-vendors-asia-review.html https://www.epw.in/journal/2005/22-23/review-labour-review-issues-specials/street-vendors-asia-review.html https://nasvinet.org/research-papers/ https://doi.org/10.2307/4413453 https://search.proquest.com/openview/0a1e146dd0728aac68fb4f89334a28e5/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=41326 https://search.proquest.com/openview/0a1e146dd0728aac68fb4f89334a28e5/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=41326 https://search.proquest.com/openview/0a1e146dd0728aac68fb4f89334a28e5/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=41326 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229026586_Vulnerability_Of_Urban_Informal_Sector_Street_Vendors_In_Yogyakarta_Indonesia https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229026586_Vulnerability_Of_Urban_Informal_Sector_Street_Vendors_In_Yogyakarta_Indonesia https://www.researchgate.net/publication/229026586_Vulnerability_Of_Urban_Informal_Sector_Street_Vendors_In_Yogyakarta_Indonesia https://doi.org/10.1108/01443330010789052 https://doi.org/10.24321/2349.2872.201804 http://app.insoso.org/iss_journal/repository/paper_1.pdf http://app.insoso.org/iss_journal/repository/paper_1.pdf http://www.jstor.org/stable/2634061 119 16. EIC (2006). Decent economy in informal economy in Cambodia: A literature Review. Bangkok: ILO. Available at https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/--- ro- bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_bk_pb_132_e n.pdf. 17. Esayas, E., & Mulugeta, S. (2020). Analysis of socioeconomic vulnerability of street vendors: case study for Dire Dawa city, eastern Ethiopia. Theoretical and Empirical Researches in Urban Management, 15(2), 49-65. https://doi.org/10.2307/26915290 18. Rai,Sh., & Mohan, D.(2017) Gaps in Implementation of Street Vendors Act Are Making Delhi's Merchants Invisible. Available at https://thewire.in/economy/street-vendors-act- implementation-gaps 19. Gengzhi, H., & Desheng, X., & Li, Zh. (2014). From Revanchism to Ambivalence: The Changing Politics of Street Vending in Guangzhou. Antipode. 46(1), 170–189. https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12031 20. Giddens, A. (2001). Sociology. Cambridge: Polity Press 21. Harriss-White, B. (2003). India working essays on society and economy. UK: Cambridge University Press. 22. Hashmi, S. (2006). The Hafta Bazaars of Delhi. Kafila. Available at https://kafila.online/2007/08/06/the-hafta-bazaars-of- delhi/ 23. 24. Hashmi, S. (2019). The History Behind Delhi's Weekly Bazaars. The Wire. Available at https://thewire.in/culture/the-history-behind-delhis- weekly-bazaars 25. Hashmi, S. (2019). What Delhi's Weekly Bazaars Teach Us About the Changing City and its People. The Wire. Available at https://thewire.in/urban/delhi-weekly-bazaars- villages 26. ILO (International Labour Organization). (1998). World employment report. Geneva: ILO. Available at https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/--- dgreports/--- dcomm/documents/publication/dwcms_080628.pdf 27. ILO. (2002). Women and men in the informal economy: A statistical picture. Geneva: ILO. Available at https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/--- dgreports/--- dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf 28. Lazarsfeld, P. (1935). The Art of Asking WHY in Marketing Research: Three Principles Underlying the Formulation of Questionnaires. National Marketing Review, 1(1), 26-38. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/4291274 29. McGee, T.G. and Yeung (1977), “Hawkers in South- East Asian Cities: Planning for the Bazaar Economy”, Ottawa, IDRC, 1977. 30. Mohan, D., & Sekhani, R. (2017). Governing dynamics of informal markets: A case study of local markets in Delhi. Centre for New Economic Studies. Available at http:// www.jgu.edu.in/public/pdf/Governing-Dynamics-of- Informal-Markets-Report.pdf 31. Mukherjee, S. P. (1968,). Commercial Activity and Market Hierarchy in a Part of Eastern Himalaya, Darjeeling. The National Geographical Journal of India. 14(2-3), 186-199. 32. Portes, A., M. Castells & L. A. Bunton (Eds.) (1989). The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries. United States: John Hopkins University Press. 33. Ray, C. N., & Mishra, A. (2011). Vendors and Informal Sector a Case-Study of Street Vendors of Surat City. Available at https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20P apers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20a nd%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case- Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat %20City.pdf 34. Recchi, S. (2020), Informal street vending: a comparative literature review. International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. ahead-of-print No. ahead-of-print. https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-07- 2020-0285 35. Roever, S., & Skinner, C. (2016). Street vendors and cities. Environment and Urbanization, 28(2),359- 374. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247816653898 36. Roy, R. & Basu, T. (2010). A Geographical Study of Periodic Market Places in Kaliyaganj Block Uttar Dinajpur, West Bengal. The Geographer, 57(2), 71- 79. 37. 38. Sekhani, R., Mohan, D., & Medipally, S. (2019). Street vending in urban ‘informal’ markets: Reflections from case-studies of street vendors in Delhi (India) and Phnom Penh City (Cambodia), https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_bk_pb_132_en.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_bk_pb_132_en.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_bk_pb_132_en.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_bk_pb_132_en.pdf https://doi.org/10.2307/26915290 https://thewire.in/economy/street-vendors-act-implementation-gaps https://thewire.in/economy/street-vendors-act-implementation-gaps https://doi.org/10.1111/anti.12031 https://kafila.online/2007/08/06/the-hafta-bazaars-of-delhi/ https://kafila.online/2007/08/06/the-hafta-bazaars-of-delhi/ https://thewire.in/culture/the-history-behind-delhis-weekly-bazaars https://thewire.in/culture/the-history-behind-delhis-weekly-bazaars https://thewire.in/urban/delhi-weekly-bazaars-villages https://thewire.in/urban/delhi-weekly-bazaars-villages https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/dwcms_080628.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/dwcms_080628.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/dwcms_080628.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_626831.pdf http://www.jstor.org/stable/4291274 http://www.jgu.edu.in/public/pdf/Governing-Dynamics-of-Informal-Markets-Report.pdf http://www.jgu.edu.in/public/pdf/Governing-Dynamics-of-Informal-Markets-Report.pdf https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20Papers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20and%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case-Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat%20City.pdf https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20Papers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20and%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case-Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat%20City.pdf https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20Papers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20and%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case-Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat%20City.pdf https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20Papers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20and%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case-Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat%20City.pdf https://cept.ac.in/UserFiles/File/CUE/Working%20Papers/Revised%20New/15CUEWP15_Vendors%20and%20Informal%20Sector%20-%20A%20Case-Study%20of%20Street%20Vendors%20of%20Surat%20City.pdf https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-07-2020-0285 https://doi.org/10.1108/IJSSP-07-2020-0285 https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247816653898 120 Cities, 89, 120-129. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2019.01.010 39. Shah, A., & Khadiya, H.(2020). Covid-19: A shockwave for street vendors in India. Social Policy association. Available at http://www.social- policy.org.uk/spa-blog/covid-19-a-shockwave-for- street-vendors-in-india-by-shah-and-khadiya/ 40. Sundaram, S. (2008). National Policy for Urban Street Vendors and Its Impact. Economic and Political Weekly, 43(43), 22-25. Available at http://www.jstor.org/stable/40278095 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2019.01.010 http://www.social-policy.org.uk/spa-blog/covid-19-a-shockwave-for-street-vendors-in-india-by-shah-and-khadiya/ http://www.social-policy.org.uk/spa-blog/covid-19-a-shockwave-for-street-vendors-in-india-by-shah-and-khadiya/ http://www.social-policy.org.uk/spa-blog/covid-19-a-shockwave-for-street-vendors-in-india-by-shah-and-khadiya/ http://www.jstor.org/stable/40278095