reading2.pdf


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Article

An exploratory study of early  

letter-sound knowledge in a low  

socio-economic context in South Africa

SHELLEY O’CARROLL  Wordworks (early literacy and language)

Abstract: !is paper explores one aspect of early literacy development in 

a low socio-economic context in South Africa. Assessments conducted 

with a sample of children from two disadvantaged communities in Cape 

Town indicated that in this context, almost half of the learners entering 

Grade One were unable to recognise any letters. A Grade R intervention 

conducted by volunteers showed that children from this context were able 

to learn letter-sounds in Grade R through a programme that focused on 

teaching letter-sounds in the context of building language skills, emergent 

writing and concepts about print. In order to strengthen the e"ectiveness of 

the intervention, the volunteer programme was supplemented by support 

for the Grade R teacher and teaching assistant. Follow-up assessments of 

one of the intervention groups at the end of Grade One revealed signi#cant 

correlations between early Grade One letter knowledge and end of Grade 

One word reading and spelling skills. !e #ndings of this exploratory study 

are in line with research that shows the importance of letter-sound know-

ledge in the earliest stages of learning to read. !is raises concerns about 

the historical lack of emphasis in the Grade R curriculum on this aspect 

of early literacy development.  Although the study has a narrow focus and 

conclusions cannot be drawn about other aspects of early literacy learning 

in this context, the results suggest an urgent need for quality Grade R 

teacher training programmes with a speci#c focus on emergent literacy.

Introduction 

Provincial and national assessments conducted over the past eight years have 
con#rmed that a high percentage of South African children are not acquiring 
basic literacy skills in their #rst three years at school (Department of Educa-
tion, 2003; Western Cape Education Department, 2009). In an attempt to 
better understand these low literacy levels, it is useful to not only consider what 
is happening in schools, but what characterises literacy learning prior to formal 
schooling. Low literacy levels are not unexpected given that many children 

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8 Reading and writing

from disadvantaged communities do not begin school with well established 
early literacy and language skills (Willenberg, 2004; O’Carroll, 2006; De Witt, 
Lessing and Lenayi, 2008). !is is partly due to the fact that, until recently, 
many children were not part of a Grade R programme. However, being in a 
Grade R class does not necessarily guarantee a good preparation for learning 
to read and write. In a recent study across four provinces in South Africa, De 
Witt, Lessing and Lenayi (2008) found that although the children in the study 
attended Grade R classes, they did not display basic early literacy competency. 
In her study of seven classrooms at #ve schools in an historically disadvan-
taged community in the Western Cape, Willenberg (2004: 88) found that the 
children’s pre-school environments o"ered “inadequate quality and quantity 
of access to literacy resources and activities”. She also expressed concern about 
the “extent to which teachers are adequately equipped to promote children’s 
language and literacy development” (Willenberg, 2004: 188). 

If the focus is to shi$ from tackling low literacy levels once children have failed 
to learn to read, to preventing reading failure, there is a need for research 
evidence on early interventions that are e"ective in improving early literacy 
competence. !is article focuses on one aspect of an early literacy curriculum: 
knowledge of letter-sound relationships. 

!e importance of letter knowledge for learning to read

A detailed discussion of the merits of ‘phonics’ and ‘whole language’ 
approaches to the teaching of reading is beyond the scope of this article. It is 
nevertheless important to position the teaching of letter knowledge within the 
debate about pedagogy. Traditionally, the teaching of letter knowledge would 
be located in the ‘phonics camp’.  Whole language theorists have argued that 
letter cues are not reliable, particularly in a language such as English where 
letters can represent di"erent sounds. In a whole language approach, children 
are encouraged to use the context or their prior knowledge to make predictions 
about words rather than using grapho-phonic cues. However, research on early 
literacy development suggests that the role of letter knowledge in early reading 
goes beyond debates about pedagogy. Research has demonstrated that letter 
knowledge is a necessary foundation for learning to read and write and plays 
an important role from the earliest stages of literacy development (Ehri,1997; 
1998; 2005; Stuart, 1995; Stuart, Masterson and Dixon, 2000). 

In the earliest stages of learning to read, emergent readers might initially rely 
heavily on picture and context cues when reading, but once they know some 
letter-sounds, they can start to use these as cues to remember words. Although 
there are many irregular English words where letters do not match sounds, 

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9Shelley O’Carroll

English is nevertheless written by means of an alphabetic writing system. 
!e majority of words can be read using letter-sound knowledge, and even 
an irregular word will have some letters that match the sounds in the spoken 
words (e.g. yacht). At this stage of their reading development, children are 
not systematically decoding words, but will be listening for beginning and 
end sounds in words and looking for letters that relate to these sounds (Ehri, 
1995). Ehri (1997: 175) argued:

Readers who can form connections out of partial phonetic cues have 
an advantage over readers who are limited to visual cues in building a 
sight vocabulary. !is is because phonetic cue readers have a system 
they can use to remember words. In contrast, visual cue readers have 
to remember arbitrary, idiosyncratic connections. !is makes the 
words much harder to remember. 

Without letter-sound knowledge, and an awareness that letters in written 
words are related to sounds in spoken language, emergent readers will see 
reading as remembering a visual sequence of letters using whatever cues are 
most helpful, such as word length and shape, and shapes of letters (e.g. the 
word look is o$en remembered by the two ‘eyes’ in the middle of the word). 
!ese links are arbitrary and are likely to mean that children frequently con-
fuse words having the same letters. 

Without letter knowledge, a child cannot begin to experiment with emergent 
writing and invented spelling. An important stage in the development of writ-
ten language, invented spelling has also been found to be a predictor of later 
reading ability. Mann, Tobin and Wilson (1987) used preconventional spelling 
skills as a predictor of #rst grade reading ability and tested whether there was 
an association between performance on a spelling test administered mid-
way through kindergarten and a test of reading ability administered midway 
through #rst grade. !ey established that phonological accuracy scores cor-
related signi#cantly with word identi#cation and word attack scores. !ey also 
found that children who “tend to give a higher proportion of phonologically-
accurate, preconventional spellings tend to become better readers in the #rst 
grade” (Mann et al., 1987: 373). 

Letter-knowledge in low socio-economic contexts

Given the importance of letter knowledge for early reading development, it is 
of concern that children from high poverty contexts generally begin school 
with less well-developed letter knowledge than their middle-class peers (Stu-
art, 1990; Bowey, 1995). Stuart (1990) found that early di"erences in letter 

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10 Reading and writing

knowledge and phonological awareness contributed to di"erences in early 
word reading skills and when letter-sound knowledge was used as a predic-
tor of reading achievement, social class was no longer a signi#cant predictor. 
In another study, Duncan and Seymour (2000) assessed a sample of chil-
dren between 4 and 8 years of age and found that low socio-economic status 
was associated with less well-developed letter knowledge, word reading and 
awareness of sounds. Letter knowledge was the only foundation skill to distin-
guish socio-economic groups at pre-school and they speculated that “delayed 
acquisition of foundation literacy skills is traceable to a delay in acquiring 
letter-sound knowledge” (Duncan and Seymour, 2000: 145). 

Is there evidence that intervention programmes that focus on letter knowledge 
and awareness of sounds are e"ective in low socio-economic communities, 
and does increased letter knowledge in%uence the development of reading and 
writing skills? Blachman, Ball, Black and Tangel (1994) carried out a classroom 
intervention with pre-school children from low-income, inner-city classrooms. 
!e intervention was conducted by teachers and classroom assistants in small 
groups in the classroom during lessons of #$een to twenty minutes. Before 
the intervention, the children knew, on average, only two letter sounds. A$er 
an eleven week training programme, the intervention group was signi#cantly 
better than the control group on measures of letter-sound knowledge and 
breaking up words into sounds. Although the intervention programme did not 
include any reading or writing, children in the intervention group were able 
to read signi#cantly more regular words than children in the control group. 
!ey also included more letters in their invented spelling. 

Tangel and Blachman (1995) were interested in whether the control children 
would ‘catch up’ in Grade One. !ey followed the intervention group children 
when they started school and found that these children’s invented spelling and 
spelling continued to be better than control-group children at the end of Grade 
One. !ese children produced spellings that were at least at the same level and 
in many cases more complete than those of a middle-class sample (Treiman, 
1993).  !is was an encouraging #nding because the children were doing as 
well as middle-class children, even though they would have had fewer literacy 
experiences prior to starting school. 

In the South African context, two intervention studies have been carried out 
with Grade One learners. Nadler-Nir (1997) developed a structured pro-
gramme to teach phonological awareness and letter knowledge to Grade One 
children from disadvantaged communities and found that the programme 
was “highly e"ective in improving phonological awareness, letter knowledge, 
reading and spelling skills” (Nadler-Nir, 1997: 80). She proposed that the 
results of the study showed that “phonological awareness and letter knowledge 

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11Shelley O’Carroll

training can help disadvantaged children to develop better self-teaching skills 
for the development of reading and spelling” (Nadler-Nir, 1997: 98). In another 
study with Grade One children, O’Carroll (2006) found that a short term 
intervention that included teaching of letter-sound knowledge, phonological 
awareness, reading and writing was e"ective in improving the word-reading 
and -spelling of children relative to a control group of children who started 
school at a similar level but had no intervention.  !e children were learning 
to read and write in English as a second language. 

!e research is clear: interventions in low socio-economic contexts can make 
a di"erence to children’s letter knowledge, and this has an impact on levels of 
early word reading and spelling.

Learning to read in a second language: the role of letter knowledge

!e ‘interactive model of reading’ used by Gregory (1996) in her work with 
emergent bilinguals provides a useful framework for considering the role of 
letter knowledge in learning to read in a second language. !e model is con-
cerned with how information such as the structure of language or the meaning 
of a text (higher levels of processing) in%uences analysis occurring at lower 
levels (letter-sound correspondences and word recognition). According to this 
model, there are four sources of information which children draw upon as they 
learn to read: lexical knowledge (clues about words); grapho-phonic knowledge 
(orthographic and phonological knowledge; clues about the patterns of letters 
in words and the sounds that they make); syntactic knowledge (clues concern-
ing the structure of the language); semantic knowledge (clues concerning the 
meanings behind the words). 

Gregory (1996) proposes that children learning to read in a second language 
use the same sources of knowledge as their monolingual peers, but that one 
source of knowledge may compensate for another as they learn in a second 
language. For example, grapho-phonic knowledge is potentially useful for 
children who are not pro#cient in a second language and who cannot rely 
on semantic and syntactic clues. Children who have the skills to use grapho-
phonic cues will be able to read words that are not in their spoken vocabulary, 
and if these spoken words are linked to pictures in books, this could be a use-
ful way of adding to their English vocabulary. Gregory (1996) proposes that 
books are important teachers of a second language to emergent bilinguals. She 
makes the important point that “children can learn to read before they have 
oral competence in the target language. Indeed, it is clear that these young 
children are learning English through their reading. Reading, then, can lead 
oral language development” (Gregory, 1996: 89). 

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12 Reading and writing

Teaching letter knowledge: !e South African context

While few would deny the importance of letter knowledge for learning to read 
and write, there is much debate about when and how to teach letters.  In the 
Revised National Curriculum Statement, Learning Outcome 3 (Reading and 
Viewing) includes the following reference to developing letter knowledge in 
Grade R: “recognises and names some common letters of the alphabet such 
as the letter the learner’s name begins with” (Department of Education, 2003). 
!e recently published Foundations for Learning. Assessment Framework Grade 
R (Department of Basic Education, 2010) provides more detailed literacy mile-
stones. By Term !ree of Grade R, learners are expected to be able to recognise 
“aurally and visually some initial consonant and vowel sounds especially at 
the beginning of common words” (Department of Basic Education, 2010: 5), 
and by the fourth term, they should be able to recognise “aurally and visually, 
an increasing number of initial consonant and vowel sounds especially at the 
beginning of common words”.  !e dra$ Curriculum and Assessment Policy 
Statement (CAPS) for Foundation Phase, includes similar guidelines

To what extent are these curriculum guidelines re%ected in teaching practices 
in Grade R? A visit to a Grade R class in a middle-class area might reveal 
opportunities for children to engage with letters in a print rich environment, 
as well as time allocated to a structured programme to teach letter-sounds. 
Grade R teachers would be building on letter knowledge developed through 
incidental encounters with letters in children’s home environments. In middle 
class contexts, children would know most or all of the letter-sounds by the time 
they start Grade One. !ey would be using letters in emergent writing, and as 
cues to read words in their environment. !is is in line with research that has 
shown that “on the basis of home experiences, middle class children typically 
start school with a good bit of knowledge about letters and sounds, and thus 
these children can generally make use of letter-sound correspondences in 
learning to read” (Wallach and Wallach, 1976: 188). !e ‘hidden curriculum’ 
in many middle class homes and pre-schools ensures that most children will 
learn to read at school because they have learnt to read already.

A very di"erent scenario plays out in many pre-schools in disadvantaged 
communities, where one of the only resources for teaching letters might be an 
alphabet chart which is used as a stimulus for chanting the alphabet. Teaching 
letters might typically involve children singing the alphabet song or reciting the 
names of the letters. Teachers do not always understand the di"erence between 
letter-names and letter-sounds, and without opportunities to experiment with 
sounds in words and see the link to letters, the learning of letters tends to be at 
a rote level, with little understanding of how sounds in spoken words relate to 

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13Shelley O’Carroll

letters in written words. It is not uncommon for children from these contexts 
to begin Grade One not knowing any letter-sounds at all. 

In Willenberg’s (2004) study of the emergent literacy skills of children from 
disadvantaged communities in Cape Town, children were assessed at the end 
of their Grade R year (mean age of 6 years 2 months). !e children in this 
sample achieved a mean letter recognition score of 7.32 (SD = 8.10). Scores 
ranged between 0 and 26, with 34% of the children unable to recognise any 
letters. Willenberg (2004: 191) noted that one of the Grade R teachers in her 
study reported “being criticised by a curriculum advisor for introducing letter 
recognition activities to her learners”. In a study in a similar context, Nadler 
Nir (1997) found slightly lower levels of letter knowledge in the #rst term 
of Grade One (mean letter knowledge of 5.2 (SD = 2.21) in an experimen-
tal group, and 3.5 (SD = 2.93) in a control group).  In another study in a 
lower socio-economic group, O’Carroll (2006) tested a sample of 53 children 
from two schools at the start of their Grade One year (mean age of 6 years 10 
months). !e mean letter recognition score was 3 (SD = 4.62). !e median 
score was zero and 43% of children were unable to identify any letters at all.  
A further 32% of children knew between 1 and 3 letters and only a quarter of 
the sample recognised more than 3 letters. 

Study One:  Early Grade One letter knowledge in a low socio-
economic context 

Study One aimed to establish whether there is evidence that low levels of let-
ter knowledge still prevail in disadvantaged communities. For this purpose, 
assessments of early Grade One levels of letter-sound were conducted across 
two di"erent communities in Cape Town.

Participants

Two schools were selected that serve high poverty communities and are clas-
si#ed as no fees schools. !e schools are English medium, with a majority of 
children who speak English as a second language. According to the provincial 
Grade !ree assessments carried out in 2008, 23.7% of Grade !ree learners 
at School A were found to have grade appropriate literacy skills. School B 
opened in 2008, with an intake of learners from Grade R to Grade !ree. !e 
2008 assessments revealed that only 14.3% of Grade !ree learners had grade 
appropriate literacy skills. 

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14 Reading and writing

Procedure and assessment tools

Children from both schools were tested in February of their Grade One year. 
As far as possible, scores of children repeating Grade One were not included 
in the results, although records of previous schooling were o$en incomplete 
for children starting school at School B. Children were tested individually by 
trained volunteers. !e assessment was modeled on the Multilingual Phonics 
Ability Test (Lomofsky, 2004). Children were shown pictures of common 
items, asked to name them, say the beginning sound of the word and then 
write the letter for that sound. If they could not name the picture, they were 
told the name, and if they could not say the beginning sound, the sound was 
provided for them. Children were not assessed on their knowledge of all of 
the letters. Ten letters were selected (seven consonants and three vowels – c, 
b, m, s, t, f, r, a, o, e). Reversals in the children’s writing were not penalised. 

Results

!e children’s letter production scores are reported in the table below: 

Table 1: Letter production scores of a sample of children from two 

disadvantaged communities in Cape Town

Mean age Mean letter 
writing score /10

% of children who 
obtained zero

School A (n=85) 6 years 3 months 1.7 (SD = 2.6) 49%

School B (n=106)
6 years 10 
months

2.1 (SD = 2.53)
42%

!ese results con#rm that children in these contexts have limited exposure to 
letter-sounds in the year before beginning formal schooling. 

Study 2: Making a case for early intervention

In the second part of this paper, the following questions were addressed:  

Could letter-sound knowledge be taught in Grade R through a vol-
unteer intervention that included a focus on developing vocabulary, 
concepts about print, drawing and emergent writing? 

Could a Grade R teacher and teaching assistant be supported to teach 
letter-sound knowledge in the Grade R classroom?

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15Shelley O’Carroll

Participants

!e second part of this study involved an intervention in the Grade R class 
at School A. !e majority of children in the class speak English as a second 
language. !e class is taught by a quali#ed English speaking teacher with the 
help of a Xhosa-speaking teaching assistant. Over the past three years, there 
have been between 47 and 56 children in the Grade R class. !ere is no post-
provisioning for a Grade R teacher, so although School A is a no fees school, 
fees for Grade R are R30 per month. 

Procedure 

In February 2008, 22 learners from the Grade R class were selected to par-
ticipate in an intervention programme. Children were selected randomly 
from those who would be turning six years of age during their Grade R year, 
and would de#nitely be going to Grade One the following year. Five children 
had le$ the school by the end of Grade R, and a further three children were 
excluded from this analysis because of high levels of absenteeism during the 
intervention. An intervention group of fourteen children remained. !e chil-
dren worked in pairs with the same volunteer once a week for thirty to forty 
minutes, to build their literacy and language skills. On average, each child 
participated in fourteen lessons during the course of the year (either in the #rst 
half or the second half of the year). !e volunteers participated in a two hour 
training session and their teaching was mentored for the #rst three months of 
the programme. Neither of the volunteers was a trained teacher, although one 
had worked at a pre-school.  

At the start of Grade One, the fourteen children who had participated in the 
intervention in Grade R were assessed individually by trained volunteers on 
measures of letter recognition and awareness of beginning sounds. Only the 
letter knowledge scores will be reported here. Letter knowledge was assessed 
using an adapted version of Clay’s (1993) Letter Identi#cation Test. Children 
were shown a card with printed letters and asked what sound the letters made. 
In an earlier study in this context, this measure proved to be reliable, with an 
alpha co-e*cient of .915 (O’Carroll, 2006). 

In 2009, in addition to 18 Grade R children participating in the volunteer 
programme, the impact of the intervention was strengthened by giving guide-
lines to the Grade R teacher and the teaching assistant for teaching beginning 
sounds and letter-sound knowledge in the classroom. In February 2009, the 
Grade R teacher attended a workshop and was provided with some materials 
for use in the classroom.  Two workshops were arranged for teaching assistants 

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16 Reading and writing

to demonstrate how to use the intervention programme for teaching small 
groups in the classroom. !e Grade R teaching assistant was given a pack of 
resources similar to those used by the volunteers.

Intervention programme

!e volunteer teaching programme was based on an intervention developed 
as part of a doctoral study in disadvantaged communities in Cape Town 
(O’Carroll, 2006).  !e intervention exempli#ed a balanced approach to 
teaching early reading by including direct instruction in letter-knowledge and 
phonological awareness as well as emergent writing and book reading. Each 
component of the lesson included a focus on building English vocabulary and 
spoken language. Materials and resources for the lessons were developed for 
the local context. Lessons typically followed the following format: 

1. Talking about a book or reading a story to develop language and 
concepts about print

2. Drawing and emergent writing in response to the book

3. Games to develop vocabulary, awareness of beginning sounds, letter-
sound knowledge and blending and segmentation skills (syllables 
and phonemes). 

Letter-sound knowledge and awareness of beginning sounds were taught 
through the following activities: naming objects and pictures and identify-
ing beginning sounds; sorting tasks to classify objects and pictures according 
to their beginning sounds and letters; forming letters using di"erent media: 
playdough, whiteboards, sand; games to reinforce letter-sounds using picture 
cards: bingo, memory games, board games; making little alphabet books.

Results

Assessments at the start of Grade One in 2009 indicated that the average letter 
knowledge of the 14 children who participated in the intervention in Grade R 
was 11.86 (SD = 6.18). !e scores ranged from 3-23. It was evident that letter-
sounds could be taught in Grade R in this context, through a short term, low 
cost intervention. 

!e results of the assessments of the Grade One cohort the following year 
(2010) are tabulated below. Comparisons between three groups are possible: 
those that had attended Grade R at School A and participated in the volunteer 

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17Shelley O’Carroll

intervention; those that had attended Grade R at school A but did not work 
with volunteers; and those children that had attended community pre-schools 
or had no pre-school experience at all. 

Table 2: Letter identi#cation scores of children at the start of Grade One (2010)

Grade R class (School A) 

Volunteer 
Intervention 
(n=18)

No intervention 
(n=15)

Other pre-schools/
no pre-school 
(n=79)

Mean age 6 years 4 months 6 years 3 months 6 years 3 months

Mean letter 
identi#cation 
score

15.6 
(SD = 6.7)

6.9 
(SD = 7.4)

1.86 
(SD = 1.86)

!ese results con#rm the e"ectiveness of the volunteer intervention in teach-
ing letter-sound knowledge. Comparisons of mean scores of the two groups 
of learners in the Grade R class at School A indicated that the intervention 
group mean was signi#cantly better than the average of the group who only 
received classroom teaching of letter-knowledge (t = 3.5, p = .001). !e ratio 
of one adult to two children provides an optimal context for learning, and a 
programme that is delivered by volunteers is a cost-e"ective model. 

Signi#cant di"erences were also found between the mean letter-knowledge 
scores of the two groups who did not participate in the volunteer intervention: 
those in the Grade R class at School A and those learners who attended other 
pre-schools or had no pre-school experience (t = .2.57, p = .021). !is result is 
not surprising, and it would be assumed that children who are part of a Grade 
R class at a school would have an advantage. However, this is not necessar-
ily the case. In the baseline tests conducted in February 2008, there were no 
signi#cant di"erences between the mean letter knowledge scores of children 
who had attended the Grade R class and those from other pre-schools/no 
pre-school (mean letter identi#cation scores: Grade R class at School A = 1.76 
(SD = 2.17); Other pre-schools/no pre-school mean score = 1.41 (SD = 2.11), 
t = .667, p = .507). 

Study 3: An early advantage?

!e third part of the paper explores whether there was any link between the 
letter knowledge scores of a sample of children at the beginning of Grade One 
and their word reading and writing levels at the end of Grade One. Would 

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18 Reading and writing

children’s letter knowledge as measured by their response to an intervention 
in Grade R be a useful indicator of further progress in Grade One?

Context

!e 2008 intervention group (n=14) had been assessed at the start of Grade 
One in 2009. !e children were all in the same Grade One class of #$y children 
and were taught by an experienced Grade One teacher. She had been trained in 
the Concentrated Language Encounter (CLE) approach and regularly included 
language experience activities in her lessons (Walker et al., 1984). One of the 
regular CLE lessons began with the teacher asking the children a question and 
encouraging them to give a verbal response. One of the children’s responses 
was then chosen to be written by the teacher on newsprint and illustrated by 
the child for the ‘Daily News’. A new page was added in the next lesson, and 
news from previous lessons was read by the children. 

Letter-sounds were taught throughout the year through an alphabet chart and 
small group activities, using letters printed on cards. !e children were intro-
duced to word-level reading through ‘sound families’ and spelling patterns 
(‘mat, fat, cat, hat, bat, pat’). !e children did not have their own readers and 
the text from a book was usually written on the board and then the teacher 
pointed to the words while the children read in chorus. 

Procedure and assessment tools

!e children’s letter knowledge was tested at the start of their Grade One 
year, using an adapted version of Clay’s (1993) Letter Identi#cation Test (refer 
to Study 2). Fourteen children were re-tested at the end of their Grade One 
year on a letter writing test in which the tester says a word, then reiterates the 
initial sound of the word and asks the child to write the letter for that sound 
(Hannavy, 1993). Standardised word-reading and -spelling tests were also 
administered. !e Burt Word Reading Test (Gilmore, Cro$, and Reid, 1981) 
and the BAS Spelling Test (Elliot, 1996) were selected for this purpose. !ese 
measures had proven to be reliable measures in a similar context when admin-
istered to Grade One children midway through the year (O’Carroll, 2006). 

Results

Correlations between scores on a test of letter recognition at the start of the 
year, and tests of letter writing, word reading and spelling at the end of the 
year are presented in the table below.

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19Shelley O’Carroll

Table 3: Correlations between scores on tests of letter knowledge, spelling and 

word reading 

Tests conducted in November 2009

 Letter Production Spelling Word Reading

Letter Identi#cation 
(February 2009) 

.87** .88** .82**

** Pearson’s correlation is signi#cant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

!ese correlations are in line with the research literature and indicate that the 
children who had good letter knowledge at the start of Grade One were also 
those who had good word reading and spelling scores at the end of Grade One, 
while those who started with limited letter knowledge achieved low scores on 
tests of basic word level skills a year later. As a measure of response to interven-
tion, the February letter knowledge scores partly re%ected children’s capacity 
for learning. !erefore it would not be surprising that those who had made 
the most gains in letter knowledge, also made the most gains in learning to 
read and write in Grade One. 

Children who learnt their letters more quickly in Grade R might well be those 
that were more responsive to teaching. However, their good foundation of 
letter knowledge would have meant that they would have gained more from 
literacy learning opportunities in the classroom. Learners who started Grade 
One with a solid foundation of letters could use these letters as cues to sup-
port early word-learning.  Learners with limited or no letter-sound knowledge 
would have been forced to learn words using arbitrary visual cues. !ey would 
also have to learn spellings of words by rote, whereas children with letter-
sound knowledge might have been able to listen for sounds in words and 
represent these with known letters. !is seems to be a case of the ‘Matthew 
E"ect’ in which the rich get richer and the poor get poorer (Stanovich, 1980). 

When the children were grouped according to their early Grade One letter 
knowledge, they fell into three distinct groups at the end of the year. !e small 
size of the sample meant that statistical analysis of group di"erences was not 
possible. However, the following table shows interesting trends. 

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20 Reading and writing

Table 4: End of Grade One letter writing, word reading and spelling scores by 

group

Group 1  
(n=4)

Group 2 
(n=4)

Group 3 
(n=6)

Letter identi#cation score 
(February)

3-8 letters 9-12 letters 14-23 letters

Mean Letter Writing score 
(November)

10.0 20.3 24.2

Mean Word Reading score 
(November)

2.0 15.8 22.0

Mean Spelling score (November) 0.5 4.5 10.7

Given the small sample size, the table above needs to be interpreted with cau-
tion. However, the pattern that emerges is that in this sample, limited early 
letter knowledge placed children at risk for reading failure, and a solid founda-
tion of letter knowledge gave children a good chance of learning to read and 
write at the appropriate level by the end of Grade One (test norms indicated 
children who have spent a year at school should be able to read 18-24 words 
and spell 9-12 words). !e words of Willenberg (2004: 203) are apt: “(t)he 
developmental trajectory of most children appears to be well established at 
school entry. However, although it has been found that good teaching can 
improve a child’s developmental trajectory, what seems to happen more com-
monly is that schooling simply reinforces the emerging developmental trends 
and usually widens the gap between good and poor readers.”

Discussion

!e results of this exploratory study con#rm the #ndings of a small body of 
research in the South African context, indicating that Grade R children from 
disadvantaged communities are not beginning school with well-established 
letter knowledge.  A small scale intervention showed that this is not because 
the children in this context are incapable of learning letters until they start 
Grade One, but because they are not being taught. !is is partly due to a lack 
of locally developed, cost-e"ective resources and a lack of knowledge about 
how to teach letter-sounds as part of a meaningful, child centered curriculum. 
However, one of the reasons why many teachers have not focused on teaching 
letter knowledge in Grade R is because of a lack of emphasis on this aspect 
of literacy learning in the curriculum. Curriculum guidelines indicate that 
Grade R children should know ‘some’ letters by the time they start Grade R, 
but it would seem that the teaching of letter-knowledge is regarded as being 
primarily the responsibility of Grade One teachers. Priority is not given to the 

^ _ ` _ a b c b d e f c g e a h i j k l m n n a b b o p b q p a b c c c r s a t u



21Shelley O’Carroll

teaching of letters in Grade R and the associated advantages of this important 
foundation remain a ‘middle class secret’. !e curriculum does not serve to 
level the playing #elds for children from low socio-economic contexts. 

South African curriculum documents are speci#c about the sequence and pace 
of teaching letter knowledge in Grade One. According to the Foundations for 
Learning. Assessment Framework Foundation Phase, children should be able to 
identify the letter-sound relationships of #ve consonants and #ve vowels by the 
end of Term One of Grade One, and the letter-sound relationships of all single 
sounds by mid-year of Grade One (Department of Basic Education, 2008). 
!e teaching of letter-sound knowledge in Grade One is done in parallel with 
teaching reading and writing of words, with pressure to meet the demands of 
the Grade One curriculum.  Not only are children expected to learn ten letter-
sounds by the end of the #rst term of Grade One, they are also expected to 
learn twenty-#ve sight words and build up short words using sounds learnt, 
e.g., c-a-t, cat. Observations of children learning-to-read show that it can be a 
challenge to retrieve the sounds of newly acquired letters, while simultaneously 
having to blend these sounds to make a word.  Research on developmental 
change has shown that newly acquired knowledge can be di*cult to apply to 
new tasks (Karmilo"-Smith, 1992; 1994). Miller and Coyle (1999: 218) propose 
that “a certain amount of quantitative change in expertise may be required 
before qualitative shi$s in the organisation of this knowledge can occur”. 

Many middle class children from four to six years of age learn letters in the 
homes, through incidental encounters with print and participate in a Grade 
R programme that includes teaching of letters and many opportunities to 
experiment with hearing sounds in words.  !is means that by the time they 
start Grade One, letter-sound knowledge will be a well established system of 
knowledge, which can be applied to new tasks such as ‘building short words’. 
Children from disadvantaged communities are expected to acquire the same 
knowledge in the #rst six months of Grade One, while simultaneously using 
this newly acquired knowledge to learn to read and write words. In this regard, 
Ferreiro and Teberosky (1982: 280) have argued that “school is directed to 
those who already know. Success in learning depends on the child’s condition 
when he or she begins receiving instruction”. As it stands, the Grade One cur-
riculum is geared towards middle class children who are learning letter-sounds 
in the years before schooling – at home and in Grade R – and are therefore at a 
signi#cant advantage when they start Grade One. It is no surprise that children 
who have a good foundation of letter knowledge by the end of Grade R, are 
able to move quickly through the Grade One curriculum, whereas those who 
start Grade One with limited letter knowledge, struggle to learn twenty-six 
letters by the end of the second term, and have great di*culty in applying this 
new knowledge to tasks such as building words. 

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22 Reading and writing

Conclusion

!e narrow focus of this article on one aspect of early literacy development 
in a speci#c context means that it is not possible to draw conclusions about 
other important foundations for literacy learning. At best, it might be the case 
that letter knowledge is simply one area of early literacy that is particularly 
poorly taught in Grade R. At worst, low levels of letter knowledge might well 
be symptomatic of a general lack of emphasis on language and literacy learning 
in Grade R. While, for the foreseeable future, many children will continue to be 
disadvantaged by contextual factors, quality ECD programmes can play a criti-
cal role in leveling the playing #elds and giving children from disadvantaged 
communities a fair chance of success. In her extensive analysis of programmes 
that are e"ective in closing the poverty gap, Neumann (2009) argues that 
high quality early childhood programmes are non-negotiable if children from 
disadvantaged communities are going to have a chance of success. In South 
Africa, this is echoed by Du Plessis (2001: 186-187) who proposes that “edu-
cational policy should therefore advocate that these children need better than 
average pre-school literacy introduction”, including a “speci#ed curriculum 
for the introduction of emergent literacy”. Although the focus in the ECD 
sector has been on getting children into Grade R classes, quality of provision 
is key to closing gaps for children from high poverty contexts. In this regard, 
Willenberg (2004: 192) argues that “although providing access to Grade R 
instruction is critical, that access will have no value unless it provides high 
quality curriculum and instruction”. Quality of provision rests on teacher 
training that includes a strong emergent literacy component.

In a country where the vast majority of children do not begin school well 
prepared to learn to read and write, the Grade R curriculum has a key role to 
play in closing gaps for children who do not come from print-rich homes. !is 
does not mean that teachers need to introduce formal learning situations that 
are inappropriate for Grade R. Letters and sounds can be taught through play 
and in the context of developing children’s vocabulary and awareness of sounds 
in words. It is critical that the Grade R curriculum gives teachers clear mes-
sages about important foundations for literacy that need to be laid in Grade 
R. Otherwise the curriculum serves to perpetuate the status quo. Starting o" 
with limited early literacy skills, children from disadvantaged backgrounds 
are not able to meet the demands of the Grade One curriculum, and this sets 
them o" on a path towards reading failure. 

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23Shelley O’Carroll

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25Shelley O’Carroll

Acknowledgements: !e writing of this article was made possible by a grant 
from the DG Murray Trust. !e opinions expressed in the article are not nec-
essarily those of the funders. 

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