10-CredePrice.qxd


Work defines not only what we do but also, to a large degree,
what and who we are (Hulin, 2002). In addition to spending a
large part of our waking lives engaged in work activities, we also
describe ourselves to others in terms of our work and even our
names often refer to occupations and work (Shreuder and
Theron, 1997). In addition, we construct our own definitions of
ourselves around our work. Work and occupational meaning is
important in the creation of both personal meaning (Brief &
Nord, 1990; Neikrug, 1982; O’Brien, 1992) and overall identity
(Hochschild, 1981; Shamir, 1986; Sheeran & Abraham, 1994)
inasmuch as they supplement the identity and global sense of
self that arises from our interactions with friends and family
(Burr, 1995; Girodo, 1984; Goffman, 1959; O’Brien, 1992). As
Casey (1995) notes: “In modern society individuals have
defined themselves, and in turn, have been socially defined, by
the type of work that they do in the public sphere” (p. 28). In a
world in which the boundary between work and non-work has
become increasingly hazy (temporally, socially, and spatially)
our work-based identity and sense of self becomes increasingly
important. Indeed: “it is in these roles that we know each other;
it is in these roles that we know ourselves” (Park, 1936, in
McCall, 1987, p. 134). 

Work becomes an extension of the self for three key reasons
(Rosenberg, 1979). There is the subjective experience of work
belonging to “me” or of being “mine”; the attachment to work
of feelings of pride or shame; and, thirdly, introjection, a process
that occurs when the individual sees the fate of his/her work
and the fate of his/her self to be intertwined. Moreover,
individuals seek social relationships and a sense of purpose and
enhancement of the self-concept from work (Levi, 1981; Locke
& Taylor, 1990; Nord, Brief, Atieh, & Doherty, 1990). Job content
can thus significantly determine intellectual style; depression;
self-competence; belief in internal and external control; and
desires or needs for self-direction (O’Brien, 1992). For Sorokin
(1927, in Casey, 1995, p. 81) the impact of work runs even
deeper – “all psychological processes of any member of an
occupation undergo modification … greater is the occupational

inf luence on the processes and on the character of one’s

evaluations, beliefs, practical judgments, opinions, ethics, and

whole ideology”.

Given the importance of our work experiences and work lives
to our self-definition it is of interest to ask what impact an
explicitly hostile and negative work environment would have
on the individual. Such contexts are relatively rare. While
almost every job is characterized by elements that are
negative, undesirable, or unpleasant, there are few in which
the negative and undesirable predominates. Even fewer are
those in which there is little social support to compensate for
the negative elements; in which the employee does not
perceive the opportunit y to leave that particular job and seek
alternate employment; and in which an entire strata of
employees is affected. Police officers however often operate
in just such work environments, characterized not only 
by high levels of stress but also by interactions with 
the public that are often particularly hostile in nat ure. This 
is part icularly the case in South Africa where police 
officers continue to operate in a social environment in 
which the police officer is viewed with great hostilit y, fear,
and suspicion.

THE NATURE OF POLICE WORK

Police work has consistently been found to be among the
most stressful occupations, primarily because of the long
working hours, dangerous working conditions, and the
almost daily confrontation with high degrees of physical
danger, violence, and trauma. In addition, police interact
with a population that is, at best, fearful and, at worst,
insulting and abusive (e.g. Alkus & Padesky, 1980; Burke,
1993; Violanti, 1992; Violanti & Aron, 1994; Violanti &
Marshall, 1983; Waters & Martelli, 1989). Such negative
feedback comes not only from the criminal elements within
communities but also from minorit y groups (Belson, 1975),
social workers, and lawyers (Flanagan & Vaughn, 1996).
Interestingly, even when compared to other, seemingly
similarly stressful occupational groups such as firefighters
and emergency medical technicians, police officers (and
probation officers and prison guards) experience significantly
higher levels of emotional exhaustion, depersonalisation,
and chronic stress (Anson & Bloom, 1988). This is partly the
result of frequent contact with an unpredictable and hostile
public and an indifferent police bureaucracy.

MARCUS CREDÉ
University of Cape Town

LINDA PRICE
University of Cape Town

ABSTRACT
A positive and consistent sense of self is a key requirement for psychological well-being. Thirteen South African
police officers and five police psychologists were interviewed to investigate the prevalence of negative social
feedback received by officers and the consequences of such feedback on their sense of self. Negative social feedback
and perceived lack of support from police management, courts, and government were widely prevalent and were
seen to impact strongly on police officers. Officers had a largely negative view of themselves, their organisation, and
the social context in which they operated. They engaged in dysfunctional and self-destructive behaviour and
experienced significant discrepancies between their work and non-work selves. 

OPSOMMING
’n Positiewe en konsekwente self-bewussyn is ’n sleutelvereiste vir sielkundige welsyn. Onderhoude is met dertien
polisie-beamptes en vyf sielkundiges van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiediens gevoer ten einde die voorkoms van
negatiewe sosiale terugvoer deur offisiere en die gevolge van sodanige terugvoer te ondersoek. Negatiewe sosiale
terugvoer en die waargenome gebrek aan ondersteuning van polisie-bestuur, howe en die regering was wyd
teenwoordig en impakteer sterk op polisie-beamptes. Beamptes het grootliks ’n negatiewe beeld gehad van hulself,
hulle organisasie en die sosiale konteks waarin hulle opereer. Hulle het in disfunksionele en self-gerigte destruktiewe
gedrag verval en het beduidende gapings ervaar tussen hulle werk self en hulle nie-werk self.

NEGATIVE SELF-REGARD AT WORK – FRUSTRATING THE NEED

FOR SELF-ENHANCEMENT AND SELF-CONSISTENCY

Requests for copies should be addressed to: L Price, School of Management

Studies, University of Cape Town, Private Bag, Rondebosch, 7700

68

SA Journal of Industrial Psychology, 2003, 29 (3), 68-75

SA Tydskrif vir Bedryfsielkunde, 2003, 29 (3), 68-75



The South African Context

South African police officers are, in addition, confronted with
the Apartheid related stigma that is attached to police work. In
South Africa the strength of negative sentiment toward the
police is firmly rooted in the past, primarily the events of the
1980s when political organisations such as the African National
Congress, the United Democratic Front, and trade unions
launched a concerted effort to end the Apartheid State. In
response, the South African government virtually outlawed
extra-parliamentary opposition, introduced detention without
trial, and sent both the army and police into the townships with
almost unlimited powers to quell the resistance (Nathan, 1989).
The result was that the police became associated with the
disruption of meetings, detention of community leaders, the
violent dispersal of marches and funerals, the targeting of
religious, cultural, and civic organisations, random house-to-
house searches and the torture and harassment of political
activists (Albert, 1978; Anstey & Stanley, 1994; Berold, 1999;
Coleman, 1999; Melville, 1999; Nathan, 1989; Nel & Steyn, 1997).
Goldstone (1994), Melville (1999); Rauch, Levin, Lue, and
Ngubeni (1995); and Van Eyk (1993) speak of a mistrust and
hatred of the police by many communities that can be attributed
to memories of police activities during the Apartheid period
(Cook, 1986).

Revelations about police activities during the Apartheid era at
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission have reinforced the
negative memories associated with the police and thereby
strengthened this negative sentiment. Newspapers also
frequently highlight police brutality and incompetence. A total
of 115 leading articles that focused on some negative aspect of
the South African Police Services (SAPS) were found within five
daily newspapers over a ten month period; while only 30 articles
conveyed sympathy towards the police (e.g. Koopman, 1999;
Makgalemele, 1999; Vogel, 1999). The topics covered in these
negative reports included: police incompetence (e.g. Ensor, 1999;
Friedman, 1999; Gifford, 1999; Goko, 1999; Schronen, 1999a);
corruption (e.g. Schronen, 1999b); police brutalit y (e.g.
Altenroxel, 1999; Creswell, 1999); racism (Gophe, 1999; Kotlolo,
1999; Maluleke, 1999; Steinberg, 1999); and social problems such
as alcoholism (e.g. Merten, 2000).

Consequences of Police Work

Police work has been linked to a number of negative
consequences for police officers including a higher than average
prevalence of heart disease, diabetes, cancer, suicide, alcoholism,
and divorce as well as high rates of aggression, anxiety (Beutler,
Nussbaum, & Meredith, 1988), lowered self-worth (Stradling,
Crowe, & Tuohy, 1993); deviant behaviour and burnout (Violanti
& Marshall, 1983; Wallace, Roberg, & Allen, 1985); emotional
exhaustion and depersonalization (Burke, 1993; Gaines &
Jermier, 1983); work alienation and detachment (Burke, 1987,
1993); pessimism, neuroticism and low self-confidence
(Pestonjee, 1992); moodiness, depression and emotional
numbness (Burke, 1987; Hageman, 1982; Sigler & Wilson, 1988;
Nel & Steyn, 1997).

In South Africa a number of additional consequences present
themselves. The hostilities toward the police have not
decreased since the start of political transformation in the
early 1990s (Goldstone, 1994). 1993 saw a 106% year-on-year
increase in the number of attacks on police officers, while
police-deaths rose from 96 to 176 in the same period. A total of
1090 officers were killed in South Africa between 1994 and
November 1999 (Nxusani, 1999). In addition, the suicide rate
among South African police officers is twelve times as high as
among the general population (Nel & Steyn, 1997) rising from
65 in 1991 to 172 in 1994 (Burgers, 1994; Nel & Steyn, 1997)
while the number of officers boarded for psychological reasons
rose from 37 to 540 in the same period. Turnover in the South
African Police Services since 1991 has also risen to a massive
10% per annum (Burgers, 1994), which is surprising given the
paucity of alternate forms of employment in the South African

economy. While many of these adverse psychological
consequences could be argued to be the result of extremely
high levels of stress and job dissatisfaction, a deeper
understanding of the mechanisms that underlie these
unfavorable psychological states could perhaps be obtained
from a consideration of the consequences of the consistent,
hostile social feedback that characterizes police work in South
Africa. Particular attention needs to be given to the manner in
which such persistent and pervasive negative social feedback is
likely to frustrate the police officer’s need for self-
enhancement and self-consistency.

The Need for Self-Enhancement

The realization that individuals have a need for a positive self-
conception is, of course, not new, and nor is the realization
that feedback from others is key to the manner in which
individuals see themselves (James, 1890). James argued that our
need for felt relations with others leads us to attach great
importance to the regard we receive from others. As social
beings, the feedback that we receive from those important to
us (i.e. significant others) engenders either negative or positive
perceptions of self. Mead (1934), building on the work of
Cooley (1902) elaborated on this position by arguing that it is
not so much the actual regard of others that shapes our sense
of self but rather the perceived regard or “reflected appraisals”
of others. It is these reflected appraisals that are internalized by
the individual and thereby facilitate the emergence of the self
that, in turn, acts to interpret future social interactions. “The
self as that which can be an object to itself, is essentially a social

structure and it arises in social experience. After a self has arisen,

it in a certain sense provides for itself its social experience…”
(Mead, 1934, p.140).

Support for the self-enhancement motive is evident at both a
theoretical level (e.g. Allport, 1979; Gergen (1971); Jones (1973);
Kaplan (1975); Rosenberg (1981); Shotter (1984); and Strauss,
(1997), and an empirical level (Baumgardner, Kaufman, &
Cranford ,1990; Cheek & Hogan, 1983; Doherty & Schlenker,
1991; Hoorens, 1995; Maddux, Norton, & Leary, 1988; McFarlin
& Blasovich, 1981; Moreland & Sweeney, 1984; Nezlek et al, 1997;
Pelham & Hetts, 1999). All these authors argue that positive
feedback from others allows the development of a positive sense
of self and reduces the experience of negative affect such as
sadness, social anxiety, and depression. Alternately, negative
regard will not only result in negative affect but will also impact
on the sense of self. This argument is summarised by Rosenberg
(1979) who maintains that:

However much an individual may like to think of himself,

attractive, or skilled in some way, in the long run he will actually

believe he is so only if this view is substantiated by external

evidence. One of the major sources of evidence is the response of

others toward us (consensual validation) (p. 48).

The more consensual the feedback, the greater the likelihood
that such feedback will impact on the individual’s sense of self
(Shrauger & Schoeneman, 1979), even if the feedback is provided
by relative strangers (Hortacsu, 1989). The self is however not
only developed through social interaction but is also maintained
and changed through social processes (Dodds, Lawrence &
Valsiner, 1997). A positive self-concept requires constant
validation in order to remain positive (Rosenberg, 1979) since
certainty about what and who we are eludes us (Campbell &
Lavallee, 1993). Indeed, “the responses of others are required not
only for confirmation but for the lifelong reconfirmation of our

working self-hypothesis” (Rosenberg, 1979, p. 49). 

This constant validation process implies that behaviour, mood
states and feelings are interrelated and that once negative self-
feelings are established they may perpetuate themselves in a
cyclical manner (Bohrnstedt & Felson, 1983; Rhodewalt &
Agustsdottir, 1986; Salovey & Rodin, 1985). This occurs in two
possible ways. 

NEGATIVE SELF-REGARD 69



Firstly, past events, positive and negative, are replayed via
memory thereby reactivating the corresponding affective and
cognitive responses, and in so doing impacting on the self and
reconfirming the working self-hypothesis (Mead, 1934; Freeman,
1993). Negative memories are particularly likely to be activated
when the individual is in a similar situation to that in which the
original negative feedback was received (e.g. the workplace)
(Andersen, Reznik, & Chen, 1997). Secondly, negatively affected
self-image is often communicated to others, even if they were
not privy to the original situation. Thus, a momentary negative
change in the self-concept can be perpetuated via social
feedback and may result in a self-fulfilling prophecy mechanism
(Rhodewalt & Agustsdottir, 1986). The duration of an
internalised self-concept change is unclear but if one considers
that Higgins, Rhodewalt, and Zanna (1979, in Rhodewalt and
Agustsdottir) showed that once-off, laboratory-induced changes
were sustained for a number of weeks then one can assume that
long-term, continuously and naturally occurring negative
feedback is likely to result in more long-term changes in the
phenomenal self.

The importance of a positive sense of self becomes clearer when
one considers that “negative reflected appraisals have been
associated with poorer self-evaluation, poorer self-involvement, and

greater inconsistency in the self” (Sheeran & Abraham, 1994, p.
125). Negative reflected appraisals have also been linked to
feelings of tension, depression, and distress (Dressler, 1988;
Kaplan, 1975); low self-esteem (Crocker & Blanton, 1999; Jussim
et al, 1992; Leary, 1990); hostilit y, jealousy, loneliness
(Baumeister & Tice, 1990; Leary, 1990); social anxiet y
(Baumeister & Tice, 1990; Maddux, Norton, & Leary, 1988; Leary
& Atherton, 1986; Schlenker & Leary, 1982); social paranoia
(Kramer & Wei, 1999); and a general negative affective response
(Jussim, Yen, & Aiello, 1995; Moreland & Sweeney, 1984;
Sweeney & Wells, 1990).

The Self-Consistency Motive

While the works of both James (1890) and Mead (1934) clearly
highlighted the importance of a positive self-concept, both
authors also referred to the importance of a consistent self-
concept. “Two separate ‘me’s’ and ‘I’s’, two different selves, result,
and that is the condition under which there is a tendency to break

up the personality” (Mead, 1934, p.143). The self-consistency
motive refers to the need for individuals to form a particular
view of themselves, consisting of a congruent set of self-
perceptions integrated into a whole (Baumeister, 1982; Gergen,
1965, 1971; Jussim, Yen, & Aiello, 1995; Lopez, 1982; Spencer,
Josephs, & Steele, 1993; Swann, Griffin, Predmore, & Gaines,
1987). Individuals are subsequently motivated to seek feedback
from interaction partners that is consistent with their
established view of themselves (Schafer & Keith, 1999; Sheer &
Weigold, 1995). Inconsistent feedback cannot easily be
assimilated and may lead to the experience of discomfort
(Elliot, 1986; Jussim, Yen, & Aiello, 1995; Gilbert & Jones, 1986)
such as the stress experienced during everyday role transitions
(Allen & van de Vliert, 1984). Individuals with inconsistent self-
concepts tend to experience a higher incidence of
psychological distress, mood instability, and a greater tendency
to engage in antisocial behaviour than those individuals who
possess stable self-concepts (Campbell & Lavallee, 1993;
Rosenberg, 1979).

Interestingly, this motive for self-consistency is also present
when the self-conception is negative (Swann et al, 1987). Even
a negat ive self would present the individual with a
predictable, and hence desirable, social world. The reason for
the apparent contradiction with the self-enhancement motive
is that a positive self-conception is primarily an affective
need whereas self-consistency is primarily a cognitive need.
Individuals with a negative self-concept who receive further
negative feedback would appreciate this information at a
cognitive level (for being consistent with their own self-view)
while finding it to be a negative affective experience (Alloy &

Lipman, 1992; Shrauger, 1975, in Swann et al., 1987).
Individuals with negative self-concepts who receive negative
feedback find it to be accurate and self-descriptive but are
also: “...more depressed, anxious, and hostile after they received
it” (Swann et al, 1987, p. 886). 

The Split Self

If we accept that the self-concept is strongly impacted upon by
situational factors such as social feedback then it becomes likely
that dissimilar social contexts (e.g. one characterized by positive
feedback and one characterized by negative feedback) will
produce dissimilar self-concepts; effectively a split self which
denies the individual the “perception of sameness” (James, 1890,
p. 334). The resultant status inconsistency (Thoits, 1985) does
not provide the individual with confirmation of his/her self-
hypothesis. One example of how the self can become split in this
manner is a constant stressful role transition between work and
non-work (i.e. the private and public life), particularly in the
absence of social support (Allen & van de Vliert, 1984;
Boyanowsky, 1984; Bruner & Kalmar, 1998; Elliot, 1986; Hirsch &
Jolly, 1984; Levi, 1981; Scheier & Carver, 1983; Strasser, 1984; Van
de Vliert, 1984). 

RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS

Central to this study was the assumption that interpersonal
relationships at the workplace impact on the manner in which
the employee (in this case the police officer) experiences both
him/herself and the world in which he/she is located. As such,
three main research hypotheses have guided this research.
Firstly, South African police officers encounter high levels of
hostility from the public in the course of their work. Secondly,
this negative regard from others impacts negatively on the
manner in which they view themselves and their view of the
social world in which they are located. Thirdly, this negative
regard results in an inconsistent sense of self due to the
simultaneous positive regard that they are likely to experience in
their relationships with friends and family.

METHODOLOGY

A qualitative research methodology with non-random sampling
was used in this study. As such the emphasis was on
understanding and describing the specific experiences of those
individuals who participated in the study, rather than on
generalizing such experiences to the greater population of South
African police officers. 

Participants 

Participants comprised 13 police officers (11 males and t wo
females) and five police psychologists (four females and one
male), all of who worked in Cape Town, South Africa. All
police officers worked in economically disadvantaged areas at
five separate police stations. The psychologists worked at the
centralised psychological services centre of the SAPS.
Convenience sampling was utilized to access all participants.
The commanding officers at each police station placed the
researchers in contact with individual police officers who had
agreed to participate in the research process. Sampling was
thus not random, and the results should therefore only be
generalized to other police officers with caution. All of the
police officers indicated that they had never been in contact
with psychologists from the SAPS, and it is therefore likely
that the problems described by these officers are not
restricted to police officers seeking professional help from
psychologists.

Procedure

The data was collected via semi-struct ured, one-on-one
interviews that each lasted between one and two hours. They

CREDÉ, PRICE70



were conducted at the participants’ places of work. A number
of reasons dictated the use of semi-structured interviews. The
dynamic nature of the self and the tendency for officers to
engage in repressive coping mechanisms (Alkus & Padesky,
1980; Beehr, Johnson, & Nieva, 1995; Elison & Buckhout, 1981)
implied that it was important to utilise a philosophical
framework and methodolog y that acknowledges the
inherently subjective nat ure of the experience under
examination. It also encourages the use of flexible, sensitive
and reflexive methods that explore the personal experiences
and interpretations that participants attach to events (Miles &
Hubermann, 1994) while at the same time ensuring that stress
and potential harm are minimised. 

This need to minimise real or perceived harm to participants
(Kvale, 1996; Kimmel, 1988; Miles & Huberman, 1994) dictated
that none of the interviews be taped. All participants were
assured of the confidentiality and anonymity of the research
process, and the researchers carefully explained that they did
not work for the SAPS. Nevertheless, all police officers
requested that the interviews should not be recorded;
expressing the fear that such information would be used against
them. As a result the interviewer took extensive notes during
the interviews and supplemented these with his memory by
writing up detailed reports of the interviews immediately after
completion of each one. 

This emphasis on emergent meaning also required the interview
schedule to remain flexible and therefore contained a broad set
of topics that were explored in the course of each interview
rather than a formal schedule of questions. Using the interview
as a conversation between participant and researcher allows a
post-modern construction of knowledge and understanding
(Kvale, 1996; Mishler, 1986), and prevents information from
being overlooked as may occur when following a rigid interview
schedule. A collaborative relationship was established between
participant and researcher by allowing the police officer control
over the manner in which information was collected that, in
turn, facilitated the sharing of sensitive information. Each
interview explored a number of broad topics including: reasons
for joining the police, daily work experiences, coping
mechanisms, perceived support, the nat ure of police-
community relationships, work/non-work interactions, and the
perception of the media.

Data Analysis

Data was analysed using the three-level framework proposed by
Kvale (1996). The first level refers to the subject’s level of
understanding and their direct statements. The second level goes
beyond the subjects’ self-understanding and seeks to encapsulate
broader themes while still remaining within the bounds of
critical commonsense understanding. The final level is
fundamentally theoretical and links the first two levels to
established theoretical frameworks. Such interpretation of data
implies a hermeneutic approach (Blaikie, 1993, see also Kvale,
1996, p. 48-50). 

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The results confirm the hypothesis that negative, hostile social
feedback is not only experienced as stressful but also determines
the manner in which individuals view themselves; the
communities in which they work; the South African Police
Services; society as a whole; and their non-work lives. The
impact of negative feedback on the quality of the sense of self
was manifest in four key ways: the immediate emotional
response; changed behavioural patterns; changes in the manner
in which individual police officers feel and think about
themselves; changes in the manner in which police officers feel
and think about the communit y, the societ y, and the
organisation in which they are employed.

Self-Enhancement

The immediate affective responses to negative social feedback
from the community and media included feelings of anger,
fear, and frustration, findings that are similar to those of Alkus
and Padesky (1980); Burke (1993); Violanti and Aron (1994);
Waters and Martelli (1989). All three of these emotions
indicate a short-term change in the manner in which the
individual perceives the social context in which he/she is
located at that moment. Such momentary changes in the way
in which the social world is perceived may, if repeated
regularly, become internalised to the degree that police
officers experience these emotions whenever they are in a
work situation (i.e. become schema triggered expectancies
(Andersen, Reznik, & Chen, 1997))

The behavioural changes reported by police officers (i.e. higher
incidence of drinking, smoking, swearing, higher levels of
aggressive behaviour; and changes in religious activities) (see
also Munshi, 1998), may be interpreted as coping mechanisms,
but can also be regarded as changes in the self-conception
inasmuch as these officers indicated that they would not
previously have engaged in such behaviour. Similarly, the
behavioural changes reported by the psychologists, such as
increased levels of spousal abuse (see also Marks, 1995), also
suggest a change in the self that underlies the behaviour
(Rhodewalt & Agustsdottir, 1986).

Similarly, officers felt that they had undergone significant
personal changes since joining the SAPS and assigned the
shift in part to the hostilit y from the communit y and the
media. References to increased emotional “hardness”, and
feelings of sadness, despondency, low motivation, and
helplessness by police officers and the psychologists’
references to low levels of self-esteem and morale, emotional
bluntness, and a lack of self-belief among police officers, all
suggest that the sense of self amongst police officers (both
those interviewed by the researchers and those encountered
by police psychologists) has been negat ively affected.
Associated with this is the psychological isolation from their
communities that officers experience as a result of verbal and
physical abuse as well as the lack of assistance provided by
communities to police officers. 

It is also noteworthy that police officers did not perceive
parts of the communit y as hostile towards them. Officers
appeared to perceive the rejection as absolute, thus making a
negative impact on the sense of self more likely (Rosenberg,
1979; Shrauger & Schoeneman, 1979). Most police officers
seeemed to accept that some hostilit y toward the police is
inevitable but also expressed disbelief at the complete lack of
cooperation from members of the communit y. Officers also
resented the high degree of subservience that they are
expected to deliver to the public (see also Gaines & Jermier,
1983) and the frequent attacks by the media on the qualit y of
their work; findings that are similar to those of White,
Lawrence, Biggerstaff, and Grubb (1985) (see also Brown &
Campbell, 1990, 1994; Flanagan & Vaughn, 1996). Similar to
Fischer’s (1984) findings, these results indicate an intense
disturbance of the police officers’ sense of social order 
and sense of communit y. The belief that there exist 
shared values and beliefs bet ween officers and the broad
communit y appears to have been undercut. It is important 
to note that the feelings toward self and societ y are
characterised by more than mere ambivalence which,
according to Crocker and Major (1989), is in itself indicative
of a negatively affected sense of self. The attitude toward 
self, communit y, societ y, and organisat ion is act ively
negative rather than merely indifferent.

Overall, officers were characterized as experiencing paranoia,
defensiveness and a general sense of abandonment. As such these
findings are in line with the conclusion drawn by Beutler,
Nussbaum, and Meredith (1988) that “police ser vice is associated

NEGATIVE SELF-REGARD 71



with adverse psychological changes among officers” (p. 506) and
those of Patterson (1989), and Violanti and Marshall (1983) who
noted a shift toward a more cynical attitude toward life among
police officers.

Self-Consistency

For at least half of the officers interviewed, negative social
feedback also appears to have resulted in an inconsistent sense
of self. References to work behaviour and cognition that are
discrepant from those engaged in when away from work
suggest that these individuals have not attained a congruent or
stable view of themselves. The structure of the self is not
characterised by consistency across time and situation, a
finding that supports the notion of the contextual nature of
the self (Markus & Wurf, 1987; Turner & Onorato, 1999;
Rhodewalt & Agustsdottir, 1986) and the “self-with-other” idea
of Andersen, Reznik, and Chen (1997). The “inner unity”
(Harre, 1987, p. 42) is thus absent, resulting in the possible
breakdown of the identity structure (Rosenberg & Gara, 1985,
p. 90). One officer’s reference to having a “split-personality”
also indicates an inability to maintain a consistent set of
behaviours or cognitions. This splitting of the self, also noted
by authors ranging from James (1890) to Bruner and Kalmar
(1998), Elliot (1986), Strasser (1984), and Scheier and Carver
(1983), has been linked to feelings of emptiness, self-
destructiveness, withdrawal of emotional life, deep feelings of
unhappiness, and the reckless pursuit of desire; similar to
some of the issues which police psychologists reported police
officers to be experiencing. The absence of adequate social
support makes the splitting of the self even more likely (Allen
& van de Vliert, 1984; Boyanowsky, 1984; Elliot, 1986; Bruner &
Kalmar, 1998). 

In particular it would appear that the work self is not 
only characterised by a greater degree of negative emotion
and behaviour but that the non-work self expresses many of
the emotions that are built-up at work. This “carry-over
effect” (Jones, Berglas, Rhodewalt, & Skelton, 1981) may
occur when individuals are unable to disengage from their
“working selves” and carry the associated behaviour and
cognitive patterns over into an environment in which they
are no longer appropriate. These emot ions remain
unexpressed at work due not only to a culture of repressive
coping but also due to the fact that police work does not
allow the expression of emotion as and when it is evoked
(Alkus & Padesky, 1980; Elison & Buckhout, 1981; Melville,
1999; Mulcahy, 1995; Munshi, 1998; Reiser & Geiger, 1989;
Sandler, 1989; Violanti, 1992; and Violanti & Aron, 1994).
This may also account for the high incidence of spousal abuse
noted by the psychologists.

An Absence of Support

The most pervasive finding was the impact that the lack of
support from supposed allies has on police officers. Officers,
without exception, believe that there is an absence of support
from “significant others” such as government, police
management, co-workers, the courts, and the media. In
addition to the perceived absence of support there is a
simultaneous perceived presence of negative regard from
these groups. The majority of the officers indicated that they
felt abandoned and betrayed by these “significant others”
whose approval and support is important to the police officer.
It is likely that negative regard from the community could, at
least in part, be discounted if juxtaposed with perceived
support from management, an accommodating organisational
cult ure, and sound, supportive relationships with other
important interaction partners such as the courts and
government. In the absence of such support and the presence
of criticism from these quarters, the negative feedback
received from the communit y appears to be validated
inasmuch as it appears to be consensual across the entire
spectrum of interaction partners. 

CONCLUSION

Changes in the officers’ view of themselves and the social world
in which they are located suggest a fundamentally negative shift
in their sense of self. The loss of respect for themselves, the SAPS,
the community and society in general indicated by police
officers suggests a profound shift in the way in which they
perceive the world. The suggestion that working conditions have
caused this negative shift is supported by the fact that almost all
police officers indicated that they had joined the police force
with a great degree of optimism, motivation, commitment, and
desire to serve the community (see also Berold, 1999). A lack of
continuous validation prevents the maintenance of this positive
sense of self (Rosenberg, 1979; Dodds, Lawrence, & Valsiner,
1997). The positive self has thus been replaced by one that is
cynical and negative toward work, the organisation, and the
communities which the individual serves. The continuous
nature of the negative feedback makes negative information
about the self far more accessible to the individual, particularly
when he/she is located in the environment in which the negative
feedback occurs.

This negative impact on the self at work is of particular
concern given that for most of the police officers who
participated in this study, police work is perceived as a super-
ordinate role (Rosenberg & Gara, 1979). Individuals tend to
seek a sense of purpose, social relationships, and an
enhancement of the self-concept from work (Locke & Taylor,
1990; Nord, Brief, Atieh, & Doherty, 1990) however these needs
appear to be frustrated in the environment in which they work.
It is likely that many of the well-documented problems evident
in the relationship between police and community as well as
the low levels of psychological well-being of police officers in
South Africa can, in part, be traced back to the presence of
consensual negative feedback and the absence of positive
feedback in their working lives. 

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NEGATIVE SELF-REGARD 75