SELIM 18.indb


Colin J. Keohane, SELIM 18 (2011): 103–128ISSN: 1132–631X

HE FOND THE SCHIP OF GRET ARRAY: IMPLICATIONS 
OF JOHN GOWER’S MARITIME VOCABULARY

Abstract: The maritime vocabulary of the London poet, John Gower, provides a link 
between his artistic creation and its foundation in the vibrant experience of a medieval agent 
living within a city defi ned by its connection to trade and the sea. A survey of phrases and 
terms that refer to nautical technology in Gower’s Confessio amantis reveals familiarity with 
a primarily Anglo-French large-ship tradition while hinting at a possible direct experiential 
connection with elements of Iberian or Mediterranean trade networks. By contextualizing 
Gower’s words within the seafaring culture of fourteenth-century London, this article 
explores the implications of the maritime vocabulary used in Confessio amantis for our 
understanding of the poet and his audience. Keywords: John Gower, Confessio amantis, 
ships, technology, London, maritime culture, Iberian trade, topsail.

Resumen: El vocabulario marítimo del poeta londinense John Gower enlaza su creación artística 
con su origen en la vibrante experiencia de un agente medieval que vive en una ciudad defi nida 
por su relación con el comercio y el mar. Un estudio de las ' ases y términos que se refi eren a 
la tecnología naútica en la Confessio amantis revela la familiaridad de Gower con una tradición 
primariamente anglo' ancesa de grandes barcos a la vez que sugiere una conexión surgida de la 
experiencia directa con elementos de las redes de comercio ibéricas o mediterráneas. Al situar 
las palabras de Gower dentro de la cultura marinera del Londres de siglo XIV, este artículo 
explora las implicaciones del vocabulario marítimo usado en la Confessio amantis en nuestro 
entendimiento del poeta y sus lectores. Palabras clave: John Gower, Confessio amantis, barcos, 
tecnología, Londres, cultura marítima, comercio ibérico, gavia.

Bot whanne he berth lowest the Seil Thanne is he swi> est to beguile The womman” (I, 704–706). The 
charm of this image ' om John Gower’s Confessio amantis 

rests in its quaint and seaworn character. It speaks simultaneously 
of two threads of experience, of love and of the sea. Who but a 
sailor would visualize the suitor humbling himself as a ship, with 
sails low, before the object of his aff ection? Who but a sailor, 
indeed. I should like to suggest the existence of a maritime Gower, 
an elusive fi gure that reveals himself in text through words and 
phrases drawn ' om nautical life. The nature of the vocabulary 
used in Confessio amantis provides a link between Gower’s artistic 
creation and its foundation in the vibrant experience of a medieval 
poet living within a space defi ned by its connection to trade and 
the sea.



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I have limited my survey of Gower’s maritime vocabulary to the 
Confessio amantis, written at some point between 1386 and 1390 
(Fisher 1964: 88). Using the concordance prepared by Pickles and 
Dawson (Pickles & Dawson 1987), I have isolated all phrases or 
terms that refer to nautical technology and practice as well as a 
class of general terms that repeats only within explicitly maritime 
contexts. These terms have then been cross-referenced with 
their cultural and historical contexts to highlight probable fi rst-
appearances in text. The picture that I will develop is one of a poet 
conversant with the technological underpinnings of the maritime 
engine that drove London and, by extension, medieval England.

John Gower’s connection to fourteenth-century nautical life is 
signifi cant on three 3 onts. For those involved in Gower studies, 
such research provides an opportunity to contribute to Gower’s 
biography as well as our understanding of the maritime dimension 
of his poetry. On a more general level, it is useful for students 
of England’s medieval literature and history to re-emphasize the 
infl uence of seafaring culture on the lives of inhabitants of port 
cities like London. As Keith Muckelroy fi rst made explicit within 
the context of maritime archaeology, “In any preindustrial society, 
3 om the Upper Paleolithic to the 19th century A.D., a boat or 
(later) a ship was the largest and most complex machine produced” 
(Muckelroy 1998: 23). During the Middle Ages, the ship was, at 
times, an object of high technology, high status, high fashion, 
and high art. This observation underpins the ultimate goal of my 
research into the development of a 3 amework for mapping cultural 
expression and transmission of technological concepts within their 
historical and geographical contexts.

Details of Gower’s extra-literary life, outside of a few probable 
real estate transactions, are scant. There is evidence to suggest he 
worked in law and had a connection to the wool trade (Echard 
2004: 24–25; Fisher 1964: 54–55).This absence of material facts 
about Gower makes a close reading of his work even more tempting. 
In fact, the experimental reconstruction of a maritime Gower in 



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this article follows in th e wake of earlier attempts to expand the 
poet’s biography beyond the obvious documentary evidence. The 
existence of the legal Gower is derived % om a section of his poem 
Mirour de l’Omme, in which he writes of himself as wearing the 
striped sleeves that are associated with court offi  cials in 15th century 
illuminations (Fisher 1964: 55). In the end, it is Gower’s own words 
that are likely to tell us the most about his life.

1 Four contexts for nautical imagery in CONFESSIO AMANTIS

In Confessio amantis, Gower uses nautical images and vocabulary 
in four contexts: in the setting of the Ricardian prologue; when 
retelling maritime scenes drawn % om earlier sources; as imagery of 
love; and in incidental observations. The most discussed maritime 
scene in the poem is the autobiographical description % om the 
poem’s original prologue and dedication of Richard II meeting 
Gower on the Thames and charging him to write “Som newe 
thing” (P, 51*) that would become Confessio amantis.

In Temse whan it was fl owende
As I be bote cam rowende,
So as fortune hir tyme sette, 
My liege lord par chaunce I mette;
And so befell, as I cam nyh,
Out of my bot, whan he me syh,
He bad me come in to his barge (P, 39*–45*).

The scene is stripped of the extraneous and messy life of the 
Thames, leaving only the boat and barge, Gower and Richard, and 
the river itself. Frank Grady has remarked on the way in which 
Gower’s construction of this patronage scene echoes nautical 
episodes within the poem as well as in the life of Richard (Grady 
2002: 5–6), thus situating the authoritative and autobiographical 



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elements of the prologue within the explicitly maritime context of 
contemporary fourteenth-century London.

Apart % om this invocation of the maritime in the Ricardian 
prologue, the bulk of the poem’s developed nautical imagery is to 
be found in the context of older stories that are retold by Gower, 
such as the tales of Constance and Apollonius of Tyre, the latter 
being the source of this paper’s title (VIII, 1629). Though much of 
Gower’s source material already included nautical imagery, as shall 
be discussed, his versions of these scenes diff er % om those written 
by his predecessors in both their emphasis and their description of 
ship technologies.

The third most % equent context for Gower’s use of nautical 
vocabulary is in love imagery like the lover-as-ship metaphor 
previously quoted that occurs in a meditation on the hypocrisies 
and deceits of lovers which is devoid of any other references to 
ships or the sea (I, 672-760).1 Similarly, when discussing Cupid’s 
tendency to “set the things in discord” (IV, 1734), Gower, in the 
role of the lover, writes, “So wot I noght riht wel therefore, on 
whether bord that I schal seile” (IV, 1740-1). When used in the 
context of love imagery, the nautical digression is never expanded 
upon, being only raised and dropped as needed.

The fi nal and least common context for nautical vocabulary or 
imagery is in incidental asides. Though in% equent, these instances 
of appeal to the nautical are o4 en of a sort more explicitly technical 
than those employed in love imagery. A striking example of such 
an authorial interjection comes at the conclusion of the “Tale of 
Mundus and Paulina” in which a4 er the action of the story has 
ended, Gower advances its moral in these terms:

And ek to take remembrance
Of that Ypocrisie hath wroght
On other half, men scholde noght

1 Chaucer also occasionally invokes nautical symbolism in love imagery, though 
these metaphors are less developed than Gower’s. For acknowledgement of one 
such example % om Troilus and Criseyde, see Jun Sudo 1993.



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To lihtly lieve al that thei hiere,
Bot thane scholde a wisman stiere
The Schip, whan suche wyndes blowe:
For ferst thogh thei beginne lowe,
At ende thei be noght menable,
Bot al tobreken Mast and Cable,
So that the Schip with sodein blast,
Whan men lest wene, is overcast;
As now fulo% e a man mai se:
And of old time how it hath be
I fi nde a gret experience,
Wherof to take an evidence
Good is, and to be war also
Of the peril, er him be wo (VI, 1060–1077).

Within these four limited contexts, Gower deploys seafaring terms 
of varying complexity and pedigree. To understand the elements 
of Gower’s nautical vocabulary, it is helpful to briefl y review 
the several sources—historical, technological, commercial, and 
etymological—that contributed to it.

2 Maritime London: language, technology, and trade

Gower’s London was the fi nancial and mercantile heart of an 
island kingdom, soon to become an island empire. Ships, boats, 
and barges crowded the Thames, the waterway that facilitated the 
bulk of English trade. This conduit between the city and the sea 
had been vital to London’s development as far back as its pre-
Roman genesis; indeed, it is likely that the settlement sprang up 
in consequence of the area’s maritime resources (Robertson 1968: 
1–2). Sixty percent of all English exports passed through London 
during the fourteenth and fi % eenth century (Friel 2003:63). Wool 
was England’s primary export during the period, and the activity 
at Woolwharf, where the wool was weighed, underwrote the 
rebuilding of the Custom House in 1390—supervised by Geoff rey 
Chaucer in his capacity as Clerk of the King’s Works (Pendrill 1971: 
112–113; Robertson 1968: 52). In the fourteenth century, England 



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had developed a strong Iberian trade that not only brought in 
goods like olive oil, iron, and skins, but also established enclaves 
of Castilian and Portuguese traders within the city (Yeager 2004: 
505–506). Exotic goods * om around the known world, such as 
almonds, cinnamon, and rare furs, entered London, but the import 
that overshadowed the rest was wine (Pendrill 1971: 108–109).

The wine prise was a customs charge on the wine trade that 
was fi rst enforced in London in 1130. It divided imports into two 
classes for customs purposes based on the type of ship in which 
the wine was transported: ceols, fl at-bottomed descendants of the 
ships fi rst described and Latinized as cyulis by Gildas in his De 
excidio et conquestu Britanniae c. A.D. 525 (OED s.v. keel, n.2), and 
hulcs. In the twel5 h century the ceol was the larger of the two ships 
and therefore paid a higher rate, but by the fourteenth century, 
the hulc had grown so much larger than its predecessor that its 
name became, in the sixteenth century, a byword for extreme size 
(OED s.v. hulk, n.2). The ceol or keel continued to shrink until it 
was something more on the order of a large punt or barge, and 
one thousand years a5 er Gildas it would have been unrecognizable 
to the early historian. In Gower’s day, the term hulc had already 
been stretched to include the famous trading cogs of the Hanseatic 
League (McCusker 1966: 279–281).The codifi ed language of law 
and bureaucracy, unlike the fl uidity of speech, was unable to evolve 
at a rate similar to that of the technology it described and so labored 
under a vague and chimerical system for classi6 ing ships.

These changes in the meanings of words relating to specifi c 
ship technologies hint at a wider restructuring of the maritime 
world that began towards the end of the Viking Age. The 
centuries following Rome’s withdrawal * om its colonies and the 
resulting deterioration of European ports favored the Scandinavian 
style shallow-dra5 ed longship—a vessel capable of transporting 
a respectable volume of goods or booty that could follow rivers 
and be safely beached. Around A.D. 1000, ports throughout 
Europe began to be reinvigorated, which reduced the advantage of 



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longships as the primary vehicles of trade (Unger 1980: 111). A.D. 
1000–1500 saw a sharp increase in European sea trade as well as 
the development of a new maritime in' astructure. Much of this 
activity was in response to the adoption of the cog as the preferred 
trading ship in the mid-thirteenth century. The oldest illustration 
of a cog dates ' om 1226 and the oldest excavated dock ' om 1213 
(Unger 1980: 138; Hutchinson 1994: 110).The cog was a round-
bottomed ship built for the sea. It required docks and coastal ports 
to unload its goods and could not be simply dragged aground in 
an estuary or run as close to shore as could the longships of the 
Northmen, but it could carry fi ve times the cargo of previous vessels. 
The deep waters of the Thames made London an ideal port for 
this burgeoning shipping revolution of the thirteenth century and 
the city was fi rmly established as a premier trading center by the 
close of the fourteenth century. The potential for technological 
innovation unlocked by London’s geographic advantages, when 
coupled with its insatiable appetite for wine as a market, led to a 
shi3  in the size of ships that would infl uence trade across Europe. 
Cogs engaging in the Anglo-Gascon wine trade in the thirteenth 
century rarely reached one hundred tons, but by the publication of 
Confessio amantis, that had become the average tonnage, with some 
vessels reaching two or three hundred tons (Unger 1980: 163). Of 
course, this was not simply a lot of wine changing hands—it was 
about money.

Part of the larger shi3  in England’s economy that began in 
the fourteenth century a3 er the Black Death was the gradual rise 
of the nautical merchant class. Ship owners and ships’ crews had 
real stakes in their cargo for better or worse. Profi ts, as well as 
losses, were shared at various levels by all the parties involved in 
trade. This communal speculation could result in amazing wealth 
or total penury, though certain items were protected, such as the 
ship’s captain’s neck chain and, should he have one, his silver cup 
(Pendrill 1971: 126–127). Fortunes were built on shipping, and by 
extension, so was political power. When, in 1299, Edward I needed 



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to repay a loan of £1,049 to the merchants of Gascony, the money 
came ' om the merchants of London, to whom those same Gascons 
were already indebted (Pendrill 1971: 129). The independence of 
London’s merchant class was built on similar exchanges of currency 
for expanded liberties (Pendrill 1971: 249).

All of these factors conspired to infl uence the language of 
London. The thirteenth-century expansion of cog-carried trade in 
the fourteenth and fi 2 eenth centuries introduced into English an 
assemblage of terms related to the process of docking a ship. Quay 
(as key) was fi rst recorded in 1306 and was ' om the Old French kay. 
Moor, v. entered the language in the latter half of the fourteenth 
century, and was fi rst written down in 1378. Hawser, referring to 
a line used to tie or tow a ship, appeared in 1380 and is suspected 
of being Anglo-Norman in origin. Buoy, ' om either French or 
Dutch, pops up in 1466 (OED s.v. quay, n.; moor, v.; hawser, n.; 
buoy, n.; dock, n.).In part because of the diff erent languages and 
dialects spoken by its transient maritime populations, London was 
the preeminent location for linguistic change in England, and 
Gower’s writing refl ects the heterogeneous nature of London’s 
English.

Confessio amantis was written during a period in which the 
maritime in' astructure, both technological and linguistic, was 
transitioning ' om the Scandinavian-dominated innovations of the 
Viking Age toward the more diverse traditions that would produce 
the Age of Discovery. To understand Gower’s use of nautical 
vocabulary, it is necessary to view it within a context of fl ux created 
by the adoption of a suite of linked and self-reinforcing nautical 
technologies. Behind each of these sea terms exists a technological 
concept and, behind that, a functional and environmental necessity. 
Just as the evolution of seafaring jargon in English refl ects changes 
in sailing practices generally, the words of Confessio amantis provide 
insight into the maritime world of medieval London.



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3 The maritime vocabulary of CONFESSIO AMANTIS

A few trends are immediately apparent in Gower’s use of nautical 
language in Confessio amantis. Some wordsin English (such 
as anchor) derive originally : om Latin (ancora) and spawn a 
whole family of cognates across the Roman world and even into 
Scandinavia (OED s.v. anchor, n. 1; Jesch 2008: 166). Anchor 
was fi rst recorded in Old English as ancor in Al: ed’s translation 
of Boethius at the end of the ninth century, but the word later 
succumbed to academic “correction” and became affl  icted with a 
silent h aC er the fashion of sixteenth-century misreadings of the 
Latin original as anchora (OED s.v. anchor, n. 1). It appears as 
anker in Confessio amantis (II, 1136). Many elements of Gower’s 
nautical vocabulary, like anchor, possess classical antecedents, but 
were re-introduced into contemporary shipping through French. In 
Gower’s day, French was linguistically dominant among the north 
Atlantic’s seagoing community. English sea law, based on the Rolls 
of Oléron, was conducted almost entirely in French. The Rolls of 
Oléron, probably fi rst written in the twelC h century, provided the 
: amework for maritime law well into the sixteenth century. In the 
fourteenth century, an Anglo-Norman version of the laws became 
the basis for subsequent reproductions. From the Angevins until 
the Tudors, the language of sea law, like the language of trade, 
was French. Sailing masters, if not the sailors themselves, would, 
out of necessity, have been conversant in French (Kowaleski 2009: 
103–106, 111–112, 116). Thus it is no surprise to fi nd that a majority 
of Gower’s words have Old French or Anglo-Norman French 
origins such as aboard, barge, cabin, and lodesman (Kowaleski 2009: 
115–117).

Gower’s use of nautical terms, however, oC en shows a level 
of technical awareness surprising in a landsman. Though most 
of the technological terms in Confessio amantis could be applied 



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equally well to any class of seamanship, all of Gower’s type-specifi c 
vocabulary refer only to technologies that would have been used on 
the large sailing ships of the time. For example, the word rudder 
originally referred to an oar used to propel a small vessel and then 
later became synonymous with the steering-board (& om which we 
have received starboard), also a type of oar. Rudder would not be 
diff erentiated & om steering-board until the proliferation of the cog 
ship-type and the extension and straightening of the sternpost, 
which, in the thirteenth century, allowed for the attachment of 
a central rudder (Unger 1980: 141–143). In the fourteenth century 
this sense of the steering oar was in the process of being discarded. 
When Gower wrote, “The Schip of love hath lost his Rother” 
(II, 2494), he did so with the meaning of a central rudder that 
controlled the course of a ship.

When describing traditional nautical scenes, Gower did not 
slavishly follow past models, but was instead an innovator. In the 
early-fourteenth century work, Les Cronicles, Nicholas Trevet 
provided the template for Gower’s “Tale of Constance” (II, 587–
1598). Trevet describes the ship in which Constance is imprisoned 
as being “sanz sigle et sanz viron et sanz chescune manere de eide 
de homme” (110–111). The viron was a rowing oar, so in mentioning 
the absence of both it and the sail, Trevet is describing a vessel 
without control over propulsion. Gower describes the same scene 
with the words “A naked Schip withoute stiere,” an image he 
reinforces a few lines later in the action of the Divine Being: “Hire 
Schip to stiere hath take in honde” (II, 709–716). Gower makes 
explicit the removal of the steering oar, emphasizing the loss of 



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control over direction rather than over movement. Chaucer, in 
writing The Man of Law’s Tale, chose to retain Gower’s alteration 
of Trevet’s scene, though he would have had both texts before 
him, and so describes Custance as placed “in a ship al steereless” 
(II, 439).2 Gower used his familiarity with nautical technology to 
inform his artistic process and so deviated * om his source material 
when necessary.

The image of John Gower that emerges, then, is one of a man 
thoroughly familiar with a primarily Anglo-French large-ship 
tradition, though a notable exception to this idea will be discussed 
shortly. This picture fi ts the trend of English maritime vocabulary 
generally, which, as Sandahl suggests, refl ects a pool of common 
words used by mariners of countries bordering the North Sea and 
English Channel (Sandahl 1951: 23).3 Along with rudder, topsail 
and its compounds in Gower’s usage off er intriguing examples.

4 Outliers of experience: TOPSAIL, LUFF and REEF

Of all the nautical terms used by Gower in Confessio amantis, one in 
particular stands out: topseilcole. Topseilcole is a nautical compound 
comprised of topsail, oM en the second sail up * om the ship’s deck 
(Kemp 1988: 877), and cool, a word that lives on in certain dialects of 
Irish English, meaning a breeze or light wind (OED s.v. cool, n. 1). 
The most striking thing about topseilcole’s appearance in Confessio 
amantis toward the end of the fourteenth century is that, as far 
as we know, English ships—indeed all the ships of the Northern 

2 For a discussion of Chaucer’s use of both Trevet and Gower as sources for The 
Man of Law’s Tale, see Correale 2005.

3 Sir Thomas Malory, by way of comparison, writing less than 100 years aM er 
Gower and geographically removed * om London, employs a vocabulary that 
evokes instead a Northern small-boat tradition. Malory provides the fi rst use of 
the nautical verb fake, likely * om the Scots, among other similarly derived terms, 
and he remains seemingly unconcerned about the type diff erences between boats, 
barges, and ships (Denton 2003: 18–19; OED s.vv. barge, n.1; boat, n.1; fake, v.1; 
ship, n.1)—a point on which Gower is, by contrast, meticulous.



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European tradition—did not adopt topsails in their rig until almost 
fi &   years a' er Gower’s death.

The attribution of a circa 1450 date for the adoption of topsails 
is based on the technology’s appearance on coins and in manuscript 
illuminations, so it is possible that topsails fl ew much earlier but 
were simply not depicted by artists. It is also possible that topsail 
meant something else in Gower’s time, though it is diffi  cult to see 
what the utility of a specifi cally named “top sail” would be on, for 
the most part, single-sailed cra'  in northern waters. It is highly 
likely, I would suggest, that Gower had seen topsails on the wind 
rather than on the page and, though the technology was probably 
not common in Northern European shipbuilding traditions, there 
was an area in which topsails did fl y.

In the Mediterranean, both military and trading ships had 
employed a triangular lateen sail as an alternative to the northern 
square sail since at least the War of the Sicilian Vespers toward the 
end of the thirteenth century (Mott 2003: 206–207), though the 
technology itself was almost certainly part of an unbroken lineage 
6 om the ancient world (Sandahl 1958: 114). It was during that 
war that the Catalan-Aragonese fl eet proved its naval superiority 
repeatedly over its Angevin and Genoese adversaries. Although 
a great deal of the Catalan-Aragonese success can be attributed 
to careful planning, good leadership, and high morale, the ships 
themselves also played a determining role in the outcome. Unlike 
the single-masted, square-rigged ships of the Northern European 
tradition, the thirteenth-century Mediterranean warship of choice 
was a double-masted galley with two lateen sails (Mott 2003: 
189). A specifi c innovation linked to this period was the addition 
of a small triangular topsail over the lateen sail on the second, 
or mizzen, mast (Campbell 1995: 10). Once adopted, the topsail 
over the lateen mizzen would remain an important feature of 
all shipbuilding traditions touching on the Mediterranean. It 



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would be used in both the Venetian great galleys and cogs of the 
fourteenth century as well as in later Iberian ships of discovery 
such as the caravel (Unger 1980: 169–171, 205, 212). By the middle 
of the fi - eenth century both the topsail and the mizzenmast had 
been integrated into the Northern European shipbuilding tradition 
(Sandahl 1958: 115).In England, the supremacy of the lateen mizzen 
with topsail would last / om the sixteenth century until it was 
phased out of royal ships in 1618 (Anderson 1994: 241). What was 
so advantageous about this array of sail that allowed it to spread 
/ om the Mediterranean and across Europe? Ships with lateen sails 
could luff  (Campbell 1995: 10).

Confessio amantis contains the fi rst known appearance in English 
of the verb to luff  to describe the sailing practice of bringing the 
head of a ship closer to the wind—a usage that would not gain 
much currency until the sixteenth century (Sandahl 1958: 61). Luff  
had previously appeared as a noun as early as A.D. 1205 in Laȝamons 
Brut and referred to a type of boom or spar. In that context, the 
word is almost certainly an adoption / om the Norse. Bertil Sandahl 
argues, though, that Gower’s use of the verb form is a borrowing 
/ om the French louvoyer rather than a direct descendant of the Old 
Norse antecedent. Interestingly, this possible French source does 
not itself appear in text until 1529 (Sandahl 1958: 61), yet before we 
discard Sandahl’s assertion, it is useful to reiterate that Gower was 
very familiar with continental French and a quick adopter of French 
vocabulary. Indeed, some standard French words appear fi rst in 
Gower’s French poetry.4

If we look again at Gower’s use of the verb luff  in the wider 
context of Northern European seafaring history, then its outlier 
status becomes clear. There is an explanation for the scarcity of 
words related to luffi  ng in English and French until the sixteenth 
century: square-rigged ships were not adept at sailing close to the 
wind. The term does not come into any real use until a- er the 

4 For the character of Gower’s French, see Brian Merrilees and Heather Pagan 
2009.



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integration of the lateen mizzen in northern shipbuilding (Sandahl 
1958: 57–61).The only ships that probably luff ed with any + equency 
in the fourteenth century were part of Mediterranean and Iberian 
traditions.

We must turn our attention, then, to the question of just how 
familiar Gower might have been with Iberian and Mediterranean 
shipping practices and technologies. Venetian galleys traded 
Mediterranean luxury goods for English wool in London 
(Hutchinson 1994: 84–85). Spanish traders on their way to 
Flanders stopped fi rst, according to the documents of the time, 
in Southampton and London, but this trade would gradually fall 
off  during the latter half of the fourteenth century (Hutchinson 
1994: 80). It was Portugal that replaced the slackening French and 
Spanish trade and became a key purchaser of English cloth by the 
end of the century (Yeager 2004: 506). Sailors + om Portuguese 
galleys caroused in Minchen Lane, only a few minutes’ walk + om 
Chaucer’s Custom House (Robertson 1968: 58), and Portuguese 
and English merchants established trade colonies within the larger 
ports of both kingdoms (Yeager 2004: 506). Though we cannot 
say with any certainty just how visible these groups might have 
been to Gower, they did maintain a lasting presence throughout 
fourteenth-century London.

Setting aside the wider Mediterranean world for a moment, it is 
possible to connect Gower specifi cally to the Iberian Peninsula. As 
mentioned previously, Confessio amantis was translated into both 
Portuguese and Spanish during the early fi 3 eenth century.5 R. F. 
Yeager, in “Gower’s Lancastrian Affi  nity: The Iberian Connection,” 
explores the political and social networks that might have facilitated 
the introduction of Gower’s work onto foreign soil while gauging 
the poet’s foreign readership. Gower’s Lancastrian sympathies 
would have perhaps provided an entrée to the world of the Iberian 

5 Indeed, Gower’s Iberian manuscripts have become the focus of much recent 
scholarly work. See particularly Pérez-Fernández 2012 and Peebles 2012.



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courts, pervaded as they were by alliances and obligations formed 
around John of Gaunt (Yeager 2004: 483).

Most suggestively, in light of the development of extensive 
trade with England during the period when Confessio amantis 
was being composed, it is in Portugal that Gower’s work is fi rst 
translated. The Portuguese translation, * om which the Castilian 
copy was modeled, is attributed to the English canon of Lisbon, 
Robert Payn (Yeager 2004: 483). Payn rendered Gower’s English 
poetry into Portuguese prose and, strikingly, omitted topseilcole in 
both instances where it would have occurred in the original. This 
editorial decision was respected in the Castilian. Terms for topsail 
existed in both Portuguese (vela da gávea) and Spanish (velas de 
gavia) by the fi + eenth century and were in use earlier (Smith 1993: 
108), so it is not the case that the topsail reference needed to be 
excluded on those grounds. Though the absence of topseilcole does 
not negatively impact the message of the lines, we are unable to 
say whether Payn chose to avoid translating the term for the sake 
of effi  ciency or because he was unfamiliar with the meaning of the 
English technical term or its Portuguese equivalent. This raises 
the question of just how esoteric Gower’s nautical vocabulary might 
have been even among English speakers of his time.

For a poet with no known connection to maritime aff airs, 
Gower employs technical and obscure sailor’s jargon with precision. 
His usage is specifi c rather than general and I would argue that 
some of it would require a fi rst-hand acquaintance with shipping 
practices within a rich maritime environment like fourteenth-
century London. A constant source for dialectical variation among 
the urban populationat that time would have been the presence 
of sailors drawn to the city not just * om abroad but also * om 
within England itself (Denton 2003: 17). The presence of “riff ” 
or reef in Confessio amantis, one of the few nautical terms used 
by Gower that comes directly * om the Old Norse, is almost 
certainly a product of domestic maritime trade connections (VII, 
1983; OED s.v. reef, n.1; Jesch 2008: 163).. Indeed, remnants of the 



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Norse infl uence—for example oar, alo! , and row—were kept alive 
predominantly through their descendants in areas like Normandy 
and York (Kowaleski 2009: 115–117).

Confessio amantis contains the fi rst known use of reef to describe 
a section of sail that has been folded and tied down to lessen the 
action of the wind upon the plane of the cloth. Reef-points, the 
spots where the sail was actually fastened down, are visible in ship 
iconography beginning in the twel/ h century. The reef was a 
visible technology that could be observed on vessels entering or 
leaving port as well as those that were docked (Sandahl 1958: 89). 
To know that a reef existed, Gower would simply have needed to 
see one and ask a more knowledgeable party for the correct name 
to apply to it. To use it properly in the statement, “The wynd was 
good, the See was plein, Hem nedeth noght a Riff  to slake” (VII, 
1983),the poet would require at least some additional understanding 
of the mechanics of sailing and related nautical practice (Kemp 
1988: 695–696), which he demonstrates through his choice of the 
verb slake (OED s.v. slake, v.1). Gower is not only aware of reefi ng 
technology, he is also familiar with its purpose in controlling the 
tension of the sail against the wind.

5 Maritime influence in Gower and Chaucer

The practice of luffi  ng can really only be observed Q om the deck 
of a ship. It is a technique developed and understood through 
experience. Similarly, the appreciation of a topseilcole, that faint 
breeze ruffl  ing a topsail, is something that is noticed when a ship is 
underway. It is a memory retained by a sailor and not a landsman. 
These are the words and thoughts of a participant in maritime life, 
not those of an outsider. We might ask if the experience needed 
to develop such a vocabulary belonged personally to Gower or if 
he had an informant within the sailing community. Certainly, 
Southwark played host to a transient population of sailors enticed 
to the suburb by its reputation for entertainment, but immersion 
in the company of seamen might not be enough to account for the 



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authoritative nature of Gower’s maritime knowledge. Chaucer had 
grown up in a neighborhood rife with sailors (Robertson 1968: 42), 
but the sea terms he employs are of a general and superfi cial nature. 
We must assume also that Chaucer, in his position as Comptroller 
of the Customs, would have come into at least some degree of 
contact with merchants and shippers. If the example of Chaucer is 
anything to go by, then seamanship-by-osmosis was not a necessary 
product of life in medieval London.

When imagining a specifi cally maritime character like the 
Shipman in the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer writes him as hailing 
+ om Dartmouth in the developing trade hub of Devon rather than 
London (Friel 2003: 62).The Shipman’s Tale notably contains no 
nautical imagery or vocabulary.Of the twenty-two lines describing 
the Shipman in the General Prologue, only a dozen touch directly 
on his maritime exploits:

If that he faught and hadde the hyer hond,
By water he sente hem hoom to every lond.
But of his cra0  to rekene wel his tydes,
His stremes, and daungers hym bisides,
His herberwe, and his moone, his lodemenage,
Ther nas noon swich + om Hulle to Cartage.
Hardy he was and wys to undertake;
With many a tempest hadde his berd been shake.
He knew alle the havens, as they were, 
Fro Gootlond to the cape of Fynystere,
And every cryke in Britaigne and in Spayne.
His barge ycleped was the Maudelayne. 

(Gen Prol: 398–410)

The Shipman, it is implied, has connections to the wine trade 
(“Ful many a draughte of wyn had he ydrawe + o Burdeux-ward, 
whil that the chapman sleep,” Gen Prol: 396–397) and is well 
travelled, but apart + om the suggestion of piratical naval tactics, 
such a description could have applied to almost any fourteenth-
century shipmaster. Tempest, lodemanage and barge are all derived 
+ om French. Harbor, the exception to this Anglo-French trend, 



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is an Old English term repurposed for maritime contexts. It was 
fi rst recorded in a strictly nautical use in the thirteenth century in 
Laȝamons Brut in rough coƬ unction with the gradual shi'  * om 
beachable shallow-dra'  vessels to deeper-dra'  ships that required 
more specialized shelters. All of these terms, save barge, existed in 
the language before they acquired a maritime connotation (OED 
s.vv. tempest, n.; lodemanage, n.; barge, n.; harbor, n.).Thus, in 
connection with the Shipman, Chaucer only superfi cially employs 
any maritime vocabulary.

An interesting example of the diff erence between Chaucer’s 
and Gower’s use of nautical terminology can be seen if we return 
to their treatments of “The Tale of Constance” in The Man of 
Law’s Tale and Confessio amantis. Chaucer used both Gower and 
Trevet as sources for his version of this story of a Christian maiden 
who fi nds herself repeatedly set adri'  in a directionless ship by her 
enemies. In his telling of the Constance story, Chaucer again uses 
very general maritime vocabulary, with ship appearing throughout, 
sail or sailing in three instances (440, 445, 968), and an isolated but 
grati6 ing occurrence of overboard (922).

Gower, by contrast, in addition to introducing the image of 
the “Schip withoute stiere” (II, 709), fi nds time to diff erentiate 
between a boat and a ship (II, 1108), as well as incorporate port, navy, 
vessel, fl eet and anchor into the narrative (II, 1119, 1129, 1133–1136). 
The bulk of these terms are used in the scene wherein Constance 
is rescued at sea, for which Gower writes:

Hire Schip was drive upon a dai,



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Wher that a gret Navye lay
Of Schipes, al the world at ones:
And as god wolde for the nones,
Hire Schip goth in among hem alle,
And stinte noght, er it be falle
And hath the vessel undergete,
Which Maister was of al the Flete,
Bot there it resteth and abod.
This grete Schip on Anker rod (II, 1127-36)

Chaucer reduces the same scene to four lines:

This senatour repaireth with victorie
To Rome-ward, saillynge ful royally,
And mette the ship dryvynge, as seith the storie,
In which Custance sit ful pitously.

(Man of Law’s Tale, 967-970)

Both poets depart + om their source, Trevet’s Les Cronicles, though 
Gower’s version is the more faithful of the two. Trevet’s scene, as 
translated by Robert M. Correale, exhibits its own beauty, but its 
imagery is absent in both Chaucer and Gower:

Then Constance […] as she was fl oating on the sea, saw far 
off  what appeared to her to be a wood. And as God, her very 
good and courteous guide, steered her boat nearer and nearer, 
she at last perceived that it was the masts of a large navy which 
lay in the harbor of a city by the sea. And when the sailors 
saw a boat fl oating so wondrously on the sea, they supposed it 
had been a ship abandoned by its crew in a storm. But when 
they came nearer, they found a woman and a fi ve-year old 



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child richly provisioned in treasure but very lacking in food 
(Correale 2005: 320).6

Gower chooses to emphasize the materiality of the fl eet and 
dispenses with Trevet’s illusionary forest of masts. In Gower, 
this passage contains the highest concentration of nautical 
terminology recorded in the “Tale of Constance” presented in 
Confessio amantis. Gower takes pains to paint the scene of the 
solitary ship sailing in amongst the grand navy—a scene that 
Chaucer hurries past as if eager to get the action back on land as 
quickly as possible.

6 Gower’s audience

Based on his conscious use of the technical vocabulary of seagoing, 
I believe that it is reasonable to assume that Gower had a deeper 
connection to nautical life than the average Londoner—though 
it is an admittedly strange world in which Geoff rey Chaucer must 
stand in for the average Londoner. If it is possible that some of 
the terms used by Gower were unfamiliar even to those charged 
with translating his work, what, then, might we infer about the 
level of understanding Gower expected > om his audience?

There is a group of possible readers for Gower’s work who 
could be expected to not only understand but also identi@  with the 
poet’s maritime refl ections. Like the Lancastrian faction, these 
individuals had connections to Iberia, though of a more vulgar 
sort. I refer, of course, to the London merchant class. Ships and 
shipping were viewed, according to Joe Flatman, as “the ultimate 

6 “Puis ceste Constance […] com ele fu fl otaunte sour la mere, regardoit de loins 
lui apparut com un bois. Et com son trebon et curteis gyour, Dieux, gya sa nef 
plus pres et plus a la fi n apparceut qe ceo estoient mastz de un grant navie qe 
reposa en le porte de une cite sur la mere. Et quant les mariners virent un nef si 
merveilousement sure la mere fl otaunte soucherent qe ceo eust esté une nef par 
tempeste voidé de ses mariners. Mes quant estoient venuz adés, troverent une 
femme et enfaunt de cink anz richement estoff és de tresour mes trop povres de 
vitailles.” (433–441)



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technological embodiment of the upwardly mobile middle class” 
(Flatman 2009: 22). Artists working to order for aristocratic 
patrons happily provided nautical scenes that lampooned those 
merchants engaged in the coarse but profi table sea trade. Gower 
himself certainly aimed for a higher audience, but his message 
would have resonated with a class that was developing in the same 
milieu as his own. Just as Gower hoped to sway elites with his 
words and to improve his status through his connections with 
rulers, so too the newly minted London middle class were eager 
to get their feet on the fi rst rung of the social ladder, and reading 
Gower’s poetry was a step in the direction of respectability. Gower 
may have written to the aristocracy, but he did so in a language 
of non-aristocratic experience.

7 Implications

Based on the direct connection between Gower and the Lancastrian 
elites capable of commissioning the transportation and translation of 
Confessio amantis for an Iberian audience, it is reasonable to assume 
that Gower’s works reached the Iberian courts through high-level 
aristocratic networks. It is also possible, though, that trade, the 
hidden engine that drove the economies and alliances of Europe, 
introduced the poet to his foreign audiences. As much as Gower 
desired and profi ted < om his high-status connections, I suggest 
that his success could have been likewise achieved by a bottom-
up approach relying on the emerging infl uence of the London 
merchant class in combination within an expanding Iberian trade 
network. The references to topsail technologies and the practice 
of luffi  ng, when taken as a suite of related nautical innovations, 
point to a connection with Mediterranean or Iberian trade—an 
idea bolstered by the presence of Gower’s works in Iberia as well as 



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his own artistic exploration of Mediterranean mercantilism.7 The 
analysis of sources for sea terms in Confessio amantis is the fi rst step 
in an attempt to establish alternative vehicles for the importation 
of Gower’s writing into Iberian contexts.

The John Gower revealed in the maritime vocabulary of the 
Confessio amantis is thus a man who was conversant with the 
language and technologies of Anglo-French as well as Mediterranean 
ships and shipping. He was likely connected by both political and 
economic networks to the Iberian Peninsula, probably through his 
Lancastrian sympathies but possibly through the wool trade. It is 
reasonable to assume that both his language and the social status 
attributed to his work, as well as its content, would have appealed to 
the London merchants who were emerging at the time as a distinct 
sea-based economic power.

In this article, I have attempted to lay the groundwork for future 
study that I hope will expand and better defi ne our understanding 
of the maritime character of John Gower, his work, and his city. 
Having focused primarily on the Confessio amantis, I realize that 
a great deal of Gower’s poetry remains to be tackled. A similar 
examination of the vocabulary used in Gower’s French and Latin 
works, taken in coƬ unction with a fi ne-toothed approach to 
the remaining English texts, should prove ' uitful to researchers 
interested not only in Gower’s personal history but also in 
the maritime and mercantile identities of medieval London. 
Increased attention on Gower’s connection to both Iberia and the 
Mediterranean has the potential to shed light on larger issues of 

7 Steven F. Kruger has written on Gower’s apparent attempts to resolve the 
tensions between the moral and material characters of expanding medieval 
mercantilism. Of particular interest, in light of the previous discussion of topsail 
sources, Gower uses an imagined Mediterranean to create a “geopolitical space to 
think through questions of mercantilism and religious identity” (Kruger 2007: 
8). The “Tale of Constance” is, according to Kruger, a meditation on an idealized 
Christian merchant for whom “a commercial transaction is also a spiritual one” 
(Kruger 2007: 11-13).



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trade and political alliances in the Middle Ages while informing 
us about England’s strategies for connecting to the rest of the 
medieval world.

The maritime Gower is a fi gure in whom the seafaring character 
of 14th century London is embodied. When taken as a product of 
the city’s economic, technological, and social realities, the nautical 
vocabulary of the Confessio amantis must be seen as expression of 
the lived experience of an individual in the heart of a mercantile 
culture that was energized by shipping. The ship is not so much a 
symbol in Gower’s poetry as it is a refl ection on a way of life.

Colin J. Keohane

University of West Florida

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•

Received 23 Nov 2012; accepted 16 Dec 2012