SELIM 16.indb

María José Sánchez de Nieva, Selim 16 (2009): 47–63ISSN: 1132–631X

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF MARY’S ROLE IN
THE EXETER BOOK ADVENT LYRICS1

Abstract
Considered the most important compilation of Old English poetry that is extant, the Exeter Book
opens with twelve poems known as the Advent Lyrics or Christ I. Although little attention has been
drawn to this group of poems, its study may however off er us a valuable insight into the manuscript
and its context. As Clayton and Deshman have already noted, the signifi cance of the Marian topic
in the Exeter Book Advent sequence seems to agree with the ideological concerns of the monastic
reform of the late tenth century, an idea that prompts a possible contemporary dating of the Lyrics.
In the line of these scholars’ arguments, this paper aims to provide an analysis of Lyrics 4, 7 and 9
of the Exeter Book Advent sequence, focusing on the imagery employed to depict the Virgin Mary.
I will then consider the antiphonal sources of the Lyrics as well as the scribe’s departure  om them
to highlight Mary’s outstanding role in the Advent Lyrics. In addition to this, I will examine the
signifi cance of the fi ve manuscript sections, paying special attention to punctuation and capitalization.
The paper intends to add further evidence to the hypothesis held by some scholars that the fi rst
part of the Exeter manuscript was compiled during the heyday of the Benedictine revival, when the
prominence of the Virgin Mary reached the utmost peak of popularity in the Anglo-Saxon period.
Keywords: Virgin Mary, Exeter Book, Advent Lyrics, Benedictine revival, Marian imagery, liturgy,
Anglo-Saxon queens.

Resumen
Considerada la colección existente más importante de poesía anglosajona, el Códice de Exeter comienza
con doce poemas conocidos como los poemas de Adviento o Christ I. Aunque ha recibido poca
atención, estos poemas pueden o ecernos un entendimiento valioso del manuscrito y su contexto.
Como Clayton y Deshman ya han observado, la importancia del tema mariano en los poemas de
Adviento del Códice de Exeter puede coincidir con los intereses ideológicos de la reforma monástica
de fi nales del siglo décimo; una idea que, o suscita una posible datación contemporánea de los poemas,
o a lo sumo una probable infl uencia benedictina. En la línea de los argumentos sostenidos por estos
académicos, este artículo tiene como objetivo presentar un análisis de los poemas 4, 7 y 9 de los
poemas de Adviento del Códice de Exeter, centrándose en las imágenes empleadas para describir a
la Virgen María. Tendré en cuenta las fuentes antifonales de los poemas, así como la intención del
escriba de alejarse de las mismas para resaltar el papel sobresaliente de la Virgen María en los poemas
de Adviento. Además, se examina la trascendencia de las cinco secciones del manuscrito, prestando
especial atención a la puntuación y mayúsculas. El artículo pretende aportar evidencias a la hipótesis
respaldada por varios académicos de que la primera parte del manuscrito de Exeter se recopiló durante

1 I would like to express my gratitude to Mercedes Salvador-Bello for her useful and
enlightening comments on this article. An earlier version of this paper was presented at
the 2009 MANCASS Post Graduate Conference in Manchester. I thank Francisco Álvarez
and Alexander R. Rumble for their valuable comments on that dra .

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el apogeo del renacimiento benedictino, cuando la importancia de la Virgen María alcanzó la cota más
alta de popularidad en el período anglosajón.
Palabras clave: Virgen María, poemas de Adviento, Códice de Exeter, renacimiento benedictino,
imágenes marianas, liturgia, reinas anglosajonas.

I ntroducing the Exeter Book, the Advent Lyrics2 (fols. 8r–14r) constitute a collection of twelve poems which are based on the antiphons for Advent found in the Divine Offi ce.3 In their current
state (with a  agmentary beginning),4 three of the twelve extant poems
are substantially devoted to the Virgin Mary—namely, Lyrics 4, 7 and 9.
In Burlin’s opinion, “this Marian sequence, with its evident chronology
and progression, functions as a backbone to the structure” (1968: 177).
The Marian topic is therefore an essential component of the whole poetic
sequence.

But the prominence of the Marian motif is not only found in the
Exeter Advent Lyrics, since it is also regularly observed in the liturgy
of the period. The Anglo-Saxon devotion to the Virgin is made evident
in the rapid development of liturgical literature dedicated to Mary. In
addition to the four main Marian feasts (Purifi cation, Annunciation,

2 The title Christ stems  om the former scholarly view that the three opening Exeter
works, all of them traditionally attributed to Cynewulf, constituted a single poetic piece.
Just as the Cynewulfi an authorship of the whole triad was eventually dismissed, the unity
of Christ was also contested by various critics and the three resulting poetic pieces started
to be called Christ I (Advent), Christ II (Ascension), and Christ III (Judgement Day).
3 Cook fi rst noted that the majority of the Lyrics of the Advent sequence derived  om
the so-called “Antiphonae majores” or “‘O’ antiphons,” which are regularly used in the
liturgy of Advent or Christmas. See Albert S. Cook ed. (1900: specially pp. xxv–xliii). For
a reprinted version of Cook’s work with a preface by John C. Pope, see Ed. Albert S. Cook.
(1964). A further comparative study of the Advent Lyrics and their liturgical sources is
found in Edward Burgert (1921). Also, see Robert B. Burlin (1968: 40–43).
4 It has been generally assumed by critics that several manuscript leaves have been lost.
An initial lacuna precisely aff ects the beginning of the Advent Lyrics which start on
fol. 8r. As pointed out by Conner, “The resulting loss amounts to as much as forty-six
manuscript lines of text, assuming that another gathering containing part of ‘Christ I’ did
not precede this one; the poem’s Latin sources do not indicate a loss so great as to require
our positing another quire before this one. In any case, fol. 8r is suffi ciently stained and
darkened to allow the suggestion that it has existed for quite some time as the fi rst leaf of
the manuscript while the book was in an unbound state.” (Conner 1993: 98).

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Assumption and Nativity), new liturgical texts and prayers were composed
and new celebrations such as vigils and octaves were created in the period
of the Benedictine Reform (Clayton 1990: 61). Late-tenth century texts—
such as the Regularis Concordia, probably composed by Bishop Æthelwold
(c. 970)—established that all refounded monasteries should observe a
Saturday mass for Mary or the recitation of a votive antiphon or daily
memorial a er Lauds and Vespers.

Critics such as Clayton (1990: 181) and Deshman have also noted
the great relevance of the Marian topic in the literature and pictorial art
of this period. As Deshman demonstrates (1976: 376–405; 1995: 137),
Æthelwold’s Benedictional (c. 973)5 off ers a new iconographic element that
is recorded for the fi rst time in the history of western pictorial art: the
Virgin’s Coronation as queen of heaven.6 According to him, the occurrence
of this motif in the Benedictional, a book that was most likely designed
under Æthelwold’s supervision, seems to be related to the contemporary
concern with Æl hryth’s legitimate condition as queen consort of Edgar
(957–75) a er the king’s repudiation of his former wife Æthelfl æd.7 Given
that the compilation of the Exeter Book is roughly coeval with the
Benedicitional,8 the imagery used in the Advent Lyrics for the Virgin Mary
might be equally meaningful, since the manuscript probably appeared at

5 Robert Deshman proposed 973 as the possible date of compilation of the Benedictional,
since he assumed that the iconographic elements found in this book seem to be related to
the propaganda employed for Edgar’s coronation that year. See Deshman (1995: 212–14;
260–61).
6 For this miniature (fol. 102v of the manuscript), see Deshman (1995: fi g. 34). For further
comments on this illustration and its political implications, see Deshman (1995: 204–07).
7 Æl hryth was actually Edgar’s third wife. For more information on this, see Barbara
Yorke (2008: 143–57).
8 The exact date of the Exeter Book has been  equently an object of scholarly debate and
is however far  om being settled. From a palaeographical point of view, Flower (R. W.
Chambers. 1933: 90) notes that the script of the Exeter Book resembles that of London,
Lambeth Palace, MS.149, stating that both manuscripts were written some time between
970 and 990. For Krapp and Dobbie (1936: xiii) “the date of the handwriting of the Exeter
Book is evidently to be placed in the second half of the tenth century”. More recently,
Patrick W. Conner (1993: 76) claims that the script suggests a date between 950 and 970.
For his part, Muir (1994: vol. 1: 1), the latest editor of the Exeter Book, suggests a time
period between 965–75.

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a time when the legitimacy of Æl hryth, a well-known patroness of the
monastic reform, was at stake. Not surprisingly, both Deshman (1995:
137) and Clayton (1990: 61–68) have associated the great importance of the
Marian motif in the Exeter Advent Lyrics with the ideological concerns of
the Benedictine revival of the late tenth century. 9

In this train of thought, the aim of this paper is threefold: fi rst, by
means of a detailed analysis of Advent Lyrics 4, 7 and 9 I intend to study
the signifi cance of the imagery employed to depict the Virgin as Christ’s
counterpart in the mystery of Advent; second, to examine the author’s
deliberate departure  om the antiphonal sources in these Lyrics as to
stress Mary’s relevance in the Advent sequence; and third, I will provide
paleographical evidence, which seems to have passed unnoticed, in order
to support the assumption that the Virgin Mary plays an essential part in
the Advent Lyrics. A combined study of these three aspects may throw
light on the possible ascription of the Advent sequence to the heyday of
the monastic reform when the prominence of the Virgin Mary reached
the utmost peak of the Anglo-Saxon period.

Lyric 4 of the Advent sequence is based on the Marian antiphon O
Virgo virginum. Dealing with the mystery of Mary’s virginal impregnation,
the Lyric appears in the form of a dialogue as Mary is questioned by the
fi rst-person speaker who functions as a representative of the Christians
of Jerusalem. By means of a forceful discourse, Mary faces the people of
Jerusalem who want to learn about the mystery (geryne, 74) of her virginal
state. Before she gives her response, in a typically heroic style, she is
described as symle sigores full, sancta Maria (88) or “ever full of victory,
Sancta Maria,”10 which heralds “a spiritual victory for Mary as emblem
of woman,” as stated by Chance (1986: 23). Also, it is Mary’s knowledge
of the geryne that stresses her authority as shown in her reply. By means
of a rhetorical question and later a categorical statement (89–91), Mary
thus makes clear that this knowledge is not to be shared by mankind and
that she will not fulfi ll the citizens’ curiosity as no answer to the mystery
is provided: Hwæt is þeos wundrung þe ge wafi að, /ond geomrende gehþum

9 For a recent assessment of the Advent Lyrics in a late-tenth century context, see Mercedes
Salvador (2006: 169–211).
10 The edition and translation of the passages  om the Advent Lyrics is  om Robert B.
Burlin (1968).

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mænað, / sunu Solimæ somod his dohtor? (89–91) [“What is this spectacle
that you wonder at / and lamenting moan with grief, / Sons of Salem
and her daughters together?”]. By dismissing the people’s wundrung
(“curiosity,” 89a), Mary is clearly undermining the authority of the people
of Jerusalem and her superiority is thus highlighted.

Further in the poem, we fi nd another instance in which Mary is
signifi cantly elevated to a higher position above ordinary people. In line
96, the Virgin refers to herself as Dauides dyrre mægan (“David’s dear
kinswoman”). This allusion to David’s stock acknowledges Mary’s
royal ascendancy  om Jesse, King David’s father. This motif, which
has traditionally been known as “Jesse’s Tree,” was o en employed to
represent Christ’s descent  om David and was usually portrayed as a tree
stemming  om Jesse, with his descendants representing the diff erent
branches and ending either with Jesus or the Virgin and the Holy Child.
In Advent Lyric 4, the allusion to Mary’s royal background therefore
contributes to characterize her as Christ’s counterpart by stressing her
superior condition.

As Mary responds to the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the poem then
centers on the notion of Eve’s curse11 in a passage that evidently triggers
the typological relationship between the Virgin and Eve:

ac Crist onwrah …
þæt is Euan scyld eal forpynded,
wærgða aworpen, ond gewuldrad is
se heanra had. (95–99a)

[“But Christ has revealed …
That the guilt of Eve is all absolved,
The curse cast off , and glorifi ed
Is the lowlier sex.”]

Thus, Mary is celebrated as a fi gure participating in the redemption
episode as she is fi nally  eeing mankind  om the three curses set upon
Eve a er the Fall: pain, sorrow and servitude. The emphasis here is on
the redemption of Eve’s sin and on the promises of eternal life for both
men and women through the womanhood of Mary. The poet is therefore
stressing Mary’s active involvement in Salvation History, as she decisively
participates in Christ’s mission to redeem mankind.

11 This idea derives  om Gen. 3:16: “To the woman He said, ‘I will greatly multiply Your
pain in childbirth, In pain you will bring forth children; Yet your desire will be for your
husband, And he will rule over you’.” All citations  om the Bible are  om New American
Standard Bible. 1995. The Lockman Foundation. LaHabra, California.

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The Virgin’s characterization as a prominent fi gure in the Advent
sequence is also observed in the poet’s skillful handling of the liturgical
source that served as the basis of Lyric 4, the “O Virgo virginum” antiphon,
one of the “Monastic O’s”:

O Virgo virginum, quomodo fi et istud? Quia nec primam similem
visa es nec habere sequentem? Filiae Jerusalem, quid me admiramini?
Divinum est mysterium hoc quod cernitis.

[“O Virgin of virgins, how shall this be? For never was there one like
you, nor will there ever be. - Daughters of Jerusalem, why do you look
wondering at me? What you behold is a divine mystery.”]12

Lyric 4 similarly opens with an allusion to Mary by means of superlatives
and basically follows the question-answer format of the antiphon. But the
Old English text goes a step further and describes her as fæmne freolicast
ofer ealne foldan sceat (72), that is, “noblest woman over all the earth’s
regions.” The powerful role of the Virgin as consort queen of Christ
is thus emphasized. As observed in the antiphon, the reference is only
to the daughters of Jerusalem (fi liae Jerusalem). By contrast, in the Old
English text, Mary interestingly addresses both the sons of Jerusalem and
their daughters, sunu Solimæ / somod his dohtor (91). By alluding to both
men and women, the author is highlighting Mary’s dominion over the
whole of mankind, not just women as presented in the antiphon. Also,
towards the end of this Lyric, the poet insists on this idea when the
blessing is addressed to werum ond wifum (101a), that is, both men and
women. In this light, Mary’s participation in Christ’s Salvation task is
again meaningfully stressed, as she is presented as the bond that connects
God to all humankind.

As the analysis of Lyric 4 shows, the Advent poet was concerned with
characterizing Mary as a fi gure of supreme power and authority. She is
thus described as the legitimate queen consort of the king of Heaven, a
right deriving  om her own royal lineage, and as the lawful mother of
the Son God. Her superior rank over men and women is also enhanced
by the poet’s deliberate alterations of the original antiphonal source.
The characterization provided by the Advent poet therefore seems to be
consonant with the actual requirements established for a contemporary

12 Text and translation of the antiphons is  om Robert B. Burlin (1968).

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queen, as they put the emphasis on royal stock and legitimate authority.
When Æl hryth married Edgar (c. 964–65), she theoretically fulfi lled all
these requirements since she was the daughter of Ealdorman Ordgar of
Devon. Also, it is generally assumed that she was of royal descent through
her mother although the identity of the latter is unknown.13 Her political
connections were also important due to her fi rst marriage (c. 956), as she
was the widow of Ealdorman of East Anglia Æthelwold, and eldest son of
Æthelstan Half-King.

As regards the Advent poet’s insistence on Mary’s function as queen
consort, playing an active role in Salvation History alongside with Christ,
this recalls the reference to Æl hryth’s cooperation with Edgar as the
offi cial patroness of nunneries in the preface to the Regularis Concordia:14

Coniugique suae Æl hrithae sanctimonialium mandras ut impauidi
more custodies defenderet cautissime praecepit; ut uidelicet mas
maribus, femina feminis, sine ullo suspicionis scrupulo subueniret.

[“And he (Edgar) saw to it wisely that his Queen, Ael hrith, should
be the protectress and fearless guardian of the communities of nuns;
so that he himself helping the men and his consort helping the
women there should be no cause for any breath of scandal.”]15

In light of the diff erent features ascribed to the Virgin Mary in Lyric
4, it is therefore not surprising, that the Old English poet’s interest in
highlighting her legitimacy as queen consort of Christ appears to be in
consonance with political and religious realities of the period.

Based on the traditional motif known as “The Doubting of Mary,”
Lyric 7 is structured as a dialogue between Mary and Joseph, in which
the Virgin, fi rst characterized in the role of Joseph’s spouse, is questioned

13 For further information on Æl hryth’s family ties, see Oxford Dictionary of National
Biography (s.v. Æl hryth).
14 See Catherine E. Karkov (2004: 93).
15 Text and translation  om Symons (1953: 2). A similar reference to Æl hryth’s
collaboration with Edgar in the supervising of convents is found in the so-called Edgar’s
Establishment of the Monasteries (Whitelock et al. 1981: 150).

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about the legitimacy of her pregnancy.16 In this section of the Advent
sequence, the fi gure of Mary seems to undergo a signifi cant evolution
that is worth analyzing here. The Lyric opens with a speech which clearly
puts the emphasis on Mary’s humanity: ic lungre eam / deope gedrefed,
dome bereafod (167b–168a), “I am all at once deeply grieved, bere of
reputation.” Further in this part, the poet insists on Mary’s deep sorrow:
Ic tearas sceal geotan geomormod (172–173), “I cannot keep  om weeping,
saddened in spirit.” This fi rst passage therefore describes Mary’s suff ering
for the loss of her reputation in a way that clearly enhances her human
dimension, setting her at the level of any other earthly woman.

Mary’s response, however, eventually initiates her transformation  om
a mortal woman into “the temple of the Lord”: Nu ic his temple eam /
gefremed butan facne (206b–207a), “Now I am His temple, built without
sin.” With this metaphor, the poet is thus adding prominence to Mary, as
she is here presented as a “founding mother” of the Church: it is through
her that Christ is incarnated. A er having doubted Mary’s honesty,
Joseph’s attitude similarly helps underline this transformation that takes
place in Mary. He then acknowledges Mary’s impeccable reputation by
alluding to her as fæmnan clæne, / womma lease (187b–188a), “a pure woman
without stain.” Finally, Joseph refers to Mary as Dauides dohtor (191), “the
daughter of David,” an expression that recalls the reference to Mary’s
royal ancestry found in Lyric 4.

The poet’s particular employment of the imagery alluding to Mary
similarly supports this gradual transformation. Early in the poem she is
described by Joseph as fæmne geong (young girl or virgin, 175b) and mægð
(virgin, maiden, 176a). As with Lyric 4, the emphasis is fi rst placed on
Mary’s humble acceptance of the gi of God and on her virginal condition.
However, as Lyric 7 develops, the fi gure of the Virgin is transformed when
she explains the mystery (ryhtgeryno, 196a) of her virginal impregnation to
Joseph, as the archangel Gabriel revealed to her that she had been chosen
to be the mother of the “Power of life” (lifes þrym, 204b), the “bright Son”
(beorhtne sunu, 205a), and the “Child great of God” (bearn eacen godes,
205b). Thus, it is in Mary’s second speech that the poet fully acknowledges

16 Here Burlin follows the speech division suggested by Cosĳ n (1898: 109–10). Thus,
Mary’s fi rst speech runs  om l. 164 to l. 174a, followed by Joseph’s speech  om l. 174b to
l. 195a, and Mary’s fi nal speech  om l. 195a to the end.

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her new status as Christ’s mother, developing the temple analogy that was
introduced by Joseph. As explained by Burlin, by placing the emphasis
on the Virgin as “the earthly vessel chosen to accomplish His [God’s]
Incarnation” (1968: 124), Mary’s body, as she herself declares, becomes
the metaphorical sanctuary where Christ rests: Nu ic his temple eam /
gefremed butan facne (206b–207a). It is her maternal role that provides her
with authority as she is the “temple” that will lodge the heavenly king on
earth. By revealing the mystery of her impregnation and the divine origin
of her son to Joseph, the role of the Virgin is therefore clearly stressed,
as the Lyric centers on her as the chief character and concludes with her
own declaration that she is the legitimate mother of the meotodes sunu
(210a). Unlike the preceding poem, Lyric 7 is not based on either the
“Greater O’s” or the “Monastic O’s” (Campbell 1959: 6–9). Nonetheless,
as suggested by Burlin, the liturgical conventions are present particularly
in the way the fi gure of the Virgin undergoes a transformation  om “the
grieving and bewildered wife into the radiant and illumined Mother of
God” (1968: 120). Since this Lyric off ers no liturgical parallel, it might
be inferred that it is a further example of the idiosyncratic character of
the Advent sequence, in which the poet could have decided to present
the motif of the Doubting of Mary in the form of a dramatic dialogue,
highlighting thus the originality of the poet’s refl ection on the mystery
of Advent.

In a contextualized reading, Lyric 7 is also particularly insightful.
The continuous emphasis made by the poet on the legitimacy of Mary
as Joseph’s wife and mother of Christ fi nds an echo in contemporary
politics. The New Minster Refoundation charter (966), for example,
reveals a notable concern with the legitimate status of both Æl hryth
and her son Edmund who signed as witnesses. In the charter the queen
is interestingly styled as legitima prefati regis coniuncx (“The legitimate
wife of the aforementioned King” [Edgar]) and Edmund appears as clito
legitimus prefati regis fi lius (“The legitimate son of the aforementioned
King”).17 Edmund’s signature appears before that of his older half-brother
Edward, who is designated by contrast as eodem rege clito procreatus (“son

17 As Rumble (2003: 93, fn. 130) points out, “This may have been her [Æl hryth’s] fi rst
subscription as queen… If so, it could have been seen as an opportunity to make her status
clear to the whole court.”

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begotten by the same King”) [Rumble 2003: 93]. As pointed out by Yorke,
there is also a visual indication of the diff erent status of both the queen and
Edmund, whose corresponding crosses in their signatures are adorned with
gold leaf, whereas a simple black cross represents Edward’s subscription.
As she observes, “the implication seems to be that Æl hryth and her son
Edmund were ‘legitimate’ in a way that Edward and his mother were not,
probably on the grounds that Æl hryth had been a consecrated queen
when she conceived and gave birth to her son, but Æthelfæd had not”
(2008: 148). Under this light, Lyric 7 with its blatant acknowledgement of
Mary’s legitimacy a er her reputation has been at stake might have had
interesting resonances for a contemporary readership.

Lyric 9 is the rhetorical result of what was anticipated in the pieces
that have already been discussed. Mary is thus directly presented as the
mother of Christ and as the Queen and lawful bride of þæs selestan swegles
bryttan (281) [“the most noble Prince of the sky”]. As Mary’s condition as
illegitimate mother has been categorically dismissed in Lyric 7,  om the
beginning of Lyric 9 the Virgin is overtly portrayed as Christ’s rightful
counterpart in the kingdom of heaven. The Lyric then introduces her
as seo clæneste cwen ofer eorþan (276) [“throughout the world the purest
queen”], which off ers the readers a powerful portrayal of the Mother of
God as an authoritative queen. Lyric 9 is therefore a celebration of Mary’s
acknowledged status as queen of heaven.

Later on, the motif of Mary’s pure impregnation and eternal virginity
is further developed in the poem. Her chastity is thus the object of the
poet’s admiration as it was Mary herself who off ered her pure maternal
body to God. It is then in this context that the poet introduces a series of
images, all of them deriving  om the traditional porta coeli motif, to refer
to Mary’s virginity. Thus, she is metaphorically compared to ðas gyldnan
gatu, “the golden gates” (318), æþelic ingong, “the noble gate” (308), and
gebunden deoran since duru ormæte, “the huge door bound with precious
treasure” (308b–309a). By means of these images, Mary’s body is depicted
as a bright and dignifi ed entrance through which only God can pass, since
He is the only one who can unlock it.18 Also importantly, these passages

18 The poet is alluding to the Old Testament vision of Ezekiel describing the excellences
of the temple which has been traditionally interpreted “as a prophecy referring to Mary
and the virgin birth…” For this, see Jackson J. Campbell (1959: 28).

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describe valuable impressive doors in such a way as to enhance the Virgin’s
noble ascendancy in the same way it was done in Lyric 7. Finally, Mary is
said to be þæt wealldor, “the wall-door,” (328a), which interestingly echoes
the opening lines of Lyric 1 in which Christ was alluded to as se weallstan
(2a), the cornerstone of the Church.19 By using wealldor, the poet is thus
consciously leveling Mary’s status to that of Christ, who is said to be se
cræftga (12a)—the builder—who will reconstruct the Church. In sum, the
various images employed to depict the fi gure of the virgin queen provide
cohesion to the entire poem and can be interpreted as a clear example
of the Old English poet’s intention to underline Mary’s predominant
character in Salvation History (Chance 1986: 28). Thus, the Anglo-Saxon
poet elevates the fi gure of Mary to a higher position that is only reserved
to Christ.

Interestingly, in Lyric 9, the Old English poet chooses to depart
 om the antiphonal source once more. As pointed out by Campbell, the
scribe’s decision to diverge  om the Latin source, the monastic antiphon
“O mundi domina,” is so clear that “we can only believe that the poet
used the antiphon for little more than an opportunity to write another
poem on the Virgin” (1959: 27). Mary is then presented not only as mundi
domina, but as queen (hlæfdige, 284), as she is alluded to as the celestial
empress of the three worlds: heaven, earth and hell (284–86).20 In this
sense, the reference to the Virgin as hlæfdige in this Lyric might have
been particularly meaningful in a contemporary context, since, as Staff ord
explains, this term was commonly used to refer to Queen Æl hryth a er
her anointing in 973.21

The poem’s depiction of Mary as Queen of Heaven in all her splendor
and the emphasis on her queenship is further developed in this Lyric:

19 For a thorough study of this image in the reform context, see Robert Deshman (1986:
261–82, especially at pp. 262–72; 1995: 19–23). For the signifi cance of the cornerstone
image in the Advent Lyrics, see Salvador (2006: 174–81).
20 Also importantly, as stated by Clayton (1990: 199), “Mary’s title as domina of heaven,
earth and hell is a transference of Christ’s designation as Lord of all three regions.”
21 Æl hryth regularly subscribed charters either as regina or seo hlæfdige. For this see
Pauline Staff ord (1990: 62–63). Also, for seo hlæfdige being employed as Æl hryth’s title in
Anglo-Saxon charters, see Staff ord (1990: 75, fn. 44).

María José Sánchez de Nieva

Selim 16 (2009)

Nan swylc ne cwom
ænig oþer ofer ealle men,
bryd beaga hroden, þe þa beorhtan lac
to heofonhame hlutre mode
siþþan sende. (290b–94a)

[“None like you has come,
none other  om among all mankind therea er,
no bride with rings adorned, who has sent
to the heavenly home with clear spirit
such a bright gi .”]

As pointed out by Deshman (1995: 136), the description off ered in this
passage suggests the Coronation of the Virgin. Indeed, in this passage
Mary is described as a virginal bride, whose authoritative image is further
enhanced as her behavior resembles that of a “heroic-minded warrior” in
her courageous and fi rm determination (þisthycgende, 288b) to serve God,
as observed by Chance (1986: 26). But the characterization of Mary as a
fi gure of power is also supported by the choice of terms employed by the
poet to describe her. Thus, Mary is styled as bryd beaga hroden (292a),
that is, “bride with rings adorned.” This image could certainly accord with
the description of an earthly queen. Interestingly, in a rubric preceding
the queen’s Ordo (version B) in the Sherborne Pontifi cal (fol. 74), there
are some directions for the consecration ceremony of a queen which are
worth considering here:

The king’s consecration ends. The queen’s consecration follows. To
do her honour, she is anointed on the crown of her head by the bishop
with the oil of sacred unction. . . . We further decree that she be
adorned with a ring for the integrity of the faith, and a crown for the
glory of eternity.

These lines allude to the consecration of a nameless queen although,
as pointed out by Nelson (1986: 372), this queen could be no other but
Æl hryth, who was anointed together with her husband Edgar in the
same ceremony in 973. The crown and ring mentioned in this passage
equate those bestowed earlier on the king, thus visually contributing to
endow the queen with the symbols of regal authority.22

22 However, as pointed out by Nelson (1986: 372), this queen must have been Æl hryth,
who was consecrated together with her husband Edgar in the same ceremony in 973.

The signifi cance of Mary’s role in the Exeter Book Advent Lyrics

Selim 16 (2009)

A further text that seems to be in line with the characterization of the
Virgin Mary in the Advent Lyrics as an earthly queen, wearing the jewels
appropriate to her status, may be found in Byrhtferth of Ramsey’s Vita
sancti Oswaldi, a text containing a description of the double coronation of
Edgar and Æl hryth:

Regina uero cum abbatibus et abbatissis conuiuium habuit. Que uestita
carbasea ueste erat, splendide circumamicta, uarietate lapillorum et
margaritarum suff ulta, elatius precellens ceteris matronis.

[“The queen, together with the abbots and abbesses, had a separate
feast. Being dressed in linen garments and robed splendidly, adorned
with a variety of precious stones and pearls, she lo ily surpassed the
other ladies present.”]23

This passage provides an interesting insight into the description of a late-
tenth century queen. The reference to Æl hryth’s being accompanied by
abbots and abbesses is probably meant to highlight her role as patroness of
the reform. As pointed out by Hollis (1992: 208–09), “the queen, cast as a
kind of paramount abbess, was endowed with a role parallel to the quasi-
sacerdotal position that the king had been accorded  om the outset.” As
with the preceding text and Advent Lyric 9, in this passage the reference
to the queen bearing jewels is again indicative of her authority and regal
status.

As the analysis of Lyrics 4, 7 and 9 has showed, the Advent poet was
clearly interested in endowing Mary with an outstanding role as queen
consort of Christ and as His chief collaborator in Salvation History.
The poet’s employment of Marian imagery and epithets such as Dauides
dyrre mægan, hlæfdige and bryd beaga hroden to describe Mary as Christ’s
equal in the mystery of Advent seems to support this idea. Furthermore,
paleographical evidence may help corroborate this assumption. In its
current state in the manuscript, end-punctuation, capitalization and
spacing seem to have been used by the Exeter scribe to mark four sections
in the Advent sequence. As seen on fol. 9r of the manuscript,24 at the
close of Lyric 3 a double end-punctuation mark (:–) occurs. Besides,
a blank space has been le by the scribe to mark the end of Lyric 3.

23 Edition and translation by Lapidge (2008: 58–59).
24 For this discussion see The Exeter DVD, ed. Muir (2006); Raw (1991: 233).

María José Sánchez de Nieva

Selim 16 (2009)

Furthermore, a large capital E (in Eala), which is slightly adorned, opens
Lyric 4. The A of Eala is also capitalized but looks signifi cantly smaller
than the preceding E. The scribe marked three further sections for Lyrics
7, 9 and 11 by using a similar system of capitalization, spacing and end-
punctuation. In the case of Lyrics 7 and 9, the two poems are preceded
by a single end-punctuation mark (). As regards Lyric 9, on fol. 11v
there is no blank space separating this poem  om the preceding Lyric
and the two capitalized letters (E and A  om Eala) are smaller than the
ones found in the other Lyrics. But the other three sections of the Advent
sequence are consistently marked by large capitals and blank space.25

In the light of this discussion, the use of end-punctuation,
capitalization, and spacing seems to point to the scribe’s attempt to defi ne
four sections in the Advent sequence, three of which precisely start at
Lyrics 4, 7, 9—the Marian Lyrics that have just been discussed—and one
more marking the beginning of Lyric 11, which deals with the trinity.
This section layout suggests the scribe’s intent to grant the Marian Lyrics
of the Advent sequence special visual emphasis (Clayton 1990: 182).

This paper has analyzed Lyrics 4, 7 and 9 of the Exeter Book Advent
sequence with the objective to off er evidence of the Old English poet’s
interest in presenting Mary as a fi gure of outstanding importance. The
use of various images and metaphors to depict the Virgin, together with
the deliberate departure  om the antiphonal sources and the evidence
provided by the study of manuscript sections support my assumption
that the scribe’s intention was to direct the reader’s attention to Mary.
This character is thus described as legitimate mother of Christ, queen of
heaven, and Christ’s rightful counterpart. The signifi cance of the Marian
topic in the Advent Lyrics is therefore highlighted and may be linked,
as noted earlier, with the great prominence granted to the Virgin in the
Benedictine reform of the second half of the tenth century.

In this light, the emphasis placed on the fi gure of Mary in her role as
queen of heaven and consort of Christ reveals an interesting insight into
contemporary queenship with a heightened focus on Æl hryth as King
Edgar’s legitimate queen. Also importantly, the stress on Mary’s lawful

25 Only Lyric 9 on fol. 11v lacks the typical blank space serving as border-marker.
Conversely, capitalization and punctuation are present in this section. For the beginning
of Lyrics 4, 7 and 9, see fols. 9r, 10r and 11v in The Exeter DVD, ed. Muir (2006).

The signifi cance of Mary’s role in the Exeter Book Advent Lyrics

Selim 16 (2009)

condition as the mother of Christ similarly fi nds echo in the political and
religious context of the period. It is precisely her position as queen mother
that made Æl hryth a key fi gure during the reign of her son Æthelred
II.26 As noted by Staff ord (1990: 71), the second-half of the tenth century
was a period in which succession struggles were intensifi ed and monarchs
sought the help of their queen-consorts and queen-mothers to secure the
throne and retain power.

In sum, this set of poems celebrating Christ’s Advent, based on Latin
antiphons and included at the beginning of the Exeter Book, is probably
the work of a dexterous monk  om one of the reformed monasteries
with a strong Marian devotion. This idea either prompts a possible
contemporary dating of the sequence or at best a probable Benedictine
coloring carried out parallel to the manuscript compilation, when the
prominence of the Virgin Mary reached the utmost peak of the Anglo-
Saxon period.

María José Sánchez de Nieva
University of Seville

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•

Received 25 Jan 2010; revision received 26 Feb 2010; accepted 28 Jul 2010